Skip to main content

Full text of "A commentary on the Holy Scriptures: critical, doctrinal, and homiletical, with special reference to ministers and students"

See other formats 


Sffi!;". 


•■■>■'<'/'•'■.:/'' 


CORNEtX 

UNIVERSITY 

LIBRARY 


GIFT  OF 


Barnes  Hall  Library 


C  U.  (C.  A. 

Biblical   Reference    Library. 

PRESENTED   BY 
ALFRED   C.    BARNES. 


NOT    TO    BE    TAKEN    FROM    THE    ROOM. 


CORNELL  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 


3   1924  092  344  203 


The  original  of  tinis  book  is  in 
the  Cornell  University  Library. 

There  are  no  known  copyright  restrictions  in 
the  United  States  on  the  use  of  the  text. 


http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092344203 


COMMENTARY 


ON  THE 


EOLY  SCRIPTURES: 

CRITICAL,  DOCTRINAL  AND  HOMILETICAL, 

WITH  SPECIAL  REFERENCE  TO  MINISTERS  AND  STUDENTS, 

BY 

JOHN   PETER   LANGE,  D.D., 

IN  CONSTECTION  WITH  A   NUMBEE  OP  EMINENT  EUBOPEAN   DIVINES. 


TRANSLATED    FROM   THE    GERMAN,    AND   EDITED,    WITH  ADDITION& 
ORIGINAL  AND  SELECTED, 


BY 
PHILIP    SCHAFF,   D.D., 

IN  CONNECTION  WITH  AMERICAN  SCHOLABS    OE  VAKIOTJS  EVANGELICAL  DENOMINATIONS. 

VOL.  V.  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT : 
CONTAINING  THE  FIKST  AND  SECOND  BOOKS  OP  SAMUEL. 


NEW  YORK: 
CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS, 

743-745   BEOADWAT. 


Dsr 


THE  BOOKS 


OT 


SAMUEL. 


BT 


Ebv.  Db.  CHR.  FE.  DAVID  ERDMANN, 

^EHIItAL    BCPIBIHTEItDBNT    OF    THB    PBOTINCH   OF  SILBSIA,   AMD   PROFBSSOB   OF   THEOLOST  IN   TBB 

UNITIBSITT   OF   BBESLA.U. 


TRANSLATED,    ENLARGED    AND    EDITED 

BY 

Rev.  C.  H.  TOY,  D.  D.,  LL.D., 

AHD 

Rev.  JOHN  A.  BROADUS,  D.  D.,  LL.  D., 

PROFESSORS  IN  THB  THBOLOGICAL  SEMINARY  AT  LOUISVILLE,  KY. 


NEW   YOEK: 
CHARLES  SCRIBN^ER'S  SONS, 

743-745    BROADWAY. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1877,  by 

SCEIBNEB,  AEMSTEONG  &  CO., 
In  the  OfiSce  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington. 


PREFACE  TO  VOL.  Y.  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT. 


The  Commentary  on  the  two  Books  of  Samuel  was  prepared  in  German  by  the  Eev.  Dr.  Erd- 
KANN,  General  Superintendent  of  Silesia  and  Honor.  Professor  of  Theology  in  the  University  of 
Breslau,  and  in  English  by  the  Eev.  C.  H.  Toy,  D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  and  the  Eev.  John  A.  Bboadtjs, 
D.  D.,  LL.  D.,  Professors  in  the  Theological  Seminary  at  Greenville,  South  Carolina. 

Dr.  Ekdmaiw,  in  his  Preface,  dated  Breslau,  March  8,  1873,  says: 

'In  regard  to  the  execution  of  the  work  in  its  several  parts,  I  add  the  following  remarks.  In 
the  translation,  while  I  have  tried  to  follow  the  ground-text  closely,  I  have  preserved  as  far  as  pos- 
sible the  tone  and  impress  of  Luther's  translation.  On  account  of  the  admitted  defectiveness  of  the 
Masoretic  text  of  these  books,  it  seemed  to  me  better  not  to  place  the  textual  remarks  and  discus- 
sions, together  with  the  various  readings  and  emendations,  under  the  text  of  the  translation,  but  to 
insert  them  in  the  exegetical  explanations.  In  the  exegesis  I  have  departed  in  one  point  from  the 
form  usual  in  this  Bible- Work,  namely,  instead  of  explanations  under  each  verse,  I  have  given  an 
exegesis  that  reproduces  the  content  of  the  text  in  connected  development,  following  the  received 
division  of  verses.  "Exegesis,"  therefore,  or  "Scientific  Exposition,''  would  have  been  a  fitter 
heading  for  the  section  in  question  than  "Exegetical  Explanations."*  In  the  next  division,  in- 
stead of  the  usual  heading,  "Dogmatic  and  Ethical  Fundamental  Thoughts,"  I  have  chosen  as  a 
more  appropriate  designation  for  these  prophetical-historical  books:  "Theocratic-historical  and 
Biblical-Theological  Comments ;"  f  for  we  have  here  to  do  with  a  new  step  in  the  historical  de- 
velopment of  the  Theocracy  in  Israel,  and  with  the  wider  unfolding  of  the  religious-ethical 
truth  which  has  its  root  in  the  advancing  revelation  of  God.  From  this  point  of  view  of  the  his- 
tory of  revelation  and  the  theocracy,  the  comments  and  remarks  of  this  section  are  intended  to 
serve  as  contributions  to  the  hitherto  too  little  cultivated  science  of  the  Biblical  Theology  of  the 
Old  Testament.  In  the  homiletical  section,  while  I  have  given  my  own  words,  I  have  rather  cited 
the  diverse  witnesses  of  ancient  and  modern  times,  from  whom  I  could  derive  any  valuable  mate- 
rial for  fruitful  application  and  parsenetio  use  of  the  text  on  the  basis  of  the  preceding  scientific 
exposition. 

'  In  every  part  of  my  work  on  this  portion  of  the  Old  Testament  history  of  the  Kingdom  of 
God,  with  its  fund  of  religious-ethical  revelation,  I  have  been  constantly  reminded  of  and  deeply 
impressed  by  a  profound  saying  of  Hamann,  with  which  I  here  close:  "Every  biblical  history  is  a 
prophecy,  which  is  fulfilled  through  all  the  centuries  and  in  the  soul  of  every  human  being.  Every 
history  bears  the  image  of  man,  a  body,  which  is  earth  and  ashes  and  nothing,  the  sensible  letter; 
but  also  a  soul,  the  breath  of  God,  the  life  and  the  light,  which  shines  in  the  dark,  and  cannot  be 
comprehended  by  the  darkness.  The  Spirit  of  God  in  His  word  reveals  itself  as  the  Self-sufficient 
in  the  form  of  a  servant,  in  flesh,  and  dwells  among  us  full  of  grace  and  truth." ' 

As  regards  the  English  edition,  the  work  has  been  so  divided  that  Dr.  Tot  prepared  the 
Exegetical  and  Historical  sections,  and  paid  careful  and  minute  attention  to  the  Hebrew  text ;  Dr. 
Bboadus  has  reproduced  the  Homiletical  and  Practical  portions,  partly  condensing  and  partly  en- 
larging the  original  from  English  sources,  especially  from  Bishop  Hall's  Contemplations  and  Ser- 
mons, Matthew  Henry's  Commentary,  and  Dr.  W.  Taylor's  Life  of  David. 

PHILIP  SCHAFF. 

New  Toek,  42  Bible  Hocse,  March  1, 187T. 


*  ['  Exegetical  and  Critical '  is  the  heading  adopted  for  the  section  in  this  translation.] 
t  ['  Historical  and  Theological'  in  the  translation.] 


THE 


BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


INTRODUCTION. 

2  1.     THE  NAME. 

The  title  of  these  books  is  an  indication  not  of  their  origin,  but  of  their  chief  contents. 
Although  it  is  only  in  the  first  book  that  the  work  of  the  Judge  and  Prophet  Samuel  is  ex- 
pressly related,  and  himself,  with  the  divine  mission  which  he  had  to  fulfil  for  Saul  and 
David,  everywhere  made  to  take  precedence  of  them,  yet  the  naming  of  both  books  after 
Samuel  is  justified  by  the  fact  that  Samuel,  by  his  conspicuous  position,  as  it  is  set  forth  only 
in  the  first  bo'ik  in  his  judicial  and  prophetic  office  in  the  light  of  special  divine  call  and 
guidance  (he  being  not  merely  the  close  of  the  troubled  period  of  the  Judges,  but  also  the 
foundational  beginning  of  the  divinely  ordained  kingly  rule  in  Israel),  thus  towers  far  above 
the  first  two  kings,  so  far  as  they  were  chosen  and  called  through  him,  and  points  out  and 
maintains  for  the  Israelitish  kingdom,  which  owes  its  origination  and  stability  to  him,  its 
true  theocratic  basis  and  significance.  Abarbanel  remarks  rightly  {Prmf.  in  Libr.  Sam.  f  74, 
in  Carpzov,  Inirod.  p.  212) :  "All  the  contents  of  both  books  may  in  a  certain  sense  be  re- 
ferred to  Samuel,  even  the  deeds  of  Saul  and  David,  because  both,  having  been  anointed  by 
Samuel,  were,  so  to  speak,  the  work  of  his  hands.''  Keil  also  well  says :  "  The  naming  of 
both  these  books,  which  in  form  and  content  are  an  inseparable  whole,  after  Samuel  is  ex- 
plained by  the  fact  that  Samuel  not  only  by  the  anointing  of  Saul  and  David  inaugurates 
the  kingdom  in  Israel,  but  at  the  same  time  by  his  prophetic  activity  exerts  so  determining 
an  influence  on  the  spirit  of  Saul's  government  as  well  as  David's,  that  this  government  also 
may  be  regarded  as  in  a  sort  the  continuation  and  completion  of  the  reformation  of  the  Isra- 
elitish theocracy  begun  by  the  prophet."  (Introduction  to  Prophetical  Historical  Books  of 
O.  T.  [Clark's  Foreign  Theol.  Lihrary],  prefixed  to  Vol.  IV.  (Josh.,  Judg.,  Euth),  p.  4). 

§  2.     DIVISION. 

In  the  Hebrew  manuscripts  and  in  the  Jewish  list  of  Old  Testament  books  only  one  book 
of  Samuel,  ^W^P,  is  given.  Its  division  into  two  books  under  this  name,  as  we  find  it  in 
our  printed  texts  of  the  Old  Testament,  was  first  introduced  in  the  sixteenth  century,  by 
Daniel  Bomberg,  after  the  example  of  the  Septuagint  and  the  Vulgate,  and  may  be  re- 
garded as  thus  far  appropriate,  that  the  death  of  Saul,  that  epoch-making  occurrence  in  the 
early  history  of  the  Israelitish  kingdom,  forms  the  close  of  the  first  book.  Our  Hebrew 
editions  of  the  Bible  follow  the  Seventy  in  dividing  the  Hebrew  book  of  Samuel  into  two 
parts  ;  they  (the  LXX.)  did  not,  however,  name  these  two  books  after  Samuel,  but  included 
them  with  the  two  books  of  Kings,  into  which  they  in  like  manner  divided  the  original  one 
Hebrew  book  of  Kings,  D"?7P,  under  the  common  name  "  Books  of  the  Kingdoms,"  pip^oi 
BamleiCyv.    After  the  example  of  the  Septuagint  we  find  in  the  Greek  Church-fathers  and  also 

1 


INTKODUCTrON  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


in  the  Vulgate  and  the  Latin  Church-fathers,  this  division  of  the  books  of  Samuel  and  Kings 
as  one  historical  work  into /oar  books  cited  as  the  four  /3i/3Xoi  ^aaaetau,  libri  regum  or  regrw- 
rum.  This  way  of  combining,  dividing,  and  naming,  in  which  our  "  Books  of  Samuel"  are 
numbered  as  liaatWetav  irpiiTt;,  Sevrtpa  "  First,  Second  Kings  "  {comp.  Oeigen  in  EtrsEB.  IT-  E. 
VI.  25,  and  Jerome,  Prol.  Gal.)  corresponds  certainly  to  the  general  contents  of  these  four,  or 
more  precisely  two,  books,  so  far  as  it  consists  chiefly  of  the  history  of  the  kingdom  in  the 
Old  Testament  covenant-people,  and  appears  as  a  connected  whole  in  the  continuous  narra- 
tive from  Samuel's  birth  to  the  time  of  the  Babylonian  Exile. 

?  3.  Content. 

The  content  of  the  boots  of  Samuel  is  in  general  the  historical  development  of  the 
Theocracy  in  the  people  of  Israel  from  the  end  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  to  near  the  end 
of  the  government  of  King  David,  and  therefore  embraces  a  space  of  nearly  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five  years,  about  1140—1015  B.  C.  (Keil,  Gomm.  on  Sam.,  Introd.  p.  2).  The  begin- 
ning of  the  first  book  introduces  us  into  the  end  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  under  the  High-  ■ 
priest  Eli,  narrating  the  history  of  the  announcement,  birth,  chUdhood,  and  calling  of 
Samuel  (chs.  i. — iii.),  and  the  troubled  history  of  the  people  in  the  latter  part  of  the  misgov- 
ern ment  of  Eli  amid  constant  unfortunate  conflicts  with  the  Philistines  (ch.iv.sq.).  Ihen 
follows  the  history  of  Israel  under  Samuel  as  the  last  Judge  and  Saul  as  the  first  king  up  to 

the  death  of  Samuel  (oh.  xxv.),  and  Saul  (ch.  xxxi.) In  the  second  book — whose  original 

connection  with  the  first  is  indicated  not  only  formally  by  the  fact  that  the  masoretic  ap- 
pended remarks  are  placed  only  at  the  end  of  the  second  book,  but  also  by  the  close  connec- 
tion between  the  historical  contents  of  the  two — the  history  of  the  government  of  David 
almost  to  its  end,  up  to  the  punishment  inflicted  by  God  for  the  numbering  of  the  people, 
forms  the  chief  content,  though  its  proper  conclusion  is  found  in  the  beginning  of  the  first 
book  of  Kings,  where  David's  last  sickness  and  death,  and  Solomon's  accession,  are  related. 
As  on  the  one  side  the  content  of  the  books  of  Samuel  goes  over  into  the  beginning  of  the 
books  of  Kings,  so  in  the  other  direction  it  connects  itself  immediately  with  the  history  of 
the  people  of  Israel  in  the  book  of  Judges.  The  Old  Testament  history  in  its  two  factors — 
on  the  one  hand  the  revelation  of  the  living  God  to  His  chosen  people,  and  on  the  other 
hand  the  thereby  conditioned  demeanor  of  the  people  towards  its  God  in  its  general  religious- 
ethical  life — can  be  regarded  only  from  the  theocratic  point  of  view,  as  the  history  of  the 
kingdom  of  God  in  the  people  of  Israel,  and  this  history  shows  us  in  the  course,  and  espe- 
cially at  the  end  of  the  period  of  the  Judges,  a  deep  decline  of  the  Theocracy.  The  revelations 
of  God's  saving  power  in  the  time  of  the  Judges,  always  sporadic,  became  less  and  less  fre- 
quent towards  its  end.  The  people  -were  a  long  time  in  bondage  under  the  dominion  of  the 
Philistines,  and  Samson's  twenty-years-judgeship  could  be  described  (Judg.  xiii.  5)  only  as 
the  beginning  of  the  deliverance  of  Israel  out  of  their  hand.  The  internal  political  life  was 
completely  disintegrated,  the  sanctuary-service  had  perished,  the  priesthood  was  corrupted, 
idolatry  widespread,  godlessness  and  immorality  had  the  upper  hand.  This  deep  decline  is 
pictured  in  the  beginning  of  the  first  book  of  Samuel,  in  immediate  connection  with  the  de- 
scription given  in  the  book  of  Judges,  in  the  condition  of  the  religious  ethical  life  under  the 
high-priesthood  of  Eli,  and  in  the  desecration  of  the  priesthood  wrought  by  the  godlessness 
and  wicked  deeds  of  his  two  sons ;  and  from  it  the  theocracy  was  extricated  by  Samuel's 
labors  as  Shophet  (Judge)  and  Prophet,  and  under  the  guidance  of  God  was  led  by  this  great 
Eeformer  into  a  new  path  of  development.  Without,  under  Samuel  and  the  royal  rule  in- 
troduced by  him,  political  freedom  and  independence  of  heathen  powers  (of  the  Philistines 
in  the  first  place)  was  gradually  achieved,  and  within,  the  internal  theocratic  covenant-rela- 
tion between  the  people  of  Israel  and  their  God  was  renewed  and  extended  on  the  basis  of 
the  restored  unity  and  order  of  political  and  national  life  by  the  union  of  the  prophetic  and 
royal  offices.  Looked  at  from  this  theocratic  point  of  view,  the  books  of  Samuel  have  an 
epoch-making  content. 

From  the  three  principal  persons  to  whom  this  foundational  historical  development  of 
the  theocracy  on  its  new  course  attaches  itself,  the  contents  of  the  books  of  Samuel  divide 


I  3.    CONTENT,  8 


themselves  into  three  principal  groups:  1)  1  Sam.  chs.  i. — ^vii. ;  7%e  history  of  Samuel  as 
restorer  of  the  deep-sunken  theocracy,  and  founder  of  the  Israelitish  kingdom.  2)  Chs.  viii. — 
xxxi. :  ITie  history  of  Saul  and  his  kingdom  from  the  beginning  of  his  government  to  his  death. 
3)  2  Sam.  chs.  i. — xxiv. :   The  history  of  the  government  of  David. 

According  to  these  three  principal  points  of  view,  the  contents  divide  themselves  as 
follows : 

FIRST  PART. 

Samuel. — 1  Sam.  Chs.  i. — vii, 

Samuel's  Life  and  Work  as  Judge  and  Prophet, 

his  aim  being  a  reformation  of  the  theocracy  and  the  founding  of  the  theocratical  , 

kingdom. 

FIRST    DIVISION. 

Early  life  of  Samuel,  1  Sam.  chs.  i. — iii. 

Sec.       I.  Samuel's  birth,  in  answer  to  prayer,  ch.  i.  1-20. 

Sec.     II.  Samuel's  dedication, — restoration  to  the  Lord,  ch.  i.  21-28. 

Sec.   III.  His  mother's  prayer  over  him,  ch.  ii.  1-10. 

Sec.  IV.  Samuel's  service  before  the  Lord  contrasted  with  the  abominations  of  the  degene- 
rate priesthood  in  the  house  of  Eli,  ch.  ii.  11-26. 

Sec.  V.  The  prophecy  of  God's  punishment  of  Eli's  house,  and  of  the  calling  of  a  faithful 
priest,  ch.  ii.  27-36. 

Sec.    VI.  Samuel's  call  to  be  prophet  alongside  of  the  lack  of  prophecy  in  Israel,  ch.  iii.  1-18. 

Sec.  VII.  The  beginning  of  his  prophetical  work,  ch.  iii.  19 — iv.  1, 

SECOND    DIVISION. 

Samu^Ps  prophetic-judicial  work,  1  Sam.  chs.  iv.  1 — vii.  17. 
Hrst  Section. — Infliction  of  the  punishment  prophesied  by  Samuel  on  the  house  of  Eli  and 
on  all  Israel  in  the  unfortunate  battle  with  the  Philistines,  ch.  iv.  1 — ^vii.  1. 
I.  Israel's  double  defeat  and  loss  of  the  Ark,  ch.  iv.  1-11. 
II.  The  judgment  on  the  house  of  Eli,  ch.  iv.  12-22. 

III.  The  Ark  in  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  as  a  judgment  on  Israel  (comp.  ch.  iv.  22). 
chs.  V.  1 — vii.  1. 

1)  Chastisement  of  the  Philistines  because  they  held  the  Ark,  ch.  v.  1-12. 

2)  Restoration  of  the  Ark,  ch.  vi.  1-11. 

3)  Reception  and  Settling  of  the  Ark  in  Israel,  chs.  vi.  12 — vii.  1. 

Second  Section. — Samuel's  Eeformation  of  Israel,  ch.  vii.  2-17. 

I.  Israel's  repentance  and  conversion  through  SaxaneV a  prophetic  labors,  vers.  2-6. 
II.  Israel's  victory  over  the  Philistines  under  Samuel's  lead,  vers.  7-14. 
III.  Summary  view  of  Samuel's  work  as  Judge,  vers.  15-17. 
(Close  of  the  period  of  the  Judges). 


SECOND  PART. 
Saul. — ^1  Sam.  Chs.  viii.— xxxi. 

riEST    DIVISION. 

Founding  of  the  Israelitish  kingdom  under  SauPs  rule,  1  Sam.  chs.  viii. — xii. 
First  Section. — The  preparations,  chs.  viii.,  ix. 

I.  The  occasion  in  the  desire  of  the  people  for  a  king.    Interview  of  the  Elders  with. 
Samuel,  ch.  viii. 
II.  Samuel  meets  with  Saul,  and  learns  of  his  divine  appointment  to  be  king,  ch.  ix. 


4  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 

Second  Section, — Saul's  induction  into  the  royal  ofSce,  ch.  x. 
I.  Saul  anointed  by  Samuel,  ch.  x.  1. 
II.  The  signs  of  divine  confirmation,  ch.  x.  2-16. 

III.  The  choice  by  lot,  ch.  x.  17-21. 

IV.  The  installation  and  homage  (but  not  of  the  whole  people),  ch.  x.  22-27. 

Third  Section. — JEatablishment  and  genera!  recognition  of  the  kingdom  under  Saul,  chs.  xi.,  xu. 
I.  Saul's  first  victory  over  the  Ammonites,  ch.  xi. 
II.  Samuel's  last  address,  ch.  xii. 

SECOND    DIVISION. 

Emg  SauVs  government  up  to  hit  rejection,  1  Sam.  chs.  xiii. — xv. 
Firtt  Section. — The  unfolding  of  his  royal  power  in  victorious  battles  for  the  salvation  of 
Israel,  chs.  xiii.,  xiv. 
I.  Against  the  Philistines,  chs.  xiii. — xiv.  46. 
n.  Against  the  other  enemies  around  about,  especially  Amalek,  ch.  xiv.  47-62. 

Second  Section. — The  rejection  of  Saul  for  his  disobedience  in  the  war  against  Amalek,  ch.  xv. 

THIRD   Divisioir. 

The  decline  of  SauPs  hingdom,  and  choice  of  David  to  be  hing.     The  history  of  Saul 
from  his  rejection  to  his  death,  1  Sam.  chs.  xvi. — xxxi. 

Mrst  Section, — Early  history  of  David,  the  Anointed  of  the  Lord,  ch,  xvi. 
I.  David  chosen  and  anointed  aa  king  by  Samuel,  ch.  xvi.  1-13. 
II.  Darkening  of  Saul's  soul  by  an  evil  spirit,  and  David's  first  appearance  at  the  court 
of  Saul  as  harper,  ch.  xvi.  14-23. 

Second  Section. — Saul's  new  war  with  the  Philistines,  and  David's  deed  of  deliverance,  with  its 
diverse  consequences  for  him  and  for  his  relation  to  Saul,  chs.  xvii. — xviii.  30. 
I.  The  Philistine  host,  and  Goliath's  haughty  challenge,  ch.  xvii.  1-11. 
n.  David  and  Goliath,  ch  xvii.  12-54. 
III.  David  at  Saul's  court,  his  friendship  with  Jonathan ;  Saul's  hostile  disposition  to- 
wards him,  and  murderous  attacks  on  his  life,  ch.  xvii.  55 — xviii.  30. 

Third  Section. — David  fleeing  before  Saul,  and  his  persecution  by  Saul,  chs.  xix.  1 — xxvii.  12. 
I.  David's  flight  from  Saul's  attacks  to  Samuel  to  Rama  and  Naioth,  ch.  xix. 
II.  Jonathan's  faithful  friendship,  attested  by  repeated  unsuccessful  attempts  to  recon- 
cile Saul  with  David,  ch.  xx. 
III.  David's  flight  from  Saul  to  the  priest  Ahimelech  in  Nob,  and  to  the  Philistine  king 

Achish  in  Gath,  ch.  xxi. 
rV.  David's  wandering  as  fugitive  in  Judah  and  Moab,  and  the  murder  of  priests  in 

Nob  perpetrated  by  Saul,  ch.  xxii. 
V.  David's  experience  of  God's  help  and  preservation  in  the  battle  against  the  Philis- 
tines, in  his  betrayal  by  the  Ziphites,  and  when  he  was  waylaid  by  Saul  in 
the  wilderness  of  Maon,  ch.  xxiii. 
VI.  David  encounters  Saul  while  the  latter  is  laying  snares  for  him,  and  nobly  spares 
his  life  in  a  cave  of  the  mountains  of  Engedi,  ch.  xxiv. 
VII.  Samuel's  death,  and  David's  march  into  the  wilderness  of  Paran,  with  the  history 

of  Nabal  and  Abigail,  ch.  xxv. 
VIII.  Narration  of  a  second  betrayal  by  the  Ziphites,  and  second  magnanimous  sparing 
of  Saul  by  David,  ch.  xxvi. 
IX.  David  takes  refiiee  from  Saul  at  Ziklag  in  Philistia,  ch.  xxvii. 


J  8.    CONTENT. 


Fourth  Section. — Saul  perishes  in  the  war  against  the  Philistines,  chs.  xxyiii.  — xxxi. 

I.  Saul's  fear  of  the  war  with  the  Philistines,  and  his  recourse  to  the  witch,  ch.  xxviii. 
(Confirmation  of  his  rejection,  and  announcement  of  his  approaching  end). 
II.  David's  march  from  the  theatre  of  the  Philistine  war  against  Israel  back  to  Phi- 

listia,  ch.  xxix. 
III.  David's  victory  over  the  Amalekites,  who  had  plundered  and  burned  Ziklag,  oh.  xxx. 
lY.  Death  of  Saul  and  his  sons  in  the  battle  with  the  Philistines,  ch.  xxxi. 


THIRD  PAET. 
David. — Second  Book  of  Samuel. 

FIEST    DIVISION. 

David  Mng  over  Judah  only,  up  to  his  acquisition  of  the  general  rule  over 
all  Israel,  2  Sam.  chs.  i.-r-v.  5. 
First  Section. — David  after  the  death  of  Saul,  (ch.  i.  1) — ch.  i. 
I.  The  tidings  of  death,  ch.  i.  1-16. 
II.  The  lament,  ch.  i.  17-27. 

Second  Sectitm. — David,  king  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  is  opposed  by  the  house  of  Saul,  chs. 
ii.— iii.  39. 
I.  David  anointed  king  over  Judah,  and  his  abode  at  Hebron,  ch.  ii.  1-7. 
II.  Ishbosheth,  contrary  to  the  divine  arrangement,  made  king  over  all  Israel  by  Abner, 
and  continued  struggle  of  the  House  of  Saul  and  the  adherents  of  Ishbosheth 
under  Abner's  lead  against  David  and  his  house,  and  his  adherents,  chs. 
ii.  8— iii.  6. 

III.  Abner  breaks  with  Ishbosheth,  leaves  the  house  of  Saul,  and  goes  over  to  David, 

ch.  iii.  7-21. 

IV.  Murder  of  Abner  by  Joab,  David's  General,  ch.  iii.  22-39. 

Third  Section. — David  gains  sole  authority  over  all  Israel,  chs.  iv. — v.  5. 
I.  Murder  of  Ishbosheth,  ch.  iv.  1-8. 
II.  Punishment  of  the  regicide  by  David,  ch.  iv.  9-12. 
III.  David  anointed  Mng  over  all  Israel,  ch.  v.  1-6. 

SECOND    DIVISION. 
David?s  royal  rule  over  all  Israel,  2  Sam.  chs.  v.  5 — xxiv.  6. 

First  Section. — David's  rule  in  its  greatest  splendor,  chs.  v.  5 — x.  19. 
I.  Its  glorious  and  firm  establishment,  chs.  v.  5 — vi.  23. 

1)  The  victory  over  the  Jebusites — the  citadel  of  Zion  made  the  centre  of  the  king- 

dom, ch.  V.  6-16. 

2)  The  victory  over  the  Philistines,  ch.  v.  17-25. 

8)  Solemn  transference  of  the  Ark  to  Mount  Zion,  and  establishment  of  a  regular 

religious  service,  ch.  vi. 
II.  Its  divine  consecration  by  the  promise  of  the  perpetual  kingly  rule  of  the  Davidic 

House,  ch.  vii. 
1)  To  David's  purpose,  to  build  a  house  for  the  Lord,  answers  the  divine  promise, 

of  which  he  becomes  partaker  by  Nathan's  prophecy,  that  the  Lord  would 

build  him  a  house,  and  after  him  (and  not  till  then)  his  seed  should  build  the 

Lord  a  house,  ch.  vii.  1-16. 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


2)  David's  answer  to  this  divine  declaration  in  &  prayer,  ch.  vii.  17-29. 

III.  The  splendid  development  of  David's  rule  without  and  within,  chs.  viii.-x. 

1)  Without  by  victories  and  conquests  in  battle  against  Israel's  foreign  foes,  oh. 

viii.  1-14. 

2)  Within  by  the  organization  of  the  government  of  the  kingdom  (eh.  viii.  15-18), 

and  a  noble  display  of  royal  grace  towards  Saul's  &Jlen  House — Mephibosheth, 
oh.  ix. 

IV.  Further  victorious  confirmation  and  elevation  of  the  royal  power  to  its  zenith  in 
the  Ammonite-Syrian  war,  ch.  x. 

1)  The  insult  ofiered  David  by  the  king  of  the  Ammonites,  ch.  x.  1-5. 

2)  Joab's  victory  over  the  combined  Ammonites  and  Syrians,  ch.  x.  6-14 

3)  David's  victory  over  the  Syrians,  ch.  x.  14-19. 

/Second  Section.    Its  obscuration,  chs.  xi.-xviii. 

I.  Internal  shock  to  David's  royal  authority  by  the  grievous  sins  of  himself  and  his  House, 
chs.  xi.-xiv. 

1)  David's  deep  fall  during  the  war  against  Babbath-Ammon,  ch.  xi. 

2)  Nathan's  reproof  a.ad  David's  repentance,  ch.  xii. 

3)  Shattering  of  the  House  and  family  of  David  by  the  wickedness  of  his  sons  Am- 

non  and  Absalom,  ch.  xiii. 
a.  Amnon's  incest  with  Tamar,  ch.  xiii.  1-21. 
6.  Murder  of  Amnon  by  Absalom,  ch.  xiii.  22-33. 
c.  Absalom's  flight,  xiii.  34-39. 

4)  David's  weakness  towards  Joab  and  Absalom,  xiv. 

a.  Joab's  cunning,  and  the  woman  of  Tekoa,  xiv.  1-20. 

b.  Absalom's  return  to  Jerusalem  brought  about  by  Joab's  influence  with 

David,  xiv.  21-28. 

c.  Absalom  forces  Joab  by  an  injury  to  effect  his  reconciliation  with  David, 

xiv.  29-33. 

n.  External  disintegration  of  the  royal  authority  up  to  its  loss,  xv.-xviii. 

1)  Absalom  stirs  up  the  people,  and  usurps  the  royal  power,  xv.  1-13. 

2)  David's  flight  from  Absalom,  xv.  14^37. 

3)  David's  two  encounters  with  disloyal  persons,  xvi.  1-14. 

a.  With  the  lying  Ziba,  xvi.  1-4. 

i.  With  the  reviling  Shimei,  xvi.  5-14. 

4)  Absalom's  entry  into  Jerusalem  and  incestuous  act  after  Ahithophel's  counsel, 

xvi.  15-23. 

5)  Ahithophel's  evil  counsel  against  David  set  aside  by  Huahai's  good  counsel — ^his 

horrible  end,  xvii.  1-23. 

6)  The  civil  war,  xvii.  24— xviii.  33. 

a.  David  at  Mahanaim,  xvii.  24r-29. 

b.  The  battle  in  the  wilderness  of  Ephraim,  xviii.  1-8. 

c.  Murder  of  Absalom  by  Joab,  xviii.  9-18. 

d.  Tidings  of  joy  and  of  sorrow — David's  lament  over  Absalom,  xviii.  19-33. 

TTiiird  Section.     The  recovery  of  the  royal  authority,  which  is  soon,  however,  again  assailed 
by  insurrection,  xix.,  xx. 

I.  The  way  paved  for  the  restoration  of  David's  authority  by  Joab's  reproval  of  his 

unworthy  grief  over  Absalom,  xix.  1-8. 

II.  David  arranges  for  his  return  by  negotiations  with  the  men  of  Judah,  xix.  9-14. 

III.  David's  passage  over  the  Jordan  under  the  escort  of  the  men  of  Judah,  with  three 
incidents,  xix.  15-40. 


3  4.    CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION. 


1)  Pardon  of  Shimei,  vers.  16-23. 

2)  Mephibosheth's  excuse,  vers.  24-30. 

3)  Barzillai's  greeting  and  blessing,  vers.  31-40. 

IV.  Strife  between  Judah  and  Israel  about  bringing  David  back  (xix.  41-44),  and  occa- 
sioned by  this, 

V.  Sheba's  insurrection  and  Israel's  defection — both  subdued  by  Joab  after  Amasa  was 

killed,  XX.  1-22. 

VI.  Officers  of  David's  government  after  the  restoration  of  his  rojal  authority,  xx. 
23-26. 

THIRD  DIVISION. 

Eclectio  appendix  to  the  conclusion  of  the  history  of  David's  government,  chs.  xxi.-xxiv. 
Sec.  I.  Three  years'  famine  on  account  of  Saul's  crime  against  the  Gibeonites,  and  expiation 

of  this  crime,  xxi.  1-14. 
Sec.  II.  Victorious  battles  against  the  Philistines,  xxi.  15-22. 
Sec.  III.  David's  song  of  thanksgiving,  xxii. 
Sec.  IV.  David's  last  prophetic  word,  xxiii.  1-7. 
Sec.  V.  Davids  heroes,  xxiii.  8-39. 
Sec.  VI.  The  divine  visitation,  by  pestilence  on  account  of  the  numbering  of  the  people,  xxiv. 

I.  David's  sin  in  the  numbering  of  the  people,  xxiv.  1-10. 

II.  The  pestilence  &i  punishment  on  the  king  and  all  the  people,  xxiv.  11-17. 

III.  David  builds  an  altar  to  the  Lord  on  the  threshing-flow  of  Araunah,  afterwards  the 
site  of  the  Temple,  xxiv.  18-25. 

[The  following  references  to  the  Books  of  Samuel  occur  in  the  New  Testament : 

Matt.  i.  6  to  1  Sam.  xvi.  and  2  Sam.  xii.  24. 

Matt.  xii.  3,  4 ;  Mark  ii.  25,  26 ;  Luke  vi.  3,  4      to  1  Sam.  xxi.  1-6. 

Luke  i.  32,  33 ;  Acts  ii.  30  to  2  Sam.  vii.  12-16. 

Acts  iii.  24  to  the  general  history. 

Acts  vii.  46  to  2  Sam.  vii.  1,  2. 

Acts  xiii.  20-22  to  1  Sam.  ix.-xv. 

Heb.  i,  5  to  2  Sam.  vii.  14. 

Mary's  song,  Luke  i.  46-55,  founded  on  Hannah's  song,  1  Sam.  ii.  1-10. 

These  are  sufficient  to  show  that  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament  and  our  Lord  recog- 
nized the  canonical  authority  of  these  Books,  which,  however,  has  never  been  questioned. 
— Te.] 

§  4.   chaeactek  and  composition. 

In  investigating  the  origin  of  the  Books  of  Samuel,  it  will  be  necessary,  first,  to  fix  on 
their  characteristic  quality  of  form  and  content  in  its  fundamental  features,  because  it  is  only 
in  this  way  that  we  can  get  firm  ground  for  considering  the  sources,  the  time  of  composition, 
and  the  author  of  the  books.  As  to  their  linguistic  character,  in  the  first  place,  it  is  agreed 
by  all  competent  critics  that  the  language  is  throughout  the  pure  classic,  and  in  general  free 
from  Aramaizing  elements,  the  mark  of  a  later,  not  classically  pure  style.  While  in  the 
Books  of  Kings  there  is  often  an  inclination  to  the  Aramaic,  in  the  books  of  Samuel  there  is 
as  good  as  none  of  it  (Bleek,  Einl.  i.  A.  T.  [Introd.  to  0.  T.],  1860,  p.  358),  "except  those 
isolated  cases  which  occur  in  all  the  books"  {Naegelsbach,  Bucher  Samuelis,  in  Hee- 
ZOG'S  Real-Emycl,  Bd.  XIII.,  p.  412,  and  Keil,  Einl.  in  das  A.  T.,  2  Aufl,.  p.  176  f  [Introd. 
I.  247]).  On  the  linguistic  peculiarities  of  the  Books  of  Samuel,  compare  what  is  said  on 
the  subject  in  Ewald's  Hist,  of  the  People  of  Israel,  3d  ed.,  I.  193  aeq.,  and  on  the  alleged 
Aramaisma,  Habveenick,  Einl.  in  das  A.  T.  [Introd.  to  O.  T.],  I.  i.  p.  213  seq. 

In  the  composition  and  style  of  the  historical  content  of  the  books,  the  first  thing  that 
strikes  us  is  that  bits  of  poetry  occur  in  them  more  frequently  than  in  any  other  historical 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


book.  At  the  very  beginning  stands  Hannah's  lofty  song  of  praise,  which  exhibits  not  only 
the  history  of  Samuel's  birth,  with  which  it  is  connected,  but  the  whole  history  of  his  life 
and  work  in  the  clear  light  of  divine  ordination  and  guidance  (1  Sam.  ii.  1-10).  The  words 
taken  from  the  people's  chant  of  victory  about  David  (1  Sam.  xvii.  6sq.)  show  us  why  Saul  s 
heart  is  embittered  against  David  into  envy  and  jealousy.  David's  lamentation  oyer  Saul 
and  Jonathan  (2  Sam.  i.  17-27)  exhibits  the  noble  feeling  which  David  constantly  maintained 
for  Saul  under  all  the  experiences  of  his  hatred  and  enmity,  but  at  the  same  time  indicates 
the  judgment  to  be  passed  on  Saul  from  a  theocratic  point  of  view,  in  so  far  as  bravery  is  its 
only  subject,  and  it  celebrates  him  as  hero  only.  Reference  is  there  made  to  an  authority 
called  "  The  Book  of  the  Upright."  Other  poetical  pieces  are  David's  Lamentation  over 
Abner  (2  Sam.  iii.  33,  34),  his  Psalm  of  Thanksgiving  (2  Sam.  xxii.),  his  Prayer  after  the 
reception  of  the  great  promise  concerning  the  rule  of  his  House  (2  Sam.  vii.  18-29),  and  his 
last  Psalm  (2  Sam.  xxiii.  1-7). 

According  to  Haeveenick,  these  songs  form,  as  they  are  interwoven  into  the  historical 
work,  the  points  of  support,  as  it  were,  to  which  the  history  is  attached  (Einl.  [Introd.]  II. 
1,  p.  121).  But  a  mere  glance  at  the  quantitative  relation  of  these  poetical  elements  of  the 
content  to  the  historical  material  shows  us  how  unsatisfactory  this  view  is.  If  we  bear  in  mind 
the  position  that  these  songs  occupy  in  reference  to  the  history  to  which  they  relate,  rather 
the  reverse  seems  to  be  true — it  forms  the  point  of  support  for  them.  The  songs  are  intro- 
duced into  the  place  in  the  history  where  they,  being  themselves  historical  elements,  fit, 
without  being  intended  precisely  to  serve  as  vouchers  for  the  history,  as  H.«;vernick  sup- 
poses [ubi  supra).  Standing  as  lyrical  accompaniment  in  organic  connection  with  the  his- 
torical narration,  they  affect  the  coloring  of  the  whole  by  heightening  the  liveliness,  fresh- 
ness and  vividness  of  the  historical  narrative. 

And  this  is  throughout  the  character  of  the  narration,  effort  at  completeness  in  the 
accounts  of  deeds  and  persons  which  are  often  finished  out  to  the  smallest  minutiae,  aa 
elaborateness  and  vividness  in  the  presentation  of  the  historical  material,  not  found  in  other 
historical  books  (especially  in  the  Books  of  Kings  which  only  here  and  there  make  brief 
extracts  from  their  extensive  authorities),  and  such  freshness  and  directness  in  the  coloring 
of  the  narrative  that  we  cannot  resist  the  impression  that  we  have  here  an  immediate  copy 
of  the  incidents  related,  and  that  the  editor  did  not  draw  from  any  intermediate  working  up 
of  the  original  authorities.  The  narrative  has  an  easy,  simple,  attractive  flow,  without  inter- 
ruption by  stereotyped  phrases  and  references  to  authorities,  while  in  the  Books  of  Kings 
there  is  a  tedious,  ever-recurring  apparatus  of  standing  formulae.  Thestius  says  ( Einl.  zum 
Komnient  aber  die  B&cher  Sam.  S.  16,  2  Aufl.) :  "For  the  rest,  the  older  parts  especially  of 
the  work  belong  to  the  finest  historical  productions  of  the  Old  Testament ;  they  excel  all 
others  in  copiousness ;  they  enable  us  to  form  a  distinct  idea  of  the  actors  introduced ;  they 
commend  themselves  by  a  charming  simplicity  of  style,  and  give  us  a  high  conception  of  the 
many-sided  influence  of  the  prophetic  work." 

Haevebnick  rightly  says,  that  from  this  characteristic  of  the  book,  it  is  itself  almost 
the  same  as  an  original  authority  and  chronicle  [Inirod.  II.  1,  p.  142).  It  therefore  bears 
throughout  the  stamp  of  historical  truth.  By  the  simple  and  exact  setting  forth  of  the  per- 
sonages and  their  doings,  by  the  characteristic  sketches  of  their  dispositions  and  characters 
by  the  thorough  description  of  historical  antecedents  and  vivid  and  lively  references  1 1  local 
relations  and  accidental  circumstances,  we  are  pointed  to  rich  original  authorities  that  in  an 
original  and  immediate  way  brought  persons  and  events  before  the  editor  of  the  books  who 
was  certainly  too  far  removed  from  them  in  time  to  be  able  to  give  so  living  and  detailed  a 

portraiture  from  his  own  personal  observation  and  experience.     Keil  s  remark    therefore 

that,  on  account  of  the  qualities  above  described,  the  historical  narrative  of  the  Books  of 
Samuel  may  lay  rightful  claim  to  historical  truth  and  fidelity  not  only  in  general,  but  also 
in  special  and  particular — is  quite  correct,  at  least  in  respect  to  the  first  point  [the  general 
correctness].  We  make  this  restriction  here  only  in  reference  to  those  particulars  of  the 
narrative  whose  historical  trustworthiness  has  been  denied  on  the  ground  of  incongruences 
inconcinnities  and  contradictions  supposed  to  be  observed  in  them.    To  solve  the  questions 


?  4.    CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION. 


thus  arising  we  must  look  more  closely  at  the  literary  character  and  the  composition  of  the 
books,  for  these  are  inseparable  from  the  question  of  their  historical  value. 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  certain  that  our  Books  of  Samuel  in  form  and  content  have  the 
marks  of  a  production  that  sprang  from  a  redaction  of  a  manifold  historical  material,  which 
stretched  over  a  space  of  more  than  a  hundred  years,  and  existed  in  various  parts  and  groups, 
having  already  somehow  taken  shape  by  written  tradition,  and  that  this  redaction  is  to  be 
referred  to  the  literary  hand,  traces  of  which  we  see  in  the  passages,  1  Sam.  ix.  9 ;  xxvii.  6 
and  xvii.  12,  14,  15.  Further,  a  glance  at  the  content  shows  that  the  redactor  of  these  books 
took  pains  to  give  them  unity,  to  produce  as  well-arranged  a  historical  narrative  as  possible. 
The  narrative  sets  out  with  a  sharply  marked  beginning  in  the  latter  part  of  the  period  of 
the  Judges,  shows  in  the  relation  of  the  history  of  Samuel,  Saul  and  David  everywhere  a 
generally  steady  connection  and  advance,  and  also  is  not  without  a  firm  and  strong  conclu- 
sion, as  we  maintain,  and  shall  endeavor  to  prove  below,  against  the  view  that  on  account 
of  the  non-mention  of  the  death  of  David,  it  has  no  proper  conclusion.  The  author  of  our 
books  has  so  combined  and  worked  up  the  historical  material  that  he  had  at  command  as 
to  give  them  an  internal  unity  of  composition,  and  it  is,  as  Bleek  rightly  says  [ubi  supra, 
p.  367),  decidedly  incorrect  to  restrict  the  author's  work  (as  has  been  done  in  part)  to  a  mere 
stringing  together  and  combination  of  earlier  writings,  that  is,  to  regard  it  as  an  external 
compilation.  Against  this  view  comp.  also  De  Wettb,  Eird.  [Introd.]  1 178.  We  shall  see 
hereafter  what  points  of  view  control  the  arrangement  of  the  historical  material,  and  condi- 
tion the  internal  connection  of  its  often  seemingly  loosely  arranged  parts.  At  present  we 
only  establish  the  fact,  which  is  plain  to  an  unprejudiced  consideration  of  the  external  com- 
position of  the  historical  content,  that  the  latter  makes  in  the  main  the  impression  of  a  well- 
arranged  unitary  whole  {see  also  Njbgblsbach,  ubi  sup.,  p.  400),  and  from  this  generally 
incontestable  ground  we  shall  proceed  to  consider  a  number  of  special  passages  which  have 
been  adduced  against  and  seem  to  oppose  the  unity  and  concinnity  of  the  historical  narra- 
tion in  respect  to  its  form  and  content. 

In  this  examination  we  shall  find  that  a  not  inconsiderable  number  of  contradictions 
and  incongruences  supposed  to  be  found  in  our  books  and  referred  to  the  union  of  various 
traditions  and  authorities,  do  not  exist,  or  at  least  that  there  is  no  necessity  for  accepting 
them  so  long  as  unforced,  satisfactory  explanations  of  seeming  discrepancies  or  repetitions 
may  be  given.  At  the  same  time  unprejudiced  regard  for  truth  requires  us  to  recognize  the 
fact  that  there  are  certainly  some  passages  in  which  there  is  not  strict  congruence  and  con- 
cinnity, and  that  there  are  certain  peculiarities  of  the  narration,  in  consequence  of  which 
there  is  in  minutise  an  entire  failure  to  maintain  the  historical  connection  according  to  the 
chronological  order.  Nevertheless,  the  general  unity  of  the  narrative,  grounded  in  control- 
ling fundamental  thoughts,  and  in  the  sequence  of  events,  is  not  only  not  impaired  by  these 
individual  instances,  but  becomes  clearer  the  more  plainly  we  see  from  what  chief  point  of 
view  the  redactor  arranges  and  groups  the  material.  The  contradictions  which  it  has  been 
attempted  to  discover  in  the  Books  of  Samuel  as  signs  of  various  mutually  exclusive  parts 
out  of  which  they  have  been  put  togetlier,  are  all  collected  and  examined,  or  rather  solved, 
by  a  thorough  explanation  of  the  passages,  in  De  Wette,  Einleit.  [Introd.],  ?  179;  Bleek, 
Mnleit.  [Introd.]  p.  363;  TnBmvs,  ubi  sup  ,  Einl.,  pp.  9-11 ;  Keil,  Einl.  [Introd.],  §  62; 
Haeverjsick,  Einl.  1 166 ;  Naeqelsbach,  Hebzog,  R.-E.,  ubi  sup.,  p.  403. 

In  the  first  book  the  statement  in  ch.  vii.  15-17  that  Samuel  was  Judge  over  Israel  as 
long  as  he  lived,  is  said  to  conflict  with  viii.  1  sq.  and  xii.  2  sq.,  according  to  which  he  gave  up 
his  office  to  his  sons.  But  when  it  is  said  in  viii.  1  that  Samuel  made  his  sons  judges  over 
Israel,  this  is  not  saying  that  he  himself  gave  up  his  office ;  rather  this  step  of  his  is  expressly 
referred  to  the  fact  that  he  was  growing  old.  The  application  of  the  Elders  of  the  people  to 
him  for  a  king  (viii.  4),  and  their  reference  to  the  evil  conduct  of  his  sons,  shows  that,  while 
the  latter  held  the  judicial  office,  he  was  the  highest  judicial  authority  in  the  administration 
of  the  affairs  of  the  whole  nation.  The  passage  xii.  2  sq.  shows  plainly  that  Samuel,  while 
his  sons  were  judges,  filled  his  old  office  "  unto  this  day."  His  authority  did  not  cease  even 
under  Saul;  rather,  knowing  that  he  exercised  his  function  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  he 


10  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


asserted  it  with  all  the  more  emphasis  against  Saul,  and  Saul  yielded  to  it  without  making 
against  him  the  charge  of  unauthorized  conduct. 

There  is  no  contradiction  between  viii.  5  and  xii.  12,  when  in  the  first  passage  Samuel  s 
age  and  the  evil  conduct  of  his  sons,  and  in  the  second  the  imminent  danger  of  a  crushing 
war  with  the  Ammonites,  is  given  as  the  occasion  of  the  demand  for  a  kingdom;  for  these 
two  are  inseparably  connected.  The  people  needed  energetic  and  single  guidance  in  its 
wars,  and  this  it  looked  for  not  in  the  aging  Samuel  and  his  wicked  sons,  but  in  a  man 
clothed  with  royal  authority,  under  whose  lead  it  might  victoriously  meet  the  kings  of  the 
heathen  nations  {comp.  viii.  20).  Besides,  we  must  remember  that  Saul,  though  he  was  con- 
secrated king  over  Israel  by  Samuel's  anointing,  yet  at  first  returned  to  his  original  calling 
(xi.  5),  and  it  was  the  attack  of  Nahash,  the  Ammonite  king,  that  first  aroused  the  people 
anew  to  a  lively  sense  of  their  need  of  a  royal  leader,  as  is  stated  in  xii.  12.  And  with  this 
agrees  the  fact  that,  after  the  victory  gained  by  Saul  over  the  Ammonites  by  the  power  of  the 
Spirit  of  God  (xi.  6),  the  whole  people  recognized  him  as  their  now  freshly  authenticated 
king,  and  in  consequence  of  this  victory  regarded  as  a  divine  declaration  of  the  kingdom,  the 
latter  was  renewed  by  the  three  parties  to  it,  the  people,  Saul,  and  Samuel  (xi.  12-15). 

In  chap.  vii.  13  we  i;ead :  "  So  the  Philistines  were  subdued,  and  they  came  no  more  into 
the  coast  of  Israel,  and  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  against  the  Philistines  aU  the  days  of  Samuel.' ' 
A  discrepancy  has  been  discovered  between  thirse  words,  according  to  which  Samuel  com- 
pletely estopped  the  Philistines  from  returning,  and  ix.  16,  where  a  king  is  promised  the 
people  as  deliverer  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines,  and  x.  5  and  xiii.  5  sq.,  especially  vers. 
19  sq.  and  xvii.  1  sq  ,  where  there  are  express  accounts  of  wars  of  the  Philistines  with  Israel  and 
of  the  oppression  of  the  latter  by  the  Philistine  rule  (Thenius  and  De  Wette).  But  in  fact 
no  such  discrepancy  exists.  It  is  by  no  means  said  in  the  first  half  of  chap.  vii.  13  that  the 
return  of  the  Philistines  was  estopped  fully,  that  is,  for  all  time;  ic  is  said  only  that  in  this 
battle  of  Ebenezer  they  were  "  subdued  or  humbled."  "When  then  it  is  added  "  they  came 
no  more  into  the  coast  of  Israel,"  that  is,  they  did  not  repeat  their  incursions,  we  need  not 
suppose  that  the  narrator  intended  to  say  that  the  Philistines  never  again  entered  the  terri- 
tory of  Israel  so  long  as  Samuel  lived.  On  the  contrary,  the  historical  content  is  defined  by 
the  second  half  of  ver.  13,  "  and  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  against  the  Philistines  all  the  days 
of  Samuel."  If  "the  hand  of  the  Lord,"  that  is,  His  power  and  might,  was  against  the  Phi- 
listines all  the  days  of  Samuel,  this  involves  the  fact  that,  as  long  as  Samuel  lived,  the  Phi- 
listines were  hostile  to  Israel  and  sought  to  subdue  them,  but  God  defended  His  people  and 
gave  them  the  victory  over  their  enemies.  "  The  hand  of  the  Lord  against  the  Philistines" 
supposes  strife  between  Israel  and  the  Philistines,  occasioned  by  the  incursions  of  the  latter. 
What  immediately  precedes  can  therefore  be  understood  only  in  a  relative,  not  in  an  abso- 
lute sense  of  the  Philistines'  not  coming  again  into  the  border  of  Israel.  Otherwise  the  sup- 
posed contradiction  would  exist  in  the  two  parts  of  ver.  13  itself.  The  decisive  fact,  how- 
ever, in  this  question  is  that  the  words  "  all  the  days  of  Samuel "  are  to  be  connected  not,  as 
the  alleged  contradiction  supposes,  with  the  first  half  of  ver.  13,  but  only  with  the  second. 
It  is  not  said  "  all  the  days  of  Samuel  the  Philistines'did  not  return,"  but  "  all  the  days  of 
Samuel  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  against  the  Philistines."  The  first  statement  declares,  over 
against  the  reference  to  God's  power  warding  off  the  hostility  of  the  Philistines,  and  in  con- 
nection with  Samuel's  victory  over  them  at  Ebenezer,  that  in  consequence  of  this  victory  they 
had  not  repeated  their  incursions  into  the  territory  of  Israel,  and  this  is  to  be  understood 
of  the  space  of  time  after  the  lapse  of  which  they  resumed  their  old  wars  against  Israel.  In 
Saul's  victories  over  them,  who,  "as  long  as  he  lived,"  had  to  struggle  hard  with  them  (xiv. 
52),  and  whose  term  of  life  nearly  coincided  with  that  of  Samuel,  since  the  latter  died  only 
a  few  years  before  him,  the  hand  of  Jehovah  was  mighty  against  them,  and  the  promise  of 
ix.  16  was  fulfilled.  Israel's  condition  of  shameful  subjection  portrayed  in  xiii.  19  sq.  was  the 
result  of  the  occupation  of  the  land  by  the  Philistines  mentioned  in  vers.  5  and  0  and  does 
not  contradict  the  statement  that  Jehovah's  hand  was  against  the  Philistines  "  all  the  days 
of  Samuel,"  since  in  chap.  xiv.  is  related  how  the  Lord  at  that  time  helped  Israel  (comp.  ver. 
23).    The  solution  of  the  alleged  contradiction  that  restricts  the  expression    "  all  the  days 


i  i.   CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION.  11 

of  Samuel "  to  the  duration  of  his  judicial  term,  is  unsatisfactory  from  the  arbitrariness  of  this 
restriction,  aud  conflicts  with  ver.  15:  "Samuel  judged  Israel  all  the  days  of  his  life." 

It  is  also  maintained  that  there  is  a  contradiction  between  the  section  ix.  1-10,  16  and 
the  sections  viii.,  x.  17-27,  because  in  the  former  Samuel  anoints  Saul  in  consequence  of  a 
divine  revelation,  and  in  the  latter  has  him  chosen  king  by  lot  in  consequence  of  the  demand 
of  the  people  (De  Wette).  But  in  truth  there  is  nothing  here  that  compels  us  to  suppose 
an  absolute  contradiction ;  "  for  in  ix.  1 — x.  16  is  related  the  secret  anointing  of  Saul  by 
Samuel,  with  its  immediate  consequences,  and  in  x.  17-27  the  choice  by  lot  in  the  presence 
of  the  whole  people  "  (Naegelsbach,  ubi  sup.  p.  401).  Thenius  {Komm.  2  Aufl.  p.  43)  seeks 
to  establish  the  unhistorical  character  of  both  narrations  by  stating  the  alternative :  "  the 
Prophet  would  then  either  have  tempted  God,  or  have  been  guilty  of  an  unworthy  trick  be- 
fore the  people ;"  but  against  this  we  remark  that  according  to  x.  17-27  also  every  thing  was 
done  by  Samuel  at  the  divine  instance  and  under  divine  influence  (vers.  18,  24),  as  in  the 
narrative  in  ix.  1 — ^x.  16,  that  therefore  both  tempting  God  and  unworthy  trickery  on 
Samuel's  part  are  excluded,  since  in  the  narration  the  choice  by  lot  also  is  conceived  of  in  a 
theocratic  point  of  view.  In  the  presence  of  the  assembled  people  God  declares  the  man  who 
had  been  chosen  and  anointed  by  His  will,  to  be  king,  and  His  representative.  Comp. 
Winer,  Bibl.  Bealworterbuch,  II.  p.  389:  "In  chap.  viii.  Samuel  declares  himself  against  the 
wish  of  the  people  by  command  of  Jehovah  Himself,  and  by  His  command  makes  an  attempt 
to  divert  the  Israelites  from  their  desire.  This  failing,  he  receives  from  Jehovah  the  com- 
mand to  yield  (viii.  21  sq.),  and  anoints  Saul,  chaps,  ix.,  x.  And  then  the  scene,  x.  17  sq.,  was 
not  superfluous:  the  first  revelation,  vs..  15  sq.,  was  for  the  Prophet;  the  second,  x.  20  sq-,  for 
the  people."  To  this  we  add  Ewald's  remark  {Geschichte  des  V.  Isr.  [Hist,  of  Israel],  III. 
p.  33,  3  Aufl.) :  "  If  we  bear  in  mind  the  ordinary  use  of  the  sacred  lot  in  those  times,  we 
shall  find  that  in  the  connection  of  this  narrative  (Ewald  ascribes  vers.  17-27  to  the  author 
of  the  preceding  section)  nothing  but  the  truth  is  described  in  this  incident ;  the  mysterious 
meeting  with  the  Seer  did  not  suffice  for  the  full  and  benedictive  recognition  of  Saul  the 
king,  but  publicly  also  in  solemn  national  assembly  it  was  necessary  that  the  Spirit  of  Jah- 
veh  should  choose  him  before  all  others  and  mark  him  as  the  man  of  Jahveh.''  And  so  there 
is  no  contradiction  between  ix.  1 — x.  16  and  x.  17-27,  but  the  two  sections  stand  in  concin- 
nate  relation  to  one  another. 

Another  discrepancy  has  been  found  between  xi.  14  sq.  and  xiii.  8  compared  with  x.  8,  it 
being  held  that  the  words  of  Samuel  (x.  8)  contain  a  command  to  Saul  to  go  immediately  to 
Gilgal  and  wait  for  him  there  seven  days.  On  this  supposition  certainly  chaps,  viii.  and  xi. 
148q.  cannot  be  reconciled,  since,  according  to  the  latter  passage,  Saul  went  to  Gilgal  not 
before  but  with  Samuel,  and  indeed  at  his  special  suggestion,  and  there  was  therefore  no  wait- 
ing on  Samuel ;  and  moreover,  before  Saul  and  Samuel  came  together  in  Gilgal,  their  first 
meeting  after  that  solemn  prophetic  consecration  of  Saul  (x.  1-8)  took  place  in  Mizpeh. 
Equally  impossible,  on  this  supposition,  is  a  reconciliation  of  x.  8  and  xiii.  8,  which  last  pas- 
sage contains  an  undeniable  reference  to  an  order  given  to  Saul  by  Samuel,  such  as  is  ex- 
pressed in  X.  8;  for  between  the  two  there  is  an  interval,  according  to  xiii.  1,  of  two  years. 
[But  the  text  here  (xiii.  1 )  is  corrupt— see  note  on  the  verse  in  question. — Tb.]  Naegelsbach 
therefore  supposes  that  x.  8  is  not  in  its  proper  place,  but  stood  originally  somewhere  just  before 
xiii.  8  (ubi  sup.  p. 401).  Thenius  joins  xiii.  2sq.  immediately  on  to  x.  16,  regarding  x.  17— 
xii.  25  as  a  section  interpolated  into  the  original  document  between  x.  16  and  xiii.  2,  and 
xiii.  1  as  an  interpolation  by  the  Eedactor,  or  perhaps  by  a  later  baud,  by  which  the  succe- 
dent  matter  was  brought  into  plausible  connection  with  the  inserted  section,  and  the  neces- 
sary time  gained  for  the  occurrence  narrated  in  this  section  {ubi  sup.  p.  49).  There  are  grave 
objections  to  both  expedients ;  to  the  first  because  of  the  impossibility  of  fixing  the  supposed 
right  place  before  xiii.  8  where  x.  8  is  to  be  put ;  to  the  second— apart  from  the  fact  that  no 
other  reason  is  given  for  the  supposition  that  this  section  is  interpolated— because  of  the 
chronological  difficulty  mentioned  by  Keil  (Introd.  I.  236),  which  undoubtedly  presents  it- 
self when  we  look  at  all  which,  on  this  supposition,  must  have  been  done  (according  to  xiii. 
2-7)  within  these  seven  days,  and  because  of  the  very  bold  hypothesis  that  is  advanced  by 


12  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


this  assumption  of  an  interpolated  tradition,  and  by  tte  explanation  of  the  words  of  im-  1- 
We  have  seen  what  significa,nce  the  section  x.  17-27,  in  historical  connection  with  what  goes 
before,  has  for  the  commencement  of  Saul's  kingdom.     Keil  therefore  properly  asks  the  ques- 
tion :  "  How  could  Saul,  secretly  anointed  by  Samuel,  and  concealing  this  anointing  even  from 
his  uncle  (x.  1,  16),  come  to  such  consideration,  that  at  his  call  all  Israel  flocked  about  him, 
as  about  their  king,  when  he  had  neither  been  proclaimed  king  by  Samuel,  nor  by  any  a«t 
had  won  the  confidence  of  the  people  for  himself  as  king? '  {ubi  supra).    KeU,  it  is  true,  from 
the  proposition  (which  is  correct)  that  the  narration  in  xiii.  1-7  requires  for  its  explanation 
the  content  of  the  section  x.  17— xii.  25,  draws  the  conclusion  that  Samuel's  order  to  Saul  in 
X.  8  refers  to  the  solemn  proclamation  of  Saul  as  king  in  Gilgal  (xi.  14sq.);  but  this  conclusion 
is  unsatisfactory  on  grounds  already  adduced.    And  moreover  the  view  which  Zeil  connects 
with  this  conclusion  (and  which  is  found  as  far  back  as  Cleeictjs)  is  untenable— namely,  that 
the  statement  in  xiii.  8  (which  has  consequently  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  x.  8)  refers  to  a 
command  not  expressly  mentioned,  but  here  casually  alluded  to  in  the  words  "  according  to 
the  set  time  that  Samuel  had  appointed,"  by  which  Samuel,  with  reference  to  the  Philistine 
war,  had  at  a  later  time  ordered  Saul  to  Gilgal ;  for  these  very  words  (as  Keil  himself  now 
admits,  Comm.  in  loco,  101, 128)  plainly  point  to  the  injunction  given  to  Saul  in  x.  8.     How- 
ever, proceeding  from  this  supposition,  we  are  no  way  bound  to  explain  the  words  in  x.  8  as 
a  command  of  Samuel  which  was  to  be  immediately  carried  out  by  Saul.    The  proper  ex- 
planation of  the  connection  in  which  the  "thou  goest  down"  (JJ11^|)  in  ver.  8  stands  partly 
with  the  preceding,  partly  with  the  following  circumstantial  clause  introduced  by  "  and  be- 
hold" (™ni)  leads  to  the  conditional  rendering  "and  when  thou  goest  down  before  me  to 
Gilgal  behold ;"  and  a  similar  translation  is  found  in  Seb.  Schmidt,  only  with  im- 
proper temporal  extension,  and  is  proposed  by  Ewald  {Oesch.  3  Aufl.  III.  41)  and  Keil 
(Comm.  p.  101).    The  king  chosen  to  deliver  Israel  from  the  yoke  of  the  Philistines  must  re- 
cognize it  as  his  first  duty  to  prove  his  kingly  might  in  battle  against  the  Philistines,  in  ac- 
cordance with  his  consecration  received  from  Samuel.    The  exhortation  to  this  duty  Samuel 
couples  with  the  command  that  he  should  not  in  the  exercise  of  his  royal  calling  trespass  on 
the  field  that  was  to  remain  closed  to  him,  namely,  the  ofiTering  of  sacrifice  for  the  people 
when  they  were  mustered  for  war.     Ewald  says:  "Gilgal,  on  the  south-western  bank  of  the 
Jordan,  was  then,  from  all  indications,  one  of  the  most  holy  places  in  Israel,  and  the  true 
centre  of  the  whole  people;  it  had  a  like  importance  before,  and  much  more  then,  because 
the  Philistine  control  reached  so  far  eastward*  that  the  middle  point  of  the  kingdom  must  have 
been  pressed  back  to  the  bank  of  the  Jordan.     There  the  people  must  have  assembled  for  all 
general  political  questions,  and  thence  after  ofiering  and  consecration  have  marched  forth 
armed  to  war"  (ubi  sup.  p.  42).    The  significance  of  Gilgal  for  the  whole  people  at  this  pe- 
riod of  the  Israelitish  history  is  presupposed  in  Samuel's  command  to  Saul,  which  conse- 
quently contains  for  him  the  following    rule   of  government:    When  thou  goest  down  to 
Gilgal — that  is,  to  gather  the  people  there,  that  they  may  be  led  forth  to  battle  against 
the  Philistines,  and  to  this  end  receive  consecration  by  solemn  ofi"ering — thou  shalt  await 
my  coming  for  the  preparation,  and  neither  in  thy  own  power  make  the  ofTering,  nor  of  thy 
own  will  begin  the  war  against  the  Philistines.     In  this  prophetic  command  Saul  ought  to 
have  recognized  the  voice  of  God  (see  Keil,  ubi  sup.,  pp.  101-103,  and  Ewald,  ubi  sup.,  p.  41- 
46).     This  explanation  is  found  as  early  as  Brenz.     He  says:  "But  we  are  not  to  understand 
that  Samuel  commands  Saul  to  go  straightway  down  to  Gilgal  and  there  wait  seven  days,  but 
that  he  is  to  do  this  after  he  has  been  publicly  elected  king  and  confirmed  in  the  kingdom  by 
victory  over  the  Ammonites,  and  shall  then  begin  to  prepare  for  war  against  the  Philistines 
on  whose  account  especially  Saul  was  called  to  the  kingdom.    The  following,  therefore  is  the 
meaning  of  Samuel's  command:  Thou  art  called  to  the  kingdom  especially  to  free  Israel  from 
the  tyranny  of  the  Philistines.     When,  therefore,  thou  art  about  to  undertake  this  work  go 
down  to  Gilgal  and  wait  there  seven  days  till  I  come  to  thee ;  then  thou  shalt  offer  a  sacri- 
fice, but  not  before  I  come,  and  I  will  show  thee  what  is  to  be  done,  that  our  enemies  the 

*  [Ewald  has  west,  but  the  sense  seems  to  require  east. — Ta.] 


?  4.   CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION.  13 


PhiUatines  may  be  conquered;  this  thing  is  related  afterwards  in  chap,  xiii.,  where  we  read 
that  Saul  violated  this  command." 

Thenius  finds  a  discrepancy  between  xiv.  47  and  x.  17  sq.  and  xi.  14  sq.  (p.  65),  maintain- 
ing that  here  several  mutually  exclusive  relations  are  put  together— that  the  author  of  the 
sections  xiv.  47  sq.  relates  that  Saul  by  this  victory  over  the  Philistines  proved  himself  to  be 
the  king  anointed  by  Samuel  and  secured  royal  authority,  and  that  this  cannot  be  reconciled 
with  X.  17  sq.,  xi.  14sq.,  and  xv.  But  if  we  recollect  that  the  Philistines  had  possession  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  land,  the  expression  l^h  ["took"]  in  xiv.  47  is  beat  understood  as  mean- 
ing that  Saul  by  this  victory  got  the  real  control  of  the  land,  not  as  referring  to  the  public 
assumption  of  the  kingdom  to  which  he  was  first  designated  by  the  anointing.  There  is 
therefore  no  discrepancy  between  this  statement  of  the  result  of  the  victory  over  the  Philis- 
tines and  the  accounts  of  Saul's  choice  by  lot  (x.  17  sq.),  and  of  his  confirmation  as  king  before 
the  whole  people  in  Gilgal  (xi.  14  sq). 

An  apparent  anachronism  exists  in  xvii.  54,  where  it  is  said  that  David  carried  Goliath's 
head  to  Jerusalem,  while  it  was  some  time  later  that  he  conquered  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  v.)  ; 
but  this  is  explained  by  the  remark  of  KuKZ  (Herzog,  Real^Encycl,  Art.  "David")  and 
others,  that,  if  not  the  citadel,  yet  the  city  of  Jerusalem  had  then  been  a  long  time  in  the 
possession  of  the  Israelites  (Josh.  xv.  63;  Judg.  i.  21),  and  it  is  not  at  all  necessary  for  the 
establishment  of  this  fact,  which  makes  the  deposition  (of  Goliath's  head)  possible,  to  suppose 
with  Naegelsbach  that  David  had  a  prophetic  anticipation  of  the  importance  of  this  city,  al- 
though this  supposition  is  unjustly  set  aside  by  Thenius  without  further  consideration.  There 
is  just  as  little  difficulty  in  the  statement  that  David,  after  the  victory,  deposited  the  armor 
of  Goliath  in  his  tent,  while  the  giant's  sword  is  afterwards  found  in  the  Sanctuary  at  Nob. 

Between  xviii.  5  and  xviii.  13-16  a  discrepancy  has  been  found,  in  that  in  the  first  pas- 
sage David  received  his  appointment  as  military  commander  on  account  of  his  bravery ;  in  the 
second  on  account  of  Saul's  envy  and  fear  of  him.  The  apparent  contradiction  is  set  aside, 
however,  by  a  glance  at  the  intermediate  narration,  according  to  which  the  jealousy  aroused 
in  Saul  by  the  women's  song  of  victory  produced  such  a  change  in  his  disposition  towards 
David  that  he  assigned  the  latter  a  higher  post  only  to  remove  him  from  his  person  and  ex- 
pose him  to  death  in  battle  against  the  Philistines. 

Between  the  statements  of  Jonathan  in  xix.  2  and  xx.  2 — the  first  of  which  inforivs  David 
of  his  father's  murderous  thoughts  against  him,  while  the  second  assures  him  of  the  contrary 
— ^there  lies  an  interval,  in  which  Saul's  hatred  against  David  might  have  softened ;  or  at 
least  Jonathan,  thinking  the  best  of  his  father,  might  believe  that  he  had  perceived  a  change 
in  his  disposition  towards  David.  Perhaps  Jonathan,  as  Naegelsbach  (p.  403)  supposes,  in- 
tends only  to  deny  that  another  attack  against  David's  life  is  purposed.  Why,  in  the  face 
of  this  assurance  of  his  friend,  should  it  be  so  inconceivable  that  David  should  speak  of  again 
appearing  at  the  royal  table  at  the  appointed  time  when  Saul  expected  him  ?  Had  David 
not  already  had  experience  of  similar  paroxysms  of  rage  in  the  king,  and  yet  been  always  re-  * 
conciled  with  him  by  Jonathan's  intervention  ? 

The  apparent  contradiction  between  1  Sam.  xviii.  27,  where  David  brings  200  foreskins  of 
the  Philistines  for  Michal,  and  2  Sam.  iii.  14,  which  speaks  of  100  only,  is  resolved  by  referring 
to  1  Sam.  xviii.  25,  according  to  which  Saul  had  demanded  the  latter  number  of  foreskins ;  only 
these,  not  the  two  hundred  actually  brought,  are  mentioned  by  David  in  the  later  passage. 

We  turn  now  to  those  sections  in  which  there  are  supposed  to  exist  double  accounts  of 
the  same  thing,  in  part  mutually  exclusive  and  contradictory;  that  is,  signs  of  the  use  of  va- 
rious documents,  which  in  respect  to  the  same  facts  and  events,  present  difierences  that  the 
Redactor  could  not  reconcile. 

First  among  these  is  the  narrative  of  the  two  Goliaths,  1  Sam.  xvii.  4,  and  2  Sam.  xxi. 
19.  In  the  one  passage  David  slays  the  giant  Goliath,  and  in  the  other  it  is  related  of  Elha- 
nan,  son  of  Jaare-oregim,  that  he  slew  Goliath  of  Gath,  whose  spear  was  like  a  weaver's 
beam.  It  is  altogether  arbitrary  in  Boettcher  [Neueexegetisch-kritische^hrenlesenzumA.  T. 
on  2  Sam.  xxi.  19)  to  try  to  prove  the  identity  of  this  Elhanan  with  David  (see  Thenius,  p. 
259),  in  order  to  make  this  account  agree  with  1  Sam.  xvii.  4  f.    Nothing  obliges  us  to  re- 


14  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OP  SAMUEL. 


gard  the  two  passages  as  referring  to  the  same  incident,  since  two  different  actors  are  men- 
tioned David  and  Elhanan,  the  last  with  circumstantial  reference  to  his  person  and  descent, 
and  there  may  well  have  been  at  different  times  two  giants  of  equal  strength  and  the  same 
name,  the  later  perhaps  purposely  honored  with  the  name  of  the  earlier.  But  in  the  parallel 
l>assage,  1  Chron.  xx.  5,  which  evidently  gives  the  same  event  as  2  Sam.  xxi.  19,  it  is  said: 
"  Elhanan  the  son  of  Jair,  slew  Lahmi,  the  brother  of  Groliath  of  Gath,  whose  spear,  etc-;" 
and  if  the  correct  reading  is  not  in  2  Sam.  xxi.  19  (of  which  I  cannot  convince  myself ),  but  ra- 
ther in  1  Chr.  sx.  5,  then  the  distinctness  of  the  combats  related  in  the  two  accounts  is  so  much 
the  more  beyond  doubt  (see  Thenius'  view,  p.258sq.,  which  is  opposed  to  his  earlier  view). 

In  xix.  9sq.  the  same  incident  seems  to  be  related  as  in  xviii.  9Bq.,  and  therefore  the  one 
passage  or  the  other  seems  to  be  not  in  the  right  place.  Yet  the  double  narrative,  agreeing 
literally  in  single  expressions,  may  be  referred  without  difficulty  to  two  explosions  of  rage  on 
Saul's  part,  siuce  according  to  xviii.   sq.  this  rage  showed  itself  several  times  against  David. 

The  rejection  of  Saul  is  narrated  in  the  two  sections,  1  Sam.  xiii.  8-14,  and  xv.  10-26. 
But  nothing  requires  us  to  regard  these  as  mutually  exclusive  narrations  of  one  and  the  same 
fact.  Kather,  the  circumstances  under  which  Saul  manifests  his  disobedience  are  so  different 
in  the  two  cases,  that  we  must  recognize  two  different  courses  of  events  in  which  his  disobe- 
dience is  shown.  But,  as  in  the  second  act  of  disobedience  there  lay  a  heightening  of  the 
guilt,  so  on  the  first  act  of  the  punishment  (xiii.,  xiv.)  followed  the  second  sharper  act,  con- 
sisting in  the  definitive  rejection  (xv.  23,  24). 

There  is  just  as  little  necessity  for  referring  the  parallel  narrations  in  x.  10-12  and  xix. 
22-24  to  the  same  event.  Rather,  there  is  so  much  in  each  that  is  peculiar,  that  we  are  justi- 
fied in  assuming  two  different  occurrences  in  which  the  proverb  ''Is  Saul  also  among  the  pro- 
phets?" found  its  application.  The  first  incident  explains  its  origin,  for  it  is  said,  x.  12: 
"  Therefore  it  became  a  proverb."  The  second  similar  incident,  which  is  described  as  occurring 
under  totally  different  circumstances,  fixed  it  and  gave  it  a  wider  application,  xix.  24. 

Thenius'  grounds  (p.  120)  for  referring  to  one  event  the  two  narratives  of  the  repeated 
treachery  of  the  Ziphites  towards  David  and  David's  magnanimous  conduct  towards  Saul 
(xxiii.  19-24,  xxiv.  and  xxvi.),  of  which  the  tradition  is  supposed  to  have  given  a  double 
account,  seem  not  sufficient  to  establish  the  identity  of  the  two.  Their  points  of  agreement 
do  not  exclude  the  distinctness  of  the  events.  "  For,"  says  Naegelsbach  (p.  402)  justly,  "  that 
David  twice  came  to  the  hill  Hachilah  near  Ziph  is  probable  by  reason  of  the  hiding-places 
in  this  wooded  mountain-range;  that  the  Ziphites  twice  discovered  and  betrayed  his  abode 
is  very  natural  from  their  friendship  for  Saul;  and  that  Saul  made  a  second  expedition 
against  David  is  psychologically  only  too  easily  explained,  even  though  he  was  no  moral 
monster ;  his  hatred  against  David  was  so  deeply  rooted  that  it  could  only  be  repressed  for 
the  moment,  not  destroyed,  by  that  magnanimous  deed."  David's  twice  sparing  the  life  of 
his  enemy  has  its  ground  in  the  horror  of  laying  hand  on  the  Lords  anointed,  and  Saul's 
consequent  double  expression  of  repentance  is  explained  by  the  change  of  feeling  which  is 
psychologically  not  hard  to  understand  when  we  consider  hia  disposition,  as  it  is  everywhere 
represented  to  us.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  along  with  these  resemblances  there  are  such 
important  differences  in  the  two  narratives  that  the  assumption  of  two  events  can  by  no 
means  be  regarded  as  arbitrary.  On  the  particulars  comp.  Haeveenick  (p.  138  sq.)  and 
Keil  {Introd.  I.  243,  244). 

The  narrative  of  David's  two  flights  to  the  Philistines  (xxi.  10-15,  andxxvii.  Isq.)i8 
regarded  as  a  double  relation  of  the  same  event,  and  is  referred  to  different  sources.  The- 
niu3(p.l01sq  )  finds  historical  truth  only  in  the  second  relation  of  David's  flight  to  Gath 
(xxvii.),  on  the  ground  that  David  would  have  fled  to  the  Philistines  only  in  the  extremest 
need,  and  not  at  the  outset ;  but  certainly  according  to  the  account  of  Saul's  pursuit  of  Da- 
vid, that  precedes  xxi.,  the  latter's  need  was  great  enough  to  impel  him  under  those  cir- 
cumstances to  flee  to  the  Philistines.  While  the  two  narratives  agree  in  the  fact  that  David 
flees  to  Achish,  the  differences  in  everything  else  are  so  great  that  we  must  suppose  not  one 
abode  of  David  with  the  Philistines  (held  by  Thenius  to  be  given  with  historical  trustwor- 
thiness only  in  xxvii.)  but  two  distinct  occurrences.     In  xxi.  he  comes  alone  to  Achish  in 


i  4.   UMAnai/iisti  AND  COMPOSITION.  16 


xxvii.  with,  wives  and  children  and  a  numerous  retinue ;  in  the  first  case,  being  soon  recog- 
nized, he  had  to  act  the  madman  in  order  to  save  himself,  and  his  stay  was  short;  in  the 
second  he  settles  himself  for  a  long  abode  in  Ziklag,  and  undertakes  several  expeditions 
against  the  hostUe  tribes  on  the  southern  border  of  Canaan,  whereby  he  secures  the  favor 
and  protection  of  Achish.  With  such  great  differences  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  narration 
in  xxi.  is  a  legendary  embellishment  of  that  in  xxvii. 

There  are  two  mentions  of  the  death  of  Samuel,  xxv.  1  and  xxviii.  3.  We  need  not, 
however,  suppose  that  the  Redactor  took  these  from  two  sources.  Kather  the  repetition  in 
xxviii.  3  (which  moreover  from  its  language  and  style  does  not  seem  to  be  an  independent 
account)  serves  to  introduce  and  illustrate  the  following  narrative  as  much  as  the  remark 
that  Saul  had  driven  the  necromancers  and  wizards  out  of  the  land.  "The  repetition  of  the 
words  'they  had  lamented  him  and  buried  him,'  seems  designed  to  put  the  impiety  against 
Samuel  in  a  still  stronger  light"  (Naegblsb,  p.  404). 

At  the  first  glance  there  seem  to  be  two  contradictory  accounts  of  Saul's  death  in  1  Sam. 
xxxi.  4  and  2  Sam.  i.  9,  10,  according  to  the  first  of  which  he  killed  himself,  but  according 
to  the  second  was  at  his  own  request  slain  by  an  Amalekite,  who  himself  brings  the  report. 
EwALD  (p.  137, 138)  supposes  here  two  different  and  evidently  ancient  accounts,  of  which  one 
makes  the  faithful  and  conscientious  armor-bearer,  the  other  a  frivolous  and  rude  Gentile 
present  at  the  last  moment  of  the  sinking  hero ;  the  first  the  account  of  those  who  spoke  well, 
the  second  that  of  those  who  spoke  ill  of  Saul ;  but  this  supposition  of  two  sources  and  two 
accounts  is  untenable  because  of  the  fact  which  comes  out  from  the  narrative  in  2  Sam.  i. 
that  the  Amalekite  falsely  ascribed  the  deed  to  himself  iu  order  to  receive  thanks  and  recog- 
nition therefor  from  David,  but  especially  to  get  a  large  reward  for  Saul's  jewels,  of  which  he 
had  possessed  himself  (Then.  p.  141). 

There  is  just  as  little  ground  for  holding  that  the  narratives  of  the  conquest  of  the  Sy- 
rians, 2  Sam.  viii.  and  x. — xii.  are  two  relations  of  the  same  expedition  of  David  against  the 
Syrians,  as  Gramberg  {Seligiormd.  II.  108)  has  maintained.  He  would  allow  only  one 
conquest,  because  after  such  a  defeat  they  could  not  have  so  soon  recovered  themselves,  and 
in  ch.  X.  also  there  is  no  mention  of  a  revolt  of  the  Syrians,  while  yet  according  to  ch.  viii. 
they  had  been  really  subdued.  But  the  resources  of  the  Syrians,  even  after  that  defeat,  may 
have  been  ample  (comp.  viii.  4,  7,  8,  10) ;  for  the  rich  booty  that  the  Israelites  got,  and 
the  large  number  of  warriors  that  the  Syrians  had  put  into  the  field,  point  to  considerable 
power  and  wealth.  But  there  was  no  need  to  mention  their  revolt,  since  it  was  understood 
as  a  matter  of  course  that  they  sought  to  shake  off  the  yoke  at  the  first  opportunity,  though 
otherwise  the  yoke  was  so  firmly  fixed  that  one  could  speak  of  a  real  and  permanent  sub- 
jection ;  this  opportunity  offered  itself  when  the  Ammonites  went  into  a  war  with  David. 
And  so  they  appear  in  ch.  x  not  as  independent  enemies  of  David,  but  as  allies  of  the  Am- 
monites (comp.  Theod.  qucESt.  24  ad.  2  Seg.;  Winee,  Realwbrlerb.  I.  260 ;  Then.  p.  188). 
Ewald  in  like  manner  maintains  (III.  204,  205)  the  identity  of  the  Syrian  war,  viii.  3,  with 
the  Syrian-Ammonitish  in  x.sq.  In  support  of  this  view  he  urges  that  the  war  with  the  Sy- 
rian King  Hadad-Ezer  of  Zobah  cannot  be  explained  except  by  supposing  that  it  was  excited 
by  a  contemporaneous  war  with  a  nearer  kingdom,  since  the  kingdom  of  Zobah  is  not  de- 
scribed as  bordering  immediately  on  the  kingdom  of  Israel.  But,  it  is  said,  according  to  x. — 
xii.,  a  great  Syrian  war  with  Israel  was  excited  by  the  Ammonites ;  this  war  with  Ammon  is 
narrated  there  at  greater  length  on  account  of  the  history  of  Uriah,  and  for  this  reason  is 
only  mentioned  quite  incidentally,  viii.  12,  in  the  general  account  of  all  the  great  wars.  But 
it  is  suflSciently  clear  from  viii.  3  how  David  came  immediately  into  conflict  with  the  Syrians 
without  occasion  thereto  having  been  given  by  war  with  another  enemy.  Thenius  {in  loco) 
well  says:  "  David's  aim  was  to  rest  his  kingdom  at  one  point  at  least  on  the  Euphrates, 
because  this  was  the  nearest  stream  that  traversed  broad  tracts  of  country ;  on  the  way 
thither  Hadad-Ezer,  whose  territory  he  touched  on  in  the  march,  opposed  him."  It  is  true 
that  the  Ammonite  war,  briefly  mentioned  in  ch.  viii.  is,  on  account  of  the  pragmatism  which 
controls  the  whole  narrative  in  x.— xii.,  given  at  length  for  the  reason  assigned  ;  but  if  the 
Syrian  war  mentioned  in  viii.  3  occurred  along  with  this  Ammonite  war,  as  is  maintained,  it 


16  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OP  SAMUEL. 

is  surprising  that  this  connection  is  not  indicated  in  ch.  viii.  in  the  list  of  wars,  but  the  two 
are  introduced  as  wholly  distinct.  We  therefore  have  in  chs.  viii.  and  x.  sq.  accounts  of  alto- 
gether different  wars. 

With  the  sections  xvi.  14-23,  xvii.  12-51,  and  xvii.  55-58,  the  case  is  different  from  that 
of  the  passages  hitherto  discussed,  in  which  contradictions  or  mutually  exclusive  accounts  of 
the  same  fact,  and  therefore  indications  of  various  documents,  have  been  supposed  to  exist ; 
here  indeed  incongruences  and  discrepancies  do  exist,  and  signs  of  different  documents, 
which  the  author  has  put  together,  must  be  recognized.    In  xvi.  18  is  related  how  David 
comes  to  Saul,  and  his  extraction  and  his  father's  name  are  exactly  and  fully  given.    On  the 
other  hand,  in  xvii.  12,  after  the  dangerous  and  disgraceful  situation  baa  been  pictured,  in 
which  Israel  stood  in  reference  to  the  Philistines,  and  as  the  object  of  their  giant  Goliath's 
scorn,  in  a  new  section,  which  begins  here,  David  is  spoken  of  as  if  he  had  not  been  named 
at  all  before,  and  the  names  of  his  father  and  native  city  are  given.     This  second  mention 
of  his  family-relations,  particularly  in  this  shape,  cannot  be  explained  without  forcing  and 
far-fetched  conceits,  as  in  Haevbrnick's  attempt  (p.  135).   The  author,  says  he,  purposely  re- 
peats the  notices  of  David's  race  and  extraction,  partly  because  this  fits  in  with  the  historical 
narration,  to  which  the  explanation  of  David's  coming  into  the  camp,  etc.,  can  thus  be  at- 
tached, partly  because  the  importance  that  he  attaches  to  his  hero  thus  comes  out  more 
strongly,  and  his  person  again  comes  clearly  before  the  reader.     The  appeal  to  similar  pecu- 
liarities in  Hebrew  historiography  (as  in  other  places  in  the  Books  of  Samuel)  is  of  no  force 
in  this  passage,  because  such  genealogical  statistical-historical  summary  notices  are  given 
usually  only  as  conclusion  in  important  historical  turning-points,  and  chiefly  as  proleptical 
statements  (comp.  1  Sam.  vii.  15-17;   xiv.  47-52).     The  strange  nin  ["this"]  in  xvii.  12, 
shows  clearly  that  it  is  added  to  the  already  superfluous  genealogical  notice  of  David  in  order 
to  connect  the  section  vers.  12-31  with  xvi.  14-23,  to  which  (especially  ver.  18)  regard  must 
have  been  had  in  ver.  12.    That  it  is  added  with  this  view  is  clearly  seen  from  its  incongruity 
with  the  following  'K';  IDE'I  [and  his  name  was  Jesse].    Naeqelsbach's  remark  (p.  402)  is 
perfectly  correct :  "  If  HTH  ['this']  is  meant  to  point  to  the  earlier  mention  of  the  name  in 
ch.  xvi.,  then  the  toE'*  ['  and  his  name  ']  is  superfluous ;  and  if  the  latter  remains,  the  former 
is  superfluous."— So  also  the  statement  in  v.  15,  that  David  went  back  and  forth  from  Saul 
to  keep  his  father's  sheep  in  Bethlehem,  makes  the  impression  that  it  was  appended  to  the 
account  before  us  in  order  to  bring  this  narrative  into  agreement  with  xvi.  21-23,  according 
to  which  David  was  constantly  with  Saul  as  his  armor-bearer,  and  to  explain  the  fact  that 
he  came  from  his  father's  folds  to  the  scene  of  war.    Long  ago  exception  was  taken  to  the 
disagreement  between  xvii.  12-31  and  xvi.    The  proof  is  that  the  former  is  altogether  lacking 
in  the  Vatican  recension  of  the  Septuagint,  and  that  Oeigen  found  it  in  no  Greek  translation. 
Similar  difliculty  was  felt  with  xvii.  55  sq.,  which  is  also  omitted  in  the  Vatican  Septuagint. 

Between  the  section  (xvii. 55 sq.)  and  xiv.  16-23  there  is  the  discrepancy  that  in  the 
former  Saul  does  not  know  David,  while  according  to  the  latter  he  must  have  known  not 
only  hira  personally,  but  also  his  lineage.     According  to  xiv.  16  sq.  David  was  described  to 
Saul  at  the  outset  as  the  son  of  Jesse  of  Bethlehem,  and  Saul  had  put  himself  in  communi- 
cation with  David's  father  by  repeated  messages,  in  order  to  take  David  permanently  into 
his  service.     Contrariwise  in  xvii.  65  sq.  he  repeatedly  asks :  Whose  son  is  the  youth  ?    Vari- 
ous attempts  have  been  made  to  resolve  this  discrepancy.     Stress  has  been  laid  on  the  fact 
that  he  asks  not  after  David's  person,  but  after  his  lineage.     Then,  according  to  one  view 
this  question  expresses  the  contempt  and  scorn  which  8aul  would  assign  as  reason  why  he 
could  not  keep  his  splendid  promise  (xvii.  25)  to  such  a  man  of  mean  descent  (Haev  p  1361  • 
but  in  neither  case  does  the  form  of  the  question  justify  such  a  construction.     Accordine  t ' 
another  explanation  the  question  expresses  astonishment  and  admiration  (Keil  Introd  T 
238) ;  but  then  it  could  not  be  "  whose  son  is  the  youth  ?"    We  should  expect   "'is  th'    th 
son  of  Jesse  ?"     By  others  it  is  regarded  as  more  probable  that  Saul  had  forgotten  dLv 
family-relations,  either  in  the  rush  and  press  of  court-life  (Saurin),  or  from  hynorhn^^  -^ 
(Berth.),  or  from  ingratitude  (Calvin)  or  from  forgetfulness  (Keil  in  loco),  and  Keil  c"* 


. AND  COMPOSITION.  17 


jecturea  that  Saul,  on  account  of  the  promised  release  of  the  victor  from  taxes,  wished  to 
kuow  more  of  David's  connections  than  simply  his  father's  name  and  his  birth-place ;  but 
all  this  does  not  suflBce  to  set  aside  the  difference,  least  of  all  the  last-mentioned  expedient, 
because  David's  answer  to  Saul's  question  contains  likewise  nothing  more  than  the  name  of 
his  father ;  and  so  recourse  is  had  arbitrarily  to  a  new  hypothesis,  namely,  that  David's 
answer  has  not  been  fully  reported,  though  even  this,  strictly  taken,  would  not  suffice  for 
that  view,  but  would  render  necessary  still  another  supposition,  namely,  that  Saul's  question 
ia  not  fully  reported.  Since  all  these  attempts  at  solution  are  untenable,  we  cannot,  in  the 
present  state  of  the  investigation  of  this  question,  avoid  supposing,  with  many  expositors, 
that  the  author  of  our  Books  has  in  these  sections  interpolated  a  second  written  tradition 
which  he  met  with  of  David's  battle  with  Goliath,  and,  although  he  connected  them  with 
ch.  xvi.  by  a  slight  revision,  the  traces  of  which  are  indicated  above,  yet  did  not  undertake 
a  more  thorough  alteration  for  the  purpose  of  reconciling  the  differences  (Winek,  II.  260 ; 
Bleek,  p.  364;  Naegelsb.  u.  s.  p.  402).  The  supposition  of  an  interpolation  of  the  section 
xvii.l2sq.  (Mich.,  Eich.,  Bbktholdt),  which  is  also  the  ground  of  its  omission  in  the  Sep- 
tuagint  and  other  Greek  translations,  is  untenable  in  proportion  to  the  difficulty  of  uiider- 
standing  why  an  interpolation  that  offered  great  difficulties  should  be  made. 

On  a  closer  examination  of  the  question  as  to  the  extent  of  the  second  account  that 
the  author  had  before  him,  and  the  manner  in  which  he  combined  it  with  his  narrative,  it 
appears  in  the  first  place  that  the  incongruence  and  discrepancy  (in  relation  to  the  preceding, 
xvi.  14-23)  does  not  pertain  to  the  whole  of  ch.  xvii.  This  chapter  (xvii.)  ia  really  connected 
closely  with  the  preceding  narration  in  xiv.,  since,  after  Saul's  rejection  and  David's  selection 
have  been  related,  it  resumes  the  account  of  Saul's  wars  with  the  Philistines,  which  remained 
his  life-task  (xiv.  62)  even  after  his  rejection  (comp.  Ewald,  Geseh.  III.  95, 3d  ed.).  The  con- 
tents of  vers.  32-54  connect  themselves  well  without  incongruence  or  discrepancy  with  the 
account  (xvi.  14)  of  the  calling  of  the  already  anointed  David  to  the  royal  court,  which 
stands  in  pragmatic  connection  with  the  rejection  of  Saul,  since  the  gloomy  spirit  which 
governs  Saul  comes  over  him  in  consequence  of  his  rejection  by  God — with  the  narrative  of 
his  establishment  in  Saul's  service  as  armor-bearer  (ver.  21),  which  on  the  one  hand  is 
brought  about  by  David's  military  capacity  (ver.  18),  and  on  the  other  hand  sufficiently  ex- 
plains his  presence  with  Saul  in  the  camp — and  especially  with  xvii.  11 ;  and  that  the  sec-, 
tion  vers.  12-31  was  added  by  the  author  from  another  narration  to  complete  the  account  of 
David,  is  the  more  evident  from  the  I""?;?  of  ver.  32  ("  let  no  man's  heart  fail  because  of 
him"),  which  is  closely  connected  with  ver.  11,  where  the  Philistine  Goliath  is  spoken  of, 
while  he  is  not  mentioned  in  the  immediately  preceding  verses,  and  especially  from  the  con- 
tent of  David's  speech  to  Saul  in  ver.  32  ("  let  no  man's  heart  fail ")  which  naturally  belongs 
to  ver.  11  ("they  were  dismayed  and  greatly  afraid  ").— We  must  also  regard  the  section 
vers.  55-58  as  a  piece  interpolated  by  the  author,  which  is  taken  from  another  account,  and 
the  point  of  which  lies  in  the  twice-put  question  of  Saul.  From  its  first  words  it  ought  to 
have  stood  after  ver.  40  ;  but  as  Saul's  question  could  be  answered  by  Abner  only  after  Da- 
vid's return  from  the  combat,  it  was  put  here  after  ver.  54,  its  first  half  vers.  55,  66,  forming 
an  appendix  to  ver.  40,  since  according  to  the  sense  the  verbs  are  to  be  regarded  as  in  the 
pluperfect,  and  the  second  half,  vers.  57,  58,  serving  as  continuation  of  the  history  after  ver. 
54.  By  the  statement  that  David  after  this  discourse  before  Saul  had  formed  a  friendship 
with  Jonathan,  the  author  has  so  connected  this  section  with  the  following  (xviii.lsq.)  that 
he  relates  in  ver.  2  (in  reference  to  the.remark  in  ver.  16)  how  David  in  consequence  of  his 
heroic  exploit  was  taken  permanently  into  Saul's  service  and  received  from  him  a  military 
command.  Winer  says  rightly  (1. 260)  :  "  Ch.  xviii.  1-5  may  very  well  belong  to  the  proper 
substance  of  the  Book,  only  the  collector  has  attached  this  section  to  the  interpolated  ch. 
xvii."  though,  as  we  have  seen,  not  all  of  ch.  xvii.  is  to  be  regarded  as  interpolation  of  the 
author,  but  only  vers.  12-31.  On  thewhole  passage  we  may  compare  Ewald's  remark :  "  We 
hold  that  the  older  narrator  also  mentioned  the  single  combat  of  David  with  Goliath;  the 
passages  xviii.  6,  xix.  5,  xxi.  10,  leave  no  doubt  of  this;  and  the  words  that  describe  the 

2 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


last  issue  of  the  deed  (xviii.  1,  3-5)  are,  according  to  their  coloring,  from  the  older  narrator' 
(ubi  sup.  p.  96,  97).* 

As  characteristic  of  the  fact  that  the  content  of  the  Books  of  Samuel  has  been  "  put 
together  in  compilatory  fashion ''  from  various  sources  by  a  Redactor  of  historical  accounts, 
it  has  been  declared  (Thenius,  p.  IX.),  that  some  parts  of  the  work  by  their  curt  chronicle- 
like tone  stand  in  striking  contrast  with  the  elsewhere  elaborate,  in  one  part  (2  Sam.  xi.-ix.) 
quite  biographical  narration,  for  ex.  2  Sam.  v.  1-16 ;  viii. ;  xxi.  15-22 ;  xxiii.  8-39.  This  is 
true  only  in  part  of  the  first-named  passage ;  for  it  is  elaborately  and  distinctly  enough  told 
how  David  at  Hebron  receives  homage  as  king  over  all  Israel,  and  then  makes  Jerusalem  his 
capital  by  driving  out  the  Jebusites.  The  rest  of  the  section  and  the  others  adduced  have 
certainly,  if  not  exactly  a  chronicle-like,  yet  a  statistical-historical,  form.  But  what  is  their 
content?  Statistical  statements  concerning  the  life  and  government  of  David  with  reference 
to  his  previous  and  subsequent  rule,  and  concerning  the  children  born  to  him  at  Jerusalem 
(v.  4,  5,  13-16),  summary  mention  of  the  wars  carried  on  with  foreign  enemies  (viii.),  survey 
of  the  wars  carried  on  with  the  Philistines  (xxi.  15-22),  a  list  of  David's  heroes  (xxiii.  8-39). 
How  is  this  fact,  the  presence  of  such  chronicle-like  statistical  passages  (the  number  of  which 
might  be  increased),  to  be  used?  Shall  the  charge  of  external  mechanical  compilation  be 
brought  against  the  Redactor?  Naegelsb.  admirably  says :  "  No  author  is  under  obligation 
to  treat  all  parts  of  his  work  with  equal  elaborateness  "  (401).  This  holds  as  a  general  remark. 
As  to  particulars,  a  fuller  account  of  David's  wives  and  children  (v.  13-16)  was,  for  the  au- 
thor's aim,  quite  useless,  if  not  impossible.  In  ch.  v.,  where  David  becomes  king  over  all 
Israel,  the  mention  of  his  age  and  the  length  of  his  reign,  on  which  the  writer  could  not  per- 
tinently enlarge  much,  and  of  his  family  connections  formed  in  Jerusalem,  was  quite  appro- 
priate, but  an  elaborate  historical  account  was  excluded  by  the  nature  of  the  case.  In  ch. 
viii.  it  did  not  accord  with  the  author's  plan  to  give  a  minute  and  particular  account  of  all 
the  wars  against  foreign  peoples ;  he  contented  himself  with  a  nervous,  brief  and  summary 
description  somewhat  variously  colored.  A  similar  sketch  is  xxi.  15-22.  And  the  list  of 
heroes  in  xxiii.  cannot  in  itself  make  at  all  against  the  literary  character  of  the  author,  espe- 
cially as  xxi.-xxiv.  is  an  unconnected  appendix  to  the  Second  Book.  In  fact,  however,  such 
diversities  cannot  detract  from  the  general  unity.  Or,  is  weight  laid  on  them  in  order  to 
prove  that  the  author  drew  from  various  sources?  Of  this  certainly  these  difierences  furnish 
sufficient  proof  Of  course  in  these  sections  the  author  had  to  take  his  chronological,  gene- 
alogical and  statistical-historical  statements  from  various  sources.  We  must  indeed  recog- 
nize here  the  traces  either  of  various  documents  corresponding  to  the  several  sections,  or  of 
a  written  collection  of  notes  on  which  the  composition  is  based. 

It  is  further  maintained  that  "  in  several  places  there  is  clearly  a  conclusion  of  separate 
component  parts,  as  1  Sam.  vii.  15-17 ;  xiv.  47-52 ;  2  Sam.  viii.  15-18 ;  xx.  23-26 ;  where  the 
various  authors  briefly  stated  what  further  they  knew  of  the  persons  whose  history  they  were 
sketching."     It  is  quite  certain  that  these  passages  have  the  form  of  a  conclusion  in  reference 

*  fit  i3  true,  as  Dr.  Ebshann  shows,  that  ivii.  12-31  and  ivii.  55-58  are  probably  sections  added  by  the  redac- 
tor to  the  old  narrative,  which  embraced  xvii.  l-ll,  32-54,  but  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  a  contradiction  between 
the  several  sections  and  xvi.  14-23.  The  explanations  criticised  in  the  text  are  unsatisfectory,  but  there  is  an  ■ 
other  which  diminishes  the  difficulty  as  far  as  we  can  expect,  considering  the  antiquity  of  the  accounts.  It  i-» 
this :  the  section,  xvi.  14-23,  gives  a  general  anticipatory  account  (which  is  quite  in  the  Heb.  style)  of  David's 
relation  to  Saul,  extending  as  far  as  the  occurrences  narrated  in  ch.  xviii. ;  ch.  xvii.  then  describes  the  particular 
incident  that  led  io  David's  promotion,  the  immediate  results  of  which  are  given  (also  by  anticipation)  in  xviii 
1-5 ;  then  the  narrative  goes  bacli:  in  xviii.  6  to  mention  an  incident  which  gives  the  key  to  the  following  history 
Thus  ch.  xvii.  belongs  in  time  wUhin  xvi.  14-23,  as"  xviii.  6  belongs  in  time  within  xviii.  1-5 ;  the  combat  with  Go- 
liath was  the  means  of  procuring  Saul's  special  favor  for  David,  and  so  Saul,  having  seen  him  only  a  few  times 
might  easily  fail  to  recognize  him.  So,  too,  David's  "going  and  returning,"  xvii.  15,  is  to  be  put  in  the  early  part 
of  the  period  embraced  in  xvi.  14-23,  and  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  permanent  service  which  appears  at  the 
close  of  the  period,  the  explanation  of  which  is  given  in  ch.  xvii.  For  fuller  explanation  see  the  exposition  in 
ioco.— The  obscurity  of  the  narrative  in  the  connection  of  the  different  sections  is  due  no  doubt  to  its  brevity  and 
to  our  ignorance  of  certain  circumstances,  which,  if  known,  would  enable  us  clearly  to  see  harmony  in  these 
different  accounts.  The  supposition  of  contradictory  accounts  is  in  itself  very  improbable,  considering  the  fact 
that  the  events  were  well  known  and  carefully  recorded  by  competent  persons.  It  is  therefore  wiser  to  auDnoae 
an  omission  of  connecting  facts  than  a  contradiction  in  the  recorded  accounts. — Ta.] 


J  4.   CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION.  19 

to  what  precedes.  Up  to  1  Sam.  vii.  14  has  been  related  how  Samuel  exercised  his  judicial 
office,  and  Israel  under  his  lead  gained  a  brilliant  victory  over  the  Philistines.  At  this  point 
in  the  history  he  has  reached  the  apex  of  his  judicial  activity ;  here  the  period  proper  of  the 
Judges  ends,  and  the  history  turns  to  the  new-beginning  period  of  the  Kings,  in  which  in- 
deed Samuel  with  his  judicial  authority  is  still  a  power ;  not,  however,  as  before,  sole  ruler, 
but  God's  instrument  to  carry  out  the  idea  of  the  theocratic  kingdom,  about  which  the  whole 
following  history  turns.  This  was  then  the  place,  in  the  description  of  Samuel  as  judicial 
ruler,  in  which  was  summarily  and  in  conclusion  (and  at  the  same  time  proleptically)  con- 
densed all  that  was  to  be  said  about  his  judicial  rule,  in  order  that  the  history,  abandoning 
the  point  of  view  heretofore  maintained,  might  turn  to  the  beginning  of  the  royal  rule  and 
to  Samuel's  work,  so  far  as  it  centred  in  this  rule. 

In  the. section  1  Sam.  xiv.  47-52  we  have  a  similar  critical  point  in  the  connection  of  the 
theocratical  development  of  history.  This  section  contains  in  like  manner  general  compre- 
hensive and  closing  remarks  on  Saul,  partly  on  his  wars,  partly  on  his  family  and  household 
connections,  partly  on  his  constant  activity  in  war  against  the  Philistines  {vers.  47, 48, 49-51, 
52).  Reference  is  made  proleptically  to  the  wars  against  the  Amalekites  and  Philistines, 
which  are  afterwards  narrated;  this  forms  the  connection  with  what  follows ;  but  in  the  way 
of  conclusion,  looking  back  to  viii.-xiv.,  everything  that  remains  to  be  said  in  general  of 
Saul  is  brought  together  here,  because  by  the  before-mentioned  victory  over  the  Philistines, 
he  stands  on  the  summit  of  his  royal  power,  which  God  committed  to  him  against  this  ene- 
my; but  at  this  moment  also,  in  consequence  of  the  judgment  already  pronounced  against 
him  by  Samuel  in  xiii.  (on  which  follows  in  xv.  the  definitive  announcement  of  rejection), 
begins  to  decline  from  that  elevation  on  which  as  chosen  of  the  Lord  he  is  by  his  own  fault 
unable  to  remain.  Returning  to  Samuel's  prophetic  and  theocratic  position,  there  begins 
(after  that  closing  section)  in  xv.  and  xvi.  with  the  narration  of  the  rejection  of  Saul  and  the 
choice  of  David  a  new  period  in  the  history  of  the  theocratic  kingdom,  in  which  David  is 
the  central  figure,  and  first  in  the  large  section,  xv.-xxxi.,  is  described  his  gradual  ascent 
through  conflict  and  sufiering  to  the  throne,  along  with  the  gradual,  truly  heart-rending 
descent  of  Saul  till  his  shameful  downfall  in  battle  with  the  Philistines. 

Again  in  the  section  2  Sam.  viii.  there  is  a  critical  point  [abscbluss]  in  the  hitherto 
splendidly  advancing  history  of  David's  kingship.  In  a  theocratical  sense  David  here  finds 
himself  on  the  summit  of  the  royal  majesty  bestowed  on  him  by  God,  after  he  has  established 
the  Ark  permanently  in  the  secure  capital,  received  the  promise  of  permanent  lordship  for 
his  House,  and  poured  out  his  soul  in  thanksgiving  to  the  Lord  (vi.  and  vii.).  On  the  other 
hand,  there  here  begins  by  his  own  fault  his  gradual  decline  from  this  height  (x.,  xi.).  At 
this  turning  point,  as  in  Saul's  history,  a  summary  view  of  all  David's  wars  is  given  (vers. 
1-14),  in  ver.  15  his  work  as  king  is  stated  generally,  and  in  vers.  16-18  a  general  statement 
of  the  government  and  its  officers  is  made,  in  order  that  the  history  may  now  turn  to  the 
new  phase  of  retrogressive  development,  and  from  the  Ammonite-Syrian  war  on,  which  is 
proleptical,  mentioned  in  this  closing  section,  and  during  which  occurred  the  grave  sin  of 
David  that  determined  all  that  followed,  the  sad  consequences  of  this  sin  in  the  royal  family 
and  in  the  kirigdom  may  be  traced  uninterruptedly  up  to  the  restoration  of  the  shattered 
royal  power. 

At  the  close  of  this  connected  history  there  follows  again  a  summary  and  closing  state- 
ment respecting  the  government  of  the  thoroughly  shaken  and  broken  kingdom,  2  Sam.  xx. 
23-26.  The  disagreement  between  this  list  of  officers  and  viii.  16-18  is  explained  very  simply 
by  the  changes  that  had  occurred  in  the  interval.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  in  both 
Joab,  the  highest  officer  in  the  army,  stand.s  first,  and  so  both  lists  in  the  offices  here  named 
really  attach  themselves  closely  to  the  preceding  relations  of  the  wars  by  which  internal 
peace  as  condition  of  an  orderly  administration  of  internal  affiiirs,  was  secured  for  the  king- 
dom. 

A  similar  character  and  aim  belong  to  the  section  2  Pam.  v.  13-16.  Here  are  given 
David's  family  connections  in  Jerusalem  at  the  important  point  in  the  advancing  deve- 
lopment of  his  kingly  authority,  when  he  obtains  the  rule  over  all  Israel,  fixes  his  royal  resi- 


20  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


dence  in  Jerusalem,  and  enters  on  a  new  phase  of  historical  development,  which  is  indicated 
by  the  three  following  facts :  Vanquishing  the  Philistines  by  the  hand  of  the  Lord  (v.  17-25), 
Tranference  of  the  Ark  to  Jerusalem  (vi.),  and  Nathan's  prophecy  of  the  building  of  the 
temple  and  of  the  everlasting  rule  (vii.). 

We  see  in  these  sections  the  same  peculiarity  of  Hebrew  historical  writing  that  shows 
itself,  for  example,  also  in  the  composition  of  Genesis,  namely,  that  general  remarks  on 
household  and  family  affairs  and  other  things  not  decisive  for  the  principal  design  of  the 
history  form  a  summary  and  often  anticipatory  close  to  the  preceding  narrative  and  the  pre- 
paration for  the  transition  to  a  new  phase  of  historical  development.  Comp.  Ewald,  Gesch. 
[Hist,  of  Israel],  3d  ed.,  I.  212,  213.  Although,  then,  a  certain  conclusional  character  must 
be  recognized  in  the  above-cited  sections  of  our  books,  it  does  not  thence  follow  that  the  con- 
nected narrations  to  which  they  belong  pertain  to  just  as  many  different  documents,  as  if  the 
indication  were  therein  given  of  different  authors  of  the  individual  parts.  In  accordance 
with  this  view  Ewald  remarks  (ufii  sup.,  p.  212,  3d  ed.)  that  in  his  explanation  of  1  Sam.  vii. 
it  is  not  of  consequence  "whether  the  words  there  are  to  be  referred  to  our  narrator  or  the 
following  one."  The  author  of  our  books  could  himself  select  these  closing  sections,  and 
from  the  character  of  the  content,  it  is  evident  that  he  drew  from  appropriate  historical 
sources  which  were  at  his  command.  Keil  excellently  remarks  {Cbmm.  on  Sam.  Inlrod.  6); 
"These  concise  statements  are  anything  but  proofs  of  a  compilation  from  various  sources, 
for  which  they  have  been  taken  from  ignorance  of  the  peculiarities  of  Shemitio  historical 
writing ;  they  serve  to  round  off  the  different  periods  into  which  the  history  is  divided,  and 
furnish  points  of  rest  which  neither  destroy  the  real  connection  of  the  separate  groups,  not 
render  the  authorial  unity  of  the  Books  doubtful." 

If  now  we  examine  our  Books  more  closely  in  their  purely  historical  character  or  accord- 
ing to  the  purely  historical  point  of  view,  they  lack,  in  the  first  place,  a  strictly  chronological 
statement  and  arrangement  of  the  facts.  In  general,  precise  chronological  statements  are 
wanting  here,  such,  for  example,  as  are  very  carefully  given  in  the  Books  of  Kings ;  and  so 
it  is  not  the  principle  of  chronological  order  that  controls  the  connection  of  the  narrative, 
but  the  principle  of  the  real  connection  of  things  in  the  grouping  of  facts,  in  favor  of  which 
the  chronological  order  is  infringed.  Saul's  victory  over  the  Amalekites  is  mentioned  in  1 
Sam.  xiv.  47,  48,  and  it  is  not  till  xv.  that  the  history  of  the  war  against  them  is  .  larrated, 
because,  as  we  have  seen,  it  is  the  design  of  the  author  here  to  group  and  bring  together  pro- 
leptically  everything  relating  to  Saul's  foreign  wars  and  family  connections,  in  order  after- 
wards to  relate  at  length  Saul's  grave  sin,  which  occurred  during  the  Amalekite  war,  and 

which,  as  the  cause  of  his  rejection  by  God,  forms  the  crisis  of  his  history In  the  same  way 

the  chronological-historical  order  is  interrupted  in  2  Sam.  viii.,  where  the  author,  in  giving 
a  general  view  of  all  David's  foreign  wars,  mentions  proleptically  the  Ammonite- 
Syrian  war  [which  he  afterwards  (chapter  x.)  relates  at  length]  because  it  stands  at 
an  important  turning-point  in  Davids  history,  when,  in  consequence  of  his  great 
sin,  a  series  of  divine  judgments  is  prepared  for  him.  The  absence  of  chronological 
order  is  especially  marked  in  2  Sam.  xxi.-xxiv. ;  neither  is  the  beginning,  ch.  xxi.,  attached 
chronologically  to  ch.  xx.,  nor  do  the  separate  parts  stand  in  chronological  connection.  The 
section  xxiii.  8-39  belongs,  according  to  time  and  content,  to  2  Sam.  v.  1-10,  which  position, 
answering  to  the  historical  connection,  it  actually  has  in  1  Chron.  xi.  The  passage  xxi.  15- 
22,  in  spite  of  the  ni>  ["yet  again"],  which  points  to  the  just  preceding  narrative  cannot 
be  connected  in  time  with  ver.l4,  but  belongs  chronologically  probably  to  the  passage  indi- 
cated in  1  Chron.  xx.  4sq.  (where  are  mentioned  three  of  the  four  deeds  of  heroes  here  related) 
namely,  2  8am.  xii.  30,  31  (comp.  with  1  Chron.  xx.  2,  8).  The  thanksgiving  song  of  David) 
ch.  xxu.,  IS  evidently  not  in  its  right  place,  but  belongs,  according  to  the  clue  which  the  con- 
tent gives  to  the  occasion,  to  a  time  when  David  was  saved  by  a  great  war  from  grievous  dis- 
tress and  danger.     That  ch.  xxiv.  is  not  in  its  proper  chronological  position  is  evident. 

Similar  inequalities  and  interruptions  show  themselves,  as  in  the  chronological,  so  also 
in  iha  factual  treatment  of  the  historical  material.— To  look  at  the  last  portion,  ch's.  xxi  — 
xxiv.,  one  would  have  expected  that  the  two  narratives,  xxi.  1-14  and  xxiv.,  on'  account  of 


§  4.   CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION.  21 

the  similarity  of  their  points  of  view  and  the  theocratical  tendency  which  they  both  show  in 
reference  to  God's  anger,  which  is  to  be  appeased,  would  have  been  put  together  as  they  in 
content  belong  together.  So,  the  sections  xxi.  15-22  and  xxiii.  8-39  belong  together  accord- 
ing to  historical  content,  but  are  separated  by  the  lyrical-prophetical  pieces,  xxii.  and  xxiii. 
1-7,  which  in  content  belong  together.  Apart  from  the  chronological  point  of  view,  xxiii. 
8-39  seems  to  be  detached  from  the  section,  2  Sam.  v.  1-10,  to  which,  according  to  content,  it 
belongs.  It  is  thus  in  some  cases  true,  that  the  historical  material,  even  apart  from  chrono- 
logical order,  is  not  grouped  in  relation  to  its  facts,  as  we  should  have  expected  from  the 
similarity  of  the  contents  and  the  points  of  view. —Further,  we  several  times  find  references 
to  facts  which  are  assumed  to  be  known,  but  are  not  mentioned  either  in  these  books  or  in 
any  others  that  have  been  handed  down.  For  example,  in  1  Sam.  xiii,  2,  in  the  narrative 
of  Saul's  military  undertakings  against  the  Philistines,  Jonathan  suddenly  appears  as  leader 
of  part  of  the  army,  and  defeats  the  Philistines  in  their  camp  at  Gibeah,  though  he  had  not 
before  been  mentioned  as  Saul's  son  (this  is  not  done  till  ver.  16  and  xiv.  1),  or  as  taking  part 
in  the  campaign  against  the  Philistines.  So  in  1  Sam.  xxi.  1  the  removal  of  the  tabernacle 
to  Nob  is  pre-supposed,  though  we  are  not  told  when  and  how  it  had  been  carried  thither 
from  Shiloh,  where  it  still  stood  under  Eli  (i.  3,  9).  The  history  of  the  expiation,  2  Sam. 
xxi.,  whose  omission  David  had  to  supply,  supposes  the  occasioning  event,  the  slaying  of  the 
Gibeonites  by  Saul,  though  it  has  nowhere  been  mentioned.  So  reference  is  made  to  the 
expulsion  of  necromancers  by  Saul  (1  Sam.  xxviii.  3),  and  to  the  flight  of  the  Beerothites  to 
Gittaim  (2  Sam.  iv.  3),  which  incidents  are  not  narrated.  Thus  historical  facts  are  here  and 
there  in  the  narration  merely  taken  for  granted,  the  relation  of  which  we  should  have  ex- 
pected for  the  sake  of  completeness  and  pragmatical  connection. 

In  regard  to  the  fulness  of  the  narrative,  it  must  be  particularly  remarked,  that  the 
Books  do  not  propose  to  give  a  properly  biographical  account  of  Samuel,  Saul  and  David. 
The  historical  material  of  Samuel's  life,  regarded  from  a  biographical  point  of  view,  is  very 
sporadically  and  atomically  given ;  there  are  wanting  large  parts  of  the  life- development  of 
the  prophet.  In  regard  to  Saul  we  find  important  facts  either  wholly  unmentioned  or  only 
briefly  touched  on  or  intimated.  From  a  comparison  of  our  Books  with  the  parallel  passages 
in  the  Books  of  Chronicles  on  David,  it  appears  that  our  author  has  used  less  freely  than  the 
author  of  Chronicles  the  historical  material  which  lay  equally  before  both.  The  account 
that  our  Book  gives  of  the  wars  of  David  with  the  Ammonites  and  Syrians  (2  Sam.  viii., 
X.)  leaves  out  many  things  that  the  Chronicler  inserts  (1  Chron.  xviii.,  xix.).  It  is  not 
supposable  that  the  history  of  the  preparations  for  the  building  of  the  Temple,  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  priestly  service  and  of  the  army  was  unknown  to  our  author;  but  he  says  nothing 
about  what  is  contained  in  1  Chron.  xxii. — xxviii.  Even  the  account  of  David's  end,  for 
which  we  cannot  suppose  a  lack  of  material,  is  wanting,  an  unexpected  omission  in  a  history 
of  David  that  elsewhere  goes  so  minutely  into  particulars.  We  see,  therefore,  that  the 
author  purposed  neither  to  insist  on  strict  chronological  arrangement  of  facts,  nor  to  work 
up  his  known  or  accessible  historical  material  with  all  possible  completeness  in  all  parts  of 
his  narration.  This  eclectic  treatment  of  the  historical  material  has  its  ground  in  the  desire 
to  give  special  prominence  to  those  things  only  which  were  important  for  the  development 
of  the  Kingdom  of  God  from  a  theocratic-prophetical  point  of  view.  Thus,  for  example,  in 
1  Sam.  iii.  a  fact  in  the  history  of  Samuel's  childhood  is  made  prominent  and  related  at 
length,  that  was  decisive  for  his  divine  call  to  the  prophetic  office  in  contrast  with  the  cor- 
rupt priesthood.  So  the  Amalekite  war  and  the  Ammonite  war  (1  Sam.  xv.  and  2Sam.x.,xi.) 
are  given  in  full,  because  in  the  first  we  have  the  ground  of  Saul's  rejection,  and  in  the  second 
the  sin  of  David,  on  account  of  which  a  heavy  judgment  afterwards  falls  on  his  house  and  king- 
dom (of  which  a  full  relation  is  given),  has  its  historical  background  and  its  factual  occasion. 

We  come  once  more  to  the  close  of  the  Books,  2  Sam.  xxi.— xxiv.  In  the  examination 
of  this  conclusion  in  reference  to  the  arrangement  and  combination  of  the  historical  mate- 
rial, two  things  strike  us :  first,  that  these  four  chapters  are  not  connected  with  what  precedes 
by  a  continuity  of  historical  development,  but  form  a  supplement  or  appendix  composed  of 
bits  without  historical  connection  among  themselves,  and  second,  that  with  such  a  conclusion 


22  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 

the  history  of  David  is  not  rounded  off  by  a  continuation  to  the  end  of  his  life  or  even  of  hia 
reign. 

If  we  compare  the  six  sections  in  this  closing  supplement  (1,  the  famine  and  the  atone- 
ment, xxi.  1-14 ;  2,  summary  account  of  deeds  of  heroes  in  the  Philistine  wars,  xxi.  15-22 ; 
3,  David's  song  of  praise,  xxii.;  4,  David's  last  words,  xxiii.  1-7;  5,  David's  heroes  in  con- 
flict with  the  Philistines,  xxiii.  8-39 ;  6,  the  plague  in  consequence  of  the  numbering  of  the 
people,  and  the  atonement,  xxiv.),  1  and  6,  2  and  5,  3  and  4,  correspond  in  content.  The 
sections  1  and  6  have  an  objective-theocratical  tone,  and  are  therefore  to  be  referred  to  sources 
that  owed  their  origin  to  the  theocratic  stand-point  of  the  historical  narration.  Two  sins 
against  the  Lord :  one  king  Saul's,  whose  consequences  reach  to  the  time  of  David's  reign, 
the  other  king  David's,  which  falls  in  the  last  period  of  his  reign  (Ewald  and  Then.),  have 
for  their  results  judgments  which  affect  the  whole  people ;  in  both  cases  an  atonement  has  to 
be  made  in  order  to  appease  the  wrath  of  God.  The  sections  2  and  5,  which  correspond  in 
their  military  character,  and  especially  in  their  reference  to  the  Philistine  wars,  have  an  an- 
nalistic  or  chronicle-like  tone,  and  point  to  corresponding  sources.  The  two-fold  utterance 
of  David  (3  and  4),  forming  the  centre  of  this  supplement,  has  the  same  theocratic-religious 
tone  with  its  two  border-pieces  (1  and  6),  only  with  the  subjective  modification  proper  to  the 
lyric-prophetic  content,  and  points  perhaps  to  the  same  source  from  which  the  author  has 
woven  in  the  other  lyrical  pieces  of  his  history.  (On  this  point  see  fiirther  below.)  Along 
with  this  correspondence  in  the  pairs  of  sections  in  the  characteristic  peculiarities  of  their  con- 
tent, we  may  discover,  perhaps,  in  spite  of  the  lack  of  pragmatic  connection  between  them,  a 
partially  ideal  combination  of  them  in  the  conception  of  the  author.  The  summary  account 
of  the  Philistine  wars  (xxi.  15-22) — for  which  in  the  reverse  direction  we  might  find  a  point 
of  attachment,  though  a  loose  one,  in  the  reference  in  ver.  12  to  the  earlier  Philistine  wars 
under  Saul — has  an  ideal  pragmatic  connection  with  the  following  thanksgiving-song;  for  in 
xxii.  1  the  author,  thinking,  no  doubt,  of  the  principal  enemies  of  Israel,  who  at  the  same 
time  represented  all  the  rest,  marks  this  song  as  addressed  to  Jehovah  at  a  time  "  when  Je- 
hovah had  delivered  him  out  of  the  hand  of  all  his  enemies."  In  this  combination,  there- 
fore, chap.  xxii.  has  in  that  section  (xxi.  15-22)  its  historical  basis  and  illustration.  The 
song  composed  by  David  on  a  definite  historical  occasion  is  placed  here  by  the  author  as  a 
song  of  triumph,  that  it  may  form  the  cap-stone  of  the  war-tossed  life  of  David.  The  reflec- 
tion on  the  glorious  conclusion  of  all  military  undertakings  against  foes,  which  filled  up  the 
greater  part  of  David's  reign,  led  the  author  on  to  David's  last  prophetic  word,  which  is  the 
culmination  of  his  inner  life,  where,  as  prophet,  on  the  ground  of  the  everlasting  covenant 
which  God  had  made  with  him,  he  foretells  salvation  under  the  righteous  ruler,  who  was  to 
proceed  from  his  house.  Thenius  rightly  sees  in  this  song  "the  last  poetical  flight  that  Da- 
vid ever  took,  to  be  put  perhaps  shortly  before  his  death,"  and  says  that  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  we  have  here  David's  swan-song  (p.  271,  275).  It  is  appropriate  to  our  aim  in 
making  a  close  examination  of  this  song  here — namely,  to  fix  the  characteristics  of  the  ar- 
rangement of  this  supplementary  section— to  quote  Ewald's  admirable  words :  "  In  the  song 
which  an  old  tradition  rightly  calls  'the  last  (poetical)  words  of  David,'  the  poetical  and 
ethical  spirit  of  the  aged  king  is  at  last  completely  transfigured  into  the  prophetical ;  once 
more  before  his  death  rising  to  a  poetic  flight  he  feels  himself  in  truth  Jehovah's  prophet 
and  looking  back  on  his  now  closing  life,  he  announces,  as  with  a  free  outlook  into  the  future 
the  divine  presentiment  he  felt  that  the  rule  of  his  house,  firmly  fixed  in  God  would  outlast 
his  death"  {Oesoh.  III.  268).  In  regard  to  the  prophetic  element,  Keil  s'ays  still  better 
{Comm.  p.  484  sq.):  "These  'last  words'  are  the  divine  attestation  of  all  that  he  has  sung  and 
prophesied  in  several  Psalms  of  the  everlasting  rule  of  his  seed,  founded  on  the  divine  pro- 
mise announced  to  him  by  the  prophet  Nathan,  chap.  vii.  For  these  words  are  no  mere  lyric 
expansion  of  that  divine  promise,  but  a  prophetical  declaration  which  David  made  in  th 
evening  of  his  life  by  divine  inspiration  concerning  the  true  King  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  " 
The  author  has  taken  the  list  of  heroes,  xxiii.  8-39,  out  of  its  (according  to  1  Chr.  xi  lo^  "• 
ginal  connection,  where,  according  to  its  superscription,  it  illustrated  the  establishment"'''/ 
David's  kingdom  over  all  Israel  in  victorious  battle  against  enemies  by  the  help  of  his  h 


J  4,   CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION.  28 


roes,  and  put  it  into  thia  piace,  perhaps  in  order  to  give  a  historical  framework  to  David's 
last  word  concerning  the  glory  of  his  kingdom  in  its  exhibition  of  power  against  its  ungodly 
opposers,  inasmuch  as  it  had  a  historical  foundation.  The  two  statistical-historical  sections 
xxi.  15  sq.  and  xxiii.  8  sq.,  would  therefore  form  an  appropriate  frame  for  the  two  pictures  (xxii! 
and  xxiii.  1-7)  which  in  their  contents  are  so  important  for  the  history  of  David's 
kingdom. 

There  is  a  similar  ideal  connection  between  chaps,  xxiv.  and  xxiii.  8-39 ;  for  the  narra- 
tive of  the  census,  ma^ie  in  a  spirit  of  haughty  self  elevation  to  ascertain  David's  military 
strength,  connects  itself  factually  with  the  list  of  his  heroes,  and  also  with  chap.  xxi.  to 
which  it  points  by  the  opening  words  "  and  again  the  anger  of  the  Lord  was  kindled  against 
Israel,"  and  by  the  closing  words  in  ver.  25  (comp.  chap.  xxi.  14),  since  it  relates  a  similar  case 
of  royal  sin  and  the  consequently  necessary  appeasing  of  God's  anger. 

Further,  there  is  an  ideal  connection  between  the  close  of  this  passage  (ver.  25  and  Sep- 
tuagint  comp.  with  1  Chr.  xxi.  27 —xxii.  1),  where  Araunah's  threshing-floor  is  represented 
as  the  place  on  which,  after  the  building  of  an  altar  by  David,  the  Temple  was  built,  and  the 
passage  xxiii.  1-7.  In  the  latter  the  author  presents  David  gazing  in  prophetical  perspective 
on  the  glory  of  the  House  which  God  will  build  for  him  in  righteousness  in  the  future  of  his 
kingdom;  in  the  former  he  shows  us  how,  under  divine  guidance,  the  place  where  David 
builds  an  altar  to  the  Lord,  brings  the  expiatory  oifering,  and  receives  the  answer  to  his 
prayer  for  the  staying  of  the  pestilence,  is  selected  for  the  building  of  the  Temple,  which  is 
to  become  the  permanent  place  of  God's  abode  and  His  gracious  presence  with  His  people, 
yet,  by  the  Lord's  express  command,  is  to  be  built  for  the  Lord  as  His  house,  not  by  David, 
but  by  his  son. 

Finally  it  is  generally  agreed  that  the  chief  part  at  least  of  this  section,  chaps,  xxi. — 
xxiv.  belongs  to  the  later  period  of  David's  life.  Thus  Ewald  characterizes  the  two  plagues 
(xxi.  1-14  and  xxiv.)  and  the  great  song  of  triumph  (xxii.)  as  evidently  pertaining  to  David's 
last  years,  "  The  last  words  of  David  "  (xxiii.  1-7)  put  it  beyond  doubt  that  the  author  was 
here  looking  at  the  close  of  David's  reign. 

From  this  examination  it  appears  that  it  is  at  least  inexact  to  say  that  "  chaps,  xxi. — 
xxiv.  are  very  loosely  and  externally  connected,  and  are  put  at  the  end  only  that  the  author 
might  here  add  the  sections  that  seemed  to  him  important  for  David's  life,  and  for  which 
he  had  before  found  no  fitting  place"  (so  Haeveknick,  p.  130).  It  is  true  the  connectednar- 
rative  of  David's  life  closed  with  the  description  of  the  complete  quelling  of  Absalom's  re- 
volt, with  which  is  connected  the  insurrection  of  Sheba  (2  Sam,  xx,  1-32).  But  the  author 
did  not  intend  this  to  be  the  real  conclusion  of  his  whole  history,  so  that  we  should  have  to 
regard  chaps,  xxi, — xxiv.  merely  as  an  appended  collection  which  he  had  at  first  intended 
to  omit  (EwALD,  Gesch.  Ill,  239) ;  rather  he  purposed  giving  in  these  sections  the  proper  con- 
clusion of  his  history  of  David's  reign ;  not,  however,  by  presenting  a  connected  and  full  nar- 
rative of  the  occurrences  in  the  last  period  of  his  reign,  but  by  gathering  up  these  events  of 
David's  later  life  under  the  loftiest  points  of  view,  which  control  the  whole  history  from  the 
first,  and  appending  them  as  its  conclusion.  We  have  here,  not  an  appendix  that  ia  brought 
in  at  the  conclusion  (Naegelsbach,  409),  but  an  appendix  that  is  itself  conclusion,  as  the 
principal  facts  in  the  content  show. 

Before,  however,  we  establish  the  sense  in  which  the  author  intended  to  ctose  his  history 
with  this  section,  we  must  consider  an  objection  urged  by  many — namely,  that  as  there  is  no 
account  of  David's  death,  the  Books  of  Samuel  have  no  proper  conclusion ;  thus  we  shall  dis- 
cover the  point  of  view  under  which  the  continuation  of  a  connected  narrative  of  David's  life 
up  to  his  death  is  omitted  at  the  end  of  our  Books.  From  the  stand-point  of  ordinary  bio- 
graphical-historical narration,  this  fact — that  at  the  close  of  a  so  elaborate  and  in  part  bio- 
graphical narrative  of  David's  life,  his  death  is  not  mentioned — is  certainly  strange.  It  can- 
not be  explained  by  the  supposition  that  the  author's  materials  did  not  reach  to  the  death  of 
David  •  for  the  Redactor  of  our  Books  certainly  wrote  after  David's  death,  and  needed  no 
special  authority  to  conclude  with  a  reference  to  that  event.  Nor  is  it  an  explanation  to  say 
that  the  author  wrote  shortly  after  David's  death,  and  from  his  proximity  to  this  generally 


21  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


knowa  event,  did  not  care  to  impart  it  to  his  contemporaries  (HAiiVEENiCK,  p.  145) ;  for,  aside 
from  the  incorrect  presupposition  in  this  view,  it  is  inconceivable  that  the  author  should 
have  been  silent  about  the  decease  of  this  great  king  after  having  so  elaborately  described  his 
life-course  in  its  several  stadia.     So  also  we  must  reject  the  hypothesis  that  the  author  of  the 
Books  of  Samuel  has  in  this  work  of  his  at  least  in  part  treated  the  history  of  Solomon,  of 
which  much  is  retained  in  the  beginning  (chaps,  i.  aud  ii.)  of  the  Books  of  Kings  (Bleek, 
Mnl.  [Introd.],  pp.  359,  360)— that  in  these  two  chapters  the  thread  of  the  narrative  in  the 
Books  of  Samuel  is  continued  without  break  by  the  account  of  the  death  of  David  and  the 
accession  of  Solomon,  as  Ewald  maintains  (ffescA.  I.  p.  207  sq.,239sq.),assujningthat  the  firot 
half  of  his  supposed  great  work  on  the  Kings  reached  up  to  1  Kings  ii.     If  the  similarity  of 
the  style  of  the  narration  be  insisted  on  in  support  of  this  view,  this  is  sufficiently  explained 
by  the  common  source  from  which  both  drew  (1  Chr.  xxix.  29).     If  appeal  is  made  to  the  si- 
milarity of  particular  narratives,  for  example,  1  Sam.  ii.  27-36  compared  with  1  Kings  Li.  26  sq., 
it  being  maintained  that  the  same  writer  who  in  the  first  passage  recounts  the  threatening 
prophecy  of  the  fall  of  the  House  of  Ithamar,  has  in  the  second  recounted  its  fulfilment  in 
the  removal  from  the  priesthood  of  Abiathar  (great-great  grandson  of  Eli)  by  Solomon  im- 
mediately after  his  accession,  and  in  confirmation  of  this  view  reference  being  made  to  the 
repetition  of  the  threat  against  Eli  in  1  Sam.  iii.  11-14 — all  that  we  can  thence  safely  con- 
clude is  that  the  author  of  1  Kings  was  acquainted  with  the  Books  of  Samuel  which  were 
written  long  before  his  time.     The  same  remark  holds  of  the  comparison  of  1  Kings  ii.  11 
with  2  Sam.  v.  4,  5  in  respect  totheaimilaraccounts  of  David's  reign,  which  were  taken  from 
the  same  source,  and  also  of  the  reference  of  1  Kings  viii.  18,  25  to  the  author  of  2  Sam.  vii. 
12-16.     Moreover  it  is  an  objection  to  this  view  that,  if  the  first  chapters  of  the  Books  of  Kino-s 
form  the  continuation  of  2  Sam.  xx.  26  by  the  same  author,  the  section  2  Sam.  xxi. — xxiv, 
intervenes  in  a  strange  and  unaccountable  way,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  these  two  chapters 
(1  Kings  i.  11)  stand  in  pragmatic  connection  with  chap,  iii.,  since  they  form  the  introduc- 
tion to  tlie  narrative  of  Solomon's  accession  (comp.  Baehe  [in  Lange's  Bible-workl,  Komm.  zu 
den  BB.  der  K'dnige,  Mnl.  p.l4  [American  transl.,  p.  lOJ).     Nagelsbach  sayswell(p.408sq.), 
against  Ewald's  assumption  of  1  Kings  ii.  46  as  the  end  of  the  first  half  of  the  Book  of  Kings, 
that  if  the  original  limit  of  the  narrative  of  the  Books  of  Samuel  is  to  be  sought  outside  of  2 
Sam.  xxiv.  25,  it  should  rather  be  in  1  Kings  ii.  12,  where,  after  the  statement  of  the  length 
of  David's  reign,  it  is  said :  "  then  sat  Solomon  on  the  throne  of  David  his  father,  and  his 
kingdom  was  established  greatly,"  for  this  passage  with  the  immediately  preceding  verses  has 
all  the  marks  of  a  great  epoch-making  conclusion, — but  if,  on  account  of  the  undeniable  re- 
lationship of  the  preceding  and  succeeding  context,  the  line  cannot  be  drawn  here  (Ewald 
for  this  reason  does  not  put  it  here),  still  less  can  it  be  drawn  at  chap.  ii.  46. 

The  present  conclusion  of  the  Books  of  Samuel  (wanting  the  narrative  of  the  death  of 
David)  is  satisfactorily  explained  only  by  the  point  of  view  in  which  they,  as  well  as  the 
Books  of  Kings,  are  composed.  If  it  had  been  the  author's  object  from  a  biographical-his- 
torical point  of  view  to  write  an  elaborate  and  complete  life  of  David,  he  would  necessarily 
have  narrated  its  end.  But  the  point  of  view  which  controls  his  whole  account,  and  accord- 
ing to  which  he  groups  his  historical  material,  is  the  iheocraiic-prophelic,  and  through  the 
whole  history  the  characteristic  features  not  only  of  its  theocratical  kernel,  but  also  of  its  con- 
ception and  narration,  are  seen  from  the  theocratic-prophetic  point  of  view. 

A  specific  Israeliiiah-religious  and  theocratic  character  is  throughout  more  prominent  in 
our  Books  than  in  the  other  historical  books.  Euetchi  rightly  remarks  (Stud.  u.  Krit.  1866 
p.  213) :  "Careful  recurrence  to  religious  fundamental  ideas  is  particularly  important  in  the 
Books  of  Samuel,  because  they  suppose  in  the  reader  a  deep  reli(?ious  sense,  and  in  this 
respect  take,  we  may  say,  the  highest  rank  among  the  historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament " 
This  character  presupposes  that  view  of  the  history  of  Israel  as  God's  chosen  people  and 
possession  (Ex.  xix.  3-6),  according  to  which  this  history  is  throughout  determined  bv  the 
specific-supernatural  factor  of  divine  control,  and  strives  towards  a  highest  divine  goal  th 
realization  of  the  rule  and  kingdom  of  God  in  the  chosen  people,  and  therefore  is  conditioned 
in  its  development  not  merely  by  human  factors,  but  by  supernatural  divine  guidance     The 


2  4.   CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION.  25 


om  of  the  history  is  to  set  before  the  people  how  the  divine  conceptioa  and  purpose  of  a 
kingdom  was  fulfilled  at  the  close  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  in  the  establishment  of  the 
theocratic  kingdom  by  its  two  first  heads ;  or,  how  the  controlling  working  of  the  God  of 
Israel  showed  itself  in  the  restoration  of  the  Theocracy  through  Samuel's  judicial-prophetic 
labors,  and  in  the  setting  up  of  the  theocratic  kingdom  under  the  contrast  of  its  forever  typi- 
cal representatives,  the  rejected  Anointed  of  the  Lord  and  the  true  king  after  God's  own 
heart.  To  this  aim  corresponds  the  tone  of  the  content  of  the  Books,  which  is  essentially  a 
history  of  the  theocratic  development  of  the  kingdom  of  God  in  Israel  during  the  period  of 
the  Judges,  which  closed  with  Samuel,  and  during  that  of  the  kingdom,  which  began  with 
Saul  and  David.  The  composition  and  mode  of  presentation  of  the  content  is  determined 
by  this  aim  and  by  the  turning-point  of  the  whole  history  of  Israel  which  lies  in  this  devel- 
opment. 

As  in  general  the  authors  of  the  biblical-historical  books  do  not  fully  and  uniformly 
recount  everything  in  the  sacred  history  worthy  of  mention,  but  only  give  prominence  to  the 
most  important  elements  of  the  history  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  in  the  facts  and  persons 
that  exhibit  them,    grouping  them  according  to  their  bearing  on  the  history  of  the  kingdom, 
so  also  the  author  of  our  Books  does  not  design  to  give  connected  elaborate  biographies  of 
Samuel,  Saul  and  David,  but  in  the  arrangement  of  the  historical  material  makes  a  selection 
which  is  determined  by  the  point  of  view  of  God's  Kingdom  in  Israel,  which  develops  itself 
by  means  of  the  divinely  founded  earthly-human  kingdom  into  glorious  power  even  over  the 
heathen  nations.    Thus  the  chief  momenta  of  the  theocratic  development  of  the  history  of 
Israel  that  lie  in  the  time  of  transition  from  the  Judges  to  the  Kingdom,  are  grouped  around 
Samuel,  as  the  instrument  of  the  divine  working  within  and  without,  up  to  the  end  of  1  Sam. 
vii.    Though  Samuel  continues  to  act  a  long  time  still  as  God's  instrument,  yet  from  ch. 
viii.  the  kingdom  and  the  man  chosen  as  its  first  head,  Saul,  appear  in  the  foreground,  till 
principially  his  theocratic  mission  as  King  of  Israel  ceases  (end  of  ch.  xiv.).     True,  from  ch. 
XV.  on  to  the  close  of  1  Sam.  xxxi.  the  hLstory  of  Saul  and  Israel  is  carried  on ;  but  the  con- 
tent and  the  form  show  plainly  how  the  immediate  divine  interposition  in  Saul's  inner  and 
outer  life  is  an  advancing  judgment,  and  essentially  nothing  but  the  divinely  arranged  con- 
sequence of  the  sentence  of  condemnation,  xiii.  13, 14.     The  man  whom  the  Lord  had  sought 
out  "  after  his  own  heart,  that  he  should  at  the  Lord's  command  be  captain  over  his  people," 
appears  in  the  very  beginning  of  this  retrogressive  development  of  the  history  of  Saul's  king- 
dom as  the  theocratic  centre  of  the  whole  following  history,  so  that  1  Sara.  xv. — 2  Sam.  xxiv. 
is  from  this  point  of  view  the  history  of  David's  kingdom.    Appointed  by  immediate  divine 
call  and  selection  king  of  Israel,  because  in  his  relation  to  the  Lord  as  the  man  after  His 
heart  he  possesses  the  proper  qualification  for  the  position,  he  is  saved  by  divine  protection 
from  Saul's  persecutions  and  snares,  under  divine  guidance  and  direction  (2  Sam.  ii.  1)^ 
assumes  a  partial  royal  authority  at  Hebron,  and  before  the  Lord  makes  a  covenant  with  the 
elders  of  all  Israel  (ch.  v.),  in  order  then  in  Jerusalem  to  be  confirmed  by  the  Lord  king  over 
all  the  people  (ver.  12).    Since  David  recognizes  and  fulfils  his  theocratic  calling  to  develop 
the  victorious  power  of  God's  people  against  foes  without,  and  to  establish  God's  dominion 
and  sanctify  him  within  the  people,  as  he  shows  by  establishing  the  Ark  on  Mount  Zion  as 
the  visible  sign  of  both  these  aims,  so  the  Lord  acknowledges  him  in  the  great  promise  in  2 
Sam.  vii.,  that  the  Lord  would  establish  the  throne  of  his  kingdom  forever,  and  that  the  do- 
minion of  his  house  should  last  forever.    David's  deep  fall  does  not  invalidate  this  divine 
promise.    The  Lord  indeed  sends  the  punishment  by  word  and  deed  (2  Sam.  xii.  9-11)  as 
necessary  consequence  of  the  grave  sin  of  His  Anointed.    But  David  humbles  himself  in 
honest  penitence  under  the  mighty  hand  of  God ;  the  hand  of  the  Lord  leads  him  through 
all  sufiering  in  house  and  kingdom ;  the  royal  authority,  shaken  and  sunken  by  his  fault,  is 
restored  by  God's  controlling  dealing  with  His  servant;  the  divine  promise  preserves  the  his- 
torical supposition  on  which  it  is  based,  and  remains  in  force.    From  the  history  of  the  last 
periods  of  his  government  the  author  brings  out  one  other  fundamental  fact,  namely,  that 
human  sin  infallibly  draws  down  divine  punishment ;  but  anger  disappears  before  the  divine 
mercy.     By  his  thanksgiving  song  (ch.  xxii.)  and  by  his  last  prophetic  utterance  concerning 


26  INTRODCCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  righteous  ruler  over  meu,  the  ruler  in  the  fear  of  God,  the  author  presents  David  to  us 
at  the  highest  point  of  his  theocratical  kingship  before  the  presence  of  the  Lord.  Here, 
therefore,  is  a  real  conclusion,  which  answers  not  to  the  biographical-lnatoiica.l,  but  to  the 
theooratiecd-hiatoncal  aim  and  content  of  the  history.  David  is  presented  to  us  in  this  closing 
composite  section  as  the  servant  of  God,  who  has  fulfilled  his  mission,  whose  house  the  Lord 
has  built,  and  whose  seed  will  build  a  house  for  the  Lord  as  His  dwelling-place  in  the  midst 
of  His  royal  people.  The  preliminary  historical  fulfillment  of  2  Sam.  vii.,  so  far  as  it  pertains 
to  the  time  of  David's  government,  has  here  in  these  last  words  of  his  found  its  conclusion. 
The  narration  of  the  weakness  of  his  old  age,  of  the  historical  occurrences  occasioned  by  it, 
and  of  his  death,  all  looking  to  Solomon's  accession  to  the  throne,  could  have  no  farther 
essential  theocratic  significance.  The  Book  of  Kings,  however,  makes  these  historical  facts 
the  introduction  to  the  beginning  of  Solomon's  reign,  with  which  they  stand  in  pragmatic 
connection,  taking  them  from  the  sources  common  to  him  with  the  author  of  the  Books  of 
Samuel,  and  connects  his  narrative  in  1  Kings  i.  1  by  the  1  ["  and "]  with  the  historical 
work,  the  existence  of  which  he  assumes,  and  to  which  he  refers  in  the  very  beginning  (ii. 
4sq.)  in  connection  with  the  promise  in  2  Sam.  vii.  The  omission  of  David's  death  therefore 
in  the  conclusion  of  this  work  is  satisfactorily  explained  from  the  theocratic  character  and 
aim  of  the  composition,  since  in  this  conclusion  the  fulfillment  of  the  theocratical  mission, 
of  David  is  completed. 

But  with  this  theocratical  complexion  of  the  history  its  'prophetical  character  is  insepara- 
bly connected.  From  the  beginning  of  our  Books  on  we  see  the  great  theocratic  significance 
of  the  Prophetic  Order  in  the  history  of  the  Kingdom  of  Israel,  in  the  first  place,  as  the  organ 
of  the  divine  Spirit  and  the  medium  of  the  divine  guidance  and  control.  Samuel  appears 
here  as  the  true  founder  of  the  Old  Testament  Prophetic  Order  as  a  permanent  public  power 
alongside  of  the  priesthood  and  the  kingly  oflice.  We  see  how,  by  the  hand  of  God,  the 
priesthood,  which  showed  so  badly  in  its  representatives,  together  with  the  Ark,  was  removed 
from  the  centre  of  the  theocratic  development  of  history,  and  the  Prophetic  Order  comes  for- 
ward as  mediating  agency  between  God  and  His  people,  and,  as  Organ  of  the  immediate 
application  of  the  word  and  Spirit  of  God  to  the  chosen  people,  calls  forth  a  mighty  move- 
ment of  spiritual  and  religious-moral  life.  Over  against  the  kingly  office  it  is  in  part  the 
theocratic  mediating  office,  which,  with  controlling  guidance,  reveals  to  it  God's  counsel  and 
will,  and  is  thus  a  firm  support  of  its  power,  iu  part  the  divine  watch-office,  which,  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord,  directs  the  fulfilling  of  the  royal  calling,  punishes  the  king's  sins,  and  is 
set  to  ofier  to  royal  tyranny  a  powerful  opposition  founded  on  the  divine  word.  The  stamp 
of  the  prophetic  style  appears  not  merely  in  particular  prophecies  (1  Sam.  ii.  12 ;  2  Sam.  vii. 
12),  but  in  the  tone  of  the  whole;  a  theocratic  pragmatism  everywhere  ruling,  by  which  is 
determined  the  selection  of  the  material  and  the  unfolding  of  the  chief  historical  momenta. 

Looked  at  in  its  particulars,  the  prophetic  element  in  our  Books  appears  in  very  varied 
form  and  relation.  To  the  aonq  with  prophetical  content  at  the  beginning  answers  the  pro- 
phetical discourse  of  the  man  of  God,  ii.  27-36,  who  announces  to  Eli  and  his  family  the  ap- 
proaching divine  punishment.  The  first  revelation  which  Samuel  as  "  servant  of  the  Lord  " 
receives  concerning  the  House  of  Eli,  iii.  11-14,  is  the  beginning  of  his  prophetic  office,  and 
in  vers.  19-21  it  is  briefly  set  forth  in  its  significance  and  importance  for  the  people  as  the 
accompaniment  of  his  judicial  office;  and  the  words:  "  I  will  perform  what  I  have  spoken 
to  Eli  from  beginning  to  end"  (ver.  12)  show  "  how  this  prophecy  as  the  controlling  divine 
working  in  the  Theocracy  forms  for  our  historian  the  true  kernel  and  centre  of  the  whole 
history  "  (Haeveen.  Mnl.  II.  1, 125).  The  following  history  is  the  fulfillment  of  what  God 
had  announced  by  him  as  prophet,  of  the  "  words  of  God"  by  his  mouth.  As  prophet  he 
completes  the  reformation  which  is  described  in  ch.  vii.;  by  virtue  of  his  prophetic  calling 
he  accomplishes  the  change  of  the  theocratic  constitution  (viii.,  ix.),  everywhere  speaking 
and  acting  as  immediate  mouth-piece  of  God  (x.,  xi.).  His  address  to  all  Israel  (ch  xii ) 
breathes  the  prophetic  spirit  with  which  he  was  filled.  In  his  office  of  prophetic  watchman 
he  chides  Saul's  disobedience,  and  foretells  to  him  the  downfall  of  his  kingdom,  xiii.  (comp 
xii.  25).    The  narrative  of  the  battle  and  victory  over  the  Philistines,  xiii.  6— xiv.  46   rep- 


'i  4.   CHARACTER  AND  COMPOSITION.  27 

resents  the  brilliant  success  of  Israel  under  Jonathan  as  an  exhibition  of  the  Lord's  power 
for  his  people  (xiv.  10,  12,  15,  23,  45) :  "  So  the  Lord  saved  Israel  that  day,  the  Lord  wrought 
it  through  Jonathan."  In  chs.  xv.,  xvi.,  Samuel  displays  all  the  power  which  he  had  over 
against  Saul  by  virtue  of  his  prophetical  office,  announcing  to  him  by  divine  direction  the 
sentence  of  rejection  on  account  of  his  disobedience,  and  anointing  David  to  be  king  in  his 
stead.  The  Lord  speaks  to  Samuel,  and  Samuel  speaks  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  as  his  pro- 
phet to  Saul;  XV.  1,  10sq.,16sq.,22sq.,26sq.;  xvi.lsq.,7aq.  Saul  had  been  made  a  partaker 
of  the  prophetical  spirit.  Now  the  Spirit  of  Jehovah  leaves  him.  "And  the  Spirit  of  the 
Lord  came  upon  David  from  that  day  forward"  (xvi.  13,  14).  "The  Lord  was  with  him, 
and  was  departed  from  Saul "  (xviii.  12).  This  is  the  consequence  of  God's  immediate  inter- 
ference by  the  word  and  deed  of  the  prophet.  This  is,  as  it  were,  the  prophetic  superscrip- 
tion to  all  that  is  related  from  ch.  xvii.  to  the  end  of  the  First  Book  concerning  Saul's  de- 
meanor towards  David  and  the  relation  between  them,  and  concerning  the  ever-deepening 
condemnation  into  which  Saul  was  falling,  and  the  repeated  indication  and  certification  of 
David  as  the  Anointed  of  the  Lord.  The  whole  varied  content  of  this  large  section  is  not 
a  portraiture  of  David's  private  life  from  a  biographical  point  of  view,  as  Haevernick  main- 
tains (p.  127),  but  a  description,  from  a, prophetical  point  of  view,  and  going  into  biographical 
details,  of  the  history  of  David  as  the  king  chosen  and  anointed  in  Saul's  stead,  who  is  per- 
secuted by  Saul  because  he  is  the  Anointed  of  the  Lord,  and  whom  God  protects  against  Saul 
because  he  has  received  the  mission  and  promise  of  the  kingdom.  All  this  is  clearly  under- 
stood only  when  it  is  looked  at  from  the  theocratic-prophetic  point  of  view  which  controls 
the  whole  account;  it  is  all,  as  Haeveknick  [ubi  sup.)  rightly  says,  the  development  of  ch. 
xvi.,  the  consequence  of  the  desertion  of  Saul  by  the  Spirit  of  Jehovah,  but  at  the  same  time 
for  that  very  reason  to  be  regarded  as  narrated  from  a  purely  prophetical  stand-point,  which 
is  clearly  indicated  in  xiii.  25  and  xvi.  13, 14.  This,  however,  Haevernick  fails  to  see ;  he 
establishes  the  prophetic  element  simply  from  the  presence  of  prophetic  utterances,  and  so 
thinks  it  has  as  good  as  disappeared  here,  because  he  without  ground  assumes  that  the  pre- 
ceding narration  (up  to  ch.  xvi.)  was  taken  from  a  document  which  was  a  collection  of  pro- 
phetic words  of  Samuel. 

But  we  have  to  recognize  the  prophetical  element  in  this  second  larger  half  of  the  First 
Book  not  merely  on  account  of  those  all-controlling  prophetical  points  of  view  under  which 
lie  these  histories  with  their  divine  factor,  which  has  a  double  operation  in  respect  to  Saul 
and  David;  it  manifests  itself  also  in  individual passaffes  immediately  in  the  appearance  and 
actions  of  prophetic  persons  and  in  occurrences  which  put  in  the  clearest  light  the  importance 
of  the  prophetic  office  in  the  connection  of  these  narratives.  In  the  first  place,  the  section 
xix.  18-24  has  more  importance  than  Haevernic?  {p.  127)  accords  to  it.  David's  flight  to 
Samuel  to  Bamah,  the  statements  which  he  makes  to  him  of  Saul's  conduct  towards  himself, 
his  long  stay  with  Samuel  and  in  the  school  of  the  Prophets  there,  whither  Saul  comes  to 
seek  him  out — all  this  supposes  that  he  had  already  before  been  intimately  associated  with 
Samuel,  especially  (it  is  probable)  since  the  anointing  (xvi.  13),  and  had  had  the  advantage 
of  his  counsel  and  direction  for  his  future  calling.  There  with  Samuel  David  seeks  safety ; 
there  in  the  circle  of  prophet-pupils  he  finds  repose,  collectedness,  strengthening  for  his  inner 
life.  We  here  get  a  view  of  the  associated  life  and  the  holy  usages  of  the  prophet-school  at 
Bamah,  in  which  the  prophetic  inspiration  is  so  mighty  that  Saul's  messengers  and  he  him- 
self are  seized  by  it.  Samuel  appears  at  the  head  of  this  community  of  prophets,  whence 
came  the  watchmen  of  the  Theocracy ;  "  this  is  a  clear  sign  that  his  labors  in  the  latter  part 
of  his  life  were  directed  especially  to  this  department  of  effort,"  as  Naegelsbach  rightly  re- 
marks {ubi  sup.,  p. 398).  Again,  we  see  the  prophetic  influence  on  the  history  of  David  in 
the  person  of  the  prophet  Gad  (xxii.  6),  from  which  we  may  infer  the  close  union  in  which 
David  constantly  stood  during  his  persecution  with  the  prophetic  circle  and  with  Samuel, 
whether  it  be  that  Gad,  ever  since  his  abode  in  Bamah,  was  more  intimately  connected  with 
him,  and  shared  his  wandering  life,  or  that  he  was  sent  to  him  by  Samuel  as  deputy  to  tell 
him  of  the  danger  attending  his  stay  in  Bamah  (which  was  well  known  there),  and  counsel 
J-im  to  pass  over  into  the  territory  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah.    The  brief  notice  (xxv.  1)  of 


28  INTKODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


Samuel's  death  haa  by  no  means  the  mere  significance  of  an  external  passing  mention,  but 
is  a  weighty  testimony  to  the  great  authority  which  Samuel  had  wielded  in  the  whole  nation 
till  his  death,  and  to  the  permanent  mighty  influence  which  he  had  exerted  as  Beformer  of 
the  Theocracy,  and  so  even  after  he  had  laid  down  his  official  judicial  position,  as  Chief 
Leader  of  God's  people  and  as  Prophet. 

The  Second  Book  shows  us  in  the  history  of  David,  besides  the  universally  controlling 
theocratic  point  of  view— as,  for  example,  in  the  account  of  his  entrance  on  the  rule  over 
Judah  (ii.  1  sq.),  his  growth  in  power  and  recognition  (iii.  1  sq  ),  and  his  covenant  with  all  the 
Tribes  of  Israel  (v.  1  sq.)— in  important  crises  the  mighty  and  decisive  influence  of  the  Pro- 
phetic Order,  over  against  which  here,  as  in  the  First  Book,  the  Priesthood  retires  into  the 
background.  From  ch.  vii.,  which  has  a  specifically  marked  prophetic  coloring,  a  clear  light 
is  thrown  back  on  the  history  in  chs.  i.-vi.  by  the  words  in  ver.  1 ;  because  David  under  divine 
guidance  had  obtained  the  whole  royal  authority  and  sat  in  a  strong  royal  seat,  and  by  God's 
might  had  cast  down  his  enemies  round  about,  he  receives  through  the  prophet  Nathan  this 
divine  promise  of  the  imperishableness  of  the  rule  of  his  House  and  of  the  building  of  the 
Lord's  house.  From  this  prophetic  passage  clear  light  falls  also  on  all  that  follows :  the 
wars  with  external  enemies  end,  in  accordance  with  this  promise  and  prophecy,  with  splen- 
did victories,  and  must  conduce  to  the  highest  development  of  the  royal  power  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  royal  Theocracy  (chs.  viii.-x.).  The  internal  shocks  given  to  the  royal 
authority  by  David's  sin  and  the  crimes  of  individual  members  of  his  House  cannot  defeat 
the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  given  to  this  house;  the  prophetic  watch-office  fulfils  through 
Nathan  its  duty  towards  the  deep-sunken  king  as  preacher  of  repentance,  but  announces  also 
to  the  penitent  king  the  pardon  of  his  sin,  without  keeping  back  the  judgments,  announced 
by  God,  which  would  fall  on  his  house ;  they  are  completed  according  to  the  prophetic  an- 
nouncement, till  the  Lord  restores  the  kingdom  in  its  power,  while  the  scion  of  the  House, 
with  whom  David's  House  proper  was  to  begin,  to  whom  the  royal  authority  is  promised  for- 
ever, stands  under  the  protection  and  guidance  of  the  same  prophet  (xi.-xx.).  The  prophetic 
content  of  the  closing  section  (xxL-xxiv.)  has  already  been  set  forth;  David  himself  here 
appears  as  prophet  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign,  and  the  prophetic  office  again  fulfils  through 
the  prophet  Gad  a  divine  mission  for  king  and  people.  And  if  we  look  at  the  significance 
of  the  description  of  the  prophet  Gad  as  "  David's  Seer,"  and  at  the  intimate  and  lasting  per- 
sonal relations  in  which  we  have  found  David  to  stand  with  Samuel  and  Nathan,  it  is  not  to 
be  doubted  that  God's  immediate  guidance  of  his  life  through  word  and  deed  connected 
itself  with  these  three  conspicuous  prophetic  personages,  whom  we  here  encounter  in  his 
history. 

The  significance  of  the  prophetic  element,  inseparably  connected  with  the  theocratic,  is 
therefore  great  enough  in  the  content  of  our  Books  to  establish  two  things:  1)  that  the  com- 
position of  these  Books  is  throughout  controlled  by  the  theocratic  prophetic  point  of  view, 
and  that  the  content  has  a  corresponding  coloring,  and  2)  that  this  content,  a  great  part  of 
it  at  least,  was  taken  from  a  tradition  whose  centre  and  starting-point  was  in  the  mighty  and 
influential  Prophetic  Order. 

Our  investigation  has  thus  led  us  to  the  question  concerning  the  origin  and  genesis  of 
the  Books  of  Samuel,  for  the  answer  to  which,  so  far  as  it  is  possible,  we  have  gained  the 
necessary  foundation  in  the  examination  of  the  content  and  character  of  the  Books.  We 
must  here  come  to  a  decision  respecting  the  sources,  the  author,  and  the  time  of  composition, 
in  order  to  explain  approximately  the  historical  origin  of  the  work. 

[The  Messianic  character  of  "  Samuel "  is  one  of  its  most  marked  features.  The  central 
figure  of  the  book,  David,  is  also  the  central  figure  of  Messianic  prophecy,  the  man  who, 
most  of  all  Old  Testament-personages,  in  his  life,  experiences,  and  character,  sums  up  the 
life  of  the  servants  of  God,  and  thus  represents  the  great  Head  of  them  all.  It  is  in  this 
Book  that  the  three  elements  of  the  Jewish  state,  the  prophetic,  priestly,  and  kingly  offices 
are  first  fully  established,  and  not  only  fix  the  development  of  the  typical  Israel,  but  set  forth 
the  functions  of  the  Anointed  Leader  of  the  true  Israel.  This  feature  of  the  Book  is  con- 
nected immediately  with  its  theocratic-prophetical  character,  and  gives  to  the  latter  its  full 


?  5.   THE  SOURCES.  29 


significance.  It  is  because  the  kingdom  of  Israel  is  preparatory  to  another,  and  David  the 
forerunner  of  his  greater  Son  that  this  history  is  of  transcendent  importance.  And,  aa  the 
general  principles  of  God's  dealings  with  His  servants  are  the  same  from  age  to  age,  we  may 
see  in  this  history  of  the  fortunes  of  Israel  and  its  leaders  an  anticipation  of  the  history  of 
the  later  Dispensation,  distinctly  marked  in  proportion  to  the  theocratic  prominence  of  the 
persons  and  events.  The  proclamation  of  David  as  king  has  its  counterpart  in  the  announce- 
ment of  the  setting  up  of  the  Divine  Son  (Acts  xiii.  33) ;  David's  conviction  of  the  preserving 
love  of  God  towards  His  servants  is  fulfilled  in  the  resurrection  of  Christ  (Acts  xiii.  34-37) ; 
and  David's  purpose  to  build  a  house  for  the  Lord  is  the  occasion  of  the  promise  of  an  ever- 
lasting seed  (2  Sam.  vii.  18),  and  this  covenant  points  him  to  the  Eighteous  Euler  (2  Sam. 
xxiii.  1-7)  as  the  consummation  of  his  hopes.  Thus  the  whole  Book  is  an  anticipation  on  a 
lower  platform,  and  with  imperfect  material,  of  the  true  spiritual  kingdom  of  Christ.  Bible 
Commentary,  Introd.  to  "Samuel":  "  the  very  title,  '  the  Christ,'  given  to  the  Lord  Jesus 
(ill  Matt,  i.  16  and  elsewhere)  is  first  found  in  1  Sara.  ii.  10  ;  and  the  other  designation  of 
the  Saviour  as  the  '  Son  of  David '  is  a'so  derived  from  2  Sam.  vii.  12-16."  Woedswoeth, 
Introd.  to  "  Samuel " :  "  The  book  of  Samuel  occupies  an  unique  place,  and  has  a  special 
value  and  interest,  as  revealing  the  kingdom  of  Christ.  It  is  the  first  book  in  Holy  Scripture 
which  declares  the  Incarnation  of  Christ  as  King — in  a  particular  family — the  family  of  Da- 
vid. It  is  the  first  book  in  Scripture  which  announced  that  the  Kingdom  founded  in  Bim, 
raised  up  from  the  seed  of  David,  would  be  universal  and  everlasting.  Here  also  the  prophetic 
song  of  Hannah  gives  the  clue  to  the  interpretation  of  this  history."  "  An  uninspired  An- 
nalist could  hardly  have  treated  the  history  of  Samuel,  Saul  and  David,  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  display  preparatory  and  prophetic  foreshadowings  of  the  office  and  Work  of  Christ  as  Pro- 
phet, Priest  and  King,  and  of  the  history  of  Judaism  in  relation  to  Him." — But  while  this 
history  of  God's  kingdom  in  its  early  earthly  investiture  is  thus  truly  a  foreshadowing,  a  his- 
torical typical  prophecy  of  the  antitypical  spiritual  kingdom  of  Christ,  we  must  guard  against 
an  arbitrary  typical  interpretation  of  individual  facts  (in  which  Woedswoeth  in  his  Commen- 
tary often  ofi'ends).  A  historical  fact  that  sustains  a  clearly  defined  and  important  rela- 
tion to  the  theocratic  kingdom,  expressing  in  itself  a  fundamental  spiritual  truth,  may  be 
the  type  of  some  other  historical  fact  in  the  New  Dispensation  that  expresses  the  same 
spiritual  truth.  Otherwise  the  distinction  between  type  and  illustration  must  be  carefully 
maintained.  On  this  general  subject  Faiebaien's  "  Typology,"  and  his  "Prophecy,"  and  R. 
P.  Smith's  "Prophecy  a  Preparation  for  Christ"  may  be  advantageously  consulted. — ^Te.]. 

g  5.    THE  SOTJECES. 

As  to  the  sources  of  our  Books,  in  the  first  place,  it  is  generally  admitted  that  their  content 
has  been  taken  from  various  sources ;  but  in  the  determination  of  these  sources  opinions  difi'er 
widely.  We  shall  first  develop  our  view  on  the  basis  of  the  results  reached  in  the  preceding 
section,  adopting,  however,  at  the  outset,  the  excellent  canon  for  this  investigation  which 
Blebk  has  laid  down.  He  says  (Mnl.  p.  366) :  "  We  may  assume  with  tolerable  certainty  that 
the  author  of  these  books,  besides  the  poetical  passages  which  he  has  introduced,  in  some  parts 
found  and  used  written  memorials  of  the  times  and  events  of  which  he  treats  ;  but  it  is  impossible 
to  determine  throughout  with  any  certainty  or  with  particular  probability  (as  several  modern 
scholars  had  attempted  to  do,  see  Db  Wette,  ?  179)  how  many  earlier  writings  the  author  uses, 
w precisely  what  he  has  taken  from  one  or  the  other." 

The  position  and  importance  of  the  prophetical  element  of  the  Books  makes  it  beforehand 
very  probable  that  the  author  took  a  corresponding  portion  of  his  matter  from  written  tradi- 
tions of  prophetical  origin.  The  development  and  influence  of  the  Prophetic  Order  through 
and  under  Samuel,  especially  in  the  community  of  the  "  sons  of  the  prophets,"  which  was 
under  his  direction,  coincides  with  the  beginning  of  the  extensive  literary  activity,  the  object 
of  which  was  the  history  of  Israel  in  the  light  of  the  Theocracy.  In  the  hands  of  Prophecy  lay 
the  theocratic  writing  of  history,  in  which  this  history  was  described,  in  its  outward  progress 
and  according  to  its  internal  connection  of  cause  and  eflfect,  not  as  a  mere  result  of  human 


GO  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 

factors,  but  rather  according  to  the  all-controlling  divine  factor,  and  in  the  light  of  God's 
guidance  by  His  holy  will  and  His  retributive  righteousness,  that  is,  according  to  theocratic 
pragmatism,  in  order  that  in  this  mirror  the  revelations  of  the  living  and  holy  God  and  their 
experiences  and  fortunes,  which  had  their  root  in  the  divine  righteousness,  might  be  set  be- 
fore the  people  for  warning,  for  threatening,  and  for  consolation.  This  was  clearly  the  case 
in  the  most  flourishing  period  of  the  Prophetic  Order,  which  coincides  with  the  time  of  the 
kings,  for  almost  all  the  books  which  "Chronicles"  cites  for  the  history  of  Israel  from  David 
to  Hezekiah  are  called  prophetical  histories.  Though  it  may  be  doubtful  in  particular  in- 
stances, considered  apart  from  the  rest,  whether  the  name  of  the  prophet  indicates  the  author 
or  the  chief  personage  of  the  history,  for  example  "  the  words  "  of  Nathan  the  prophet,  yet 
in  general  the  first  is  by  far  the  more  probable,  as  appears  especially  from  the  titles  Nebuath 
Ahijah  [Prophecy  of  A.],  Chazoth  Jedai  [vision  of  J.],  Chazon  Isaiah,  and  from  2  Ohron. 
xxvi.  22,  where  Isaiah  is  expressly  said  to  be  the  author  of  a  history  of  Uzziah  (Bleek,  p. 
158  sq.).  According  to  the  testimony  of  the  Chronicler  the  three  authorities  on  which  the 
author  of  the  Books  of  Kings  bases  his  history,  "  the  Book  of  the  Acts  of  Solomon,  the  Book 
of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of  Israel,  and  the  Book  of  the  Chronicles  of  the  Kings  of 
Judah"  (1  Kings  xi.  41;  xiv.  19,  29),  were  collections  from  prophetical  historical  books, 
whose  authors  lived  at  the  same  time  with  or  after  the  events  which  they  related.  The 
author  of  the  Books  of  Kings,  in  the  history  of  Solomon  (in  which  several  sections  are  identi- 
cal with  the  account  in  "  Chronicles,"  so  that  the  two  are  taken  from  the  same  source)  refers 
to  "  the  Book  of  the  Acts  of  Solomon,"  while  "Chronicles"  instead  of  this  refers  to  the 
"words"  {"D?"?)  of  the  prophet  Nathan,  the  "prophecy"  (nN13J)  of  the  prophet  Ahijah  of 
Shiloh,  and  the  "vision  "  (niin)  of  the  seer  Iddo  (2  Chr.  ix.  29).  "Where  the  first  for  the 
history  of  the  Kings,  from  Rehoboam  on,  cites  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Judah,  the  other 
cites  "  the  words  C^^'l)  of  the  prophet  Shemaiah  and  of  the  seer  Iddo  "  (Rehoboam,  2  Chr. 
xii.  15),  the  "  t!'^!?  (midrash  or  commentary)  of  the  prophet  Iddo"  (Abijah.xiii.  22),  "the 
writing  (3n3)  of  the  prophet  Isaiah "  (Uzziah,  xxvi.  22),  "the  words  ('!??!)  of  the  seers" 
(Manasseh,  xxiii.  18, 19),  "  the  words  l^2T\)  of  Jehu,  the  son  of  Hanani,"  "  which  are  re- 
corded in  the  Book  of  the  Kings  of  Israel"  (Jehoshaphat,  xx.  34),  the  vision  ([I'n)  of  Isaiah 
(Hezekiah,  xxxii.  32). 

Now  in  the  Books  of  Samuel  we  do  not  find  any  such  references'  to  earlier  historical 
writings  as  basis  of  the  history,  as  in  the  Books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles;  but  it  does  not 
thence  follow  that  the  Redactor  did  not  use  such  authorities,  inasmach  as  there  was  no  need 
to  cite  them.  If  the  prophetical  historiography  occupies  so  important  a  place  in  the  history 
of  Solomon  and  the  succeeding  kings,  we  may  thence,  looking  back,  surmise  that  there  were 
similar  sources  for  the  history  of  David,  who,  as  has  been  shown,  was  so  intimately  connected 
with  the  communities  of  prophets.  In  respect  to  the  non-mention  of  such  sources  it  is  to  be 
remarked  that  the  farther  the  authors  of  the  Books  of  Kings  and  Chronicles  stood  from  the 
times  of  which  they  wrote,  the  more  requisite  they  would  feel  it  to  make  express  mention  of 
their  authorities,  which,  like  the  events,  were  on  account  of  the  distance  not  well  known  to 
their  readers,  while  it  would  not  seem  necessary  to  an  author  who  lived  comparatively  near 
to  the  events  which  he  described,  (as  was  the  case  with  the  author  of  our  Books,  on  which 
see  below),  to  name  to  his  readers  authorities  known  to  them,  and  thus  to  commend  the  cre- 
dibility of  his  history  (see  Haeveen.,  p.  148 ;  Then.,  p.  XIV.).  But  on  the  other  hand  as 
our  author  was  not  near  enough  to  the  time  embraced  in  his  history  to  describe  the  events 
of  this  period  as  one  who  had  taken  part  in  them,  he  was  not  in  position  to  give  so  distinct  and 
detailed  an  account  as  we  have,  unless  he  had  access  to  very  full  written  authorities  besides 
the  oral  tradition  to  which,  in  oriental  histories,  so  much  value  is  to  be  attached. 

We  have  already  seen  that  large  parts  of  the  history  of  David,  and  precisely  those  which 
go  most  into  particulars  about  persons  and  facts,  point  to  the  school  of  the  Prophets  in  Ra- 
mah;  1  Sam.  xix.,  xx.,  xxii.,  xxv.,  xxviii.  Tn  1  Sam.  xix.  18,  in  the  statement  that  David 
"  at  Ramah  told  all  that  Saul  had  done  to  him,"  we  have  good  ground  for  the  assumption 


i  6.   THE  SOURCES.  81 


that  in  this  community  of  prophets  was  noted  down  immediately,  from  David's  state- 
ments and  the  accounts  of  his  companions,  what  could  not  be  written  from  their  own 
observation  and  experience.  Compare  THEirias'  remarks  on  chap,  xx.,  p.  90,  and 
chap.  XV.,  p.  114,— especially  on  chap,  xix.,  p.  89 :  "  David's  stay  in  the  Seminary  of  the 
prophets  guarantees  the  historical  character  especially  of  what  our  Book  so  particu- 
larly recounts,  in  this  chapter  and  some  of  the  following,  of  David's  relation  to  Jonathan 
and  Saul,  it  being  very  probable  that  there  David's  own  accounts  were  noted  down,  and  that 
the  reports  here  given  are  based,  in  part  at  least,  on  those  notes."  It  is  evident  also  from  1 
Sam.  x.5sq.,that  there  was  a  school  of  the  prophets  at  Gibeah,  Saul's  dwelling-place,  not  far 
from  Samuel's  abode,  and  we  may  therefore  suppose  that  here  too,  as  in  Ramah  and  other 
prophetic  communities,  theocratic  historiography  was  cultivated,  and  that  here  we  may  look 
for  a,  principal  authority  in  Saul's  history.  We  shall  not  err  if  we  suppose  that,  apart  from 
the  sections  in  which  accounts  are  given  of  prophetic  agency  in  the  time  of  Saul  and  David 
(Samuel's,  Nathan's,  Gad's),  all  the  narrations  also  in  which  mention  is  made  of  the  direct 
influence  of  the  word  of  the  Lord  on  the  history  (for  example,  in  Saul's  history,  1  Sam.  xiv. 
18sq.,  and  in  David's  history,  1  Sam.  xxiii.  1  sq. ;  xxx.  7 sq  ;  2  Sam.  ii.  1  sq. ;  v.  1  sq.;  v.  18-25) 
are  to  be  referred  to  prophetic-historical  records  as  the  primary  source. 

If,  now,  we  aflk  for  express  mention  of  such  historical  writings  of  prophetical  origin  and 
character  as,  according  to  the  preceding  discussion,  we  are  warranted  in  assuming  or  presup- 
posing as  the  basis  of  our  Books,  we  shall  not  find  it  in  1  Sam.  x.  25,  where  it  is  said  of  Sa- 
muel "  that  he  told  the  people  the  manner  of  the  kingdom,  and  wrote  it  in  a  book,  and  laid 
it  up  before  the  Lord."  The  content  of  this  book  is  not  stated ;  for  it  cannot  have  been  the 
"  manner  (law)  of  the  king,"  viii.  11-17 ;  but  it  no  doubt  contained  the  conditions  fixed  by 
Samuel,  by  which  a  barrier  was  set  up  against  undue  extension  of  the  royal  power,  and  the 
duties  and  rights  of  the  king  were  fixed  after  the  norm  of  God's  will.  From  the  existence  of 
this  writing  of  Samuel,  which  did  not  come  into  general  circulation,  but,  with  the  funda- 
mental law  of  the  Theocracy,  the  Torah  [Law],  was  deposited  in  the  Sanctuary  of  God,  we 
may  infer  that  he  himself,  like  the  prophetic  communities,  of  which  he  was  the  founder  and 
leader,  occupied  himself  with  literary  pursuits,  and  particularly  it  seems  certaiu  that  he  wrote 
down  his  prophetical  declarations  and  discourses,  as  we  have  them  in  the  first  book,  and 
the  same  thing  may  be  assumed  of  Nathan  in  reference  to  2  Sam.  vii,,  xii.,  and  of  Gad  in  re- 
ference to  1  Sam.  xxii.  5,  and  2  Sam.  xxiv.  11-14.  Recollecting,  then,  the  flourishing  con- 
dition of  prophetical  historical  writing,  according  to  the  citations  of  the  Chronicles,  even  in 
the  beginning  of  the  regal  period,  it  is  to  these  three  prophets  that  we  must  look  to  find  the 
foundation  of  this  history. 

The  prophetical  authorities,  not  mentioned  in  our  Books,  from  which  the  history  is  taken, 
aie  found  in  fact  in  1  Chr.  xxix.  29,  30:  "And  the  history  ('^n'l)  qf  Mng  David,  the  first  and 
the  last,  behold,  it  is  written  in  the  hintory  ('IJfl)  of  Samuel  the  seer,  and  in  the  history  of  Nathan 
the  prophet,  and  in  the  history  of  Oad  the  Seer,  with  all  his  reign  and  his  might,  and  the  times 
that  went  over  him  and  over  Israel,  and  over  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  countries."  With  these 
words  the  Chronicler  closes  his  narrative  of  the  history  of  David  (chs.  x.— xxix.),  which  agrees 
with  the  history  in  "  Samuel  "  not  only  in  general  but  also  in  particulars  often  literally.  He 
refers  for  the  history  of  David  to  three  productions:  the  r\p\y  S.NIDif  nan  [Words  of  Sa- 
muel the  seer],  the  N'33n  ;nj  nan  [Words  of  Nathan  the  Prophet]  and  the  nmn  nj  'nan, 
[Words  of  Gad  the  Seer] ,  and  characterizes  them  at  the  same  time  as  works  valuable  for  their 
fulness,  and  furnishing  material  complete  as  to  the  time  embraced,  and  elaborate  and  exact 
in  content  Evidently  the  Chronicler  purposes  giving  the  sources  from  whence  he  takes  his 
history,  and  establishing  its  credibility  and  trustworthiness.  Tt  is  plain,  from  this  purpose 
of  his  which  relates  to  the /acfe  recounted  by  him,  and  from  the  content  of  the  list  of  autho- 
rities 'that  the  nan  [words]  means  not  merely  declarations,  discourses  of  the  prophets  (Hae- 
VEEN  KElf,),  but  also  hiMory  or  narrations;  it  remains  undecided  at  the  outset  whether  the 
names' of  the  prophets  indicate  the  authors  or  the  chief  personages  In  any  case  these  titles 
point  to  ind^^ndent  writings,  and  by  no  means  to  mere  extracts  from  a  great  work  entitled 


INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


"  the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Judah  and  Israel,"  as  Bektheau  supposes  [Bueher  der  Chronik, 
1854,  Einl.  1 3).  Nor  is  the  view  tenable  that  our  Books  of  Samuel  themselves  in  their  cor- 
responding divisions  are  meant  by  that  citation  under  three  names  {Caepzov,  Inlrod.  H-!  J- 
D.  MiCHAELis  on  1  Chr.  xxix.  29 ;  Eichhoen  II.,  p.  487  sq.;  Movers  on  Chr.,  p.  178,  and  De 
Wettb,  Einl.  [Introd.]  ?  192  6) ;  for  that  the  three  names  in  the  citation  are  to  be  understood 
as  the  titles  of  three  different  independent  productions  follows,  not  only  from  the  form  of  the 
citation,  but  also  from  the  fact  that  "the  Dibre  of  Nathan  the  prophet"  is  again  specially 
adduced  for  the  history  oi  Solomon  (2  Chr.  ix.  29) ;  and  we  cannot  suppose  this  to  be  a  dif- 
ferent work  (as  De  Wette  does,  uhi  sup.),  and  therefore  it  is  not  an  extract  from  our  Books 
of  Samuel,  which  extend  only  to  the  latter  part  of  David's  government  (comp.  Bleek,  Eml. 
p.  151 ;  Habveenick,  p.  122 sq.;  Then.  XVI.;  Keil,  Apolog.  Vers,  uber  die  Chron.,  249 sq.). 
If  now  we  further  compare  the  content  of  the  Books  of  Chronicles  in  reference  to  David's 
life  with  our  Books,  we  find  first,  that  the  Chronicler,  who  adduces  those  three  works  as  a 
complete  authority  for  David's  life,  narrates  much  that  is  not  found  in  our  Books,  especially 
many  things  referring  to  worship,  priests,  and  Levites ;  he  alone  gives  the  list  of  heroes  who 
came  to  David  to  Ziklag,  and  of  warriors  who  made  him  king  in  Hebron  (1  Chr.  xii.),  the 
detail  of  David's  preparations  for  the  building  of  the  Temple  (xxii.),  the  numbering  and 
organization  of  the  Levites  and  priests  (xxiii. — xxvi.),  the  organization  of  the  army  and  the 
civil  service  (xxvii.),  the  report  of  his  last  arrangements  in  the  assembly  of  the  people 
shortly  before  his  death.  Secondly,  our  Books  contain  much  that  is  lacking  in  the  Books  of 
the  Chronicles,  for  example,  the  history  of  Michal  and  David  (2  Sam.  vi.  20-23),  the  account 
of  David's  kindness  towards  Mephibosheth  (2  Sam.  ix.),  of  his  adultery  with  Batbsheba  (xi.), 
of  Nathan's  exhortation  to  repentance  and  its  results  (xii.),  the  section  narrating  the  incest, 
the  distraction  of  David's  house  and  Absalom's  revolt  (xiv. — xix.),  the  insurrection  of  Sheba 
(xx.),  the  atonement  in  the  case  of  the  Gibeonites  (xxi.),  the  war  with  the  Philistines  (xxi. 
15-17),  the  Thanksgiving-Psalm  and  the  last  words  of  David  (xxii.,  xxiii.  1-7). — On  the 
other  hand,  thirdly,  the  following  is  a  summary  statement  of  the  parallel  sections : 

1  Sam.  xxxi. 

2  Sam.  V.  1-3,  6-10. 
"        xxiii.  8-39. 
"        vi.  1-11. 
"        V.  11-16,  17-25. 
"        vi.  12-28. 
"        vii. 

viii. 

X. 

xi.  1 ;  xii.  26-31. 
xxi.  18-22. 
"        xxiv. 

In  these  parallel  sections,  as  Keil  exhaustively  remarks,  "  not  only  are  the  short  sum- 
mary accounts  of  the  Books  of  Samuel  largely  filled  out  and  extended,  but  the  narration  of 
Chronicles  differs  from  the  older  narration  of  those  Books  in  many  ways,  partly  by  a  different 
orthography  and  various  linguistic  changes  mostly  according  to  the  style  and  usage  of  later 
times,  sometimes  merely  to  make  an  expression  clearer,  partly  by  the  omission  of  accessory 
circumstances,  and  by  other  abridgements,  partly  by  the  addition  of  explanatory  remarks, 
andparenetic  and  pragmatic  reflections  and  concluding  observations"  [Introd  II  55)  — 
Such  being  the  relation  between  the  Books  of  Chronicles  and  Samuel,  it  is  an  untenable  view 
that  the  latter  are  identical  with  the  authorities  cited  by  the  former  on  the  government  of 
David,  and  that,  as  Graf  maintains  [Die  geschichlHchen  Bueher  des  Alien  Testaments  Leinz 
1866)  •'sections  of  our  Books  of  Samuel  are  meant  by  the  words  of  Samuel  the  Sppr  '^r,A  J 
Nathan  the  Prophet,  and  of  Gad  the  Seer."  '  ° 

For  the  same  reason  we  cannot  accept  what  Bleek  [Einl.,  p.  151   [Eng.  Tr.  p  406I) 


1  Chron. 

X.  1-12. 

xi.  1-9. 

xi.  10-47. 

xiii.  1-14. 

xiv.  1-7,  8-17. 

XV.,  xvi. 

xvii. 

xviii. 

xix. 

XX.  1-3. 

XX.  4-8. 

xxi. 

?5.  THE  SOURCES.  33 


thinks  very  probable,  "  that  the  Chronicler  intended  our  Boots  of  Samuel  by  the  first-named 
work,  the  Dibre  Samuel." 

The  peculiar  relation  of  the  generally  literal  agreement  of  Chronicles  and  our  Books  in 
the  parallel  sections,  and  the  differences  which  exist  in  the  history  of  David,  both  within  and 
without  these  sections,  is  incompatible  with  the  view  that  the  Books  of  Samuel  were  used  as 
an  authority  by  the  Chronicler  in  these  sections ;  rather  it  follows  from  this  co-existing  agree- 
ment and  diversity  iil  the  history  of  David  that  the  authors  of  both  works  draw  from  a  com- 
mon source,  namely,  from  that  which  the  Chronicler  expressly  names  as  his  authority,  in 
order  to  establish  the  trustworthiness  of  his  narrative  from  the  acknowledged  high  antiquity 
and  authenticity  of  its  basis.  If  in  fact,  as  is  generally  acknowledged,  the  Chronicler  used 
our  Books  no  more  than  the  Book  of  Kings  for  the  history  of  David,  but,  to  judge  from  the 
relation  of  the  two  Books,  used  a  common  source  with  our  author,  and  expressly  names  those 
writings  as  his  authority,  then  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  latter  were  used  by  our  au- 
thor as  his  authority ;  and  this  in  no  wise  detracts  from  the  credibility  of  his  history,  for 
there  could  be  no  more  trustworthy  accounts  of  the  life  of  David  than  those  contained  in 
these  writings,  which  bear  the  name  of  the  three  prophets  so  intimately  connected  with  him, 
and  are  based  finally  on  their  own  experiences,  and  on  what  might  be  learned  from  him  with 
exactness  of  his  life  in  those  prophetic  communities  with  which  he  stood  in  such  intimate 
union.  Certainly  the  "  foundation  of  the  work  "  was  taken  from  this  source  (Deutzsch, 
Zeitschr.f.  luih.  Theol.  u.  Krit.,  1870,  1,  p.  29  sq.).  From  these  prophetic  writings  comes  the 
theocratic-prophetic  element  of  our  Books;  and  we  shall  have  to  refer  to  them  also  the  pre- 
dominatingly biographical  and  political  matter,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  treated  from  the 
theocratic-prophetic  point  of  view ;  for  the  events  of  David's  life,  from  his  own  communica- 
tions and  from  their  connection  with  him,  must  have  been  best  known  to  the  prophetic  cir- 
cles, and  especially  to  Samuel  (1  Sam.  xix.  18),  Gad  (1  Sam.  xxii.  5),  and  Nathan  (2  Sam. 
vii.).  Whether,  now,  we  suppose  that  those  three  prophetic  works  were  composed  by  the 
prophets  whose  names  they  bear— in  favor  of  which  is  Samuel's  known  addiction  to  literary 
pursuits,  1  Sam.  x.  25,  (Naegelsbach  suggests  {ubi  sup.,  p.  398)  that  he  perhaps  wrote  down 
these  records  during  his  quiet  prophetic  life  at  Eamah),  and  the  fact  that  the  history  of  So- 
lomon, 2  Chr.  ix.  29,  is  referred  to  the  account  of  Nathan  himself— or  whether  we  ^egard^ 
them  as  works  of  which  the  sayings  and  doings  of  those  prophets  formed  the  chief  part,  in 
either  case  they  must  be  regarded  as  the  triple  source  of  prophetic  historiography  for  our 
Books,  in  either  case,  considering  the  great  importance  of  those  three  prophets  in  the  devel- 
opment of  this  history,  and  the  permanent  personal  relation  in  which  they,  especially  Samuel 
and  Nathan,  stood  to  David,  these  sources  were  so  abundant,  that,  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  portions,  the  content  of  our  Books  may  be  referred  to  them.  How  they  individually  cor- 
respond to  sections,  or  how  far  they  extend  in  the  different  divisions  of  our  work,  cannot 
(according  to  the  above-cited  canon  of  Bleek)  be  determined  with  certainty.  Yet  the  fol- 
lowing may  be  stated  as  probable.  We  may  take  the  "  Dibre  "  of  Samuel  as  chief  authority 
not  merely  for  the  narrative  of  David's  life,  but  also  for  Saul's  life  and  the  life  and  work  of 
Samuel ;  for,  says  Kbil  rightly  [Inirod.  I.,  249),  if  they  "  contained  such  full  accounts  of 
David's  public  life  that  the  Chronicler  could  cite  them  as  authority  for  it,  it  is  self-evident 
that  the  same  work  was  the  chief  source  for  the  life  and  labors  of  Samuel  and  Saul  also." 
If  Samuel  himself  was  the  author  of  them,  we  can  refer  to  them  only  the  First  Book  to  about 
ch.  XXV.  If  they  are  a  prophetic  history,  with  him  as  principal  subject,  and  extended  be- 
yond his  death  to  the  results  of  his  labors  in  the  accession  and  early  government  of  David, 
then  they  form  the  basis  of  part  of  the  Second  Book  also.  In  any  case  to  this  source  belongs 
all  that  relates  to  Samuel's  labors,  and  what  in  the  life  of  David  as  well  as  Saul  is  pragma- 
tically connected  therewith.  To  the  Dibre  of  Nathan  belongs  of  course  all  that  is  related  of 
Nathan  and  his  work  in  the  history  of  David  in  the  Second  Book  as  far  as  ch.  xii.,  and,  very 
probably,  in  part  at  least  what  stands  in  theocratic  connection  with  it  (xiii.— xx.  comp.  with 
xii.  11).  Probably  xxiv.  11-25  belonged  to  the  Dibre  of  Gad,  of  which  we  also  find  a  trace 
perhaps  in  1  Sam.  xxii.  5.  If  each  of  these  three  prophets  is  the  author  of  the  work  called 
after  him,  his  own  experiences  formed  the  chief  part  of  his  bonk.  Theodoret  :  iyhiv  toIvw, 
3 


34  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


(if  rav  Trpo<jiriTav  iaaaTOQ  nmiypa'^e  t3  ev  Tol^  oiKetoic  ■nsvpayiJ.ha  Kaipdlg   ["  it  is  evident  that  every 
prophet  recorded  the  events  of  his  own  times  "]. 

Proceeding  now  further  in  the  investigation  of  the  historical  sources  of  our  Books,  we  find 
not  improbably  a  trace  of  a  written  basis  for  them  besides  those  already  named,  in  the  \"]I3T 
■"'JIJ  i?.^h  ^'P^ID,  "  the  chronicles  [history  of  the  times]  of  King  David."     We  know  nothing 
more  of  this  than  what  is  said  in  1  Chr.  xxvii.  24  in  connection  with  the  account  of  the  num- 
bering of  the  people  by  David.     "  Joab,"  we  read,  "  had  begun  to  number,  but  did  not  finish ; 
and  there  fell  wrath  for  it  upon  Israel,  and  the  number  was  not  put  into  the  '  account'  (De 
Wette)  or  'census'  of  the  chronicles  (annals)  of  King  David."     According  to  this,  it  was  a 
historical  work  relating  to  the  government  of  David,  and,  as  it  seems,  chiefly  of  statistical- 
historical  content  and  character,  since,  in  the  midst  of  statistical-historical  lists  relating  to 
the  divisions  of  the  army,  the  tribe-princes  and  civil  officials,  it  is  cited  as  a  work  into  whose 
"iSpD  [number  or  census]  the  '^^0D  [number]  of  the  arms-bearing  men  of  the  tribes  of  Israel 
was  not  put,  whence  we  may  infer  that  the  preceding  enumeration  is  taken  from  it.     While  the 
history  of  this  census  (comp.  1  Chr.  xxi.),  narrated  from  a  theocratic-prophetic  stand-point,  was 
doubtless  contained  in  the  corresponding  prophetical  work  (Gad's  according  to  2  Sam.  xxiv. 
11),  the  number  of  arms-bearing  men  is  here  declared  to  be  something   that  would  have 
been  inserted  in  the  enumeration  or  register  of  the  chronicles  of  David,  if  the  census  had  not 
been  interrupted  by  the  wrath  of  God.     Thus  is  intimated  the  pointof  view  which  prevented 
the  recording  of  the  number,  as  far  as  it  was  already  determined ;  it  is  the  theocratic-prophetic. 
This  might  suggest  the  supposition  that  such  chiefly  annalistic-statistical  historical  work^, 
giving  information  concerning  the  army  and  the  civil  government,  heroes  and  officials,  house- 
hold and  family,  were  prepared  by  prophetical  writers  or  under  the  guidance  of  prophets ; 
and  we  might  therefore  here  also  in  the  "chronicles  of  David''  recognize  a  prophetical  work. 
But  even  supposing  that  the  prophetical  historiography  never  occupied  itself  either  indirectly 
or  directly  with  such  annalistic-statistical  records,  it  could  nevertheless  use  them  as  trust- 
worthy sources.     It  is  highly  probable  that  the  officer  termed  IS'lD  Sopher  (Chancellor  or 
Secretary  of  State)  had  the  care  of  these  annalistic-statistical  records  whence  came  the   731 
D'p^n  [chronicles]  of  David.     The  widespread  opinion  that  the  officer  at  David's  court  who 
was  called  TSt?,  Mazkir  or  Recorder  (2  Sam.  viii.  16,  and  xx.  24 ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  15)  was  the 
official  state-annalist,  and  had  to  perform  the  duty  of  a  historiographer  has  been  conclusively 
shown  to  be  untenable  by  Bleek  [Einl.  p.  158,  370)  and  Baehe  [Komm.  t.  d.  Biichem  d. 
K'dnige,  Einl  X.  sq.).     The  elaborate  pragmatic  writing  of  history  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
prophets.     The  Mazkir  (according  to  Thenius  on  1  Kings  iv.  3)  was  so  called  "  because  as 
lii>filMLrv  he  had  to  bring  to  the  king's  recollection  afl'airs  of  state  which  were  to  be  attended  to, 
and  oflFer  counsel,"  and  "if  it  was  his  duty,  as  Bleek  says  [ubi  sup.  p.  370),  always  to  write 
down  immediately  whatever  of  special  importance  happened,  this  was  merely  to  remind  the 
king  his  master,  and  not  to  write  history."— "  The  supposition  by  most  critics  of  state-annals, 
besides  the  prophetic  records,  as  a  second  authority  is  based  on  an  arbitrary  confounding  of 
the  records  of  the  Chancellor  for  the  state-archives  with  public  state-annals."     (Keil,  In- 
trod.  i  54,  Hem.  3;    comp.  ?  59).     The  work  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  xxviii.  24,  the  n  ^''npi 
[chronicles  of  David]  was,  however,  very  probably  a  collection  of  such  official  annalistic- 
statistic-historical  records  of  the  Sopherim.     It  is  a  natural  supposition  that  the  lists  of  offi- 
cials in  2  Sam.  viii.  15-18  and  xx.  28-26  belongs  to  this  work,  although  on  the  other  hand  we 
may  presume  that  their  names  were  known  to  the  prophetical  historiographers  also     Yet  it 
is  true  that  the  latter  could  have  had  little  to  do  with  the  statistics  of  the  specificJllv  mili- 
tary affairs  and  the  deeds  of  war,  which  they  described  only  so  far  as  seemed  to  them  neces- 
sary from  the  theocratic  point  of  view.    Soitisprobablethatthestatistical-historicalaccount 
of  the  wars  of  David  in  2  Sam.  viii.  belonged  to  this  work,  while  the  therein-mentioned  Am- 
monit^Syrian  war  is  afterwards  narrated  at  length,  in  connection  with  the  sin  of  David  and 
the  intervention  of  Nathan,  according  to  the  prophetical  work.    So  also  the  summar^  state- 
ment  of  the  Philistine  wars  in  2  Sam.  xxi.  15-22  and  the  register  of  heroes  in  xSu  Z,q 

Perhaps  the  author  of  our  Books  had  access  to  other  historical  records,  to  whik  miUt 
be  referred  such  sections  as  1  Sam.  xvii.  12-31.  65  sq.,  which  do  not  seem  ti  agree  with  fh 


?5.   THE  SOURCES.  35 


context.  Yet  this  can  no  more  be  determined  with,  certainty  than  the  question  whether  and 
how  far  oral  tradition  was  used  by  the  author,  from  which  the  incongruences  in  the  passages 
in  question  might  be  explained.  It  is  however  possible,  as  Naegelsbach  supposes  [ubi  sup. 
p.  140),  that  the  prophetical  books  discussed  above  contained  many  different  accounts  (from 
which  that  incongruity  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  12,  55  sq.,  may  be  explained),  or  no  longer  existed  in 
proper  arrangement  and  clearness. 

Besides  the  historical  authorities  the  Eedactor  of  our  Books  was  acquainted  with  poetical 
productions  which  he  has  inserted  in  his  history :  as,  the  Song  of  Hannah,  1  Sam.  ii.  1-10 ; 
David's  lament  over  Abner,  2  Sam.  iii.  33,  34 ;  David's  song  of  praise,  2  Sam.  xxii. ;  and  his 
last  words,  2  Sam.  xxiii.  1-7.  We  leave  it  undecided  whether  these  songs  were  known  to 
him  separately,  or  belonged  in  part  to  a  collection  of  songs — as  Bleek  says  of  the  last  words 
of  David,  supposing  that  they  with  their  superscription  (xxiii.  1)  belonged  to  a  mashal-col- 
lection  [ubi  sup.  p.  362,  363) — or  were  all  found  in  one  poetical  collection.  The  only  autho- 
rity to  which  he  expressly  refers  is  the  Sepher  Ha^ashar,  Book  of  Jashar  (2  Sam.  i.  18  ; 
comp.  Josh.  X.  13).  From  this  he  took  the  beautiful  lamentation  of  David  over  Saul  and 
Jonathan,  which  is  inserted  in  the  narrative  under  the  title  "  Bow  "  HK^p,  vers.  19-27.  This 
"  Book  of  the  Just "  (i.  e.,  ''  of  that  which  is  just ")  (in  this  collective  sense  it  is  now  usually 
explained,  Vulgate:  liber  justorum)  must  have  contained  a  collection  of  songs  on  specially 
memorable  events  of  Israelitish  history,  and  must  have  been  in  existence  at  the  time  of  the 
composition  of  the  present  Book  of  Joshua  and  of  the  Books  of  Samuel.  We  cannot  deter- 
mine whether  it  contained  also  a  continuous  history  of  the  events  to  which  the  songs  refer, 
and  was  therefore  an  authority  for  the  author  of  our  Books  (see  Bleek,  p.  150).  According 
to  KsroBEL  [Komm.  zv/m  Fent.,  ScUussabhandlung,  Exegei.  Handbuch  13,  p.  546  sq.,  and  on 
Josh.  X.  15)  it  was  a  "law-book,"  a  view  which  falls  to  the  ground  with  the  untenable  view 
that  the  title  means  law-book. 

The  sources,  therefore,  from  which  the  author  drew,  were  partly  prophetical  histories, 
which  described  the  lives  of  Samuel,  Saul  and  David,  from  the  theocratic-prophetical  stand- 
point in  pragmatic  connection  (comp.  1  Ohr.  xxix.  28-30),  partly  official  statistical-historical 
records  of  the  history  of  David's  government  (comp.  1  Ohr.  xxvii.  24),  partly  poetical  litera- 
ture. To  this  threefold  element  of  the  sov/rces  of  the  Books  the  content  of  the  concluding  section, 
2  Sam.  xxi.  —xxiv.,  clearly  points.  The  production  of  these  authorities  is  to  be  put  partly  in 
the  time,  partly  soon  after  the  time  of  the  events  to  which  they  refer.  On  the  ground  of 
these  contemporaneous  original  accounts  our  Books  bear  throughout  the  stamp  of  historical 
credibility;  so  Thenius  [EM.  XV,),  who,  it  is  true,  grants  this  of  a  part  of  the  work  only, 
otherwise  admirably  remarks :  "1)  the  places  and  very  often  the  time  also  of  the  events  are 
given  in  part  with  great  exactness  ;  2)  the  narrative  answers  fully  to  the  character  of  the 
times ;  and  3)  the  personages  act  in  a  life-like  way." 

In  this  section  on  the  original  authorities  we  must  mention  the  principal  of  the  very  va- 
rious and  often  contradictory  hypotheses  concerning  the  basis  and  construction  of  our  Books, 
all  of  which  are  founded  on  their  supposed  contradictions,  incongruences  and  repetitions,  and 
therefore  fall  with  this  untenable  presupposition. 

The  first  hypothesis  worthy  of  mention  is  that  of  Eiohhobit  [EM.  III.,  U  469,  471,  475). 
According  to  it  the  foundation  of  the  Second  Book  of  Samuel  is  an  "  old  short  life  of  David 
with  later  insertions,"  which,  however,  are  also  to  be  referred  to  written  sources,  while  the 
First  Book  was  taken  from  an  "  old  chronicle  of  Samuel  and  Saul,"  but  contained  also  ele- 
ments of  oral  tradition,  especially  in  Samuel's  history.  The  Books  received  their  present 
form  from  insertions  and  additions  which  were  made  from  oral  tradition  and  writings.— This 
hypothesis  is  so  far  modified  by  Bektholdt  [Einl,  p.  894  sq.,  920  sq.)  that  he  assumes  four 
principal  authorities:  1)  for  1  Sam.  xxxi.  and  2  Sam.  v.,  with  Eichhoen  the  sumniary 
history  of  David's  government  with  later  insertions  and  additions;  2)  for  1  Sam.  i.— vii.  a 
history  of  Samuel,  for  viii.— xvi.  a  history  of  Saul,  for  xvii.— xxx.  a  history  of  David  before 
his  accession  to  the  throne.— Further  by  an  anonymous  writer  (in  Paulus  Memor.  VIII.  61  sq. 
Probe  eines  Krit.  Vers,  uber  das  zweite  Buch  Sam.)  many  smaller  component  parts  were  as- 
sumed for  1 1  e  Second  Book  on  the  ground  of  supposed  stylistic  differences  (thus  1  Sam.  xxxi. ; 


36  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


2  Sam.  i.  1-16,  17-28;  iv.,  v.  1-10;  xi.— xvi.).— Staehelin  {£rU.  Unters.  ub.  d.  Fent.,  p. 
112  sq.,  129  sq.)  assumes  as  basis  of  the  First  Book  an  old  work  which  he  ascribes  to  the  Je- 
hovist,  to  which  important  additions  were  made  by  the  Eedactor,  from  whom  also  the  whole 
of  the  Second  Book  comes.  — Gramberg  [Gesch.  d.  Beligionsideen  d.  Alt.  Test.  II.,  p.  71  sq.) 
finds  two  narrations,  going  over  nearly  the  same  ground,  but  contradictory,  which  went  side 
by  side  through  a  great  part  of  the  First  Book  and  into  the  Second,  and  were  worked  up  to- 
gether by  the  collector.— Graf  (i>e  librorum  Sam.  ei  Beg.  compositione,  scriptoribus,  etc.,  Ar- 
gent. 1842)  assumes  as  old  constituent  parts  1  Sam.  xiii.  16 — xiv.  62 ;  xvii. ;  xviii. ;  xix.  1-17; 
XX. — xxii. ;  xxiii. — xxvi. ;  xxvii. ;  xxviii.  If. ;  xxix. ;  xxx.  All  the  rest  beholds  to  be  mar- 
vel-loving hierarchical  addition — ^that  Samuel  is  presented  as  an  ideal  of  theocratic  prophetic 
rule — that  the  judgeship  of  Samuel  and  Eli  is  an  invention,  and  Saul's  election  a  product  of 
his  name  "  he  who  is  demanded  " — and  that  in  the  same  way  older  portions  and  later  addi- 
tions in  the  Second  Book  were  distinguished.  On  aU  these  hypotheses  see  De  Wette,  g  179, 
who  points  out  what  is  more  or  less  unfounded  in  them,  and  says  of  the  last :  "  This  criticism 
is  based  almost  entirely  on  what  seemed  to  the  author  historically  credible  or  not." — On 
Gramberg'3  hypothesis  see  Haeveenick  (p.  141)  and  Thenius  (p.  XI.).  The  latter  pro- 
perly characterizes  it  in  the  remark  that  "  sections  of  wholly  different  character  are  arbitra- 
rily thrown  together,  and  precisely  those  sections  in  which  the  presence  of  tradition  cannot 
be  mistaken,  are  declared  to  be  the  older." 

What  Thekitjs  says  of  the  above-cited  attempts  to  fix  the  component  parts  of  the  Books 
of  Samuel — that  they  are  all  open  to  unanswerable  objections — applies  to  his  own  hypothesis 
also.  He  distinguishes  on  internal  grounds  five  principal  parts :  1 )  a  history  of  Samuel,  1  Sam. 
i. — vii.,  based  on  information  gotten  from  the  schools  of  the  Prophets  and  on  trustworthy 
tradition;  2)  a  history  of  Saul  according  to  tradition,  probably  introduced  from  a  popular' 
work,  viii. ;  x.  17-27;  xi. ;  xii. ;  xv. ;  xvi. ;  xviii.  6-14;  xxvi.;  xxviii.  3-25;  xxxi. ;  3)  an 
older  condensed  history  of  Saul  from  old  written  accounts,  and  not  altered  in  its  historical 
foundation  by  tradition,  ix. ;  x.  1-26 ;  xiii. ;  xiv. ;  4)  a  history  of  David,  into  which  the  con- 
densed history  of  Saul  has  been  enlarged  by  a  not  much  later  continuer,  xiv.  52 ;  xvii. ;  part 
of  xviii. ;  xix. ;  xx. ;  part  of  xxi. ;  xxii. ;  part  of  xxiii. ;  xxiv. ;  xxv. ;  xxvii. ;  xxviii.  1,  2 ; 
xxix. ;  xxx. ;  2  Sam.,  part  of  chaps,  i.-v. ;  vii. ;  viii. ;  6)  a  special  history  of  David,  almost 
a  biography,  describing  the  second  half  of  his  life,  and  especially  his  domestic  life,  2  Sam.  xi. 
2-27  ;  xii.  1-25 ;  xiii. — xx.  The  objections  to  this  attempt  to  fix  the  original  component 
parts  of  our  Books  are  directed  against  the  presupposition  of  contradictions,  incongruences 
repetiti<ms,  conclusions,  and  chronicle-like  passages,  from  which  the  assumption  of  so  many 
original  sources  is  supposed  necessarily  to  flow  (see  above). 

The  kernel  of  Ewald's  hypothesis  is  the  assumption  of  a  great  comprehensive  Book  of 
Kings,  of  which  our  Books  formed  a  component  part  (Oesch.  I.,  3  ed.,  p.  193-244).  There 
was  first,  according  to  this  view,  an  old  historical  work,  composed  soon  after  Solomon,  per- 
haps in  the  happy  times  of  Asa,  full  of  very  simple  narrations  of  detached  events  with  inter- 
spersed remarks,  a  work  distinguished  by  a  beautiful  copiousness,  lively  and  abounding  in 
pictures,  especially  in  the  narration  of  wars;  of  this  we  have  remains  in  1  Sam.  xiii.,  xiv., 
xxx.  26-31 ;  2  Sam.  viii.,  and  also  in  Judg.  xvii.  sq.,  xix.-xxxi.  Besides  this  there  existed  in 
the  troublous  times  after  Jehu's  elevation  a  work  composed  by  a  prophetical  writer  who  was 
at  the  same  time  a  Levite,  attractive  from  its  high  prophetical  view  of  events,  and  which 
commencing  with  Samuel's  birth  and  labors,  as  an  entirely  new  beginning  in  Israelitish  his- 
tory, described,  from  a  prophetical  stand-point,  principally  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom 
with  the  origin  of  which  Samuel's  labors  were  necessarily  connected ;  of  this  work  large 
connected  remains,  in  many  places  in  the  original  fulness  and  in  almost  unchanged  form  are 
to  be  found  in  the  section  1  Sam.  i._l  Kings  i.,  ii.  (both  which  last  chapters  betray' the 
same  hand  as  the  principal  parts  of  First  and  Second  Samuel),  and  may  be  followed  in  scat- 
tered traces  even  to  2  Kings  ix.  1-x.  27.  According  to  Ewald,  the  arrangement  of  the  his- 
torical  material  in  this  prophetical  book  may  still  be  cleariy  seen  in  First  Samuel  according 
to  three  chief  points  of  view:  1)  the  basis  of  the  history  of  the  establishment  of  the  king- 
dom, 1  Sam.  i.— vii.,  Samuel's  life,  concluded  with  the  summary  vii.  15-17.    2)  The  histonr 


?  5.   THE  SOCRCES.  37 


of  Saul's  rule,  1  Sam.  viii. — xiv.,  with  the  concluding  summary  xiv.  47-52.  3)  The  narration 
concerning  David  and  Saul,  the  decline  of  the  latter,  the  rise  of  the  former,  in  1  Sam.  xv. — 
xxxi.  In  Second  Samuel,  on  the  contraiy,  the  original  account  of  David's  reign,  on  account 
of  the  revision  which  it  afterwards  underwent,  cannot  be  so  clearly  recognized.  Yet  its  prin- 
cipal features  may  be  seen  in  the  three  sections  in  which  David's  life  is  described  :  1)  The 
remains  of  the  history  of  David  from  Saul's  death  to  his  elevation  to  the  throne  of  all  Israel 
are  to  be  found  in  2  Sam.  i. — vii.  2)  The  history  of  the  middle  period  of  David's  reign  in 
Jerusalem,  whose  richer  material  was  most  condensed  in  the  work,  is  found  in  2  Sam.  viii. 
1-14  (the  foreign  wars  and  victories,  probably  an  abridgment  of  the  before-mentioned  mili- 
tary history),  viii.  15-18  (internal  organization),  ix.  (David's  ethical  attitude  towards  Saul's 
house),  X. — XX.  22  (David's  relation  to  his  own  house),  xxi.  1  14;  xxiv.  (the  plagues).  3) 
Out  of  the  latter  part  of  David's  life  belonged  to  the  work  2  Sam.  xx.  25,  26 ;  xxii.  xxiii.  1-7, 
with  which  the  whole  section  fitly  closed.  This  work,  says  Ewald,  "  the  best  basis  for  all 
the  widely  read  histories  of  the  kingdom,"  was  afterwards  much  revised,  and  thus  on  the  one 
hand  enlarged,  but  on  the  other  greatly  abridged,  as  may  be  seen  from  passages  in  which 
there  are  allusions  and  presuppositions  in  respect  to  facts  and  persons  that  were  never  before 
mentioned ;  so  1  Sam.  xiii.  2 ;  xxx.  26-31.  In  1  Sam.  between  chaps,  xxiii.  and  xxx.  much 
of  the  original  work  is  lost;  chaps,  xxiv.  and  xxvi.  are  by  later  hands.  The  sections  xxiii. 
8-39  and  xxi.  15-22  are  taken  from  "  Journals  of  the  kings  or  state-annals."  With  the  frag- 
ments of  this  prophetical  work,  Ewald  holds,  and  of  the  first-mentioned  more  military  his- 
tory are  combined  in  our  Books  those  of  another  work  going  over  about  the  same  period, 
and  certainly  written  not  much  later,  which,  according  to  its  traces  in  1  Sam.  v.-viii.  and 
xxxi.  did  not  have  the  sharply  defined  character  of  the  other,  though  similar  to  it,  but  was 
drier  and  more  colorless  in  style.  From  its  author  came  probably  the  narrative  of  the  Pe- 
riod of  the  Judges  from  which  Judg.  iii.  7 — xvi.  is  taken. — A  broader,  freer  form  was  given 
to  this  History  of  the  Kings  by  a  later  revision,  as  appears  plainly  in  our  present  history  of 
Saul  and  David  in  oh.  xii. ;  xv. — ^xvii. ;  xxiv. ;  xxvi. ;  xxviii. ;  for  these  are  fragments  of 
from  two  to  three  later  works.  Afterwards  the  histories  of  the  Kings  received  their  present 
form  in  two  revisions ;  first,  by  the  Deuteronomistic  redactor  soon  after  the  reformation  under 
Josiah,  who,  adopting  the  method  of  the  Deuteronomist,  sifted,  worked  up  and  abridged  the 
material  which  had  been  greatly  increased  by  preceding  recensions,  and  for  the  first  time 
gathered  up  and  skilfully  combined  what  seemed  to  him  the  most  important  parts  of  the 
older  works,  as  we  see  in  our  present  history,  1  Sam.  i.— 1  Kings  ii.  The  basis  of  his  book 
was  that  work  of  the  prophetical  narrator,  with  which,  besides  the  material  from  other  books, 
he  worked  in  his  own  additions  which  were  not  numerous  (1  Sam.  vii.  3,  4,  a  good  deal  in 
xii. ;  1  Kings  ii.  2-4.)  The  work,  thus  greatly  enlarged  by  the  Deuteronomistic  redactor, 
received  its  last  revision  by  an  author  who  lived  in  the  second  half  of  the  Babylonian  Exile, 
who  edited  the  history  of  the  origin  of  the  kingdom  to  Solomon's  accession  (1  Sam.  i.— 1 
Kings  ii.),  "  as  good  as  quite  unaltered,"  according  to  the  preceding  redactor,  appended  some 
detached  pieces  from  David's  biography  which  he  had  at  first  designed  to  omit,  but,  for  the 
rest,  issued  the  present  Books  of  Judges,  Euth,  Samuel  and  Kings  as  a  connected  whole, 
inserting  the  Book  of  Ruth  (written  in  the  midst  of  the  Exile,  and  the  only  one  retained  of 
a  number  of  similar  fragments  by  the  same  author),  with  reference  to  the  absence  of  gene- 
alogical statements  about  David's  descent  in  the  Books  of  Samuel,  just  before  those  Books  as 
a  preparation  for  David's  history,  while  he  put  the  Book  of  Judges,  in  its  present  form,  at 
the  head  as  an  introduction  to  the  whole  Book  of  Kings.  He  did  this  for  the  sake  of  unity 
in  the  connection  of  the  whole  history  after  Joshua  with  the  history  of  the  kings;  for  the 
internal  connection  between  the  Book  of  Judges  and  the  Books  of  Samuel  is  shown  in  the 
statement  concerning  Samson,  that  he  began  to  deliver  Israel  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philis- 
tines, in  which  reference  is  made  to  the  continuation  of  this  history  in  Eli,  Samuel,  David. 
This 'redactor,  properly  speaking,  merely  edited  anew  the  first  half  of  the  older  large  work 
on  the  Kings,  which  goes  to  1  Kings  ii. ;  only  the  second,  from  1  Kings  iii.  on,  can  rightly 
be  called  his  own  work. 

In  this  assumption  of  Ewald's  of  several  redactors,  too  much  play  is  given  to  conjee- 


38  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


ture  without  firm  supports  in  historical  data.  We  have,  however,  in  those  three  prophetical 
authorities  (1  Chron.  xxix.  28-30)  and  in  the  chronicles  of  David  (1  Chron.  xxvii.  24)  ground 
sufficient  to  conjecture  that  our  assumed  author  of  the  present  Books  of  Samuel  foUowed 
those  authorities,  writing  from  a  prophetical  stand-point,  and  according  to  prophetical  points 
of  view.  That  a  special  historical  work  must  be  assumed,  from  which  to  derive  1  Sam.  xiu., 
xiv.,  in  the  history  of  Saul,  and  1  Sam.  xxx.  26  sq.  and  2  Sam.  viii.  in  the  military  history  of 
David,  seems  less  probable  than  that  the  first  is  to  be  referred  to  the  written  records  in  the 
schools  of  the  Prophets,  which  took  careful  note  of  the  deeds  of  Saul  and  Jonathan,  and  the 
two  last  to  the  "  words  C^ai)  of  the  days  of  David,"  1  Chron.  xxvii.  24.— The  hypothesis 
of  a  final  shaping  of  the  Book  of  Kings  partly  by  a  Deuteronomistic  redactor,  partly  by  a  final 
remodeller  and  collector  in  the  second  half  of  the  Babylonian  Exile,  has,  in  relation  to  the 
history  under  discussion  {1  Sam.  i.— 1  Kings  ii.),  little  foundation;  and  it  is  simpler  and 
more  natural  to  refer  the  views  in  the  discourses  of  Samuel  which  are  termed  Deuteronomis- 
tic {e.g.  "  return  to  God  with  all  your  hearts  and  serve  him,"  1  Sam.  vii.  3  and  xii.  20,  24)  to 
thLs  prophetical  work,  the  "  Words  of  Samuel,"  and  the  collection  and  addition  of  the  section, 
2  Sam.  xxi. — xxiv.,  to  the  redactor  who  arranged  and  prepared  the  history  up  to  ch.  xx.  26. 
The  similarity  in  language  and  style  between  1  Kings  i.,  ii.,  and  the  preceding  narrative  in 
2  Sam.  may  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  authors  of  the  two  books  used  the  same  autho- 
rity, namely,  the  prophetical  Book  of  Nathan. — For  the  rest,  Ewald's  hypothesis  differs 
from  the  others  mentioned,  in  that  it  represents  the  Book  of  Kings,  as  far  as  it  here  comes 
into  consideration  (from  1  Sam.  i.  to  1  Kings  ii.),  leaving  out  the  parts  supposed  to  have  been 
later  introduced  by  various  redactors,  as  having  unity  and  as  the  finished  work  of  pne  pro- 
phetic historian,  and  avoids  the  dissection  of  the  historical  material  which  we  find  in  the 
other  hypotheses.  Naegelsbach  rightly  remarks,  that  the  additions  which  this  hypothesis 
ascribes  to  a  Deuteronomistic  redactor  do  not  make  the  eighth  part  of  the  whole,  and  that 
therefore  the  general  unity  of  the  work  is  confirmed  by  them  (ubi  sup.,  p.  407).  It  must  also 
be  noted  that  both  the  division  of  the  content  of  the  First  Book  (chs.  i.-vii.  Samuel,  viii.- 
xiv.  Saul,  xv.-xxxi.  David  and  Saul),  and  the  division  of  the  Second  Book,  the  history  of 
David's  government  according  to  the  theocratic  chief  points  of  view  which  control  the  entire 
narrative,  cannot  be  more  admirably  presented  than  has  been  done  by  Ewald.  But  from 
the  fact  that  the  content  of  the  books  is  evidently  divided  in  accordance  with  such  a  theo- 
cratic-prophetic view  of  the  history  of  the  preparation,  genesis  and  establishment  of  the  the- 
ocratic kingdom  under  Samuel,  Saul  and  David,  we  are  authorized  to  conclude  that  the 
redactor  of  this  history,  apart  from  the  prophetical  authorities  to  which  he  had  access,  was 
himself  a  prophet. 

§  6.     THE  AUTHOR  AND  THE  TIME  OF   COMPOSITION. 

Having  discussed  the  original  sources  of  our  Books,  we  have  now  to  consider,  and  in 
connection  with  one  another,  the  two  questions  concerning  the  author  and  the  time  of  com- 
position. 

What  EwALD  says  (ubi  sup.,  p.  211)  of  the  author  of  the  foundation  of  the  Book  of 
Kings,  that  he  was  himself  a  prophet,  we  claim  for  the  redactor  of  our  Books  on  the  grounds 
already  discussed  at  length ;  but  we  cannot  apply  to  him  what  Ewald  maintains  of  the  for- 
mer, namely,  that  he  was  also  a  Levite,  which  Ewald  holds  to  be  clear  from  the  careful 
account  which  he  takes,  in  the  midst  of  so  many  more  important  events,  of  the  fortunes  of 
the  sacred  Ark  and  of  the  Priests  and  Levites,  and  from  the  considerable  acquaintance  which 
he  clearly  shows  with  everything  pertaining  to  them.  For  a  prophetical  writer  as  such  would 
have  had  that  lively  interest  and  exact  knowledge;  he  need  not  have  been  a  Levite.  It  is, 
however,  further  against  this  view,  that  in  our  Books  the  priesthood  recedes  in  a  striking 
manner  into  the  background  over  against  the  prophetic  element,  and  therefore  "no  histori- 
cal work  is  more  instructive  and  important  than  this  for  the  understanding  of  the  older  pro- 
phetic order  in  Israel,"  as  Ewald  {ubi  sup.)  well  says. 

Nothing  is  known  to  us  of  the  person  and  surroundings  of  the  redactor  of  our  Books  • 
on  the  opinions  of  the  older  writers,  see  Carpzov,  p.  213  sq.    Thenius  supposes,  not  without 


i  6.    THE  AUTHOR  AND  THE  TIME  OF  COMPOSITION.  39 


reason,  that,  since  he  had  access  to  so  many  good  authorities,  he  could  not  have  been  in  mean 
circumstances.  "  The  Talmudical  statement,  that  Samuel  wrote  the  Books  called  after  him 
is  shown  to  be  unhistorical  by  the  simple  fact  that  the  history  goes  beyond  Samuel's  death  " 
(Keil,  Introd.  II.  48).— The  view  in  some  Introductions,  as  Eichhobn's  [EM.  g  468,  p. 
529 sq.),  Jahn's  [Mnl,  p.  232 sq.),  Herbst's  [EM.  II.  1,  p.  139 sq.),  De  Wette's  (in  the;, 
Bdtrdge  I.,p.48sq.,  but  retracted  by  him  in  EM.  §186),  and  others,  that  our  Books  had  the  ' 
same  author  with  the  Books  of  Kings,  and  that  therefore  their  composition  is  to  be  put  not  ■ 
before  the  latter  part  of  the  Babylonian  Exile,  or  immediately  after  the  Exile,  is  untenable ; 
for  the  differences  between  them  in  form  and  content  are  too  great  to  admit  of  identity  of 
authorship.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  a  striking  difference  that  "  Kings"  quotes  its  authority 
in  every  section,  while  "  Samuel "  never  does,  whence  it  follows  that  the  author  of  the  latter 
lived  nearer  to  the  events  described,  the  author  of  the  former  much  farther  off.  Again,  the 
language  is  different;  numerous  traces  of  the  Aramaean  dialect  occur  in  "Kings,"  and 
almost  none  at  all  in  "Samuel."  In  the  Books  of  Kings  we  see  traces  from  beginning  to  end 
of  their  composition  during  the  Exile,  while  in  the  Books  of  Samuel  there  is  not  the  slightest 
reference  to  the  time  of  the  Exile.  In  the  latter  there  are  no  direct  distinct  references  to  the 
Law  of  Moses,  while  in  the  former,  even  before  the  discovery  of  the  Book  of  the  Law  under 
Joaiah,  the  law  is  several  times  spoken  of  as  written  (1  Kings  ii.  3 ;  2  Kings  xiv.  6 ;  xvii.  37). 
In  our  Books  mention  is  made  of  the  various  places  of  worship  and  sacrifice  which  existed 
besides  the  Ark  without  blame  or  hint  that  this  was  displeasing  to  God,  while  in  "Kings  "  the 
worship  in  high  places  is  condemned  as  illegal.  The  form  of  the  narrative  is  quite  different 
also  in  the  two  works.  In  "Kings"  the  chronological  statements  are  carefully  repeated  with 
every  king,  while  the  chronological  element  is  almost  entirely  neglected  in  "Samuel."'  The 
epic  breadth  and  copiousness  which  the  latter  shows  in  many  parts  is  almost  wholly  lacking 
in  the  former,  which  gives  only  extracts,  usually  short,  from  its  authorities  to  which  it  refers 
for  wider  information.  There  is  no  trace  here  of  the  standing  character-formula  which  is 
peculiar  to  the  Books  of  Kings :  "  He  did  that  which  was  right,  or  evil,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Lord."  For  all  these  reasons  the  author  of  the  Books  of  Kings  cannot  be  the  same  with  the 
redactor  of  the  Books  of  Samuel. — The  Rabbinical  view,  which  has  had  a  good  many  advo- 
cates, that  Jeremiah  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  author  of  "  Samuel ''  as  well  as  "  Kings,''  be- 
cause his  prophecy  has  much  similarity  to  them,  and  here  and  there  corresponds  with  them 
in  content  (a  view  to  which  Geotitts  also,  on  1  Sam.  i.  1,  inclines),  is  similarly  untenable; 
for  this  proves  nothing  more  than  that  the  author  of  "  Kings  "  was  acquainted  with  the  Book 
of  Jeremiah  (see  Kdepbe,  Jerem.  libror.  saer.  interpr.  atque  vindex,  p.  55),  and  Jeremiah  with 
the  Books  of  Samuel.  Staehelin  [Krit.  Unters.,  p.  137  sq.)  infers  from  our  author  s  friendly 
attitude  towards  royalty,  from  the  promises  made  to  the  House  of  David,  and  from  Jere- 
miah's allusions  to  these  Books,  that  they  were  composed  under  Hezekiah ;  to  which  Nae- 
GELSBACH  excellently  replies,  that  this  is  referring  to  a  subjective  motive  what  has  a  good, 
objective,  historical  ground,  and  Jeremiah  might  certainly  refer  to  our  Books,  though  they 
did  not  originate  in  his  time  (p.  411). 

If  we  inquire  for  positive  indications  of  the  time  of  composition  in  the  content  and  form 
of  our  Books,  we  can  find  in  the  formula  "  even  unto  this  day  "  (1  Sam.  v.  5 ;  vi.  18 ;  xxx. 
25;  2  Sam.  iv.  3;  vi.  8;  xviii.  18),  and  in  the  explanation  of  obsolete  expressions  (1  Sam. 
ix.  9)  and  old  customs  (2  Sam.  xiii.  18)  nothing  more  than  the  indication  of  a  time  of  author- 
ship somewhat  distant  from  the  events  narrated.  Nor  can  anything  more  definite,  least  of 
all  the  composition  after  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  be  determined  from  the  mere  distin- 
guishing between  Judah  and  Israel  in  1  Sam.  xi.  8 ;  xvii.  52 ;  xviii.  16 ;  2  Sam.  ii.  9, 10;  iii. 
10 ;  v.  1-5 ;  xix.  41  sq.;  xx.  2 ;  for  this  distinction  was  already  usual  ia  the  time  of  Saul  and 
David,  being  based  on  the  fact  (pre-supposed  in  the  passages  cited)  of  such  a  division,  which 
conditioned  the  development  of  the  history  of  David's  kingdom.  At  first  only  the  tribe  of 
Judah  adhered  to  David  as  its  king,  the  other  eleven  tribes  under  the  common  name  Israel 
forming  a  separate  kingdom  for  seven  and  a  half  years  under  Ishbosheth,*  and  afterwards 
for  a  short  time  under  Absalom. 

*  [More  precisely  staled,  under  the  representativea  of  Saul's  House  j  Ishbosheth  was  probably  not  king  the 
whole  time.— Tn.] 


40  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


From  2  Sam.  v.  5  it  appears  that  the  redactor  certainly  wrote  after  the  death  of  David, 
since  the  whole  number  of  years  of  his  reign  is  given.  But  the  non-mention  of  David's  death 
cannot  show  that  he  wrote  shortly  thereafter,  as  Habvernick  (p.  145)  maintains ;  for  even 
if  his  death  had  occurred  only  a  short  while  before,  the  author  could  not  have  maintained 
silence  about  it  simply  because  it  was  generally  known,  and  "  not  a  matter  of  interest,"  since 
he  certainly  did  not  write  merely  for  his  own  contemporaries.— Further,  it  undoubtedly  ap- 
pears from  1  Sam.  xxvii.  6  {"Ziklag  pertaineth  unto  the  Icings  of  Judah  to  this  day")  that 
our  author  made  his  recension  after  the  division  of  the  kingdom  into  the  kingdoms  of  Judah 
and  Israel.  Haeveenick's  explanation  (p.  144)  that  the  "kings  of  Judah"  are  not  here 
opposed  to  those  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  but  are  the  kings  who  sprang  from  and 
ruled  Judah,  is  untenable.  The  "  kings  of  Judah  "  can  be  understood  only  of  the  kingdom 
of  Judah  which  arose  after  Solomon's  time  in  consequence  of  the  division,  in  distinction  from 
the  kingdom  of  Israel.  It  is,  however,  uncertain  at  what  time  after  the  division  the  book 
was  composed ;  probably  it  was  before  the  destruction  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Tea  Tribes, 
since  there  is  no  indication  that  the  author  knew  of  the  dispersion  of  an  important  part  of 
the  people  (Bleek,  p.  362).  "  In  general,"  rightly  remarks  Keil  [Comm.  Introd.,  p.  11), 
"  the  content  and  language  of  our  Books  point  to  the  time  immediately  succeeding  the  divi- 
sion of  the  kingdom,  since  there  are  no  references  to  the  subsequent  downfall  of  the  king- 
doms, much  less  to  the  Exile ;  and  the  diction  and  language  is  throughout  classic  and  free 
from  Chaldaisms  and  later  forms."  That  the  recension  took  place  not  long  after  the  division 
of  the  kingdom  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  worshipping  the  Lord  and  offering  sacri- 
fices in  various  places  is,  as  already  remarked,  regarded  not  at  all  as  blameworthy,  but  rather 
as  well -pleasing  to  God  (1  Sam.  vii.  5  sq.,  17 ;  ix.  13;  x.  3;  xiv.  35;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  18-25). 
We  therefore  adopt  the  hypothesis  of  THENros,  who  refers  (p.  xiv.)  to  2  Sam.  viii.  7;  xiv. 
27,  in  which,  according  to  the  correct  Hebrew  text  suggested  by  the  Septuagint,  there  is 
allusion  to  Rehoboam,  and  says  of  the  author,  that  the  notices,  in  all  probability  inserted  by 
him,  do  not  reach  farther  than  the  time  of  Eehoboam. — The  result  of  our  investigation  is, 
therefore,  that  the  Books  of  Samuel  in  their  present  form  were  composed  by  a  prophetical 
writer  soon  after  the  division  of  the  kingdom. 

[On  the  sources,  date  and  authorship  of  "Samuel,"  see  Art.  "Books  of  Samuel"  in 
Smith's  Bib.  Diet,  and  Introd.  to  Samuel  in  the  B'ible  Cbmm.  The  latter  refers  to  David's 
Psalms  as  one  of  the  sources,  points  out  that  twenty  or  thirty  years  of  the  first  part  of  Saul's 
reign  is  omitted,  and  puts  the  book  (as  it  stands)  towards  the  time  of  Jeremiah.  The  diffi- 
culty of  coming  to  a  satisfactory  decision  on  this  point  is  well  brought  out  by  Erdmann. 
— Te.] 

2  7.     LITEEATtTRE. 

Theodoeet,  Qusest.  inlibr.l.,  II.,  Reg.  Op.  ed.,  Vaessel,  Hal.,  1769,  Tom.  I.;  Nik. 
LY-Ei.,  Poatill.  in  univ.,  8.  S.  Lugd.,  1545;  J.  Bugenhagen,  Annotationes  in  Deuterm.  et 
Samuel,  Basil.,  1524,  8 ;  Annot.  in  libros  Sam.,  Argentor.,  1525,  8 ;  J.  Menius,  Enarratio  in 
Sam.  libr.  priorem,  1532,  Viteberg ;  J.  Beentius,  Homil.  in  libr.  I.,  Sam.,  Francof.  ad  M., 
1554,  fol. ;  J.  Calvin,  Homil.  in  lib.  I.  Sam.,  Amstelod.,  1667,  fol. ;  H.  Wellee,  Sam.  lib. 
I.  annotationibus  explicatug,  Francof,  1555,  56,  fol.;  P.  Maetye,  Comment,  in  II.  libr.  Sam., 
Tig.,  1567, 1575,  fol. ;  0.  Pellicantjs,  Comment,  in  libr.  Sam.,  Tigur,  1582 ;  V.  Steigel, 
Oammmt.  in  libr.  Sam.,  etc.,  Lips.,  1591,  fol.;  Paul  Laueentius,  Orundl.  Av^legung  vher 
die  zwei  Buoher  Sam.,  Leipz.,  1616,  fol. ;  Deusius,  Annot.  in  he.  diffie.  Jos.,  Judg.,  Sam., 
Arnh.,  1618,  4;  C.  Sanctius,  In  4:  libr.  Reg.,  etc..  Comm.,  Antwerp,  1624,  fol.;  Oritid  sacri, 
T.  IL,  London,  1660;  Boneeeee,  Comm.  in  libr.  (4)  Beg.,  etc.,  Thor.,  1643.  2  Th.  fol.;  H. 
Geotius,  Annot.  in  vet.  test.,  Paris,  1664,  III.  Tom. ;  ed.  Vogel,  Hal.,  1775,  T.  I.;  A.  Calo- 
vius,  Bibl.  illustrata,  T.  I.,  Francof.,  1672 ;  S.  Schmid,  In  libr.  Sam.  Comment.,  Argent., 
1687,  ff.  II.  Tom.  4 ;  JoH.  Ad.  Osiandee,  Comm.  in  I.  et  II.  lib.  Sam.,  Tubing.,  1687,  fol. ; 
JOH.  Oleaeius,  Bibl.  Erkldrung  der  ganzen  Heiligen  Schrift,  Leipz.,  1678,  fol.  V.  Theil; 
POLUS,  Synopsis  criticor.,  Francof  ad  M.,  1694;  J.  Cleeicus,  Vet.  teat,  lihri  historici,  Amste- 
lod., 1708,  fol. ;  Dathe,  Lib.  histor.  vet.  test.  Jos.,  Jud.,  Ruth,  Sam.,  etc.,  Hal.,  1784 ;  J.  D. 


§7.   LITERATDKE.  41 


MiCHAELis,  Deutsche  Uebersetzung  des  Alt.  Test.,  Gottingen,  1772,  Th.  4;  J.  H.  Michaelis, 
Bibl.  hebraica,  Magdeb.,  1720;  J.  Che.  Fb.  Schulzb,  Comm.  Norimb.,  1784;  Niemeyee, 
CharahterisHk  der  Bibel,  4,  5,  Th.  Halle,  1795;  Hensler,  Erldut.  des  ersten  Bucks  Sam.,  etc., 
Hamb.,  1795;  Hoepfner  u.  Augusti,  Exeget.  Handb.  d.  A.  T.,  Leipz.,  1798;  Mauree, 
Comm.,  Leipz.,  1836;  Chb.  H.  Kalkab,  Qitcest.  biblic.  Specim.  II.  (de  nonnullis  prior.  Sam. 
libr.  locis,  etc.),  Othiu.,  1835;  O.  Thenius,  Die  Bucher  Sam.  erlcla/rt,  2  Aufl.,  Leipzig,  1864 
(comp.  EuETSCHLi  in  the  Stud,  und  Krit.,  1866,  p.  207  f.);  0.  Fe.  Keil,  BM.  Komm.  uber 
die  prophet.  Qeschichtsbucher  des  Alt.  Test.  II.  Die  Bucher  Sam.,  Leipz.,  1864  [Eng.  Tr.  Keil 
on  Samuel] ;  Bunsen,  Die  Bibel,  etc.,  II.,  Die  Frophelen. 

V.  Dietrich,  Summarien,  1578,  Nfirnb.  fol. ;  L.  Osiandee,  Deutsche  Bibel  Lathers  mit 
Erkldrung,  von  D.  Foeester,  Stuttg.,  1600,  fol. ;  Pfleicker,  Predigten  uber  das  erste  Buck 
Sam.,  Tiib.,  1605,  fol. ;  Dan.  Wuelffer,  i&iul  JEkcrex,  Predigten  uber  die  ERstorien  des  Konigs 
Saul,  Nflrnb,,  1670,  4 ;  Cramer,  Summarien  und  bibl.  Auslegung,  1627,  2  Aufl.,  Wolfenbiittel, 
1681,  fol.;  ViETOR,  David's, Leben  und  Begierung  in  Predigten,  Niirnb.,  1690,  4;  Wueetem- 
BEEG,  Summarien  und  Auslegungen  der  Heil.  Schrift;  Das  A.  T.,  von  J.  K.  Zeller,  Stuttg., 
1677;  verm^ehrt  herausgegeben  durch  die  iheol.  Fakult.  in  Tubingen,  Leipz.,  1709,  4;  Gottf. 
KoHLEEiF,  Betrachtungen  uber  30  auserlesene  Oerter  aus  d.  Buch.  Sam.,  Ratzeburg,  1717,  8 ; 
Berlenb.  Bib.,  2  Th.,  1728,  fol.;  Joachim  Lange,  Bibliseh-historisches  Lichi  und  Recht, 
Halle  u.  Leipz.,  1734,  fol. ;  Che.  M.  Pfaff,  Biblia  d.  i.  die  ganze  Heil.  Sehrift.  mit  Summa- 
rien und  Anmerk,  Tubing.,  fol.  8  Aufl.  Speier,  1767 ;  Starke,  Synopsis  IL ;  Richter,  er- 
kldrte  Hausbibel  A.  T.  II.,  Barmen.,  1835 ;  LiSKO,  Das  A.  T.  mit  Erhlarungen  I.  Die  histor. 
Bucher,  Berlin,  1844;  0.  v.  Gerlach,  Das  A.  T.  mit  Einl.  und  erkldrend.  Anmerk.,  2  B.,  Berl. 
1846  (5  Aufl.,  1867) ;  Calwbe,  Handbueh  d.  Bibelerkldrung  I.,  Calw.  und  Stuttg.,  1849 ; 
Daechsel,  Die  Bibel,  mit  in  den  Text  eingeschalteter  Auslegung,  mit  einem  Vorwort  von  De.  A. 
Hahn,  General-Superintendent,  etc.,  I.  1,  Die  Qeschichtsbucher,  Heft  11-14,  Bresl.  1865  sqq,, 
bei  Duelfer;  Betbibel,  2  B.  Eisleben,  1863. 

M.  Fr.  Eoos,  Einl.  in  die  bibl.  Oeschichten. — neuer  Abdruck,  Stuttg.,  1857,  Th.  2  ;  Eisen- 
LOHR,  i>as  Volk  Israel  unter  d.  Merrschaftd.  Konige,  2  Th.,  Leipz.,  1856;  J.  Schliee,  Die 
Kmige  in  Israel,  ein  Handbuchlein  zur  heil.  Oeschich.,  1859 ;  Hasse,  Gesch.  d.  Alt.  Bundes, 
1863 ;  Staehelin,  Das  Leben  David's  eine  histor.  Uniersuchung,  Basel,  1866. 

J.  Schliee,  ITSnig  Saul,  Bihelstunden,  Nordl.,  1867 ;  J.  Disselhoff,  Die  Gesch.  Konig 
Saul's— elf  Predigten,  4  Aufl.  Kaiserswerth  a.  Rh.,  1867 ;  Fe.  Arndt,  Der  Mann  naah  dem 
Herzen  Gotles,  19  Predigten  tiber  d.  Leben  David's,  Berl.,  1836 ;  F.  W.  Krummacher,  David, 
der  Konig  v.  Israel,  ein  biblisches  Lebensbild,  Berlin,  1867 ;  J.  Disselhoff,  Die  Gesch.  Konig 
Davvts,  des  Mannes  naxh  dem  Herzen  Oottes,  14  Predigten,  3  Aufl.  Kaiserswerth  a.  Rh.,  1867; 
J.  Schliee,  Konig  David,  Bibelstunden,  Nordling.,  1870 ;  J.  Rupeeti,  lAcht  und  Sehatien 
aus  d.  Gesch.  des  Alt.  Bundes,  I.  Samuel  der  Prophet,  Hermannsburg,  1870. 

[Besides  Dictionaries  of  the  Bible  (Eesch  u.  Geubee,  Winbe,  Heezog,  Kitto,  Faie- 
baien.  Smith),  Introductions  (De  Wbtte,  Keil,  Bleek,  Davidson),  and  Geographical 
Works  (Reland,  Lightfoot,  Bochart,  Ritter,  Robinson,  Stanley's  Sinai  and  Pales- 
tine, Thomson's  The  Land  and  the  Book,  Porter  in  Murray's  Handbook),  the  following 
additional  aids  may  be  mentioned : 

1.  Jewish  Commentaries. — E.  Solomon  Isaaki  (Rashi),  eleventh  cent.,  in  Bux- 
tovlf's  Biblia  Babbinica,  and  Lat.  translation  by  J.  F.  Bbeithaupt,  Gothaj,  1714;  R. 
David  Kimchi  (Radak),  13th  cent.,  in  Buxtorf  ;  R.  Levi  ben  Gershom  (Ralbag),  thir- 
teenth cent.,  in  Buxtorf;  Abaebanel,  fifteenth  century.  Good  suggestions  may  be  gotten 
from  these. 

2.  Patristic. — Jerome,  Quoest.  in  Sam. ;  Augustine,  Quest,  and  De  Oiv.  Dei  Lib.  17  ; 
Gregory  the  Great,  Comm. ;  Cheysostom,  Homilies  on  Hannah  and  on  David. 

3.  Continental LuDOVicus   db  Dieu,  Oriiica  Sacra,  Amstelaedami,  1693,  fiiU  of 

valuable  grammatical  observations;  Die  Israeliiische  Bibel  (L.  Philippson),  Leipzig,  1868, 
represents  modern  liberal  Jewish  opinions. 

4.  English  Commentaries.— Of  the  older  (generally  unscientific  and  unsatisfactory), 
Pateick,  Lowth  and  Whitby  has  much  good  exposition ;  Wall's  Critical  Notes  are  nearly 


42  INTRODUCTION  TO  THE  BOOKS  OF  SAMUEL. 


useless;  Gill  has  references  to  Jewish  authorities;  Henky  is  devout ;  Claeke  is  learned, 
but  sometimes  erratic  and  untrustworthy ;  the  Comprehensive  Commentary  is  a  compilation 
not  without  value.  Of  the  later,  Bishop  Wobdswoeth's  Holy  Bible  with  Notes  is  devout 
and  conservative,  and  has  some  useful  quotations  from  patristic  writers,  but  is  marred  by 
excessive  literalness  and  allegorizing ;  the  Oriiiaal  and  Experimental  Commentary  by  Jamib- 
SON,  Fausset  and  Beown  is  condensed  and  clear,  useful  for  those  who  have  not  time  for 
wide  reading ;  the  Bible  Commentary,  "  by  Bishops  and  other  Clergy  of  the  Anglican  Church," 
is  intended  to  give  the  results  of  modern  scientific  investigation  as  held  by  orthodox  Angli- 
cans, and  is  a  valuable  and  generally  trustworthy  work. 

5.  Biographies,  Histories,  etc. — Chandlee's  Critical  Eistory  of  David  and  DelANEy's 
History  of  Daoid  are  useful ;  Huntbe's  Soared  Biography  (Hannah)  and  Robikson's  Scrip- 
ture Characters,  of  not  much  profit ;  the  quaint  sagacity  and  earnest  piety  of  Bp.  Hall's 
Contemplations  is  well  known  ;  Kitto's  Daily  Bible  Illustrations  are  especially  useful  in  giving 
vividness  to  Scripture  scenes  and  persons ;  Stackhousb's  Hist,  of  the  Bible,  Milmajj's  Hist, 
of  the  Jews,  Stanley's  Lectures  on  the  Jewish  Church,  Ewald's  Oesch.  d.  Volkes  Israel 
(£ng.  transl.  History  of  Israel,  Clabk's  Foreign  Theolog.  Library),  Hengstbnbeeq,  Oesch. 
d.  Beiches  Oottes  u.  d.  A.  B.  (Eng.  transl.  Hist,  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  under  the  Old  Covenant), 
are  valuable ;  C.  Kingsley,  Four  Serrrums  on  David,  delivered  at  the  University  of  Cam- 
bridge, sprightly  and  suggestive;  W.  M.  Taylok,  David  the  King  of  Israel,  New  York, 
1875,  a  series  of  interesting  and  wholesome  discourses;  F.  D.  Maueices  Frophets  and 
Kings  of  the  0.  T.  is  thoughtful  and  candid. 

6.  On  the  ciiticism  of  the  text. — Besides  general  works  on  text  criticism  and  the 
Bihlia  Hebraica  of  J.  H.  Michablis,  mentioned  above  by  De.  Eedmann,  we  have  Kenni- 
COTt's  Ed.  of  Heb.  Bib.,  Oxford,  1776-80 ;  De  Rossi,  Varia  Lectiones  Vet.  Test.,  Parmse, 
1784 ;  Thenius  and  Keil  (Eng.  tr.,  Clark's  Foreign  Theolog.  Lib.),  in  their  commenta- 
ries ;  Wbllhausbn,  Der  Text  d.  Biicher  Sam.,  Gottingen,  1871 ;  foot-notes  in  Ewald's  Hist, 
of  Israel;  Steack's  Proleg.  Crit.  in  Vet,  Test. ;  Feankel's  Vorstudien  zwr  LXX.;  David- 
son's Biblical  CniicjsOT.— Tb.] 


THE 


FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


FIRST  PART.    SAMUEL. 

1  Sam.  I.— Vn. 


Samuel's  IjIfe  and  Work  as  Judge,  Priest  and  Prophet,  Directed  Towards  a  Tho- 

ROtTGH    EeEORMATION    OF    THE    THEOCRACY   AND    LAYINO    THE    FOUNDATION    OF    THE 

Theocratic  Kingdom, 


FIEST  DIVISION :    SAMUEL'S  EAELY  LIFE. 

1  Sam.  I.— in. 


FIRST    SECTION. 

Samuel's  Birth  in  Answer  to  Prayer  to  the  Lord 

Chap.  L  1-20. 

I.  SarrmeUs  parents,  the  EphrcUhite  Elhanah  and  the  childless  Hannah,    Vers.  1-8. 

1  Now  [pm.  Now^]  there  was  a  certain  [owi.  certain]  man  of  Eamathaim-zophim,' 
of  Mount  Ephraim,  and  his  name  was  Elkanah,  the  son  of  Jeroham,  the  son  of 

2  Elihu,  the  son  of  Tohu,  the  Son  of  Zuph,  an  Ephrathite.  And  he  had  two  wives  ; 
the  name  of  the  one  was  Hannah,  and  the  name  of  the  other  Peninnah  ;  and  Pe- 

3  ninnah  had  children,  but  [and]  Hannah  had  no  children.  And  this  man  went  up 
yearly  out  of  [from]  his  city  to  worship  and  to  sacrifice  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
of  hosts  [Hosts]  in  Shiloh.  And  the  two  sons  of  Eli,  Hophni  and  Phinehas,  the 
priests  of  the  Lord,  were  there  [And  there  the  two  sons  of  Eli,  Hophni  and  Phine- 

4  has,  were  priests  of  Jehovah'].    And  when  the  time  was  that  Elkanah  offered,  he 

5  gave  to  Peninnah  his  wife,  and  to  all  her  sons  and  her  daughters,  portions ;  but 
unto  Hannah  he  gave  a  worthy  [double*]  portion,  for  he  loved  Hannah,  but  [and] 

6  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  shut  up  her  womb.  And  her  adversary  also  [om.  also] 
provoked  her  sore  [ins.  also],  for  [om.  for]  to  make  her  fret  because^  the  Lord  [Je- 

7  hovah]  had  shut  up  her  womb.  And  as  he  did  so  [And  so  it  happened']  year  by 
year ;  when  she  went  up  to  the  house  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  so  she  [she  thus]  pro- 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

^  [Ver.  1.  The  1,  being  a  part  of  the  introductory  narrative-formula,  and  not  a  connective  with  some  other 
narrative,  is  better  rendered  by  the  presentative  "now"  than  by  the  connective  "and;"  and  is  best  omitted 
entirely. — Tb.1. 

'  [Ver.l.  vat.  has  Su^i,  which  points  to 'ills  "aZuphite;"  Targ.  renders  "of  the  disciples  of  the  prophets," 

Peah.  "  from  the  hill  of  the  watchers,"  both  of  which  point  to  the  present  text,  but  are  not  probable  transla- 
tions.—Tb.]. 

«  [Ver.  3.  It  is  not  said  that  these  were  the  only  priests.— Te.]. 

*  [Ver.  5.  See  Notes,  in  loco. — Te]. 

'  [Ver.  6.  It  was  over  this  that  the  adversary  designed  to  make  Hannah  fret.— Te.]. 

•  [Ver.  7.  The  verb  is  probably  to  be  pointed  HW'-— Te.]. 

43 


44 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


8  voked  her,  therefore  [and]  she  wept  and  did  not  eat.  Then  said  Elkanah  her  hus- 
band [And  Elkanah  her  husband  said]  to  her,  Hannah,  why  weepest  thou  t  ana 
whv  eatest  thou  not  ?  and  why  is  thy  heart  grieved  ?  am  not  I  better  to  thee  than 


■why  eatest  thou  not  ?  and  why 
ten  sons  ? 

II.  Hannah's  Prayer  Jar  a  Son.    Vers.  9-18  a. 

9       So  [And]  Hannah  rose  up  after  they  [she']  had  eaten  in  Shiloh,  and  after  they 
[she']  had  drunk.     Now  [And]  Eli  the  priest  sat  upon  a  [the]  seat  by  a  [the]  post 

10  of  the  temple  [Sanctuary^]  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].     And  she  was  in  bitterness  of 

11  soul,  and  prayed  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  wept  sore.  And  she  vowed  a  vow, 
and  said,  O  Lord  of  hosts  [Jehovah  of  Hosts],  if  thou  wilt  indeed  look  on  the 
affliction  of  thine  handmaid,  and  remember  me,  and  not  forget  thy  handmaid,  but 
[and]  wilt  give  unto  thine  handmaid  a  male-child,  then  I  will  give  him  unto  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  all  the  days  of  his  life,  and  there  shall  no  razor  come  upon  his 

12  head.     And  it  came  to  pass,  as  she  continued  praying  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 

13  that  Eli  marked  her  mouth.  Now  [And]  Hannah,  she  [pm.  she']  spake  in  her 
heart ;  only  her  lips  moved,  but  her  voice  was  not  heard ;  therefore  [and]  Eli 

14  thought  she  had  been  [was]  drunken.     And  Eli  said  unto  her,  How  long  wilt  thou 

15  be  drunken?  put  away  thy  wine  from  thee.  And  Hannah  answered  and  said.  No, 
my  lord,  I  am  a  woman  of  a  sorrowful  spirit ;  I  have  drunk  neither  wine  nor  strong 

16  drink,  but  have  poured  out  my  soul  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  Count  not  thine 
handmaid  for  a  daughter  of  Belial  [dissolute  woman^"]  ;  for  out  of  the  abundance 

17  of  my  complaint  and  [ins.  my]  grief  have  I  spoken  hitherto.  Then  [And]  Eli 
answered  and  said,  Go  in  peace  ;  and  the  God  of  Israel  grant  ihee  [om.  thee]  thy 

18  a  petition  that  thou  hast  asked  of  him.    And  she  said,  Let  thine  handmaid  find  grace 

in  thy  sight  [thine  eyes]. 

III.  SamuePs  Birth.    Vers.  18  i.-20. 

18  6    So  [And]  the  woman  went  her  way  and  did  eat,  and  her  countenance  was  no 

19  more  sacZ."  And  they  rose  up  in  the  morning  early,  and  worshipped  before  the 
Lord  [Jehovah],  and  returned  and  came  to  their  house  to  Bamah.     And  Elkanah 

20  knew  Hannah  his  wife ;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  remembered  her.  Wherefore 
[And]  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  time  was  come  about,  after  Hannah  had  [that 
Hannah]  conceived,  that  she  [and]  bare  a  son,  and  called  his  name  Samuel,  saying, 
Because  [For,  said  she,"]  I  have  [om.  have]  asked  him  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

'  Ver.  9.  The  Infin.  refers  here  rather  to  Hannah. — Tr.]. 

8  [Ver.  9.  b^Tl  is  not  necessarily  "  temple,"  but  any  large  structure. — Tb.]. 

T     •• 

'  [Ver.  13.  The  Heb.  inserts  the  pron.  NTI  "  she,"  but  our  Eng.  does  not  well  permit  it. — Te.]. 
">  [Ver.  16.  7^^73  "  worthlessness  "  should  not  be  rendered  as  a  proper  name  in  0.  T. ;  Eng.  A.  V.  frequently 
renders"  sons  of  B."  by  "  ungodly  "  or  "  wicked."— Te.]. 


"  [Ver.  18.  See  Notes.— Tk.]. 


EXEGETICAIi  AND    CRITICAL.* 

I.  Samud's  Parents.  Vers.  1-8. 

Vers.  1,  2.  And  there  V7as  a  man  of  Ra- 
mathaim-zophim. — Here  an  account  is  given 
of  Samuel's  genealogy  and  birthplace. 

There  is  no  sufficient  ground  for  adopting  (as 
Thenius  does)  the  reading  of  the  Sept.  MS.  B. 
(Vat.)  irn  tyx  [there  was  a  man]  instead  of 
^''^  '''??I  [and  there  was  a  man],  since  this  latter 
does  not  affect  the  independence  of  the  Books  of 
Samuel;  for  the  1  [and]  does  not  indicate  attach- 
ment to  something  preceding,  the  continuation 
of  the  Book  of  Judges,  but  'n'j  [and  there  was] 
stands  here,  as  it  often  does  at  the  beginning  of 
a  narrative,  as  historical  introductory  formula, 


*  fin  the  German  "  exeffelische  erlduterungen"  "  exegeti. 
cal  explanations." — Te.]. 


Jos.  i.  1 ;  Judg.  i.  1 ;  Ruth  i.  1 ;  2  Sam.  i.  1 ;  1  Kings 
i.  1 ;  Esth.  i.  1 ;  Ezra  i.  1 ;  Ezek.  i.  1 ;  Jonah  i.  1. 

The  father  of  Samuel  was  a  man  of  Eama- 
thaim-zophim  in  the  hiU-countiy  of  Ephraim, 
named  Elkanah.  The  place  Ramathaim  (D^nDiri) 
is  doubtless  the  same  that  is  called  in  ver.'s 
"  his  city,"  and  afterwards  in  ver.  19  and  ii.  11 
by  the  shorter  name  Bamah  (riDirt),  whence  it 
appears  that  it  was  not  merely  the  family-resi- 
dence, but  also  Elkanah's  abode,  where  he  had 
'his  house."  The  full  name  Ramathaim-aopAim 
IS  found  here  only.  The  dual  "T^vo-hills"  points 
to  the  site  of  the  place  as  on  the  sides  or  summits 
of  two  hills.  It  IS  the  birth-place  of  Samuel  (ver 
19)^  the  .same  Ramah  in  which  he  had  his  house 
(vu.  17),  the  central  point  of  his  labors  (viii  4- 
XV.  34-  xvi.  13;  xix  18-22)  and  his  abode  al 
long  a.s  he  lived,  and  where  he  was  buried  ^xxvi  1  • 
— i"  3).    But  this  Ramah  of  Samuel,  according 


IXVUl. 


CHAP.  I.  1-20. 


45 


to  Preasel's  clear  statement  in  Ilerzog  (M.-E.  s.  v. 
Bama),  is  most  probably  identical  with  the  Ka- 
mah  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  (Jos.  xviii.  25) ; 
for  the  statement  of  Josephus  (Ant.  8,  12,  3)  that 
Eamathon,*  which  =  D'nOT  [Eamathaim]  and 
is  therefore  doubtless  the  Eamah  of  Samuel,  was 
forty  Stadia  from  Jerusalem,  and  that  of  Eusebius 
(Onomast.  s.  v.  '  Ap/j.a'^i/i)  that  it  was  somewhat 
ferther  north  in  a  line  from  Jerusalem  towards 
Bethel,  carry  us  into  the  territory  of  Benjamin. 
If  it  be  urged  against  this  view  that,  according  to 
Judg.  iv.  5  and  this  passage,  Eamah  of  Samuel 
was  in  the  mountains  of  Ephraim,  and  therefore 
in  the  Tribe-territory  of  Ephiaim,  it  is  to  be  ob- 
served on  the  other  hand  that  the  mountains  of 
Ephraim  stretch  into  the  Tribe  of  Benjamin,  and 
not  only  include  its  northern  mountains,  but  ex- 
tend towards  Jerusalem  and  unite  with  the  moun- 
tains of  Judah.  The  Eamah  of  Samuel  lay  in 
Benjamin  near  Gibeah,  Saul's  home,  and  Mizpah. 
The  addition  zophim  (D'fliS)  distinguishes  it  from 
the  other  places  of  the  same  name,  and  indicates 
the  district  (the  land  of  Zuph  ix.  5)  in  which  it 
lay,  whose  name  is  to  be  derived  from  the  family 
of  Zuph  or  Zophim  from  whom  Elkanah  de- 
scended (comp.  1  Chr.  vi.  11,  20).  Since,  accord- 
ing to  this,  Zophim  indicates  a  region,  which  took 
its  name  from  the  descendants  of  Zuph,  the  place 
Soba,  which  has  lately  been  discovered  west  of 
Jerusalem,  cannot  be  the  Eamah  of  Samuel,  aa 
Eobinson  and  Eitter  suppose  (see  Then,  sacks,  exe- 

fet.  Stvdien,  II.134sq.,and  Ewald,  Oeseh.  II.  595). 
t  is  rather  to  be  sought  in  the  site  of  the  pre- 
sent Er-Eam  between  four  and  five  (Eng.)  miles, 
as  Josephus  states,  from  Jerusalem  on  the  summit 
or  side  of  a  conical  mountain  on  the  road  from 
Jerusalem  to  Bethel.  When  Saul  (in  ch.  ix.  5) 
comes  into  the  "  land  of  Zuph,"  he  straightway 
finds  Samuel  in  "this  city."  That  "this  city," 
Samuel's  abode,  is  identical  with  Kamathaim- 
zophim  here  is  beyond  doubt.  But  against  the 
view  that  it,  together  with  the  region  "  Zuph," 
belonged  to  Benjamin,  and  in  support  of  the  view 
that  it  is  difierent  from  Eamah  of  Benjamin,  and 
lay  in  the  territory  of  Ephraim,  the  principal 
consideration  adduced  is  Saul's  route  (ix.  4 — x. 
2) :  on  the  return  from  Eamah  to  Gibeah,  Saul, 
it  is  said,  certainly  took  the  directest  road ;  but, 
according  to  x.  2-5,  he  first  crossed  the  border  of 
Benjamin  (x.  2),  and  then  came  into  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Bethel  (x.  3),  which  lay  close  to  the 
border  of  Benjamin  and  Ephraim  j  according  to 
this,  Eamah  of  Samuel  was  situated  north  of 
Bethel  in  Ephraim  not  far  from  Gibeah  (ver.  20) 
but  near  Shiloh  (ch.  i.  24),  for  if  it  had  been  far 
from  Shiloh,  the  animals  for  offering  would  not 
have  been  carried  from  home.  So  Then,  on  ix. 
5,  p.  34.  But  the  assumption  that  Saul  went  the 
directest  way  to  Gibeah  is  not  certain.  In  ver.  3, 
remarks  Winer  correctly  ( W.-B.  s.  v.),  nothing  is 
said  really  of  the  neighborhood  of  Bethel,  but 
only  that  Saul  should  meet  men  who  were  going 
to  Bethel,  from  what  direction  we  know  not.  And 
Eamah  of  Benjamin  was  so  near  Shiloh,_  that 
there  was  no  needf  to  drive  thither  the  animals 

•  [So  Josephus  i  butthe  text  ofErdmann  has  Rama- 
thatm.— Te.J. 

t  [That  is,  it  was  not  necessary  to  drive  the  animals 
thither  beforehand,  since,  the  distance  being  so  small, 
they  could  be  sent  for  when  needed. — Te.J. 


which  could  not  easily  be  purchased  on  the  spot.* 
The  other  geographical  term  '0"^???  "Ephraira- 
ite"  (which  must  not  be  connected  with  ^^X 
(Luth.)  in  which  case  it  would  have  been  ''ni3Kn) 
certainly  describes  Elkanah  as  an  Ephraimite, 
who  belonged  not  only  to  the  mountains,  but  also 
to  the  Tribe  of  Ephraim — and  not  as  a  Bethlehe- 
mite^  as  Hoffmann  ( Weissag.  u.  JErfuU.  II.  61)  and 
Eobinson  (Pal.  II.,  583  [Am.  ed.ii.7sq.])sup. 
pose ;_  for  in  xvii.  12  and  Euth  i.  2,  to  which  ap- 
peal is  made,  the  word  is  further  expressly  de- 
fined by  the  phrase  "  of  Bethlehem."  "  It  by  no 
means  follows,  however,  from  this  description  of 
Elkanah  (comp.  Then.  p.  2)  that  Eamathaim- 
zophim  pertained  to  the  territory  of  Ephraim, 
but  only  that  Elkanah's  family  had  settled  in  this 
Eamah,  and  had  afterwards  moved  to  Eamah  in 
Benjamin"  (Keil,  p.  18).  As  Elkanah  came  from 
the  Levitical  fiimily  of  Kohath,  son  of  Levi, 
whose  land  lay  in  Ephraim,  Dan  and  Manasseh 
(Josh.  xxi.  5, 21  sq.),  and  as  the  Levites  generally 
were  counted  as  citizens  of  the  tribes  in  which 
their  residence  was,  it  is  not  strange  that  Elkanah 
is  here  designated  as  an  Ephraimite  according  to 
his  descent,  while  he  lived  in  Benjamin,  whither 
his  forefathers  had  immigrated. 

The  family  of  Elkanah  is  here  traced  back  only 
through  four  generations  to  ^'S  "  Zuph,"  no  doubt 
with  reference  to  the  preceding  designation  Zo- 
phim, because  Zuph  had  settled  in  this  district 
with  his  fiimily,  and  it  had  taken  its  name  from 
him.  It  would  therefore  properly  be  written 
D'JUX  "Zuphim."  This  explanation  of  the  name 
is  certainly  more  natural  than  that  which  sup- 
poses that  the  district  in  which  it  lay,  the  "land 
of  Zuph  "  (ix.  5)  was  so  called  from  its  abundant 
supply  of  water,  and  than  the  explanation  of  some 
Eabbis,  "Eamathaim  of  the  watchers  or  pro- 
phets." [The  first  question  with  regard  to  this 
word,  whether  we  read  Zophim  or,  with  Erd- 
mann,  Zuphim,  is  a  grammatical  one :  is  the  com- 
bination Eamathaim-zophim  in  accordance  with 
Heb.  usage  ?  In  proper  names  the  rule  is  that 
the  first  word  of  a  compound  is  in  the  construct, 
state,  but  the  two  exceptions,  compounds  with 
'^nH  "meadow,"  Gen.l.  11,  etc.,  and  HIB'  "plain," 
Gen.  xiv.  5,  seem  to  prove  the  possibility  of  an 
appositional  construction,  so  that  we  must  admit 
(against  Wellhausen  "  Der  Tad.  d.  Siicher  Sam." 
m  loco)  Eamathaim-zophim  to  be  a  possible  form. 
But,  as  "  Zophim "  never  appears  again  as  an  ap- 
pendage to  Eamathaim,  and  the  old  vss.  Chald. 
and  Syr.  render  it  as  an  appellative,  it  would  per- 
haps be  better,  with  Wellhausen,  to  suppose  that 
the  final  D  m  comes  by  error  of  transcription 


*  [The  difficulties  in  the  way  of  identifying  Eama- 
thaim (-Zophim)  on  the  supposition  that  it  is  the  same 
with  "  this  city  "  (ix.  6)  are  almost  insuperable.  The 
conditions  to  be  met  are  1)  the  place  is  in  Mt.  Ephraim ; 

2)  it  is  apparently  south  ot  Raehers  tomb  (1  Sam.  x.  2); 

3)  it  was  Samuel's  residence  Eamah,  They  decide  the 
question  against  Er-Eam,  which  is  north  of  Rachel's 
tomb.  The  only  solution  is  that  which  rejects  the  above 
supposition.  If  the  city  in  which  Saul  was  anointed 
was  some  other  place,  or  Saul's  residence  at  that  time 
was  not  Gibeah,  then  Er-Ram  maybe  Ramah,and  in 
other  respects  this  answers  better  than  any  other  place 
to  the  circumstances.  But  the  question  must  be  re- 
garded as  undecided.  See  Stanley's  "Sinai  and  Pales- 
tine," Note  to  ch.  4,and  Mr.  Grove's  Articles  ("  Eamah," 
"  Ramathaim")  in  Smith's  Dictionary,  with  Dr,'Wolcott's 
additional  remarks.— Ta.]. 


46 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


from  the  following  word,  and  to  read  'SIS  "a 
Zuphite,"  which  would  then  correspond  to  the 
"  Zuph  "  at  the  end  as  "  an  Ephraimite  "  does  to 
"Mount  Ephraim." — Tr.].  From  a  comparison 
of  the  two  genealogies  in  1  Chr.  vi.  26,  27  (Heb. 
11,  12)  34,  35  (Heb.  19,  20)  with  this  genealogy 
of  Samuel  it  appears  that  they  agi'ee  except  in 
the  last  three  names,  which  in  the  first  list  in  Chr. 
are  Eliab,  JSTahath  and  Zophai,  and  in  the  second, 
Eliel,  Toah  and  Ziph.  They  are  plainly  the  same 
names  with  various  changes  of  form.  These 
changes  are  probably  to  be  ascribed  to  differences 
of  pronunciation  or  to  the  mis-writing  of  the  ori- 
ginal forms  which  are  preserved  in  this  passage 
(comp.  Then.  2). 

The  Levitkal  descent  of  Elkanah  and  Samuel  is 
put  beyond  doubt  by  a  comparison  of  the  gene- 
alogy here  with  those  in  Chronicles.     In  the  first 
of  these,  1  Chr.  vi.  22  sq.  {Heb.7  sq.)  the  genealo- 
gical list  descends  from  the  second  son  of  Levi, 
Kohath,  to  Samuel  and  his  sons ;  in  the  second, 
ver.  33  sq.  (Heb.  18  sq.),  it  ascends  from  the  singer 
Heman,  Samuel's  grandson,  to  Kohath,  Levi  and 
Israel.     These  Levites  of  the  Family  of  Kohath 
had  their  dwellings  appointed  them  in  the  tribes 
of  Ephraim,  Dan,  and  Manasseh.     As  the  Levites 
were  usually  designated  by  the  tribes  in  which 
their  dwellings  were  fixed    (Hengstenb.  Be/Ur. 
[Contributions]  mr  Einl.  im.  A.  T.  III.  61),  the 
name   "Ephraimite"   here  cannot  be  adduced 
against  the  Levitical  descent  of  Samuel,  as  is  done 
by  Knobel  (II.  29,  Anm.  2),  Nagelsbach  (Her- 
zog,  R.-E.  8.  V.  Samuel)  and  others.     The  latter 
himself  refers  to  Judg.  xvii.  7  and  xix.  1  as  cases 
where  a  Levite  is  described  as  belonging  to  an- 
other tribe,  but  thinks  it  strange  that,  while  in 
those  passages  the  Levitical  descent  of  the  men  is 
also  expressly  mentioned,  Elkanah's  descent  from 
Levi  is  here  not  hinted  at,  and  this  is  all  the  more 
surprising,  if  he  was  really  a  Levite,  when  his 
ancestor  came  from  Ephraim  to  Eamah  and  gave 
his  name  to  the  region.     But  the  author  of  the 
Book  of  Judges  had  a  special  motive  for  men- 
tioning the  Levitical  character  of  those  persons, 
while  our  author  had  little  or  none,  since  in  his 
narrative  of  Samuel  he  lays  all  the  stress  on  his 
prophetic  office,  and  writes,  as  we  have  seen,  from 
a  prophetic  stand-point.     There  was  the  less  need 
to  emphasize  Samuel's  Levitical  character  because, 
as  Ewald  (II.  594)  remarks,  the  Levites  that  were 
not  of  Aaron's  family,  seem  in  early  times  to  have 
been  more  blended  with  the  people.    And  the 
statement  in  "Chronicles"  of  Samuel's  Levitical 
descent  was  not  occasioned  by  the  fact  that  the 
prophet  performed  priestly  functions  (Knobel  vhi 
supT),  nor  is  it  to  be  explained  by  saying  that  per- 
haps quite  early  the  conviction  "that  Samuel  mrnt 
have  been  a  Levite  grew  out  of  the  difficulty  which 
every  Levite  must  have  felt  at  the  discharge  of 
priestly  duties  by  Samuel,  if  he  were  not  of  the 
stem  of  Levi  (Nagelsbach,  vhi  sup.) — nor  to  be  re- 
ferred, with  Thenius  (p.  2),  to  the  fact  that,  per- 
haps in  later  times  the  genealogy  given  in  our 
Book  was  attached  to  that  of  Levi  in  order  thus 
to  justify  Samuel's  offering  sacrifices.     "  Chroni- 
cles" throughout  makes  its  statistical-historical 
statements  from  the  Levitical  point  of  view,  and 
thus  supplements  the  history  of  Bavid  and  Sa- 
muel in  our  Book.     Hengstenberg  well  says  {ubi 


sup.) :  "  We  cannot  suppose  these  genealogies  to 
be  an  arbitrary  invention,  simply  because,  if  the 
author  had  been  disposed  to  this,  he  would  doubt- 
less have  put  Samuel  among  the  descendants  of 
Aaron."     Ewald  remarks,  "Anyone  who  looks 
narrowly  at  the  testimony  in  '  Chronicles '  cannot 
possibly  doubt  that  Samuel  was  of  a  Levitical  fa- 
mily," while  our  author  attached  no  importance 
to  this  fact  (vMsup.  Anm.  2).   So  Bunsen  (inloco), 
referring  to  Josh.  xxi.  21,  where  the  dwellings  of 
the  Kohathites  are  fixed  in  Mount  Ephraim  also, 
says :  "  The  Levitical  descent  of  Samuel  is  certain ; 
only  it  is  not  made  specially  prominent  here." 
Nagelsbach  himseVis  obliged  to  admit  that  the 
proofe  of  Samuel's  Levitical  descent  are  convin- 
cing; for  1)  looking  at  "  Chronicles  "  (1  Chr.  xxv. 
4;  comp.  VI.  18  sq.),   he  is  obliged  to  concede  that 
Samuel's  posterity  is  very  decidedly  considered 
as  belonging  to  the  Levites,  since  Heman,  the  re- 
nowned singer,  grandson  of  Samuel  and  father  of 
a  numerous  posterity,  has  an  eminent  place  in  the 
lists  of  Levites  of  David's  day ;  and  2)  he  urges  fiir- 
ther  as  a  not  unimportant  consideration  the  name 
of  Samuel's  father,  "  Elkanah,  that  is,  he  whom 
God  acquired  or  purchased,"  for  this  name  is  both 
in  signification  and  use  exclusively  a  Levite  name, 
and  all  the  Elkanahs  mentioned  in  the  Old  Test, 
(leaving  out  the  one  in  2  Chr.  xxviii.  7,  whose 
tribe  is  not  stated)  were  demonstrably  Levites, 
and  belonged  mostly  to  the  family  of  Korah  from 
whom  Samuel  also  was  descended.    See  Slmonia 
Onomast.,  p.  493 ;  Hengstenb.,  vM  supra  61 ;  Kcil 
in  loco. — The  further  objection  is  made  that  Sa- 
niuel  was  really  dedicated  to  the  Sanctuary-ser- 
vice by  his  mother's  vow,  which  would  not  have 
been  necessary  if  Elkanah  had  been  a  Levite.  To 
this  the  answer  is  not  that  Hannah's  vow  referred 
to  the  Nazariteshij)  of  her  son — for  though  all 
Nazarites  were  specially  consecrated  to  the  Lord, 
they  did  not  thereby  come  under  obligation  to 
serve  in  the  Sanctuary  like  the  Levites — but  ra- 
ther that  in  Hannah's  vow  the  words  "  all  the 
days  of  his  life"   (vers.  11  and  22)  are  to  be  em- 
phasized.    While  she  consecrates  him  to  the  Lord 
as  Nazarite,  she  at  the  same  time  by  her  vow  de- 
votes him  for  his  whole  life  to  the  service  of  the 
Lord  in  the  Sanctuary ;  while  the  Levites  did  not 
enter  the  service  till  the  age  of  twenty-five  or 
thirty   (Numb.   viii.23sq.;    iv.  23,  30,  47),   and 
then  needed  not  to  remain  constantly  at  the  Sanc- 
tuary, Samuel  as  soon  as  he  is  weaned  is  destined 
by  his  mother  to  continual  service  there  (ver.  22), 
and  while  yet  a  boy  wears  there  the  priestly  dress. 
—It  is  again  urged  against  the  Levitical  descent 
of  Elkanah  that,  according  to  the  Septuagint  ren- 
dering of  ver.  21  (whidi  adds  Kiaac    t&c   rfexdraf 
Tvc  ym  avTov  "all  the  tithes  of  his  land"),  he 
brought  tithes  (Then.) ;  but  the  genuineness  of 
this  addition  is  very  doubtful,  and,  even  if  it  be 
received,  the  bringing  of  tithes  is  no  evidence  of 
Elkanah  s  non-Levitical  character  ( Josephus,  who 
relates  the  Levitical  descent,  makes  no  difficulty 
m  speaking  of  the  tithe-bringing),  for,  according 
to  the  Law,  the  Levites  had  to  bestow  on  the 
priests,  as  gift  of  Jehovah,  one-tenth  of  the  tenth 
which  they  themselves  received  from  the  other 
tribes.   Numb,   xviii.  26 sq.;  comp.   Neh    x    38 
(.Keil  26,  Note)      Ewald  {Xl.  594)  says      "The 
tithe  which  Elkanah   (according  to  i  21    SentT 
brought  proves  nothing  against  his  Levitical  cha 


CHAP.  I.  1-20. 


47 


racter."  See  his  Alterthiimer  (Archseology),  p. 
346.  Thenius  refers  the  fulfilment  of  the  pro- 
phecy in  1  Sam.  ii.  35  to  Samuel,  and  thereon 
bases  the  assertion  that  Samuel's  Levitical  descent 
is  set  aside  by  the  prophecy ;  but,  even  if  his  re- 
ference be  conceded,  this  consequence  does  not 
follow,  for  in  this  prophecy  the  sense  requires  us 
to  emphasize  not  the  priest  but  what  is  predicted 
of  him. 

n^n,  'A.ma,  Hannah  (found  in  Phoenician 
also;  Dido's  sister  was  named  Anna),  a  common 
name  for  women  among  the  Hebrews,  signifying 
"charm,"  "fevor,"  "beauty,"  and  in  a  religious 
sense  "  grace." 

Elkanah's  bigamy  with  Hannah  and  Peninnah 
("  coral,"  "  pearl "),  like  the  custom  of  taking 
concubines  along  with  the  proper  wives,  is  funda- 
mentally opposed  to  the  original  divine  ordina- 
tion of  monogamy.  The  Mosaic  Law  does 
not  forbid  polygamy,  but  never  expressly  ap- 
proves it ;  it  accepts  it  as  a  custom  and  seeks  to 
restrict  and  govern  it  by  various  regulations  (Lev. 
xviii.  18;  Ex.  xxi.  7-10;  Deut.  xvii.  17;  xxi.  15- 
17).  According  to  Gen.  iv.  19  it  was  a  Cainite, 
Lamech,  that  first  violated  the  original  ordinance. 
As  it  was  usually  only  the  men  of  more  wealth 
and  higher  position  that  took  two  or  more  wives, 
we  may  suppose  that  Elkanah  was  a  wealthy 
man. — The  curse  which  attached  to  this  relation 
appears  in  Elkanah's  married  and  family-life; 
Peninnah,  who  was  blessed  with  children,  exalts 
herself  haughtily  above  the  childless  Hannah,  and 
embitters  her  soul.  The  resulting  discord  in  the 
family-life  shows  itself  at  the  holy  place,  where 
Hannah's  heart  is  continually  troubled  by  her 
"adversary,"  while  Elkanah  seeks  to  console  her 
by  all  the  more  affectionate  conduct. 

Vers.  3-5.  Elkanah's  yearly  worship  and  sacrifice 
at  Shiloh.  And  this  man  went  up,  etc.* — 
The  expression  "from  year  to  year"  C  CO'D) 
is  used  in  Ex.  xiii.  10  of  the  Feast  of  Unleavened 
Bread  and  so  elsewhere  (Judg.  xi.  40;  xxi.  19). 
On  the  traces  of  the  Passover  in  the  Period  of  the 
Judges  see  Hengstenberg  Beitr.  [Contrib.]  HI. 
79-85.  It  is  this  Feast  that  is  meant  here.  For 
Elkanah  is  said  in  the  text  to  have  traveled  regu- 
larly every  year  with  his  whole  household  (ver. 
21)  to  the  Sanctuary.  This  journey  was  not  taken 
at  pleasure,  but  at  an  appointed  time,  and  there- 
fore at  one  of  the  festivals  at  which  the  people 
were  required  by  the  Law  to  appear  before  the 
Lord,  Ex.  xxxiv.  23;  comp.  Deut.  xvi.  16.  It 
was  only  at  the  Passover  that  the  whole  family 
were  accustomed  to  go  up  to  the  Sanctuary,  only 
then  that  every  man  without  exception  went.  But 
Elkanah  attended  the  feast  regularly  only  once  a 
year.  Nothing  but  the  Passover,  therefore,  can 
be  meant  here.  At  this  feast  Elkanah  went  up 
once  every  year  to  the  Sanctuary  with  his  whole 
femily.  [This  statement — that  the  feast  which 
Elkanah  attended  was  the  Passover — ^would  be 

*  The  addition  of  the  Sept.  ej  'ApjiaOaiV  does  not  war- 
rant the  supposition  that  the  corresponding  Heb.  ex- 
pression has  fallen  out  after  ^TJ^D,  but  seems  to  be  an 
explanation  of  the  translator.— f'  Q''D'D    not  "at  his 

usual  time "  (Luther),  nor  "  utatvMt  diebm  "  but  "  from 
year  to  year,"  yearlt/  (Ex.  xiii  10),  oomp.  ii.  19 ;    n^t 

D'D'n  "  the  yearly  offering." 


probable,  if  we  could  assume  regularity  in  carry- 
ing out  the  Mosaic  Law  at  this  time ;  but  this 
cannot  be  assumed.  See  Judges  xvii.,  xviii.,  xix. ; 
1  Sam.  ii.  12-17.  Some  prefer  to  see  here  a  feast 
different  from  any  of  the  three  great  festivals,  re- 
ferring to  the  feasting  (ver.  9)  and  David's  "yearly 
sacrifice,"  1  Sam.  xx.  6;  comp.  Deut.  xii.  11-14 
{Sib.  Comm.  in  loco).  This,  however,  is  not  con- 
clusive; feasting  would  be  appropriate  at  the 
great  festivals,  (see  Lev.  xxiii.  40;  Neh.  viii.  12) ; 
and  the  question  what  occasion  this  was  must  be 
left  undecided. — Tr.]. 

To  worship  and  to  sacrifice. — The  beautiful 
pictureof  Israelitish  piety  which  wehave  in  the  fol- 
lowing account  of  Elkanah  and  Hannah  is  intro- 
duced by  these  features  as  the  chief  and  fundamen- 
tal ones.  Theworship relatesto themomeof theLord 
who  dwells  in  His  chosen  place  in  the  Sanctuary, 
and  is  the  expression  of  the  remembrance  of  tMs 
name  before  the  Lord.  The  sacrifice  is  the  embo- 
died prayer ;  in  the  sacrifice  worship  is  presented 
to  the  Lord  as  the  act  by  which  the  ofierer  brings 
himself,  and  all  that  he  has,  to  the  Lord.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Law  (Ex.  xxiii.  15;  xxxiv.  20; 
comp.  Deut.  xvi.  16)  those  who  came  to  the  Sanc- 
tuary to  attend  the  festival  were  not  to  appear 
empty-handed  before  the  Lord,  but  "  every  man 
shall  give  as  he  is  able,  according  to  the  blessing 
of  the  Lord  thy  God  which  He  hath  given  thee." 

The  nsn  ("to  sacrifice  ")  is  to  be  understood  of 
the  Shelamim,  which  consisted  of  free-will  offer- 
ings (Deut.  xvi.  10),  partly  fi-om  the  tithes  set 
apart  for  this  purpose  (Deut.  xiv.  22  sq.)  and  the 
first-bom  of  cattle  (Deut.  xv.  20;  Numb,  xviii. 
17),  which  were  preceded  by  burnt  offerings, 
(Numb.  X.  10)  and  followed  by  joyful  feasting. 
(Oehler,  Herzog  Jl.-E.  IV.  386).  With  reference 
to  this  sacrificial  meal,  which  belonged  essentially 
to  the  peace-offerings  (Shelamim),  the  whole  act 
of  sacrifice  is  designated  by  n3I,  because  this 
word  denotes  slaying  with  reference  to  a  meal  to 
be  afterwards  held,  and  the  expressions  D'D  72' 
(peace-offerings)  and  Cn^r  (sacrifices)  are  ex- 
actly equivalent,  the  nSI  n3t  ("to  sacrifice  a 
sacrifice")  being  used  of  the  Shelamim.  This 
peace-offering,  whose  performance  is  called  PlOr 
"  slaughter,"  was  preceded  by  a  sin-offering  and 
a  burnt-offering,  of  which  the  former  removed,ffie 
alienation  from  God  occasioned  by  sin,  and  the 
latter  through  the  worship  offered  made  the  of- 
ferer acceptable  in  the  sight  of  God ;  and  thus  the 
peace-offering  was  the  representation  and  confir- 
mation of  the  relation  of  integrity,  the  peaceful 
and  friendly  communion  between  the  Lord  and 

the  man  who  was  brought  near  to  Him  (Dj^'  inte- 
ger fuit);  comp.  Oehler  in  Herzog  X.  637,  Heng- 
stenb.  Beitr.  III.,  p.  85  sq. 

To  the  Lord  of  Hosts,  Jelwvah  Sabaoth.  El- 
kanah draws  near  with  worship  and  with  sacri- 
fice. The  signification  of  the  name  nin^  [  Jahveh, 
which  probably,  and  not  Jehovah,  is  the  correct 
pronunciation, — Tr.]  is  the  ground  of  the  worship 
and  of  the  presentation  of  the  offering.  The 
living,  unchangeable  eternal  God,  who  by  His 
historical  self-revelation  as  His  people's  Covenant- 
God  has  prepared  Himself  the  name  by  which 


48 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


they  are  to  know  and  call  Him,  and  by  which  He 
comes  into  direct  intercourse  with  them,  has  thus 
first  made  possible  for  His  people  the  worship  and 
sacrifice  which  they  are  to  bring  to  His  honor, 
and  also  made  it  a  sacred  duty. 
In  Shiloh  Elkanah  brings  his  offering  to  the 

Lord  of  Hosts.  Shiloh  {ri^W,  that  is,  "Rest") 
lay  in  the  territory  of  Ephraim,  "  on  the  north 
side  of  Bethel,  on  the  east  side  of  the  highway 
that  goeth  up  from  Bethel  to  Shechem  and  on 
the  south  of  Lebonah,"  Judg.  xxi.  19.  Here  the 
Sanctuary  of  Israel,  the  Tabernacle  with  the  Ark, 
which  immediately  after  the  entrance  into  Canaan 
was  placed  in  Gilgal  (fifty  stadia  from  Jordan,  ten 
from  Jericho),  was  located  from  the  time  men- 
tioned in  Josh,  xviii.  1  (the  sixth  year  after  the 
passage  of  the  Jordan  according  to  Joseph.  Anl. 
v.,  i.  19),  to  the  capture  of  the  Ark  by  the  Phi- 
listines. For  a  time  only,  during  the  Benjamite 
war  (Judg.  xx.  27),  the  Ark  was  in  Bethel.  Shi- 
loh was  the  permanent  seat  of  the  Sanctuary  till 
the  unfortunate  Philistine  war  under  Eli.  And 
this  Sanctuary  was,  during  the  whole  period  of 
the  Judges  up  to  Samuel's  time  when  the  Ark  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Philistines,  the  only  one 
that  the  people  of  Israel  had,  the  national  Sanc- 
tuary instituted  by  Moses,  where  men  came  into 
the  presence  of  the  Lord,  where  all  sacrifices  were 
offered  and  the  great  festivals  celebrated,  where 
the  whole  nation  assembled:  the  dwelling,  the 
house,  the  temple  of  God  (vers.  7,  9,  22).  fii  re- 
gard to  Shiloh  as  the  religious  centre  of  the  people 
during  the  whole  period  of  the  Judges  on  account 
of  the  location  there  of  the  Sanctuary  with  the 
Ark  by  Joshua,  see  for  further  details  Hengstenb. 
Seitr.  [Contrib.]  III.,  p.  52  sq.  Shiloh  was  the  home 
of  the  prophet  Ahijah  under  Jeroboam  II.  (1  Ki. 
xi.  12,  14)  and  was  still  in  existence  at  the  time  of 
the  Exile  ( Jer.  xU.  5).  Jerome  found  there  some 
ruins  and  the  foundation  of  an  altar  (see  on  Zeph. 
i.  14).  According  to  Eobinsou  (III.302sq.  [Am. 
ed.  II.  267-270])  and  Wilson  (Tlie  Lands  of  the 
Bible,  II.  292  eq.)  the  ancient  Shiloh  is  the  present 
ruin  Suilun,  whose  situation  answers  exactly  to 
the  description  in  Judg.  xxi.  19.  The  position 
of  the  place  was  such  that,  in  accordance  with  its 
name,  the  Sanctuary  of  Israel  could  there  have  a 
quiet  permanent  place.  This  quiet  place,  situated 
on  a  hiU  (Ps.  Ixxviii.  54)  was  the  scene  of  the 
mighty  revolution  brought  about  in  the  history 
of  the  Theocracy  by  the  call  of  Samuel  to  be  the 
Prophet  of  Grod  and  by  the  overthrow  of  the 
priestly  house  of  Eli. 

Instead  of  "and  there  the  two  sons,  etc."  (Dt?^ 
'3  \iU)  the  Sept.  gives  icat  hsl  'RXi  xal  oi  6io 
viol  avTov  ("  and  there  Eli  and  his  two  sons,"  ver. 
3),  as  if  the  text  had  read  "and  there  Eli,"  etc. 

(/?.  °^]) ;  bat  this  is  clearly  a  change  of  the  ori- 
ginal text  occasioned  by  the  fact,  which  seemed 
strange  to  the  translator,  that  not  Eli  but  his  two 
sons  are  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  the  Book. 
This  mention  of  the  priests  accords  with  the  fol- 
lowing narrative,  which  speaks  of  the  sacrificial 
function,  which  Eli  on  account  of  age  no  longer 
discharged.  Eli,  though  termed  only  priest,  yet 
filled  the  office  of  High-priest,  but  had  made  over 
the  priestly  duties  to  his  sons;  hence  it  is  that 
they,  and  not  he,  are  here  specially  mentioned  as 


persons  who  were  priests  to   the   Lord  (D'JnS 

nin'^),  by  which  it  is  intimated  that  there  were 
others  who  performed  this  priestly  service  before 
the  Lord.  From  the  fact  that  only  these  two, 
with  their  father,  are  here  mentioned  expressly, 
it  has  been  concluded  that  the  Priesthood  was 
numerically  very  meagre  and  simple;  but  this 
conclusion  is  wholly  unfounded ;  for,  on  the  one 
hand,  not  aU  the  priests  are  mentioned  here,  but 
only  the  two  who  figure  in  the  succeeding  his- 
tory and  illustrate  the  corruption  of  the  Priest- 
hood, and,  on  the  other  hand,  from  the  fact  that 
all  Israel  sacrificed  at  the  Sanctuary  at  Shiloh  it 
is  clear  that  two  or  three  priests  would  not  suffice 
for  the  service,  comp.  ii.  14,  16.  What  a  con- 
trast is  given  us  here  in  the  two  sons  of  Eli,  rep- 
resentatives of  a  priesthood  inwardly  estranged 
from  God  and  sunk  in  immorality,  and  the  pious 
God-fearing  Elkanah  and  his  consecrated  wife 
Hannah  1 

Ver.  4.  "The  day  "  (OVn),  that  is,  on  the  day 
when  he  came  to  Shiloh  to  sacrifice.* 

That  Elkanah's  sacrifice  (rUI)  was  a  praise  or 
thank-offering  is  clear  from  what  follows;  for, 
according  to  the  Law  (Lev.  vii.  15)  the  flesh  of 
this  offering,  of  which  the  offerer  kept  a  part,  had 
to  be  eaten  on  the  day  on  which  it  was  brought. 
This  praise-offering  or  thank-offering  is  (Lev.  vii. 
llsq.)  the  firstand principal  sort  of  the  peace-of- 
fering (D'p^'E'  =  nni'n-Sj;  nnt  or  't?  min  nai, 

vers.  13,  15),  the  sacrifice  of  the  thankful  recog- 
nition of  God's  undeserved  benefits.  The  second 
sort  of  peace-offering  is  the  vow-offering  (lilJ), 
which  was  promised  when  a  request  was  made 
for  God's  favor,  and  offered  when  it  was  granted ; 
the  third  sort  is  the  free-will-offering  (H^IJ)  for 
a  special  experience  of  God's  favor,  and  in  a 
wider  sense  a  voluntary  contribution  to  the  Sanc- 
tuary and  its  famiture  [Ex.  xxxv.  29. — Tr.]. — 
Elkanah's  whole  family  took  part  in  the  feasts 
which  he  made  there  from  the  Shelamim  [peace- 
offerings]  in  accordance  with  the  provision  of  the 
Law,  Deut.  xii.  11,  12,  17,  18.  These  meals  had 
a  joi/^iii  character,  comp.  Deut.  xii.  12;  xvi.  11; 
xxvii.  7.  In  Elkanah's  household  this  joy  was 
disturbed  all  the  while  by  the  childlessness  of 
Hannah. 

While  he  divided  to  Peninnah  and  her  chil- 
dren their  jjieces,  parts,  portions  of  the  flesh  of 
the  offering,  he  gave  Hannah 

Ver.  5.  D'ax  nnx  noa.  Of  the  various  ex- 
planations of  these  words  (in  which  the  D'3>< 
makes  the  difficulty),  only  two  now  deserve  con- 
sideration ;  the  first  (Syr.,  Targ.,  Gesen.,  Winer, 
De  Wette,  Bunsen,  Keil  [Wordsworth,  Bib.  Crni., 
Cahen])  takes  D'3K  in  the  sense  of  "persons,"  so 
that  it  would  read  "  a  portion  for  two  persons,"  or 
"for  persons"  ([Fiirst],  Bunsen,  that  is,  "a large 
piece");  the  second  (Thenius,  Bottcher,  "neme 
exeget.  krit.  Aehrerdese  z.  A.  T.",  p.85sq.)  after  the 
Vulgate  and  Luther  renders  D'-JX  "sad,"  or  bet- 
ter, "displeased,"  "unmlling."     Against  the  first 

•[The  phrase  qYt\  •'n''l_  means  "  once,"  or  "  it  hap- 
pened once,"  the  Heb.  using  the  Def.  Art.  (because  the 
day  IS  denned  by  what  follows)  where  we  use  an  indefi- 
nite phrase.    See  2  Kings  iv.  8, 11, 18.— To.]. 


CHAP.  I.  1-20. 


49 


explanation  is  the  fact  that  the  sing.  '\i<  never 
has  the  meaning  "person,"  nor  can  it  be  shown 
that  this  meaning  belongs  to  the  dual ;  it  means 
"  countenance,"  but  it  is  only  by  forcing  that  the 
signification  "  person  "  can  thence  be  gotten  (Keil) 

on  the  ground  that 'S**/  is  equivalent  to  'Jily  in 
1  Sam.  XXV.  23,  and  0)33  is  used  for  "person" 
in  2  Sam.  xvii.  11.  It  is,  however,  on  linguistic 
grounds,  better  to  explain  the  word,  accormng  to 
its  usual  signification,  as  expressing  a  displeased 
disposition  or  emotion,  akin  to  anger.  It  is  then 
to  be  taken  adverbially  (as,  for  example,  the  op- 
posite feeling  nanj,  Deut.xxiii.  24;  Hostxiv.  5) 
equivalent  to  D'3?53  in  Dan.  xi.  20,  "in  anger." 
In  contrast  with  the  joy  which  ought  to  have 
reigned  undisturbed  at  this  feast,  Elkanah's 
heart  was  full  of  sadness  because  his  beloved  Han- 
nah remained  without  the  blessing  of  children, 
while  her  adversary,  proud  of  her  children,  vexed 
her  with  it;  for  childlessness  was  held  to  be  a 
great  misfortune,  a  reproach,  yea  a  divine  pun- 
ishment (Gen.  xix.  31;  xxx.  1,  23).  The  one 
portion,  which  alone  he  could  give  Hannah,  was 
a  contrast  to  the  many  portions  which  he  gave  to 
Peninnah  and  her  sons  and  daughters,  and  was, 
as  it  were,  the  mark  of  her  desolate  despised  con- 
dition over  against  the  fortunate  and  boaatfid  Pe- 
ninnah. 

[It  is  difficult  to  give  any  satisfactory  rendering 
of  this  much-disputed  phrase.  The  word  D'3N 
has  only  three  meanings  in  the  Old  Test,  (ex- 
cluding this  passage) :  1)  nostrils  (Gen.  ii.  7 ; 
Lam.  iv.  20) ;  2)  face  (1  Sam.  xx.  41) ;  3)  anger 
(1  Sam.  xi.  6).  The  rendering,  therefore,  "  sad- 
ness," "  displeasure,"  defended  above  by  Dr.  Erd- 
mann,  is  hardly  allowable.  Nor  does  the  word 
mean  "person;"  in  2  Sam.  xvii.  11  (adduced  by 
Keil)  the  similar  word  D'33  means  not  "  per- 
sons," but  "presence,"  and  ofiers  no  support 
to  this  rendering.  The  Chaldee  translation 
"  a  chosen  portion  "  takes  it  in  the  sense  "  pre- 
sence," "a  portion  worthy  to  be  set  in  one's 
presence,"  as  the  bread  in  the  Tabernacle  was 

called  D'J3  Dn"?  "bread  of  presence,"  "show- 
bread."  Another  translation  (mentioned  by  Ge- 
senius,  Thesaurus  s.  v.)  is  "one  portion  effaces," 
that  is,  two  slices  of  bread  with  meat  between. 
The  Syriac  translation  "double"  is  apparently 
based  on  an  accidental  resemblance  in  two  words. 
The  Sept.  omits  the  word  and  renders  "  one  por- 
tion," but  the  context  requires  an  explanatory 
word  here.  The  original  strictly  allows  only  two 
translations,  either  "  a  portion  of  anger  "  (so  Ab- 
arbanel,  who  speaks  of  two  angers  or  griefs  which 
Elkanah  had),  which  seems  out  of  keeping  with 
Elkanah's  character,  or  "  a  portion  set  in  one's 
presence,"  that  is,  "  an  offered  portion,"  which  is 
jejune.  In  this  failure  of  the  strict  rendering  to 
make  sense,  it  is  perhaps  better  to  conjecture  a 
meaning  "persons"  for  D"3X,  (following Syr.  and 
Arab.)  and  render  "a  double  portion." — Tb.]. 

Vers.  6-8.  Hcmnah,  provoked  by  her  adversary, 
consoled  by  Elhmah.  Peninnah  is  Hannah's  ad- 
versary on  account  of  Elkanah's  special  love  for 
the  latter  (ver.  5) ;  out  of  jealousy  she  is  her  rival. 
Bigamy,  which  is  in  opposition  to  God's  appoint- 
ment, bears  its  bitter  fruits  for  Elkanah  and  his 


house. — DJi?3"DJ  "  with  anger  (or  vexation)  also'' 
Oy_3  is  not  simply  "  vexation "  in  a  subjective- 
intransitive  sense,  but  is  found  aLso  in  an  objec- 
tive-transitive sense,  as  in  Deut.  xxxii.  27  ^the 
wrath  which  the  enemy  produces  in  me)  and  2 
Kings  xxiii.  26  (D''ip;?3,  provocations  to  anger,  in 
reference  to  God).  This  last  is  the  sense  here 
also,  and  the  DJ  ("also")  indicates  the  heaping 
up  of  anger  and  vexation  which  Peninnah  occa- 
sioned in  Hannah.  In  what  sense  and  with  what 
design  Peninnah  did  this  is  shown  by  the  follow- 
ing words  (10^3,  etc.).  The  word  (D£^)  iuHiph. 
means  "  to  rouse,  excite,  put  in  lively  motion ;" 
here,  aa  the  context  ("  1JD  '3)  shows,  against 
God ;  she  not  only  held  up  before  her  her  unfruit- 
fulness,  itself  reckoned  a  reproach,  but  represented 
it  also  as  a  punishment  from  God,  or  at  least  as  a 
lack  of  God's  favor. — In  ver.  7  Elkanah  cannot  be 
taken  as  subject,  as  is  done  in  the  present  pointing 
(niy^^;  for  in  the  preceding  independent  sen- 
tence (ver.  6)  Peninnah  is  the  subject;  still  less, 
for  the  same  reason,  can  the  suffix  in  nn  7J^  (when 
she  went  up)  according  to  this  construction  be  re- 
ferred to  Hannah.  In  accordance  with  the  tenor 
of  the  narrative  it  is  better,  with  Luther,  De 
Wette,  Bunsen,  Thenius,  to  read  HB^i''.  *°d  trans- 
late "  and  so  it  happened."  [Others  read  not  so 
well  n^i»n  "and  so  she  did."— Tr.].  The  two 
\3  (so  .  .  .  so)  correspond  therefore  in  relation  to 
Peninnah's  conduct,  not  in  relation  to  Elkanah's 
bearing  towards  Hannah,  and  Peninnah's  provo- 
cation (Keil).  "  So  it  happened  (in  reference  to 
Peninnah)  ete.,  thus  she  provoked  her  (Hannah)." 
The  words  "  and  she  wept^  etc."  (n33Bj)  are  re- 
ferred naturally  to  Hannah  by  a  sudden  change 
of  subject,  which  is  allowable  only  in  this  under- 
standing of  the  subjects  from  "it  happened" 
(jWy^)  on. — ^In  ver.  8  Elkanah's  consoling  address 
is  contrasted  with  Peninnah's  provocations.  Af- 
ter "Hannah"  the  Sept.  adds:  "and  she  said, 
"  Here  am  I,  my  lord,  and  he  said  ;"  but  we  are 
not  to  suppose  (with  Thenius)  that  the  corres- 
ponding Hebrew  words  have  fallen  out  of  the  text, 
for  this  phrase,  a  very  common  one  in  the  cir- 
cumstantial accounts  of  speeches  and  conversa- 
tions, is  here  clearly  an  insertion.  The  attempt 
to  give  a  more  fitting  expression  to  Elkanah's 
feeling  gives  too  subjective  a  character  to  this 
reading ;  and  this  feeling  is  sufficiently  portrayed 
by  the  Masoretic  text,  in  which  the  first  three 
questions  about  the  why  or  wherefore  of  her  grief 
set  it  forth  in  a  climax  (weeping,  not  eating,  grief 
of  heart).  The  translation  of  the  Sept.  ri  eari  aoi 
oTi  ("what  is  to  thee  that")  does  not  warrant  us 
in  taking  (with  Thenius)  for  the  original  text  the 

corresponding  Heb.  ('3  l^'HO)  instead  of  "why" 
(HdS),  for,  comparing  it  with  Ivari  [why]  for  the 
second  and  third  "why"  of  the  Heb., it  is  easily 
explained  as  a  freedom  of  the  translator.  Elka- 
nah, by  the  reference  to  himself,  "  am  I  not  bet- 
ter to  thee  than  ten  children  ?"  will  comfort  his 
wife  for  her  lack  of  children.  This  supposes  that 
she  feels  herself  united  to  him  by  the  most  cordial 
love.     We  here  have  a  picture  of  deepest  and 


50 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


tenderest    conjugal    love.    The    number  ten  is 
merely  a  round  number  to  express  many. 

11.  Sannah's  Prayer  for  a  San.  Vers.  9-18  a. 

1  First  in  vers.  9-H  an  account  is  given  of 
her  prawer  and  t)(w  before  the  Lord.  The  eating 
and  drinking  "  is  the  sacrificial  meal  of  the  whole 
family,  at  which  Hannah  wm  present,  though 
out  of  sorrow  she  ate  nothing,  and  at  the  conclu- 
sion of  which  she  rose  up  in  order  to  pray  to  the 
Lord.  As  it  is  expressly  said,  "  she  ate  nothing, 
and  Elkanah  asks  "why  eatest  thou  not?"  we 
must  not,  with  Luther,  translate  "  after  she  had 
eaten,"  on  the  groundless  assumption  that  she  had 
done 'so  on  Elkanah's  consoling  address  (Von 
Gerlach).  The  Sept.  renders  rightly  according 
to  the  sense  fisra  ri  fayelv  ciimv;  [after  they  had 
eaten],  though  this  does  not  justify  us  (Then.)  in 

so  reading  the  Heb.  (ol^p?)-  The  passage  from 
rose  up  (DpJJl)  to  drunk  (rtnE?  on  this  Int  Aba. 
for  Inf.  Com,  see  Ewald,  §  339  b)  is  to  be  con- 
nected with  prayed,  ver.  10  ('7^3ni^J)  the  latter 
expressing  the  act  which  followed  her  rising  from 
the  meal ;  the  rest,  from  "  Eli  "  to  "  soul "  is  par 
renthesis,  which,  in  two  circumstantial  sentences, 
gives  the  ground  and  explanation  of  the  following 
narrative.  EWs  sitting  at  the  entrance  of  the 
Sanctuary  is  specially  mentioned  because  of  his 
after  conduct  to  the  praying  Hannah ;  Hannah's 
bittemesa  of  sovZ  is  mentioned  because  it  was  the 
reason  of  her  praying  to  the  Lord.  [The  Heb. 
favors  the  translation,  ver.  9,  "  after  she  had  eaten 
. . .  and  drunk ;"  it  may  be  a  mere  general  ex- 
pression, or  she  may  have  yielded  to  her  hus- 
band's request.  There  is  no  contradiction  in  this 
case  between  ver.  7  and  ver.  9.  See  Bib.  Comm. 
in  loco. — Tr.]. 

In  distinction  from  his  sons,  who  are  called 

"priests  of  the  (to  the)  Lord"   (Djn'S  D'jrtS), 
Eli  is  called  the  priest  ([fl3n).    Though  called 
simply  "the  priest,"  he  yet  filled  the  office  of 
High-Priest  (Aaron  and  Eleazar,  his  son,  are  so 
called  Num.  xxvi.  1 ;  xxvii.2).  In  the  beginning  of 
the  period  of  the  Judges  Phinehas,  son  of  Eleazar, 
was  High-Priest,  Judg.  xx.  28.    This  office  was 
bestowed  not  only  on  him,  but  also  on  his  pos- 
terity. Num.  XXV.  13.    At  the  end  of  the  period 
of  the  Judges  it  is  in  the  possession  of  Eli,  who, 
however,  was  a  descendant,  not  of  Eleazar  and 
Phinehas,  but  of  Ithamar,  Aaron's  fourth  son. 
In  1  Sam.  ii.  28  the  continued  existence  of  the 
High-priesthood  from  its  institution  to  Eli  is 
taken  for  granted,  and  is  confirmed  by  Jewish 
tradition  ( Josephus,  Ant.  V.  11,  ?  5).     According 
to  this  the  High-priesthood  continued  to  exist 
indeed  in  the  period  of  the  Judges,  but  did  not 
remain,  in  accordance  with  the  promise  in  Num. 
XXV.,  with  "  the  seed  of  Phinehas,"  but  passed 
over  to  the  family  of  Ithamar.     It  is  not  our 
author's  purpose  to  tell  anything  of  the  history 
of  the  High-priests  and  Judges.     What  he  relates 
in  the  beginning  of  his  Book  of  Eli  and  his  sons 
serves  only  to  illustrate  the  history  and  impor- 
tance of  Samuel's  call,  and  to  show  that  it  was  a 
historical  necessity  that  the  reformation  of  reli- 
gious-moral life  should  be  undertaken  by  the 
Prophetic  Order  which  entered  with  Samuel  as  a 


new  and  mighty  factor  into  the  development  of 
the  Theocracy  over  against  the  corrupted  priest- 
hood.—The  door-post  inMIO),  at  which  Eli  sat, 
hardly  accords  with  the  curtain  which  formed 
the  entrance  to  the  Holy  Place,  except  on  the 
supposition  that,  after  the  Sanctuary  was  perma- 
nently fixed  in  Shiloh,  a  solid  entrance-way,_per- 
haps  of  stone,  with  doors,  was  built;  this  is 
favored  by  iii.  15,  where  the  "doors"  are  pre- 
supposed by  the  door-post  here,  nin;  nyT\  is 
the  Tabernacle  in  relation  to  God  as  King  of 
Israel;  it  is  his  "palace"  where,  in  His  royal 
majesty  as  "  King  of  glory  "  (Ps.  xxiv.),  He  dwells 
in  the  midst  of  His  people,  meets  with  them,  and 
holds  with  them  covenant-communion  (Ex.  xxv. 
8 ;  xxix.  45,  46). — Hannah  was  "  in  bitterness  of 
soul "  (K'SJ  ^y^)  at  the  continuance  of  her  hope- 
lessness, and  the  vexations  which  she  suffered 
from  her  adversary  (comp.  2  Kings  iv.  27). — ^Her 
supplication  was  the  outpouring  of  her  troubled 
soul  before  the  Lord,  and  the  words  of  the  prayer 
(that  her  request  for  a  son  might  be  heard)  were 
accompanied  with  many  tears  (n33n  rl331) ; 
that  was  the  expression  of  her  grief  because  her 
petitions  had  been  hitherto  unheard. 

Ver.  11.  And  she  vo'wed  a  vow  is,  as  it 
were,  the  superscription  and  theme  of  the  follow- 
ing words,  which  form  a  vow-prayer.     The  word 
here  used  ("^nAj  usually  means  the  positive  vow 
(Num.  vi.  2-5  is  an  exception),  the  promise  to 
return  fitting  thanks  to  the  Lord,  in  case  the  pe- 
tition is  granted,  by  something  performed  for  His 
honor  or  by  an  offering  (the  first  ex.  is  in  G«n. 
xxviii.  20-22);  the  negative  vow,  the  promise  to 
refrain  from  something,  is  "ION  or  1DN:=obliga- 
tio  (Num.  XXX.  3).     The  former  is  connected 
with  the  Shelamim,  as  here  Hannah's  vow  with 
Elkanah's  peace-offering.     [For  the  law  of  vows 
in  the  case  of  married  women,  see  Num.  xxx. 
6-16. — Bib.  Crnnm.  in  loco. — Tr.] — Hannah  ad- 
dresses Jehovah  Sabaoth  in  view  of  His  all-con- 
trolling power,  by  virtue  of  which  He  can  put  an 
end  to  her  disgrace.     The  "  if"  (DK)  denotes  not 
doubt,  but  the  certainty  of  the  fact,  that,  etc.   The 
three-fold  expression :  "  if  thou  wilt  look  on  the 
affliction  of  thine  handmaid,  and  remember  me, 
and  not  forget,"  betokens  in  the  clearest  manner 
her  confidence  that  God  cares  for  her,  has  fixed 
His  eyes  on  her  person  and  her  troubles,  and  cha- 
racterizes the  fervor  and  energy  of  her  believing 
prayers.     The  thrice-repeated   "thy  handmaid" 
expresses  the  deep  humility  and  resignation  with 
which  she  brings  her  petition  to  the  Lord.    The 
o6/eci  of  her  petition  is  male  seed,  a  son.     (D'E'JK, 
plural  of  E?'t<,  comp.  Ewald,   ?   186  f.)— [The 
Sept.  has  eTnpWiijrij;  iirl  rijv  raTreivoaiv  TT^f  Sobiti; 
oov,  which  are  the  identical  words  of  the  Magnir 
ficat.    He  hath  regarded  the  low  estate  of  his  hand- 
maiden  (Luke  i.  48).     Bib.  Comm.  in  loco. — ^Tb.] 
— The  vow  (then  I  will  give  him,  etc.)  has  two 
parts :  1)  the  consecration  of  the  son  all  the  days 
of  his  life  to  the  Lord ;  she  wiU  give  him  to  the 
Lord  for  His  own,  that  he  may  serve  the  Lord  all 
his  life  in  the  Sanctuary.*    The  emphasis  is  on 


*  [This  local  service  promised  by  the  mother  was 
afterwards  interrapted,  chiefly  by  the  call  of  Samuel 
to  higher  duties  as  prophet.    To  the  mother  the  Sano- 


CHAP.  I.  1-20. 


51 


the  words  "aU  the  days"  (•'H  'D^-'73):  the  son 
was  Eilready  called  and  pledged  as  Levite  to  ser- 
vice in  the  sanctuary,  but  not  till  his  thirtieth  or 
twenty-fifth  year,  and  then  to  periodical  service ; 
Hannah  consecrates  him  to  the  Lord  all  the  days 
of  his  life,  that  is,  to  a  life-long  and  constant  ser- 
vice in  the  sanctuary.  But  this  is  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  the  second  part  of  the  vow.  2)  "  No 
razor  shall  come  upon  his  head,"  that  is,  he  shall 
be  a  Nazir  (P'JJ),  one  set  apart  to  the  Lord. 
The  nazirate  (nazariteship),  as  we  see  it  in  its 
representatives  in  the  time  of  the  Judges,  Samson 
and  Samuel,  belonged  to  the  holy  institutions 
with  which  special  consecration  to  God  was  con- 
nected. The  Nazarite-vow  belonged  to  the  nega- 
tive or  abstinence-vows.  According  to  the  legal 
prescriptions  in  Num.  vi.  1  sq.  {which  indeed  pre- 
suppose the  nazirate  as  a  custom,  and  only  regu- 
late it,  and  affirm  its  importance),  the  character- 
istic marks  of  the  Nazarite  were  the  refraining 
from  wine  and  all  intoxicating  drinks,  letting  the 
hair  grow,  and  avoiding  defilement  by  corpses 
even  of  the  nearest  kin.  The  one  controlling 
ethical  principle  in  these  three  negative  prescrip- 
tions is  expressed  in  vers.  2,  5,  8 :  the  separation 
or  abstinence  is  for  the  Lord;  the  Nazir  is  holy 
to  Jehovah  (niri'''?  EnjJ).  To  the  negative  ele- 
ment answers  the  positive — the  special  devotion 
and  consecration  of  person  and  life  to  the  Lord. 
This  shows  itself  1)  in  the  abstinence  from  intoxi- 
cating drinks,  which  betokens  the  maintenance 
of  complete  clearness  of  mind  for  the  Lord  in  the 
avoidance  of  sensual  indulgences  which  destroy 
or  hinder  communion  with  Grod ;  2)  in  avoiding 
contact  with  the  dead,  which  sets  forth  the  pre- 
servation of  purity  of  life  against  all  moral  defile- 
ment, and  its  complete  devotion  to  the  living  God, 
and  3)  in  keeping  the  razor  from  the  free-growing 
hair,  which  indicates  the  refraining  from  inter- 
course with  the  world,  and  the  consecration  of 
the  whole  strength  and  the  fiilness  of  life,  whose 
symbol  is  the  free  growth  of  hair  as  the  ornament* 
ny  of  the  Lord,  ver.  7)  of  the  head.  It  is  in 
keeping  with  the  great  importance  which  is  at- 
tached (in  ver.  7)  to  the  hair  of  the  Nazarite  as 
"  consecration  ("*.'.?.)  of  his  God  upon  his  head," 
that  here  this  mark  alone  is  mentioned,  and 
Hannah  thereby  distinguishes  her  desired  son  as 
one  vowed  to  God,  see  Num.  vi.  11.  Comp. 
Oehler  in  Herzog's  S.-E.  s.  v.  Nasiraat.  [A 
similar  omission  occurs  in  the  case  of  Samson, 
Judg.  xiii.  5,  who  is,  however,  called  a  Nazarite. 
It  may,  perhaps,  be  doubtful  whether  all  the  con- 
ditions of  the  Nazirate  were  observed  in  these 
cases.  Comp.  the  fuller  statement  concerning 
John  the  Baptist,  Luke  i.  15.  The  Sept.  inserts 
"  And  he  shall  drink  neither  wine  nor  strong 
drink,"  plainly  an  addition  to  bring  it  into  ex- 
acter  accordance  with  the  law  in  Num.  vi.  It  is 
possible  that  some  freedom  was  used  in  making 
the  vow,  as  the  time  was  left  at  the  option  of  the 

tuary-servioe  seemed  the  best  pursuit  of  life;  but  God 
had  something  better  for  the  son.  Yet  Hannah's  de- 
vout spiritual  purpose  is  maintained  in  her  son's  life. 
-Tb.! 

*  ['This word  ITJ  in  Num.  vi. 7 means  "consecration," 
not "  crown,"  or  "  ornament."  The  root  (Arab.  «ad7«M-a) 
means  to  "  set,"  "  impose,"  and  thus  is  applied  to  setting 
apart  the  Nazir,  or  to  setting  a  crown  on  the  head  of  a 
priest  or  king.— Tk.J 


consecrator.    Samuel  was  what  the  Talmud  calls 

D7iy  TIJ,  "  a  perpetual  Nazarite." — The  preser- 
vation of  the  hair  does  not  seem  to  symbolize 
withdrawal  from  the  world ;  and  in  fact  the  Na- 
zarite did  not  lead  a  secluded  life.  The  view  of 
Oehler,  adopted  above  by  Erdmann,  that  the  hair 
represents  vigor  and  life,  is  perhaps  supported  by 
the  connection  between  the  hair  and  strength  in 
Samson's  case.  Another  view,  that  it  symbolizes 
the  .subjection  of  man  to  God,  is  adopted  by 
Baumgarten  and  Fairbaim ;  the  latter  refers  to 
Paul's  teaching  in  1  Cor.  xi.  10.  On  the  general 
subject  see  Smith's  JBib.  Diet.,  Fairbaim's  I'ypo- 
logy  II.  346. — Tr.] — The  nazirate  is  in  its  essen- 
tial elements  related  to  the  priesthood,  and  repre- 
sents the  idea  of  a  truly  priestly  life  withdrawn 
from  earthly-worldly  things  and  devoted  to  God. 
But  it  has  nothing  in  common  with  the  priestly 
order  as  such ;  it  was,  along  with  that,  a  special 
temporaiy  form  of  consecration  to  the  Lord  in 
opposition  to  the  unholy,  impure  life  of  the  world. 
The  Nazarites  were  not  bound  to  service  in  the 
sanctuary,  and  not  all  who  were  called  to  this 
service  were  Nazarites.  The  son  whom  Hannah 
had  consecrated  by  her  first  vow  to  life-long  ser- 
vice in  the  sanctaary  she  consecrated  by  her 
second  to  be  a  Nazarite  for  life.  The  latter  was 
the  condition  and  foundation  of  an  all  the  more 
hearty  and  faithful  devotion  to  the  Lord  in  His 
sanctuary-service.  The  life-long  nazirate,  to 
which  children  could  be  devoted  before  birth,  as 
was  true  here  and  with  Samson  (comp.  John  the 
Baptist),  was  the  highest  and  most  comprehensive 
presentation  of  that  idea.  This  double  vow  of 
Hannah  and  its  fulfillment  gave  to  Samuel  from 
childhood  on  the  disposition  of  heart  and  direc- 
tion of  life  towards  the  Lord,  in  which  all  the 
powers  of  his  mind,  all  the  striving  and  strug- 
gling of  his  inner  and  outer  life  were  consecrated 
for  the  performance  of  the  holy  mission  which  he 
had  received  from  the  Lord. 

2.  Vers.  12,  1 3.  Eli^s  profane  view  of  the  condi- 
tion of  the  praying  Hannah.  Her  manner  of 
praying  is  very  distinctly  described :  1)  she  prayed 
much  and  long,  before  the  Lord — this  marks  the 
energy  of  thorough  devotion  and  ardent  piety 

towards  God ;  2)  she  spake  to  her  heart  (ill  is 
not  "in,"  nor  is  it=7K,  Gen.  xxiv.  25,  where 
there  is  a  similar  phrase) ;  in  her  prayer  Han- 
nah looked  altogether  into  her  heart,  that  she 
might  obtain  consolation  and  rest  for  it,  and  thus 
it  was  certainly  in  fact  speaking  in  her  heart. 
Tliis  marks  the  deep  sincerity  of  heart,  the  pro- 
found concentration  and  emotion  of  soul  with 
which  she  prayed;  it  was  so  intense  that  only 
her  lips  moved  as  the  involuntary  expression  of 
her  emotion,  and  her  voice  was  not  heard,  which 
was  the  necessary  result  of  the  fact  that  her  heart 
was  turned  in  on  itself  and  thoroughly  immersed 
in  God. — In  contrast  with  this  picture  of  the  be- 
lieving suppliant,  EWs  conduct  is  portrayed  as 
really  profane ;  his  view  of  Hannah's  condition 
is  precisely  the  opposite  of  the  truth.  He  appears 
here  as  a  very  had  Judge.  He  judges  merely 
from  the  outward  appearamoe;  he  looks  only  at 
the  movement  of  her  lips  (H'?),  which  from  the 
Heb.  expression  (H'lJJJ)  must  have  been  lively; 
he  remains  fixed  at  the  surface,  while,  considei> 


52 


THE  FIKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


ing  the  source  of  Hannah's  emotion,  he  ought  to 
have  seen  the  prayerfiil  energy  of  her  heart 
through  the  outward  appearance ;  he  passes  rash 
judgment  on  her,  holding  lier  from  the  signs  of 
her  emotion  to  be  a  drunken  woman ;  instead  of 
"  making  the  best "  of  what  seemed  to  him  strange, 
he  xuspieiously  takes  it  in  the  worst  sense,  for  he 
must  have  seen  that  Hannah  came  to  pray,  and 
was  really  praying,  and  need  not  have  thought 
of  drunkenness  to  explain  her  demeanor.  There 
is  a  noteworthy  irony  in  the  fact  that,  while  the 
High-priest  takes  her  to  be  drunk,  she  has  made 
a  vow  for  her  son  which  looks  to  the  very  oppo- 
site. This  conduct  is  characteristic  of  Eli.  With 
all  his  piety  and  good  nature,  he  was  lacking 
religiously  and  morally  in  proper  earnestness  and 
true  depth  and  thoroughness.  To  the  same  source, 
his  natural-fleshly  disposition  of  heart,  whence 
came  his  conduct  towards  his  unworthy  sons,  we 
must  refer  his  profane  conduct  and  his  so  false 
judgment  on  the  praying  Hannah.  Yet  there 
was  some  ground  for  his  haaty  sufipicion  of  Han- 
nah in  the  frequent  occurrence  of  such  cases  in 
connection  with  the  sacrificial  meals;  and  this 
points  to  a  certain  externalized  and  brutalized 
condition  of  the  religious-moral  life  in  the  very 
precincts  of  the  sanctuary  under  a  brutalized 
priesthood.  "  Such  heartfelt  prayer  seems  not  to 
have  been  usual  at  that  time"  (Bunsen). 

3.  Vers.  14r-18  u,.  Hannah's  conversation  with 
Eli  concerning  her  prayer  shows  again  the  striking 
contrast  between  Eli's  pre-judgment  of  her  condi- 
tion and  her  real  frame  of  heart  (vers.  14,  15), 
and  Hannah's  deep  heart-felt  piety  as  the  source 
of  her  supplication  (vers.  15,  16),  but  brings  out 
also  Eli's  better  nature,  the  expression  of  which 
is  the  -Hdsh  for  a  blessing  (vers.  17,  18). 

Ver.  14.  Eli  sat  at  the  door-post  of  the  sanctu- 
ary no  doubt  to  keep  watch  and  prevent  all  things 
improper ;  but  his  address  to  Hannah  shows  how 
unworthily  he  did  it.  The  question  "  How  long 
wilt  thou  be  drunken  ?"  must  have  wounded  her 
heart  all  the  more  in  the  sorrowful  mood  of  her 
prayer,  and  grieved  her  no  less  deeply  than  Pe- 
ninnah's  speech.  (On  the  form  fiaPlK'n  see 
Ewald,  ?  191,  and  Gesen.,  ^7,  3).  The  mder : 
"put  away  thy  wine  from  thee,"  that  is,  "take 
steps  to  get  sober  again,"  or  "go  and  sleep  off  thy 
debauch"  (comp.  xxv.  37),  is  as  rude  and  pro- 
fane as  the  question — least  of  all  becoming  to, 
and  to  be  expected  from,  a  priest.  Here,  looking 
at  Eli's  sons,  we  cannot  but  think  of  the  German 
proverb:  "The  apple  falls  close  to  the  tree."* 
It  is  the  same  unworthy  littleness  that  we  see  in 
Acts  ii.  13  ("they  are  full  of  new  wine").  The 
Sept.  has  here  in  Eli's  interests  inserted  "  youth, 
servant"  (IJU)  before  " Eli,"  and  put  the  rude- 
ness off  on  him ;  but  then  his  dismissal  must  have 
been  mentioned  here,  and  Hannah  could  not 
have  answered  the  servant :  "  no,  my  lord  "  which 
words  are  addressed  to  Eli  (comp.  Bottch.  against 
Thenius).  To  Thenius'  remark  that  the  masoretic 
recension  has  here  for  unknown  reasons  abridged, 
we  reply  that  mch  abridgement,  which  sets  Eli  in 
so  bad  a  light,  certainly  cannot  be  regarded  as 
probable.    In  reference  to  the  "servant"  of  the 


^♦^Equiyalent  to  the  Eng. :  "  Like  father,  like  son." 


Septuagiut,  the  canon  of  criticism  holds  that  the 
harder,  more  offensive  reading  is  to  be  preferred. 
YeT.15sq.  Hannah's  answer  is  an  energetic  de- 
nial of  Eli's  charge ;  in  the  spirited  fulness  of  her 
reply,  we  may  see  something  of  the  indignation 
which  Eli's  unworthy  speech  had  called  forth  in 
her  heart.  Her  language  is  in  part  a  denial  of 
his  assumption,  in  part  an  explanation  of  her 
condition  of  mind  as  the  reason  of  her  conduct 
in  prayer;  each  of  these  parts  has  a  three-fold 
expression,  so  that  each  denial  answers  to  an  ex- 
planation.    First,  she  denies  simply  and  sharply 

with  " no,  my  lord "  ('JIK  N?)  the  drunkenness 
imputed  to  her,  and  explains  that  her  condition 
of  soul  is  one  of  dey>  sorrow.  According  to  the 
masoretic  text  Hannah  says:  "I  am  hard  of 
spirit"  (nn  riE^p).  Though  in  Ezek.  iii.  7  the 
similar  phrase  "  hard  of  heart "  (37  nB^p)  means 
"obstinate,"  "stiff-necked,"  yet  the  combination 
of  this  Adj.  (Htyp)  in  the  signification  "heavy" 
( Judg.  iv.  24  [the  hand  .  .  .  was  heavy  against 
Jabin]  ;  Ex.  xviii.  26)  with  the  subst.  (nn= 
disposition,  mind.  Gen.  xli.  8;  Ps.  xxxiv.  19 
[18])  may  give  the  signification  "heavy-hearted." 
It  is  not  clear  why  it  should  sound  strange  (as 
Thenius  thinks)  that  Hannah,  in  her  condition 
should  speak  of  herself  as  heavy-hearted ;  the 
expression  is  so  natural  in  reply  to  Eli's  out- 
spoken suspicion,  that  she  had  duUed  her  mind 
with  intoxicating  drink.  Hence,  also,  follows 
immediately  the  express  denial  of  this  suspicion. 
The  Sept.,  on  the  other  hand,  has  the  strange 
expression :  ymij  h  aKlijpd  ■/i/iip^  cy6  ei/ii  (I  am 
a  woman  in  a  hard  day).  This  is  based  on  the 
reading  "hard  of  day"  (DV  riE'p),  an  expression 
which  in  Job  xxx.  25  ["in  trouble"]  describes 
one  who  has  a  hard  day,  a  hard  Ufe,  is  imhappy. 
So  the  Vuig. :  infelix  nimis  ego  sum,  "  I  am  very 
unfortunate."  Perhaps  this  is  the  original  read- 
ing, as  Thenius  supposes.  Clericus :  "  This  read- 
ing is  not  to  be  wholly  despised." — The  negation 
advances  from  the  simple  "  no,  my  lord,"  to  the 
denial  that  there  is  anything  in  her  case  to  pro- 
duce drunkenness,  that  is,  that  she  has  drunk 
wine  or  any  intoxicating  drink  (13») ;  with  this 
denial  she  connects,  so  as  to  bring  out  a  sharp 
contrast,  the  explanation  and  assurance  that  she 
has  "poured  out  her  soul  before  the  Lord." 
Comp.  Ps.  xlii.  5  [4]  :  I  pour  out  my  soul  in  me ; 
Ps.  Ixii.  9  [8]  :  Pour  out  your  heart  before  him ; 
and  Ps.  cxlii.  3  [2]  :  "  I  pour  out  my  complaint 
before  him."  This  expression,  common  in  Ger- 
man [and  English]  also  and  Latin  [fundere  pre- 
ces),  indicates  the  lightening  of  the  deeply  moved, 
sorrowful  heart  by  complaints,  petitions,  etc.,  be- 
fore God  the  Lord,  based  on  humble  submission 
to  His  will  and  trust  in  His  help,  that  is,  on  the 
opposite  of  the  feeling  which  Peninuah  wished 
to  excite  in  Hannah  (ver.  6).  Comp.  Calvin  on 
Ps.  cxlu.  3:  "He  sets  the  pouring  out  one's 
thoughte  and  telhng  one's  trouble  over  against 
the  confused  anxieties  which  unhappy  men  nurse 
in  their  hearts,  preferring  to  gnaw  the  bit  rather 
than  flee  to  Godf."  Such  pouring  out  of  the  heart 
before  the  Lord  witnesses  for  Hannah  of  itself 
against  Eli  s  charge  of  intemperance  and  drunk- 
enness.-A  third   and  still  stronger  denial  she 


CHAP.  L  1-20. 


53 


makes  (ver.  16) ;  and  this  time  it  refers  to  the 
bad,  worthless  character  which  he  had  imputed  to 
her.  "Daughter  of  worthlessness"  (on  the  ety- 
mology of  7gl73,  comp.  Gesen.  s.  j;.)=bad  wo- 
man. The  words  "count  not,"  etc.  {]^.!^~'^,  (*«■)• 
cannot  be  explained:  "Do  not  make  me  the 
Bcom  of  bad  women  "  (Clericus),  but  must  be  ren- 
dered :  "  Do  not  in  thought  set  thy  handmaiden 

b^ore  Ci??)  a  worthless  woman,"  that  is,  let  not 
thy  handmaid  be  taken  for  a  worthless  woman, 
do  not  liken  her  to  such  a  one.  She  grounds  her 
denial  of  this  bad  opinion  of  her  on  the  assurance, 
which  answers  to  the  two  positive  explanations, 
and  forms  their  conclusion,  that  out  of  the  ahun- 
cUmce  (3'1)  of  her  complaint  and  grief  she  had 
spoken  "hitherto"  (n|n~nj?),  that  is,  as  long 
as  Eli  had  observed  her. — Comp.  Calvin  ad  h.  I. : 
"  Consider  the  modesty  of  Hannah,  who,  though 
she  suffered  injury  from  the  High-priest,  yet  an- 
swers with  reverence  and  humility." 

Ver.  17.  Eli's  reply.  Eli,  as  Calvin  remarks, 
"not  only  insulted  a  feeble  woman,  but  blas- 
phemed against  God  Himself,  though  uninten- 
tionally." Kow  he  retracts  his  accusation;  in- 
deed, he  really,  though  silently,  accuses  himself 
of  iBJustice  to  Hannah,  in  that  1)  he  replies  with 
the  usual  parting-formula  "  Go  in  peace  I"  and  2) 
he  adds  the  wish  that  her  request  may  be  granted. 

(."^TpW  is  for  ^n7NK^).  There  is  no  prophec^^  in 
this;  it  was  a  wish  which  God  fulfilled. — Ver. 
18.  Hannah's  amswer  does  not  ask  for  his  mediae 
tion  (Keil),  but  is  a  respectful  request  that  the 
High-priest  would  further  grant  her  his  fevor,  as 
he  had  already  done  (comp.  ver.  26).— [There 
seems  to  be  no  advantage  in  closing  this  section 
in  the  middle  of  ver.  18.  The  latter  part  of  the 
verse  forms  a  fitting  conclusion  to  the  interview 
of  Eli  and  Hannah,  since  it  describes  the  result 
to  Hannah  of  her  prayer  and  conversation,  and 
ver.  19  begins  a  new  narrative,  as  in  Eng.  A.  V. 
— Tb.] 

HI.  The  Answer  to  the  Prayer.  "Vers.  18  6-20. 

Hannah  went  her  "way,"  namely,  back  to 
her  husband.  The  words  of  the  Sept.:  "and 
she  went  to  her  inn,"  and  (after  "she  did 
eat")  "with  her  husband  and  drank,"  are  expla- 
natory and  descriptive  additions  to  the  original 
text;  it  is  inconceivable  why  these  words,  if  they 
stood  in  the  text  originally,  should  have  been  left 
out.  [The  words  "and  did  eat"  are  wanting  in 
the  Syriac  and  Arabic  versions  and  in  five  MSS. 
of  Kennicott,  and  were  omitted  perhaps  because 
supposed  to  be  inappropriate;  but  they  fitly  de- 
scribe Hannah's  more  cheerful  mood. — Tb.] 
"And  her  countenance  was  no  more  to  heir" — that 
is,  her  countenance  was  no  longer  disturbed  as 
before.  There  are  similar  expressions  in  Ger- 
man. Comp.  Job  ix.  27,  where,  from  the  con- 
text, the  word  "countenance"  (D'Jf)  is  likewise 
to  be  taken  in  the  senP3  "sad  countenance" 
["heaviness"  in  Eng.  A.  V.— Tb.].* 

*  [So  the  Vss.:  Chald.  "  bad  countenance ;"  Syriac 
"disturbed  count.:"     Ynlg.  " in  diaerta  mulali ;    .Arab. 
"  changed  on  account  of  the  reproach  of  her  rival ; 
Sept.  "  her  countenance  no  longer  fell."— Tr.] 


Ver.  19  describes  circumstantially  and  vividly, 
almost  solemnly,  the  retwm  to  Samah  after  early 
worship  together  before  the  Lord.  Elkanah  knew 
his  wife  (J'T,  "know,"  as  in  Gen.  iv.  7).  "The 
Lord  remembered  her,"  indicates  the  ftilfilment  of 
her  request;  the  divine  control,  under  which 
(ver.  11)  she  had  placed  herself,  is  quite  appro- 
priately here  again  expressly  mentioned.  At  the 
end  of  the  verse  the  Sept.  (Alex.)  adds  "and  she 
conceived,"  explaining  and  filling  out  the  "re- 
membered." There  is  no  necessity  for  supposing 
(with  Thenius,  following  the  Sept.)  that  this  ex- 
pression has  fallen  out  of  the  original  text,  where 
it  was  a  needftil  explanation  of  the  "remem- 
bered," since  in  the  following  ver.  20  the  signifi- 
cance of  the  latter  is  expressed,  though  it  cannot 
be  considered  a  mere  addition.  [The  change  in 
the  text  of  the  Sept.  (in  the  Vat.,  not  Al.)  is  easily 
explained._  The  Heb.  (ver.  20)  reads  "  and  in  the 
course  of  time  Hannah  conceived  and  bare  a  sou." 
The  Greek  translator  stumbled  at  the  place  as- 
signed the  conceiving,  and  therefore  changed  the 
word  from  after  to  before  the  "  course  of  time." 
The  difficulty  is  removed  when  we  remember  that 
"conceived  and  bare"  was  the  common  phrase  to 
express  the  birth  of  a  child.  The  other  versions 
sustain  the  Heb.  order  of  words. — Some  Heb. 
MSS.  read  "in  the  course  of  a  year"  (so  De 
Wette),  or,  as  some  translate,  "  at  the  beginning 
of  the  new  year  "  (in  the  autumn,  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles), but  there  is  no  authority  for  this. — Abar- 
banel:  "At  the  end  of  a  month."— Tr.].— Ver. 
20.  "  Up  to  the  circuit  or  conclusion  of  the  days 
or  of  the  regular  time  " — that  is,  not  "  in  the  space 
of  a  year,"  out  "at  the  conclusion  of  the  period 
of  pregnancy"  (Thenius),  at  the  end  of  the  time 
necessary  for  what  is  afterwards  said. — "She  bare 
a  son,  whom  she  called  Samud."  Hannah  her- 
self gives  the  explanation  of  this  name,  not  ety- 
mological but  factual,  "I  asked  him  from  the 
Lord."  (On  the  form  VbSxB^  see  Gesen.  44,  2, 
Eem.  2.)  According  to  this  explanation  the  name 
7l*TOE^  (which  belongs  to  two  other  persons  only, 
Numb,  xxxiv.  21 ;  1  Chr.  vii.  2)  is  formed  by 
contraction  from  /X  J>?Dty,  the  j;  fcilling  out 
(Ewald,  Or.  ?  275,  A.  3).  '  The  Eabbinical  deri- 
vation from  '7Kd'71NE',  whence  SkDWE^  and  SxiDS? 
is  feir-fetched  and  improbable.  [That  is,  "  asked 
of  God"].  The  name  signifies  literally  "heard 
of  God,"  avditus  Dei.  For  Samuel  was  for  his 
mother  the  sign  of  a  special  answer  to  prayer. 
Similar  names  of  children,  suggested  by  their 
mothers'  experiences  at  their  birth,  are  found 
elsewhere,  for  example,  in  Jacob's  children  (Gen. 
xxix.  32 sq.;  xxx.  5  sq.). — ^The  omission  of  "and 
she  said  "  is  original ;  the  Sept.  has  clearly  again 
here  filled  out  and  explained  (against  Thenius). 
Hannah's  saying,  introduced  without  this  addi- 
tion, is  thereby  characterized  as  an  explanation, 
historically  handed  down,  of  this  name  in  refe- 
rence to  what  preceded  Samuel's  birth.  [This 
whole  incident  is  discussed  in  the  Talmudical 
Tract  "Berahoth,"  fol.  31  b,  but  the  discussion  of- 
fers nothing  of  special  value. — Tr.]. 


54 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL.^ 
[This  is  the  appropriate  place  to  introduce  a 
brief  statement  of  the  chronological  relation  be- 
tween the  latter  part  of  "  Judges"  (end  of  chap, 
xvi.)  and  the  beginning  of  "  Samuel."  We  shall 
not  attempt  to  discuss  the  various  schemes  of  the 
chronology  which  have  been  presented  by  dif- 
ferent writers,  but  merely  give  the  biblical  data 
for  determining  the  chronological  relations  of 
Samson,  Eli,  and  Samuel.  The  first  datum  is 
given  in  1  Kings  vi.  1,  and,  putting  the  fourth 
year  of  Solomon  B.  C.  1012,  fixes  the  Exodus  in 
B.  C.  1492,  the  entrance  into  Canaan  B.  C.  1452, 
while  David's  accession  falls  B.  C.  1056.  The 
second  datum  is  found  in  Jephthah's  statement, 
Judg.  xi.  26,  according  to  which  the  beginning 
of  his  judgeship  falls  300  years  after  the  entrance 
into  Canaan,  that  is,  B.  C.  1152.  From  this  time 
to  the  death  of  Abdon  (Judg.  xii.  7-15)  is  thirty- 
one  years,  and  Abdon's  death  is  to  be  put  B.  C. 
1121.  We  have  thus  between  the  death  of  Abdon 
and  the  accession  of  David  a  space  of  sixty-five 
years  in  which  to  put  Samson,  Eli,  Samuel,  and 
Saul.  It  is  clear  that  their  histories  must  be  in 
part  contemporaneous.  Eli  dies  an  old  man, 
while  Samuel  is  yet  a  youth,  and  Samuel  is  an  old 
man  when  Saul  is  anointed  king.  The  following 
table  may  give  approximately  the  periods  of 
these  men : 

Samson's  Judgeship,  B.  C.  1120-1100 
Eli's  Life  (98  years)  "  1208-1110 
Eli's  Judgeship  (40       " 

years)  "      1150-1110 

Samuel's  Life  "      1120  (or  1130) -1060 

Saul's  Eeign  "     1076-1056 

According  to  this  view  the  judgeships  of  Samson 
and  Eli  were  in  part  contemporaneous,  and  Sa- 
muel was  twenty  (or  thirty)  years  old  when  Sam- 
son died,  the  work  of  the  latter  being  confined  to 
the  west  and  south-west,  while  Samuel  lived 
chiefly  in  the  centre  of  the  land.  The  forty  years 
of  Philistine  oppression  (Judg.  xiii.  1)  would 
then  be  reckoned  B.  C.  1120-1080,  reaching  nearly 
up  to  Saul's  accession,  and  the  third  battle  of  Ebe- 
nezer  would  fall  in  B.  C.  1080  when  Samuel  was 
forty  years  old.  Hannah's  visit  to  Shiloh  occur- 
red about  (or,  a  little  before)  the  time  that  Sam- 
son began  to  vex  the  Philistines,  but  it  is  pro- 
bable that  the  hostUities  were  confined  to  the 
territories  of  Judah  and  Dan.  Partly  for  this 
reason,  and  partly  because  the  history  has  been 
given  already  in  the  Book  of  Judges,  our  author 
does  not  mention  Samson,  whose  life  had  no  point 
of  contact  with  that  of  Samuel,  who  is  the  theo- 
cratic-prophetical centre  of  the  Books  of  Samuel. 
On  the  general  subject  see  Herzog,  Art.  "Zeitrechr- 
nung  (hiblwche"),  Smith's  Diet,  of  Bible,  Art. 
"Chronology^'  Comm.  on  Judges  in  Lange's  Bible- 
work,  and  Smith's  Old  Testament  Hist.,  chap.  17, 
Note  (A)  and  oh.  19,  Note  (A).  But  it  is  (foubt- 
ful  whether  we  have  sufficient  data  at  present  for 
settling  the  question. — Tr.]. 

1.  The  beginning  of  the  Book  of  Samuel  coin- 

*  [The  Geiman  is  "  BeichsgeschkhlUche  und  hiblUch-lheolo- 
aische  Amsf'Uhnmgm,"  literally  "  theocratic-historical  and 
biblical-theological  developments  (or  comments")  — 
Te.].  ' 


cides  with  a  principal  turning-point  in  the  history 
of  the  kingdom  of  God  in  Israel,  introducing  us 
into  the  end  of  the  Period  of  the  Judges,  which  is 
to  be  included  with  the  Mosaic  under  one  point 
of  view,  namely,  that  of  the  establishment  of  the 
Theocracy  on  its  objective  foundations.  The  Mo- 
saic Period  of  the  development  of  the  IsraeUtiBh 
religion — which  is  based  on  God's  revelation  in  the 
Patriarchal  Period  in  order  to  the  choice  of  the  one 
people  as  the  bearer  of  the  Theocracy,  first  in  ger- 
minal form  in  the  family,  and  then  in  its  first  na- 
tional development  in  Egypt — shows  us  the  firm 
establishment  of  the  Divine  Kule,  which  em- 
braced and  shaped  the  whole  life  of  ihe  people,  on 
the  theocratic  hw-covemant,  and  on  the  wordof  the 
divine  promise.  The  establishment  of  the  Eule 
of  God  in  Sis  people,  in  their  outer  and  inner 
life,  in  all  things  great  and  small^by  means  of 
the  institution  of  the  Law,  in  which  His  holy  will 
is  the  norm  for  the  people's  life,  is  the  aim  of 
the  whole  revelation  of  God  in  the  Mosaic  Pe- 
riod, as  it  appears  in  commandments,  statutes, 
holy  institutions,  and  legal  principles.  The  land 
in  which  this  God-rule  in  the  chosen  people 
was  to  reach  historical  form  and  development, 
was  the  object  of  the  promises  in  the  Patriarchal 
Period,  and  the  period  of  Joshua  and  the  Judges 
shows  how  this  promise  was  fulfilled  in  the  ac- 
quisition and  division  of  the  land.  What  sud- 
den changes,  from  complete  defeats  to  glorious 
victories  in  battle  against  the  heathen  peoples 
in  and  out  of  the  land  of  promise,  from  divine 
deliverances  to  apparently  complete  abandonment 
by  God,  as  a  consequence  of  the  vacillation  of  the 
people  between  idolatrous  apostasy  from  the  living 
God,  and  return  to  His  help  forced  on  them  by 
need  and  misery,  are  exhibited  in  the  history  of  the 
post-Mosaic  times  I  But  through  all  the  gloom 
shines  out  continually  the  goal,  the  fulfilment  of 
the  promise  of  the  complete  possession  of  the  land ; 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  people's  sin  and  misery 
the  Theocracy  stands  fast  unshaken,  with  its  Mo- 
saic law  controlling^  the  popular  life,  and  aU  its 
great  objective  institutions  which,  even  in  times 
of  most  wretched  disorder,  marked  Israel  as  the 
chosen  people  of  the  living  God.  The  Mosaic 
period  of  development  of  the  Theocracy  in  Israel 
up  to  the  end  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  is  there- 
fore the  time  of  its  establishment  in  the  chosen 
people  by  the  institution  of  the  covenant  of  the 
law  and  the  geographical-historical  realization 
of  the  idea  of  the  Theocracy  in  the  permanently 
acquired  land  of  promise. 

But  now  came  the  task  of  bringing  the  peo- 
ple, they  being  at  rest  and  permanently  fixed 
in  Canaan,  face  to  iace  with  their  theocratic  des- 
tination and  their  calling  (Ex.  xix.  6)  in  their 
whole  inner  and  outer  life.  The  content  of  the 
revelations,  which  had  produced  the  covenant  of 
the  law  and  the  fulfilling  of  the  promise  in  the 
Mosaic  Period,  was  to  be  inwardly  appropriated 
and  become  the  life  of  the  people  in  knowledge, 
heart  and  will.  For  this  Uiere  was  needed  on 
God's  side  the  progressive  realization  and  an- 
nouncement of  His  counsel  of  revelation ;  and  on 
man  s  side  there  was  the  unceasing  obligation  to 
penetrate  with  the  whole  inner  life,  with  under- 
standing and  feeling,  with  mind  and  will,  into 
God  s  revelation  in  iaw  and  promise,  and  appro- 
priate inwardly  its    content.      This  task— the 


CHAP.  I.  1-20. 


65 


deep,  inward  implanting  of  the  revelation  of  God 
in  law  and  promise  in  the  heart  and  feeling  of  in- 
dividuals and  in  the  life  of  the  whole  nation — 
could  be  fulfilled  neither  by  the  judges,  the  lives 
of  some  of  whom  corresponded  poorly  to  their 
theocratic  calling,  nor  by  the  priesthood,  which 
showed  its  fall  from  its  original  theocratic  eleva- 
tion in  the  transition  from  the  family  of  Eleazar 
to  that  of  Ithamar  and  in  the  house  of  Eli,  nor  by 
the  mere  existence  and  use  of  the  objective  theo- 
cratic-historical institutiona,  national  sanctuary, 
feasts,  offerings.  This  impossibility  is  vividly  set 
before  us  in  the  beginning  of  the  Books  of  Samuel. 
But  we  are  there  at  the  same  time  pointed  to  the 
new  element  in  the  development  of  the  Theocracy, 
the  prophetic  office,  which  was  to  be  the  instrument 
of  fiilfilling  this  task,  and  of  realizing  the  idea  of 
mediation  Detween  God  and  His  people  through 
their  living  permeation  by*  His  objective  revela- 
tion of  word  and  promise;  so  Moses,  as  type  of 
prophecy,  represented  it.  The  turning-point 
from  the  Mosaic  to  the  prophetic  period  of  deve- 
lopment of  the  Theocracy  fells  in  the  beginning 
of  the  Books  of  Samuel ;  that  is,  in  the  first  years 
of  Samuel's  life.  (Comp.  Oehler,  Prolegom.  eur 
Theol.  des  A.  T.,  1845,  pp.  87,  88;  and  W.  Hoff- 
mann, Die  gotttiche  Stiifenordnung  im  A.  T,  in 
Schneider's  Deutsche  Zeitschrift,  1854,  Nr.  7,  8.) 
From  Samuel's  time  Peter  (Acts  iii.  24)  dates  the 
prophetic  office ;  from  then  on  the  prophets,  devoted 
to  the  service  of  the  Theocracy,  form  a  separate 
Order,  and,  as  organs  of  God's  revelations  to  His 
people,  a  continuous  chain.  (See  Tholuck,  Die 
Praphkenund  ihre  Weissagwngen,  2 ed.  1861,  p.  26.) 
2.  The  end  of  the  Period  of  the  Judges, 
like  its  previous  history,  reveals  a  deep  dis- 
order of  the  theocratic  life,  which  neither  judges 
nor  priests  could  help,  because  they  were  them- 
selves affected  by  its  corrupting  influences, 
as  is  shown  by  the  histories  of  Samson  and 
Eli.  The  unimportance  and  weakness  to  which 
the  Judgeship  was  fallen  may  be  inferred  from 
its  connection  with  the  High-priesthood  in  the 
person  of  EU,  the  latter  office  having  evidently 
passed  from  Phinehas'  family  to  Ithamar's,  con- 
trary to  the  promise  in  Num.  xxv.  11-13,  because 
the  condition  of  "  zeal  for  the  Lord  "  was  not  ful- 
filled. And  the  conduct  of  Eli  and  his  sons,  and 
especially  God's  judgment  against  his  house, 
show  how  badly  the  High-priesthood  was  repre- 
sented in  him.  The  political  life  of  the  nation 
was  crushed  under  the  constant  oppression  of 
external  enemies,  the  heathen  nations  on  the  east 
and  especially  the  Philistines  on  the  west,  and 
under  internal  national  distraction;  the  tribes 
were  at  enmity  with  one  another,  did  not  unite 
against  foreign  foes,  and  could  gather  together 
"as  one  man"  only  against  one  of  themselves 
(Benjamin),  and  that  was  the  la.st  time  ( Judg. 
xix.-xxi.).f  And  though  individual  men,  called 
of  the  Lord  to  be  deliverers,  exerted  a  mighty 
influence  on  the  distracted  national  life,  yet  their 
influence  was  restricted  to  particular  tribes,  and 
was  not  permanent — was  always  followed  by  a 
sinking  back  into  the  old  wretched  condition. 

*  [Grerm :  durch  das  Fliiseigwerden  seines  objectiven  Ojfeiiba- 
rmgmarta,  «fc.— Tk.] 

_t  [This  civil  war  occurred,  however,  soon  after  Joshua, 
since  Phinehas,  grandson  of  Aaron,  was  then  High- 
priest  fJud^.  xx.  28) :  whether  there  was  afterwards  a 
general  national  uprising,  we  do  not  linow. — Tr.] 


The  cause  of  this  was  the  deteri<yratiion  of  religious 
life,  which  was  wide-spread  among  the  people; 
the  worship  of  the  living  Covenant-God  was  min- 
gled with  the  nature-worship  of  the  Canaanitish 
nations,  not  aU  of  whom  were  completely  con- 
quered, and  especialljr  with  the  Baal- worship,  of 
the  Philistines;  or  it  was  suppressed  by  these 
heathen  worships.  Gideon's  ephod- worship  (Judg. 
viii.  27)  and  Micah's  image-worship  (Judg.  xvii., 
xviii.)  belonged  also  to  this  corruption  of  the 
religion  of  Jehovah.  With  this  moral  decline 
and  distraction  of  theocratic  life  was  connected 
corruption  of  moral  life,  such  as  we  see  in  some 
parts  of  Samson's  history  (he  succumbs  morally, 
as  well  as  physically,  to  the  Philistines),  in  the 
crime  of  the  Beujamites  (Judg.  xix.),  which  calls 
forth  all  the  rest  of  the  nation  against  them  in 
stubborn,  bloody  war,  and  in  the  unworthy  cha- 
racter of  the  sons  of  Eli,  who  disgrace  the  sanc- 
tuary itself  with  their  wickedness.  The  whole 
popular  life  had  fallen  into  an  anarchy  in  which 
"  every  man  did  that  which  was  right  in  his  own 
eyes"  (Judg.  xxi.  25). 

3.  The  necessity  for  a  reformation  of  the  whole 
national  life  from  within  outward,  that  is,  a  re- 
newal of  the  whole  Theocracy  on  a  religioua- 
moral  basis  meets  us  at  the  beginning  of  the 
Books  of  Samuel.  The  holy  institutions,  the  or- 
dinances of  divine  worship,  and  the  theocratic 
legislation  of  the  Mosaic  Period  are  present  in- 
deed in  the  time  of  the  Judges  (comp.  the  exege- 
tical  explanations).  The  people  had  their  na- 
tional central  sanctuary  in  Shiloh  as  sign  of  God's 
abode  among  His  people,  celebrated  their  festi- 
vals, and  brought  their  offerings  there.  The 
priestly  service  in  the  sanctuary  was  arranged ; 
the  nazirate  and  the  institution  of  holy  women* 
in  coimection  with  the  sanctuary  were  the  special 
forms  of  consecration  of  life  to  Jehovah's  service. 
It  is  a  false  view  to  regard  the  time  of  the  Judges 
as  a  period  of  fermentation,  out  of  which  first 
arose  fixed  legal  institutions  and  appointments. 
Bather  the  whole  Mosaic  legislation  and  the  his- 
tory of  the  establishment  of  the  Theocracy  on  the 
basis  of  the  covenant  of  law  is  in  many  places 
presupposed  in  the  Book  of  Judges  and  in  the 
beginning  of  the  Books  of  Samuel  themselves 
(comp.  Hengst.,  Beilr.  III.  40  sq.  [Eng.  trausL, 
"  Contributions  to  an  Introd.  to  the  Pentateuch," 
Clark,  Edinb.]).  But  it  is  true  (as  is  expressly 
stated  in  Judg.  ii.  10 sq.),  that  in  the  religious- 
moral  life  of  the  people  there  was  a  general  defec- 
tion from  the  living  God  to  strange  gods.  Though 
in  particular  circles  and  femiUes  (as  Samuel's, 
for  ex. )  there  was  true  service  of  God  and  piety, 
yet  the  national  and  political  life  of  the  distracted 
and  shattered  people  was  on  the  whole  not  in  the 
least  in  keeping  with  its  priestly  calling.  The 
gap  between  the  people's  religious-moral  condi- 
tion on  the  one  hand,  and  the  theocratic  institu- 
tions and  the  demands  of  the  divine  law  on  the 
other  was  become  so  wide  and  deep,  that  a  great 
reformer  was  needed,  who,  by  special  divine  call 
and  in  the  might  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  should 
turn  the  whole  national  life  to  the  living  God 
again,  and  make  Him  its  uniiying  centre.  To 
this  need  of  a  reformation  of  the  Theocracy  by 
new  revelations  of  the  covenant-God,  and  by  the 
return  of  the  covenant-people  to  communion  with 


*  [See  note  on  1  Sam.  ii.  22.— Tb.] 


66 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


their  God  answered  the  special  divine  working 
by  which  the  prophetic  office,  instead  of  the 
priesthood,  was  united  with  the  true'  theocratic 
Judgeship  in  the  mighty  God-filled  personality  of 
Samuel. 

4.  The  special  divine  working  shows  itself  in 
the  providential  plan  by  which  God  chose  and 
prepared  the  great  instrument  for  leading  His 
people  into  the  path,  in  which  they  were  to  find 
their  holy  calling  and  merge  their  whole  life  in 
the  divine  rule  and  communion.  The  reformer 
of  the  Theocracy,  the  second  Moses,  sprang  from 
a  thoroughly  pious  family,  faithful  and  obedient 
to  the  law  of  the  Lord.  In  its  very  commence- 
ment his  life  is  specially  consecrated  by  the  hear- 
ing which  God  vouchsafed  to  the  prayer  of  his 
pious  mother  for  a  son.  In  the  same  Tribe, 
whence  came  the  saviour  of  the  people  from  the 
bondage  of  Egypt  and  the  founder  of  the  The- 
ocracy through  God's  wonderful  working,  and 
which  by  divine  appointment  represented  the 
whole  people  in  the  Sanctuary-service,  was  born 
the  man  of  God,  who  in  the  highest  sense  as 
Prophet  of  tlie  Lord,  was  all  his  life  to  do  priestly 
service  in  renewing  the  theocratic  life,  and 
restore  it  from  its  alienation  from  the  living  God 
to  communion  with  Him.  Specially  also  it  was 
the  energy  and  earnestness  of  his  mother's  piety 
which  from  the  first  gave  to  this  great  man's  life 
the  direction  and  determination  by  which  he  be- 
caiiie  God's  instrument  for  the  regeneration  of 
His  people.  Hannah,  in  devoting  her  child  to 
the  perpetual  service  of  the  Lord  ( thus  giving  Him 
back  what  her  prayer  had  obtained  from  Him), 
did  unconsciously  and  silently,  under  the  gui- 
dance of  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord,  a  holy  deed, 
which,  taken  into  the  plan  of  the  divine  wisdom, 
was  the  beginning  of  that  series  of  great  God- 
deeds  by  which,  through  this  chosen  instrument, 
a  new  turn  of  world-historical  importance  was 
given  to  the  history  of  Israel.  The  name  which 
she  gives  her  son  marks  him  out  for  the  people  as 
an  immediate  gift  of  God,  through  which,  as 
Calvin  says,  "  God  in  His  mercy  ordained  a  re- 
formation of  His  worship  in  the  people." 

5.  In  Samuel's  early  life  we  see  again  the  im- 
portance (men  for  the  Kingdom,  of  God)  of  the  the- 
oaraey  of  a  truly  puma  family-life  in  the  Old  Dis- 
pensation. There  were  still  in  Israel  houses  and 
families  in  which  the  children  (who,  according 
to  the  Law,  were  not  usually  carried  to  the  great 
feasts  celebrated  at  the  Sanctuary),  were  intro- 
duced to  the  public  religious  life,  and  accustomed 
to  the  religious  service  of  the  people ;  and  this  is 
a  sign  that,  in  spite  of  the  desolation  of  the  theo- 
cratic life  and  the  degradation  of  the  religious- 
moral  life,  there  still  lay  hidden  in  domestic  life 
a  sound  germ  of  true  piety  and  fear  of  God. 
Prom  this  uncorrupted  vigorous  germ  which  ap- 
pears religiously  in  the  earnest  life  of  prayer  of 
the  parents,  and  ethically  in  their  tender,  con- 
siderate conjugal  love,  Samuel's  life  sprouts  forth 
as  a  plant  consecrated  from  its  root  directly  to 
the  Lord's  special  service. 

6.  Thus  the  religious-moral  life  was  not  so  far 
gone  that  it  could  not,  by  God's  power,  produce 
ifrom  the  narrow  circle  of  the  house  and  family  such 
a  person  as  Samuel ;  nor,  in  spite  of  the  general  de- 

Sravation  and  disniption  of  the  theocratic-national 
fe,  was  it  impossible  for  Samuel,  as  God's  in- 


strument sprung  from  this  soil,  to  find  positive 
points  of  connection  and  a  responsive  receptivity 
for  his  work  of  reform  as  Judge  and  Prophet. 
The  spirit  which  gave  shape  to  his  childhood  and 
youth  from  the  first  moments  of  his  life,  had 
shown  itself,  sporadically  it  is  true,  yet  living 
and  powerful  in  individual  facts  in  the  time  of 
the  Judges  (comp.  Deborah's  Song,  Judg.  v.; 
Gideon's  word  "Jehovah  shall  rule  over  you," 
Judg.  viii.  23 ;  and  especially  the  energetic  reac- 
tion of  the  theocratic  zeal  of  the  whole  people 
against  the  Tribe  of  Benjamin,  who,  contrary  to 
the  command  "  be  ye  holy,"  had  refused  to  de- 
liver up  the  ofienders,  by  whose  execution  evil 
was  to  be  put  away  out  of  the  midst  of  Israel, 
Judg.  XX.)  The  prophetic  reformer,  called  by 
God  out  of  the  domain  of  a  deeply  pious  famUy- 
life,  found  in  that  theocratical  spirit,  which  was 
concealed  under  the  general  corruption,  the  re- 
ceptive ground  on  which  he  could  plant  himself 
in  order  to  gather  the  whole  people  about  the 
living  God  and  His  word,  and  press  His  revela- 
tions into  their  very  heart  and  soul. 

7.  The  divine  name  Jehovah  Sabaoth  (niiT 
niX3S),  which  does  not  occur  in  the  Pentateuch 
or  in  the  Books  of  Joshua  and  Judges,  is  found 
here  for  the  first  time,  and  seems  to  have  come 
into  general  use  particularly  in  the  time  of 
Samuel  and  David  Jcomp.  1  Sam.  xv.  2,  xvii.  45; 
2  Sam.  vii.  8, 26  sq.;  Ps.  xxi  v.  10).  It  seldom  occurs 
in  the  Books  of  Kings,  is  found  most  frequently 
in  the  Prophets,  except  Ezekiel  and  Daniel,  and 
never  in  Job,  Proverbs,  the  later  Psalms  and  the 
post^exilian  historical  books,  except  in  Chroni- 
cles in  the  history  of  David,  where  it  is  to  be 
referred  to  the  original  documents. — The  word 
'Sabaoth'  is  never  found  in  the  Old  Test,  alone. 
The  Sept.  sometimes  gives  it  as  a  proper  name, 
2o;8a(ii*,  as  here,  where  it  has  also  the  full  form 
(cupi'if)  Tiji  iJeu  (Lord  God),  which  answers  to  the 
proper  complete  expression  of  this  divine  name, 

Jehovah  God  of  Sabaoth  (niKiS  ■'TflS  HIH' 
comp.Am.iii.  13;  iv.l3;  v.l4;  or  ntoSH  V), 
of  which  Jehovah  Sabaoth  is  an  abbreviation.* 

The  signification  "  God  of  war"  (see  Ex.  vii.  4; 
xii.  41,  where  Israel  is  called  "  the  hosts  of  Je- 
hovah," Ty^^^  ^""^J^)  cannot  be  regarded  as  the 
original  sense  of  this  expression,  though  the  latter 
includes  the  glory  of  God  manifested  in  His  vic- 
torious power  over  His  enemies.  If  this  were 
the  proper  and  original  signification,  it  would  be 
inexplicable  why  the  name  is  wanting  precisely  in 
the  histories  of  those  wars  and  battles,  which 
were   Jehovah's  own    (Num.  xxi.  14),   though 


*  And  as  the  combiaation  niXJS  DTi'?}*  is  not 
unfrequent  (Ps.  lix.  6;  l2:xx.  5,  8,  IB,  20;  IxxxIt.  9)  and 
in  the  mas.  text  the  niH^,  when  ^JIX  precedes,  never 
has  the  points  of  'JHX  but  always  of  D'ri'7S— and 
further  as  the  word  HIH^  as  a  proper  name  cannot  be 
construed  with  a  Gen.— the  combination  n'lNaS  mri" 

T  ; 

is  not  to  be  taken  as  stat.  const.,  but  as  a  breviloquence 
or  ellipsis,  the  general  notion  "God"  being  supplied 
from  the  proper  name  Jehovah.  So  (against  Gesenius 
and  Ewald)  Oehler  in  Herzog  «,  v..  Hengstenberg,  Chris- 
Mogie  I.  436  sq.  [Eng.  tr.  I.  3761  and  Keil,  Oomm.  16  |Eng. 
trans,  p.  19].  ISee  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  Am.  ed.,  Taeba- 
oth.— Tb.1. 


CHAP.  I.  1-20. 


67 


Israel  is  expressly  called  His  "hosts."  Appeal 
is  made  in  support  of  this  signification  to  pas- 
sages like  1  Sam.  xvii.  45  (God  of  the  armies  of 
Israel),  and  Ps.  xxiv.  8-10,  (Jehovah  strong  and 
mighty,  mighty  in  battle) ;  but  as  these  phrases 
are  attached  to  the  name  "  Jehovah  of  Hosts," 
they  show  (as  Hengstenberg,  on  Ps.  xxiv.,  and 
Oehler,  M  sup.  point  out)  mat  the  latter  means 
something  different,  that  "Jehovah  of  Hosts" 
means  something  higher  than  "  Israel's  God  of 
war."  Its  meaning  must  be  derived  from  Gen. 
ii.  1,  where  DK3S  "the  host  of  them"  refers  pro- 
perly only  to  "heavens" — and  only  by  zeugma  to 
"earth"  (Oehler).    Comp.  Ps.  xxxiii.  6;  Deut.  iv. 

19;  Neh.  ix.  6,  where  D«3S-':3  "  all  the  host  of 
them ''  refers  exclusively  to  the  heavens.  "  The 
hosts  are  always  the  heavenly  hosts,  not  created 
things  in  general"  (Hengstenberg).  They  are 
of  two  classes,  however,  the  material,  the  stars, 
and  the  spiritual,  the  angels.  In  reference  to  the 
stars  as  the  "  host  of  heaven  "  (Ps.  xxxiii.  6 )  and 
the  "host  of  God,"  praise  is  rendered  to  God's 
power  and  government  of  the  world,  by  wliich  He 
controls  these  glorious  objects  (Isa.  xl.  26 ;  xlv. 
13),  against  the  Sabian  worship  of  the  stars  as 
divine  powers,  and  against  the  danger  to  which 
Israel  was  exposed  of  perversion  to  such  star- 
worship.  This  danger  became  great  enough  in 
the  Period  of  the  Judges  and  in  the  beginning  of 
the  Kingly  Period  to  make  the  supposition  allow- 
able that  the  expression,  with  the  sense  of  oppo- 
sition to  idolatry,  came  into  use  at  this  time.  In 
Isa.  xxiv.  23  this  meaning  of  Jehovah  Sabaoth 
comes  out  unmistakably  in  the  reference  to  God's 
creative  power  which  is  loftier  than  the  splendor 
of  the  stars,  and  in  the  contrast  between  His  wor- 
ship and  that  of  the  stars.  The  reference  of  the 
name  "  God  of  hosts  "  in  Ps.  Ixxxix.  8  sq.  to  the 
angels  is  equally  certain.  The  angels  are  mar- 
shalled around  Jehovah  in  heaven,  awaiting  His 
commands,  ready  to  perform  His  will  on  earth, 
especially  as  His  instruments  for  the  execution 
of  His  will  in  grace  and  judgment,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  His  people,  for  the  overthrow  of  His 
enemies  (1  Kings  xxii.  19 sq.;  Job  i.  2) ;  they  go 
along  with  God  in  the  revelation  of  His  judicial- 
kingly  power  and  glory  (Deut.  xxxiii.  2;  Ps. 
Ixviii.  18) ;  they  form  the  Lord's  heavenly  battle- 
host  (G«n.  xxxii.  1,  2;  Josh.  v.l4sq.;  2  Kings 
vi.  17).  By  the  reference  to  the  two  hosts,  of  stars 
and  angels,  which  represent  the  creation  in  its 
loftiest  and  most  glorious  aspect,  this  expression 
sets  forth  the  living  God  in  His  majesty  and 
omnipotence  over  the  highest  created  powers, 
who  are  subject  to  His  control  and  instruments 
of  the  exercise  of  His  royal  might  and  power  in 
the  world.  But  God's  glory,  in  His  majesty  and 
power  over  the  star-world,  and  in  His  lordship 
over  the  spirit-world  which  stands  ready  to  do 
His  bidding  in  the  world,  exhibits  Him  of  neces- 
sity in  His  royal  omnipotent  control  of  the  whole 
world;  and  so  "Jehovah  Sabaoth"  means  in 
several  passages  the  almighty  controlling  world- 
God,  who  has  His  throne  in  heaven,  of  whose 
glory  the  whole  world  is  full,  who  "is  called  the 
God  of  the  whole  earth,"  who  "buildeth  His 
upper-chamber  in  heaven,  and  foundeth  His  arch 
on  the  earth."  So  Ps.  xxiv.  8-10;  Isa.  vi.  3; 
liv.  5;  Am.  ix.  5,  6.     In  connection  with  the 


name  "Jehovah"  the  expression  indicates,  with 
special  reference  to  Israel,  the  almighty  and  vic- 
torious God,  who  overcomes  the  enemies  of  His 
people  and  His  kingdom,  who  is  the  protection 
and  help  of  His  people  against  all  the  powers 
of  the  world. — The  name  occurs  frequently  in 
connection  with  wars  and  victories,  in  which  God 
helps  and  protects  His  people  against  hostile 
powers;  1  Sam.  xv.  2;  xvii.  45;  2  Sam.  vii.  8, 
26sq.;Ps.  xxiv.  10;  xlvi.  8, 12;  Ixxx.  8,  15;  Isa. 
xxiv.  21-23 ;  xxv.  4r-6 ;  xxxi.  4,  5.  This  name 
of  God,  Lord  of  Hosts,  first  appears  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Books  of  Samuel,  near  the  end  of  the 
Judges,  and  just  before  the  kingdom  was  estab- 
lished, and  occurs  most  frequently  in  the  time  of 
the  Kings ;  and  this  fact  has  its  deepest  ground 
herein,  that  during  this  time  God's  royal  power 
as  almighty  lord  and  ruler  of  the  world  and  hea- 
venly king  of  Israel  first  unfolded  itself  in  aU  its 
fulness  and  glory — in  victories  over  the  enemies 
of  His  kingdom  in  Israel,  in  the  almighty  protec- 
tion which  He  vouchsafed  His  people  in  the , 
land  of  promise,  and  in  the  powerful  aid  which 
He  gave  them  in  establishing,  fixing  and  extend- 
ing the  theocratic  kingly  power.* 

8.  A  characteristic  mark  of  Hannah's  sincere 
piety  is  the  vow  (v.  11)  which  she  makes  to  the 
Lord.  The  vow,  from  the  Old  Testamentr-point 
of  view,  is  the  solemn  promise  by  which  the  pious 
man  binds  and  pledges  himself,  in  case  his  prayer 
is  heard  or  his  wish  fulfilled,  to  show  his  thank- 
fulness for  the  Lord's  goodness  by  the  performance 
of  some  special  outward  thing.  Hence  vows  are 
almost  always  connected  with  petitions,  though 
never  as  if  they  were  the  ground  for  God's  fulfil- 
ment of  the  request.  The  positive  vow  C^3.),  the 
promise  of  a  special  offering  as  a  sign  of  gratitude, 
includes  also  the  negative  element  of  self-denial, 
so  far  as  it  is  a  relinquishment  of  one's  own  pos- 
sessions, which  are  given  to  the  Lord.  This 
custom — ^namely,  by  a  special  promise  making  a 
particular  act  or  mode  of  condiict  a  moral  duty, 
and  basing  the  obligation  of  performance  not  on 
the  divine  wfll,  but  on  a  vow  made  without 
divine  direction — answers  to  the  legal  standpoint 
of  the  Old  Testament  and  the  moral  minority 
founded  on  it.  Forbearing  to  vow,  was  however, 
by  no  means  regarded  as  sinfiil  (Deut.  xxii.  22) ; 
thus  not  only  was  the  moral  principle  of  volun- 
tariness brought  out,  but  the  idea  that  the  vow 
was  in  itself  meritorious,  was  excluded.  The  vow, 
as  a  custom  corresponding  to  moral  weakness  and 
consciousness  of  untrustworthiness  in  obedience 
to  the  Lord,  is  never  legally  commanded,  nor 
even  advised  (comp.  Prov.  xx.  25;  Ecc.  v.  4,  with 
Deut.  xxiii.  22) ;  but  it  is  required  that  a  vow 
made  freely  shall  be  fulfilled  (Num.  xxx.  3;  Deut. 
xxiii.  21,  23;  Ps.  1.  14;  Ecc.  v.  3).  But,  as  the 
hearing  of  a  prayer  is  conditioned  strictly  on 
true  piety,  so,  that  a  vow  should  be  well-pleasing 
to  the  Lord,  presupposes  an  humble,  thankful 
soul  which  feels  itself  pledged  and  bound  to  the 
Lord,  to  devote  everything  to  Him.  The  ethical 
idea  of  the  vow  finds  its  realization  and  fulfil- 
ment, as  well  as  its  clear  and  true  apprehension, 
from  the  New  Testament  stand-point  also  in  the 
vowing  and  dedicating  to  the  Lord  for  life  in 

*  fror  a  eood  exposition  of  "JohoTah  Sabaoth,"  see 
Plumptre'B  "Biblical S(i«i»e»."— Tr.]. 


58 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


baptism  the  personality  renewed  by  the  Holy 
Ghost,  (who  in  the  Old  Testament  also  is  recog- 
nized and  prayed  for  as  the  source  of  sanctifica^ 
tion,  Ps.  li.).  Hannah's  vow  is  an  analogue  of 
Christian  baptism  in  so  far  as  it  (the  vow)  conse- 
crates the  life  of  the  child  obtained  by  prayer 
wholly  to  the  Lord  for  His  property  and  for  per- 
manent service  according  to  the  stand-point  of  Old 
Testament  piety,  but  this  irom  the  New  Testa- 
ment point  of  view  comes  to  full  truth  only  in  the 
free  spiritual  devotion  of  the  heart  and  the  whole 
life  to  the  Lord.  [There  is  no  warrant  for  intro- 
ducing the  lower  Old  Testament  conception  into 
an  ordinance  of  the  New  Testament.  Christian 
baptism,  into  the  name  of  the  Trinity,  sets  forth 
the  free  and  full  consecration  of  the  believer  to 
Gtod,  as  Dr.  Erdmann  points  out,  and  is  no  other- 
wise a  vow,  is  never  so  spoken  of  in  the  New 
Testament. — Te.]  . 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL.* 

Ver.  2.  Holy  Scripture  lets  us  see  how  not 
merely  single  sins  in  disposition,  word  and  deed, 
but  also  general  conditions  and  customs  which 
spring  from  sin — such  as  polygamy — are  the  ob- 
ject of  God's  patience  and  long-suffering,  and 
how  there  is  in  this  no  hindrance  to  the  purposes 
of  God's  love  and  wisdom,  but  rather  all  such 
things  are  overruled  by  Him  for  good.  [Hall  : 
111  customs,  where  they  are  once  entertained,  are 
not  easily  discharged :  polygamy,  besides  carnal 
delight,  might  now  plead  age  and  example ;  so 
as  even  Elkanah,  though  a  Levite,  is  tainted 
with  the  sin  of  Lamech,  like  as  fashions  of  attire, 
which  at  the  first  were  disliked  as  uncomely,  yet, 
when  they  are  once  grown  common,  are  taken  up 
of  the  gravest.  Yet  this  sin,  as  then  current 
with  the  time,  could  not  make  Elkanah  not  re- 
H^ous. — Te.].  Cbameb:  God  distributes  His 
gifts  in  a  wonderfid  manner,  to  one  He  gives,  the 
other  He  suffers  to  want.  Gen.  xxix.  31.  Tem- 
poral gifts  God  gives  not  only  to  the  worthy,  but 
also  to  the  unworthy.  Matt.  v.  45. — Ver.  3.  Starke  : 
Worship  stands  first,  to  show  with  what  devout- 
ness  and  reverence  he  makes  his  offering,  and  at 
the  same  time  that  praying  is  better  than  offering. 
[Comp.  CoBNELius:  "Thy  prayers  and  thine 
alms,"  Acts  x.  4. — Te.]. — The  offering  was  the 
deed  which  established  the  truthfulness  of  the  pray- 
ing word.  Calvin:  This  subject-matter  of  adora- 
tion is  to  be  referred  to  the  three  following  heads: 
first,  that  when  about  to  adore  God  we  recognize 
that  we  owe  all  things  to  Sim,  and  in  giving  thanks 
for  past  blessings  we  implore  a  stiU  further  increase 
of  His  gifts,  and  help  in  difficulties  and  perplexi- 
ties ;  secondly,  that  confessing  our  sins  as  suppliant 
and  guilty,  we  pray  Him  to  grant  us  true  hnmo- 
ledge  of  owr  sins  and  repentance,  and  to  have  mercy 
on  us  who  pray  for  pardon ;  thirdly  and  finally, 
that  denying  ourselves  and  taking  His  yoke  upon 
our  shoulders,  we  profess  ourselves  ready  to  ren- 
der JSim  due  obedience,  and  to  conform  our  affec- 
tions to  the  rule  of  His  law  and  to  His  will  alone. 
[Ver.  4.  The  whole  family  take  part  in  the  feast 
of  the  peace-offerings.  So  as  to  the  idol-worship 
in  Jer.  vii.  18,  "  The  children  gather  wood,  and 
the  fathers  kindle  the  fire,  and  the  women  knead 
their  dough,  to  make  cakes  to  the  queen  of  hea- 

•  [In  the  German  literally  "  homilotioal  hints."— Tr.] 


ven."     Both  this  passage  and  that,  as  to  true 
religion  and  false,  may  impress  upon  us  the  im- 
portance of  femily  worship  and  family  religion. 
— Tb.]. — ^Vers.  4-8.  Elkanah's  love  to  Hannah  is 
a  model  of  the  true  inner  love  with  which  hus- 
bands should  not  merely  love  their  wives  in 
general,  but  as  regards  their  special  troubles  and 
sorrows,  instead  of  being  worried  and  vexed  at 
them  should  rather  feel  these  as  their  own,  and 
with  them  bear  in  patience  and  gentleness  what- 
ever lies  heavy  upon  their  heart  and  weighs  them 
down  (ver.  5),  and  also  protect  them  against  pro- 
vocations and  vexations,  which  in  an  unrighteous 
and  ill-disposed  way  are   inflicted  upon  them 
(vers.  6,  7),  and  refresh  them  with  consolation 
and  encouragement  (ver.  8). — [Ver.  5.   Children 
were  regarded  as  a  blessing,  by  Hannah  and  the 
women  of  Israel  in  general   (comp.   Gen.  xxx. 
23;  Luke  i.  25),  and  the  lack  of  them  as  a  sad 
deprivation ;  and  the  correctness  of  this  view  is 
distinctly  confirmed  by  the  inspired  writers,  Ps. 
cxiii.  9;  cxxvii.  3-5;  cxxviii.  3.     The  contrary 
feeling  which    is  now  so   rapidly  growing   in 
America  is  evil,  both  in  its  causes  and  in  its  eon- 
sequences.    The   subject  would  rec(uire  delicate 
handling  in  public  discourse,  but  is  exceedingly 
important. — Te.]  .     When  the  Lord  refuses  us  a 
gift  which  we  are  begging  Him  to  grant,  and  the 
heart  is  full  of  mourning  at  the  deprivation,  then 
the  temptation  lies  near  to  grumble  about  it 
against  the  Lord  and  quarrel  with  Him.    This 
temptation  comes  partly  from   our  own  heart, 
which  is  a  perverse  and  desponding  thing,  and 
will  not  reconcile  itself  to  the  dispensation  of  the 
Lord ;  partly  it  comes  in  upon  Us  from  without, 
through  men  who  by  their  unloving  conduct  ex- 
cite and  embitter  our  hearts,  and  infuse  into 
them  the  poison  of  discontent  with  those  leadings 
of  the  Lord  which  contradict  our  desire  and  hope 
(vers.  6,  7). — In  a  devout  marriage  the  love  of 
tiie  one  party  should  not  merely  be  to  the  other 
a  fountain  of  consolation  and  of  quieting  as  to 
painful  dispensations  of  the  Lord,  but  for  what- 
ever by  the  Lord's  will  is  lacking  in  good  fortune 
and  joy  it  should  seek  to  offer  all  the  richer  com- 
pensation (ver.  8). — Every  violation  of  the  holy 
ordering  of  God  upon  which  marriage  and  the 
family  life  should  rest,  has  as  a  necessary  con- 
sequence— as  is  true  of  bigamy  here — its  punish- 
ment in  the  grievous  disorder  of  conjugal  and 
domestic  life,  in  the  destruction  of  peace  in  heart 
and  home  by  all  manner  of  sins,  such  as  envy 
and  jealousy. — Hannah  makes  no  reply  to  the 
bad  words  of  her  adversary,  and  bears  her  hosti- 
lity with  patience. — Starke  (ver.  7) :  A  Christian 
must  not  requite  evil  with  evil,  railing  with  rail- 
ing, but  bear  all  patiently  and  hope  in  God ;  for  His 
hand  can  change  every  thing  (Ps.  Ixxvii.  11  [Eng. 
A.  V.  ver.  10.  Luther  translates  it:  "  But  I  said, 
I  must  suffer  that;  the  right  hand  of  the  most 
High  can  change  everything,"  but  this  rendering 
is  not  authorized  by  the  Hebrew. — Tr.]  ). — Ver. 
8.  Seb.  Schmid:  For  the  lack  of  one  good,  God 
knows  how  to  compensate  the  pious  by  a  greater 
and  more  manifest  good. — J.  Lange  ;  As  the  mar- 
riage-bond is  much  closer  than    that  between 
parents  and  children,  it  follows  that  husband  and 
wife  must  hold  each  other  nearer  and  dearer  than 
all  children.     Each  must  help  to  bear  the  other's 
burdens,  and  seek  to  lighten  them.  Gal.  vi.  2. 


CHAP.  I.  1-20. 


59 


Vers.  1-8.  The  priestly  catling  of  the  man  in  his 
house:  1)  in  the  close  oonnectioii  of  his  whole 
house  with  the  service  in  the  house  of  the  Lord 
(prayer  and  offering) ;  2)  iu  the  nurture  and  ad- 
monition of  the  children  for  the  Lord;  3)  in 
expelling  and  keeping  at  a  distance  the  evil  spirit 
of  unlovingness  and  dissension  amid  the  members 
of  the  family ;  4)  in  the  constant  exhibition  of 
faithful,  comforting,  helping  love  towards  his 
wife. — A  truly  pious  house  is  that  which  1)  is  at 
home  in  God's  house,  2)  diligently  performs 
divine  service  in  prayer  and  offering,  in  which 
3)  tender  and  true  conjugal  love  dwells,  and  4) 
the  sufferings  and  deprivations  imposed  by  the 
Lord  are  borne  with  patience  and  resignation. — 
The  preservation  of  gemdne  piety  amid  domestic 
troubles :  1)  in  persevering  prayer,  when  the  Lord 
proves  faith  by  not  fulfilling  particular  wishes 
and  hopes ;  2)  in  enduring  patience  towards  vex- 
atious members  of  the  family;  3)  in  consoling  and 
supporting  love  towards  members  of  the  family 
who  are  easily  assailed. — Vera.  9-14.  Amid  vex- 
aiions  and  assaults,  what  should  impel  us  to  prayer  f 
1)  The  certainty  that  if  men  do  us  hurt,  it  does 
not  occur  without  Divine  permission.  2)  The 
feeling  that  even  the  best  human  consolation  can- 
not satisfy  the  heart  which  thirsts  to  be  consoled. 
3)  Firm  confidence  in  the  help  of  the  Lord,  who 
in  His  faithfulness  will  help  and  in  His  power 
can  help,  when  men  will  not  help  or  cannot. — 
[Chrysostom  :  When  standing  to  pray  she  did  not 
remember  her  adversary,  did  not  speak  of  her 
revilings,  did  not  say,  "  Avenge  me  of  this  vile 
and  wicked  woman,"  as  many  women  do ;  but  not 
often  remembering  those  reproaches,  she  prayed 
only  for  things  profitable  to  herself.  This  do 
thou  also  do,  O  man — do  not  ptay  against  thy 
enemy,  but  beseech  God  to  put  an  end  to  thy 
despondency,  to  quench  thy  grief.  By  so  doing 
this  woman  derived  the  greatest  benefits  from  her 
enemy.  For  her  enemy  contributed  to  the  bear- 
ing of  the  child.  And  how,  I  will  teU.  When 
she  reproached  her  and  made  her  distress  greater, 
from  the  distress  her  prayer  became  more  intense, 
the  prayer  drew  God's  fevor  and  made  Him  con- 
sent, and  so  Samuel  was  bom.  So  then  if  we  be 
watchful,  not  only  will  our  enemies  be  unable  to 
do  us  hurt,  but  they  wiU  even  bring  us  the 
greatest  benefits,  making  us  more  zealous  towards 
every  thing. — ^Tb.]. — The  prayer  of  faith  in  heart- 
gri^  and  trouble :  1 )  Its  nature  is  that  the  heart  ( a) 
weeps  itself  out  before  the  Lord,  to  whom  tears 
wept  before  Him  are  well-pleasing,  (6)  pours  out 
all  its  sorrow  before  the  Lord,  who  wishes  us  to 
cast  all  outward  cares  upon  Him ;  2)  Its  reliance 
is  [a)  on  the  power  of  the  "Lord  of  Sabaoth"  to 
help,  (6)  upon  His  Mthfiilness,  wherein  He 
knows  the  special  grief  and  woe  of  His  children, 
and  ,does  not  forget  them ;  3)  It  leads  (a)  to  a 
firm  hope  that  the  request  will  be  heard  and 
granted,  (6)  to  a  joyful  vow,  that  what  the  Lord 
graciously  gives  shall  be  thankfully  given  back 
to  Him. —  What  parents,  espeeiaMy  mothers,  so  rear 
their  children  as  to  honor  arnd  please  the  Lord? 
Those  who  1)  bear  them,  from  the  beginning  of 
their  life,  prayerfully  on  the  heart,  2)  devote 
them,  for  their  whole  life,  as  an  offering  to  the 
Lord. — The  highest  appreciation  of  children's  sovh 
consists  in  1)  regarding  them  as  a  gracious  gift 


from  the  Lord,  and  2)  designing  them  as  a  grate- 
ful gift  to  the  Lord. — [Hall  :  The  way  to  (3)tain 
any  benefit  is  to  devote  it,  in  our  hearts,  to  the 
glory  of  that  God  of  whom  we  ask  it:  by  this 
means  shall  God  both  pleasure  His  servant,  and 
honor  Himself. — Te.]. 

Ver.  12.  Stabkb:  A  devout  prayer  must  pro- 
ceed from  the  very  bottom  of  the  heart,  and  may 
be  offered  without  outward  words  as  with  them, 
Psabn  xix.  15  [14];  xxvii.  8;  Ixii.  9  [8],  Isa. 
xxix.  13,  14. — Vers.  13,  14.  A  Christian  should 
not  be  too  swift  iu  judging,  Luke  vi.  37 ;  1  Cor. 
iv.  5 ;  Prov.  xvii.  27.  Even  upon  pious  or  in- 
nocent people  there  are  often  many  unjust  judg- 
ments passed.  J.  Laugb  :  We  must  be  very  care- 
ful in  deciding  from  appearances,  lest  we  sin 
against  our  neighbor.  Acts  ii.  13.  Even  pious 
teachers  may  err  and  mistake  in  judging  their 
hearers,  and  regard  some  as  ungodly  who  are 
truly  pious. — Ver.  15.  Cbameb  :  He  who  is  re- 
viled, let  him  revile  not  again,  but  save  his 
innocence  with  mild  words,  Eom.  xii.  17.  [Chey- 
SOSTOM  speaks  eloquently  of  the  feet  that  Hannah 
did  not  Bcomftilly  neglect,  and  did  not  bitterly 
resent,  the  unjust  accusation. — Th.]. — Prayer 
serves  to  lighten  the  heart ;  well  for  thee,  O  soul, 
if  thou  often  seekest  thus  to  lighten  it,  Ps.  xlii. 
5  [4] ;  Ixii.  9  [8].— Ver.  17.  OsiiiTDEB:  God  is 
certain  to  hear  our  prayer,  proceeding  from  true 
faith,  and  if  He  does  not  help  us  at  all  according 
to  our  will  and  as  seems  good  to  us,  yet  this  is 
done  for  our  best  good,  as  He  knows  that  it  is 
most  profitable  for  us. — When  one  has  erred  he 
should  confess  it,  and  also  recall  his  error. — 
[Hall:  Even  the  best  may  err,  but  not  per- 
sist in  it.  When  good  natures  have  offended, 
they  are  unquiet  till  they  have  hastened  satis- 
faction.— Te.].— Ver.  18.  J.  Lange:  It  is  a  pro- 
perty of  faith  that  it  makes  the  heart  happy  and 
joyous  for  everything. — Ver.  19.  Staeke:  A 
Christian  must  not  only  pray,  but  work;  both 
bring  blessings,  Ps.  exxviii.  2. — Ceambr:  Al- 
though God  never  forgets  His  own,  yet  He  often 
acts  as  if  a  stranger,  Ps.  xiii.  2  [l] ;  Jer.  xiv.  8 ; 
Song  of  Sol.  ii.  9.— Staeke  :  When  pious  parents 
receive  their  children  with  calling  on  God  and  in 
His  fear,  then  is  every  child  a  Samuel. — Osl4.n- 
DBE :  When  we  have  received  a  benefit  from  God, 
we  should  not  forget  gratitude  to  Him. 

Vers.  12-20.  Theferventprayer  of  trembled  souls: 
1)  measures  itself  not  by  time,  but  exalts  the  soul 
above  time  into  eternity ;  2)  troubles  itself  not 
about  human  observation  and  judgment,  but  is  a 
pouring  out  of  the  heart  before  the  living  God ; 
3)  suffers  not  itself  to  sink  into  grief  and  sorrow, 
but  has  for  its  fruit  a  joy  given  by  the  Lord. — 
Defence  against  vmjust  aceusations :  1 )  For  what 
purpose?  As  a  tribute  to  truth,  for  the  honor 
of  the  Lord,  for  the  maintenance  of  our  own 
moral  worth ;  2)  In  what  manner  ?  In  quietness 
and  gentleness  without  sinful  passion,  in  humility 
and  modesty ;  3 )  By  God's  help,  with  what  residt  ? 
Convincing  the  accusers  of  their  wrong,  changing 
their  bad  words  into  blessings,  lightening  our 
own  heart  of  a  heavy  load. — The  naming  of  chil- 
dren no  indifferent  matter  for  pious  parents ;  Tnank- 
fiilly  regarding  the  grace  of  the  Lord,  who  has 
given  them ;  2)  Earnestly  regarding  the  destina- 
tion for  the  Lord,  to  whom  they  are  to  lead  them. 


60 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


SECOND   SECTION. 

Samners  Consecration  and  Restoration  to  the  Lord. 
Chap.  I.  21-28. 

I.  The  child  Samud  ai  home  till  he  is  weaned.   Vers.  21-23. 

21  And  the  man  Elkanah  and  all   his  house  went  up  to  oflfer  unto  the  Lord 

22  [Jehovah]  the  yearly  sacrifice,  and  his  vow.  But  Hannah  went  not  up ;  for  she 
said  unto  her  husband,  I  will  not  go  up  until  the  child  be  weaned,  and  then  I 
will  bring  him,  that  he  may  appear  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  there  abide 

23  for  ever.  And  Elkanah  her  husband  said  unto  her,  Do  what  seemeth  thee  good  ; 
tarry  until  thou  have  weaned  him ;  only  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  establish  his  word. 
So  the  woman  abode,  and  gave  her  son  suck  until  she  weaned  him. 

II.  Samud  given  back  by  his  mother  to  the  Lord.    Vers.  24-28. 

24  And  when  she  had  weaned  him,  she  took  him  up  with  her,  with  three  bullocks, 
and  one  ephah  of  flour,  and  a  bottle  of  wine,  and  brought  him  unto  the  house  of 

25  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  in  Shiloh ;  and  the  child  was  young.     And  they  slew  a  [the] 

26  bullock,  and  brought  the  child  to  Eli.  And  she  said,  O  my  lord,  as  thy  soul  liveth, 
niy  lord,  I  am  the  woman  that  stood  by  thee  here,  praying  [to  pray]  unto  the  Lord 

27  [Jehovah].     For  this  child  I  prayed  ;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  given  me  my 

28  petition  which  I  asked  of  him  :  Therefore  also  I  have  lent  [given']  him  to  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  ;  as  long  as  he  liveth  he  shall  be  lent  [he  is  given]  to  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah].   And  he  worshipped  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  there. 


TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  28.  Erdmann  renders :  I  have  made  him  one  prayed  for  (asked,  erbeten)  to  the  Lord  as  long  as  he  lives  j 
he  18  asked  to  tho  Lord  (for  the  Lord).    See  Exegetical  Notes  in  Icco. — Te.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

Ver.  21.  And  the  man  Slkanah  and  all 
his  house  went  up.  This  he  did  yearly,  in 
order  to  present  the  offering  of  the  days  and  the 
vow.  _  The  "offering  of  the  days"  is  the  annual 
offering,  the  offering  which  every  Israelite  was 
obliged  and  accustomed  to  present  annually. 
"The  offering  of  the  days  and  the  vow"  is  the 
brief  statement  of  what  is  detailed  at  length  in  the 
Law.  In  going  up  with  his  whole  house,  Elka- 
nah did  as  is  commanded  in  Deut.  xii.  17,  18: 
"Thou  mayest  not  eat  within  thy  gates  the  tithe  of 
thy  corn,  or  of  thy  wine,  or  of  thy  oil,  or  the 
firstlings  of  thy  herds  or  of  thy  flock,  nor  any  of 
thy  vows  which  thou  vowest,  nor  thy  ireewill- 
offerings,  or  offering  of  thine  hand;  but  thou 
must  eat  them  before  the  Lord  thy  God  in  the 
place  which  the  Lord  thy  God  shall  choose,  thou 
and  thy  son,  and  thy  daughter,  and  thy  man-ser- 
vant, and  thy  maid-servant,  and  the  Levite  that 
is  within  thy  gates  ;  and  thou  shalt  rejoice  before 
the  Lord  thy  God."  The  offering  of  the  days  "  is, 
as  it  were,  the  yearly  reckoning  with  the  Lord, 
the  presentation  of  those  portions  of  the  property 
which  fall  to  him  in  the  course  of  the  year." 
Hengstenberg,  Seit.  \  Gontrihwtkins  to  an  Introd. 


to  the  PcnJ.]  III.,  89,  90.— The  Sing,  "his  vow" 
refers  to  the  vow  which  Elkanah  also  had  made 
based  on  tho  hearing  of  Hannah's  prayer.  The 
addition  of  the  Sept.,  "  and  all  the  tithes  of  his 
land"  is,  like  the  plural  "his  vows,"  to  be  re- 
ferred to  the  translator's  having  in  mind  the 
above-quoted  passage.  Thenius  (adheum)  remarks 

that  the  corresponding  words  iX"^X  n'ni£'j;D"b31 

[and  all  the  tithes  of  his  land]  were  probably 
purposely  omitted  by  transcribers  who  regarded 
Samuel's  Levitical  descent  as  certain,  according 
to  1  Chron.  vi.  7  sq.  and  19  sq.;  but  Josephus,  who 
expressly  describes  Elkanah  as  a  Levite,  and 
follows  the  Alexandrine  translation,  has  the  ad- 
dition also.  It  belongs  to  the  category  of  explar 
natory  additions  and  changes  of  which  the  Sept. 
is  so  full. 

Ver.  22.  After  the  child  is  weaned  from  his 
mother's  breast,  Hannah  will  bring  him  to  the 

Sanctuary.     That  the  Heb.  verb   ('^Dil)  means 

here  "to  wean,"  and  does  not  include  the  idea 
of  cducalion  (Seb.  Schmid)  as  in  1  Kings  xi.  20,  is 
plain  from  the  "gave  suck,"  (p.^i?!)  in  ver.  23. 
The  ground  adduced  for  this  opinion,  namely,  that 
the  child  would  otherwise  be  troublesome  to  Eli, 


CHAP.  I.  21-28. 


61 


ig  of  no  force ;  for,  apart  from  the  fact  that  a  child 
three  years  old  (this  was  the  term  of  weaning, 
according  to  2  Mac.  vii.  27*)  is  not  troublesome 
in  the  East,  his  nurture  and  education  could  be 
committed  to  "  the  women  that  served  at  the  door 
of  the  Tabernacle  of  meeting,"  (ch.  ii.  22). — The 
"  appearing  before  the  Lordj"  for  which  Hannah 
wiU  bring  her  son  to  Shiloh,  supposes  the  ex- 
istence there  of  the  National  Sanctuary  instituted 
by  Moses,  and  answers  to  the  law  (Ex.  xxiii.  17 ; 
xxxiv.  23):  "Three  times  in  the  year  all  thy 
males  shall  appear  before  the  Lord  Jetuyoah."    The 

"abide  forever,"  all  his  life  (Dlljf'lj;?)  indicates 

the  life-long  consecration  to  service  in  the  Sanc- 
tuary from  his  weaning  on,  while  otherwise  this 
service  was  binding  only  from  the  25th  year  to 
the  50th.  By  the  education  which  the  boy  re- 
ceived in  the  Sanctuary  he  was  even  as  a  child  to 
grow  into  the  service ;  and  moreover,  as  a  child, 
he  could  perform  little  outward  services  (Then.), 
so  that  the  objection,  that,  as  a  newly  weaned 
child,  he  was  unfit  for  the  Temple-service,  fiiUs 
to  the  ground. 

Yer.  23.  Only  the  Iiord  establish  His 
word,  that  is,  maintain,  fulfil  it,  bring  it  to 
completion.  The  "word"  (113^)  refers  not  merely 
to  Eli's  word,  ver.  17,  but  to  God's  factual  dis- 
course, which  consisted  in  hearing  Hannah's 
prayer,  and  in  the  real  promise  which  he  had 
given,  by  the  birth  of  the  child,  in  reference  to 
his  destination  to  the  service  of  the  Lord.  Bun- 
sen  excellently  says:  "Word,  that  is,  may  He 
fulfil  what  He  designs  with  him  and  has  promised 
by  his  birth,  comp.  vers.  11,  20.  The  words  refer, 
therefore,  to  the  boy's  destination  to  the  service 
of  Grod,  which  the  Eternal  has  in  fact  acknow- 
ledged by  the  partial  fulfilment  of  the  mother's 
wish."  Similarly  Calvin  already:  "Elkanah 
seeks  from  God,  and  suppliantly  begs  with  prayers, 
that,  since  God  has  b&stowed  on  him  male 
offipring,  He  will  consecrate  him  and  make  him 
fit  for  His  service,  and  direct  him  by  the  power 
of  His  Holy  Spirit,  by  which  his  service  shall  be 
grateful  and  acceptable  to  God."  Since  there  is 
no  express  word  of  the  Lord  to  which  the  "word" 
may  be  referred,  the  Sept.  avoids  the  difficulty 
by  translating  (groundlessly)  to  t^eMdv  ex  tov 
ct6/uit6(  aov  "that  which  came  out  of  thy  mouth." 
The  Heb.  text  is  not  therefore  to  be  changed  (with 
Then.),  to  accord  with  the  Sept.,  into  only,  let 
%  word  stand"  (^:]57-™  \n'pr)  '^K.)   Clericus: 

"God  had  shown,  not  by  words,  but  by  very 
deed,  that  He  approved  Hannah's  vow,  and  had 
promised  her  a  living  son ;  and  Elkanah  prays 
that  He  will  perform  His  promise.  There  is 
therefore  no  need  to  invent  vxith  the  Babbis  an  oroi- 
elef  littered  to  the  mother  concerning  the  child 
about  to  be  bom." 


*  [Rash!  says  22  months ;  Eitnohi  and  others  24 
months.  For  other  opinions  see  "Synopsis  Crifclco- 
rum"  Ml  Joco.— Tb.]. 

t[R»9hi:  "The  Bath-qol  (' daughter  of  the  voice') 
went  forth.  Baying :  there  shall  arise  a  just  one  whose 
name  shall  be  Samuel.  Then  every  mother  who  bore  a 
son  called  him  Samuel ;  but  when  they  saw  his  actions, 
they  said,  this  is  not  Samuel.  But  when  this  one  was 
born  and  they  saw  his  manner  of  life,  they  said,  this  is 
that  Samuel;  and  this  is  what  the  Scripture  means, 
when  it  says, '  the  Lord  confirm  His  word,  thatSamuel 
may  be  that  just  one."— Tb.]. 


Ver.  24,  sg.  The  case  is  the  same  here  with 
the  diverging  translation  of  the  Sept.,  "with  a 
three-year-old  bullock"  [instead  of  "three  bul- 
locks"], which  is  occasioned  by  the  singular  "the 
bullock"  of  ver.  25.  The  contradiction  between 
"three  bullocks"  and  "one  bullock"  cannot  in- 
deed be  removed  (with  Bunsen)  by  regarding  the 
sing,  as  collective,  Judg.  vi.  25  being  cited  in 
support  of  it ;  but  it  may  properly  be  said  with 
Keil  that  "  the  bullock "  in  ver.  25  denotes  spe- 
cially the  offering  with  which  the  boy  was  re- 
turned to  the  Lord,  "  the  burnt-offering  by  which 
the  boy  was  dedicated  to  the  Lord  for  life-long 
service  in  His  Sanctuary,  the  two  other  bullocks 
serving  for  the  yearly  offering."  As  it  was  un- 
derstood that  the  two  others  were  for  the  yearly 
festival-offering,  that  is,  burnt-offering  and  thank- 
offering,  it  was  not  specially  mentioned  that 
they  were  sacrificed.  Further,  three  bullocks  are 
required  by  the  quantity  {one  ephah)  of  flour 
wmch  Elkanah  takes  with  him,  since,  according 
to  Num.  XV.  8-10,  three-tenths  of  an  ephah  of 
flour  was  required  for  a  bumf^offering  of  one 
bullock.  The  peace-offering,  like  the  burnt- 
offering,  was  connected  with  a  meat-  and  drink- 
offering. — ^A  striking  example  of  the  arbitrary 
fashion  in  which  the  Alex,  translators  got  over 
difficulties  in  the  text  is  found  in  their  translation 
/ler'  aiirav  "with  them"  at  the  end  of  ver.  24 
[the  Heb.  reads  "the  child  was  a  child  "] ;  as  if, 
instead  of  the  difficult  I^J  ["child"],  to  which 
the  sense  requires  the  addition  of  the  predicate 
"small,"  the  text  had  read  DB^  "with  them." 
The  addition  of  the  Sept.  to  ver.  24,  "and  his 
father  slew  the  offering  which  he  made  annually 
to  the  Lord,  and  he  brought  the  boy  near,"  and 
the  translation  in  ver.  25,  "  and  he  slew  the  bul- 
lock, and  Hannah  the  mother  of  the  child  brought 
him  to  Eli"  are  to  be  explained  as  efforts  at 
exegesis,  and  give  us  no  ground  to  correct  the 
Heb.  text,  as  Theuius  supposes.  Not  the  mother 
alone,  but  both  parents  gave  the  boy  over  to  Eli, 
and  thus  presented  him  as  an  offering  to  the 
Lord. 

Ver.  26  sq.  Hannah  makes  herself  known  to 
Eli  by  reminding  him  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  she  had  prayed  for  the  child  (ver.  11 
sq.)*— On  "stood"  (na-XJri)  Clericus  remarks : 
"  they  prayed  to  God  standing."  For  the  custom 
of  standing  in  prayer  comp.  Gen.  xviii.  22 ;  xix. 
27 ;  Ban.  ix.  20.  In  time  of  deeper  devotion  and 
emotion  a  kneeling  posture  also  was  adopted, 
(1  Kings  viii.  54 ;  2  Chron.  vi.  13 ;  Ezra  ix.  5). 

Ver.  27.  Three  things  move  Hannah's  soul 
deeply  and  joyfully:  1)  The  recollection  of  the 
moment  when  she  stood  here  and  called  on  God 
for  this  son ;  2)  the  contemplation  of  the  answer 

*  '3  in  connection   with  'JHS  is   an    interjection, 

«  hear,"  or  "  I  ieg,"  or  "  truly,  my  lord,"  (Gen.  xliii.  20 ; 
xliv.lS;  Ex.  iv.  10,13;  Num.  xii.U;  Josh.  vii.  8 ;  1  Kings 
iii.  17, 26).  Many  explain  it  as  —  "  per  me  obseero,"  citing 
the  corresponding  Arab  oath  "  per  me."  Another  expla- 
nation (Ges.)  supposes  a  contraction  of  ^^3  "  request," 

since  "in  the  Aramaic  translations  1J>D3  stands  for 

the  Heb,  '3,  for  which  the  Samaritans  at  least  wrote 

^;?3  '  obseero '    without    3,  Gen.  xlii.  30."   Ewald  says : 

"  Most  probably '3  is  shortened  from 'SX  (Job  xxxiv. 

36 ;  1  Sam.  xxiv.  12),  a  simple  Interjection." 


62 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


to  ter  prayer,  and  the  granting  of  the  thing 
asked,  and  3)  the  deterwmatwn  now  to  rastore  to 
the  Lord  what  He  had  given  her  in  this  answer 
to  her  prayer. 

Ver.  28.  "And  also  I"  ('^'^^  DJl)  refers  back 
to  the  words  "  and  the  Lord  hath  given  me,"  and 
implies  a  requital,  et  ego  vicissim,  "  and  I  in  my 

turn,"  (Cler.).  "It  cannot  be  shown  that  ^'N2/n 
means  "lend,"  as  is  generally  assumed;  it  occurs 
in  1  Sam.  i.  28,  in  the  sense  of  "grant,"  "give." 
Knobel  on  Ex.  xii.  36.  Further,  the  significa- 
tion "lend"  is  here  inappropriate,  because  the 
"I  also"  expressly  brings  out  the  correspond- 
ence to  the  "gave,"  of  ver.  27.  ''KE'n  means 
"cause  to  ask  or  demand,"  "grant  what  is  de- 
manded," "  give."  The  sense  is :  the  Lord  gave 
him  to  me,  and  so  have  I  also  given  him  to  the 
Lord,  as  one  asked  or  demanded.  Calvin :  "  The 
sense  is  plain  enough,  namely,  that  she  gave, 
dedicated  to  God  the  child  obtained  from  Him 
by  prayer."  The  short  concluding  sentence  "  he 
is  asked  for  the  Lord,"  expresses  ner  determina- 
tion to  give  him  to  the  Lord  for  His  service. — 
"  They  prayed"  not  sing.,  referring  to  Elkanah, 
but  plur.,  Elkanah  and  Hannah,  (comp.  ver.  19), 
Samud  not  being  included.  [The  plur.  "  they 
prayed "  is  easier,  but  the  Heb.  reads  "  he 
prayed,"  (though  some  regard  the  form  as  plur.), 
and  so  Chald. ;  Syr.  Ar.  Vulg.  have  the  plur. ; 
Sept.  omits  the  clause.  If  taken  as  sing,  it  no 
doubt  refers  to  Elkanah,  who,  as  head  of  the 
household,  represented  his  wife  and  conducted 
the  worship.  (So  Abarbanel  inE>K  ^\^i2  miH; 
he  also  mentions  Samuel  and  Eli).  This  is  the 
view  of  Keil  and  Wordsworth.  The  Bib.  Comm. 
takes  it  as  fem.  sing.,  and  makes  Hannah  the 
subject. — It  is  impossible  to  convey  in  an  Eng. 
translation  the  fine  play  upon  words  of  the  Heb. 
in  the  principal  sentence  of  this  verse  and  the 
preceding.  Literally  it  reads:  The  Lord  has 
given  me  my  asking  which  I  asked  of  Him ;  and 
I  also  have  caused  the  Lord  to  ask  him ;  as  long  as 
he  lives  he  is  asked  to  the  Lord.  The  contrast  be- 
tween the  Qal  and  Hiph.  of  the  verb  "  to  ask  " 

(bxty)  is  brought  out  in  Ex.  xii.  35  (asked,  not 
borrowed,  as  in  Eng.  A.  V.)  and  36  {gave,  not  lent). 
Keil  and  Erdmanu  make  the  Hiph.  a  denomina- 
tive from  '7IKE?  "  asked  "  =  "  to  make  one  asked," 
but  there  does  not  seem  to  be  authority  for  this ; 
the  best  rendering  is  "  give." — Erdmann  puts  a 
semicolon  after  "liveth;"  but  it  is  better,  with 
Chald.  Syr.  and  Eng.  A.  V.,  to  put  it  after  the 
first  Jehovah. — The  ancient  vss.  (except  Vulg.) 
take  the  HTl  "is"  here  to  be  equivalent  to  irfl 
"  lives,"  or  perhaps  read  ri'n,  and  it  is  better  to 
adopt  the  latter  reading.  Otherwise  we  must 
translate  "  and  I  also  have  given  him  to  Jehovah 
all  the  days  for  wliich  he  was  asked  for  Jeho- 
vah."—Tb.]. 

HISTOEICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 
1.  The  mother's  determination,  that  the  child 
should  not  be  presented  to  the  Lord  in  the  Sanc- 
tuary tiU  after  he  was  weaned,  was  in  keeping 
with  the  divine  ordination  that  the  child  must 
hrst,  in  the  bosom  of  natural  maternal  love,  pass 


through  the  elementary  conditions  of  the  suste- 
nance and  earliest  development  of  his  physical 
life,  before  he  could,  in  accordance  with  the  divine 
destination,  receive  in  the  service  of  the  Sanctuary 
the  proper  education  and  culture  for  his  theocratic 
callmg. 

2.  That  God  gives  in  answer  to  prayer,  and  that 
man  devotes  to  God  what  he  obtains,  so  that  God 
takes  again  what  He  has  given,  or  lays  claim,  to  it 
for  the  ends  of  His  kingdom,  is  the  law  of  recipro- 
city in  the  intercourse  between  the  living  God  and 
His  saints ;  the  latter  contribute  nothing  for  the 
realization  of  the  special  ends  of  His  kingdom, 
which  they  have  not  received  from  him,  and  are 
not  by  Him  enabled  to  contribute. 

3.  Among  the  heroes  of  God's  kingdom  who 
have  been  brought  to  the  Lord  by  the  prayers  of 
their  mothers  and  consecrated  as  His  instruments, 
Samuel  is  a  shining  example  of  the  full,  unselfish 
devotion  of  the  whole  life  to  the  Lord's  service, 
which  is  the  condition  of  great  profound  capacity 
to  further  the  kingdom  of  God. 

4.  An  important  principle  of  education  is  herein 
contained :  every  child  should  be  devoted  to  the 
Lord's  service,  from  the  beginning  of  his  life  on, 
with  self-denial  and  prayer;  and,  in  accordance 
with  this  destination,  should  receive  his  life-di- 
rection by  education,  selfish  parental  love  yield- 
ing to  the  counsel  of  the  divine  will.  Calvin: 
"Hannah,  forgetting  her  own  advantage,  gives  all 
the  glory  to  God,  thmking  it  would  be  well  enough 
with  her,  if  only  God  were  glorified ;  and  indeed 
it  is  right  to  yield  to  God  all  we  have,  whatever 
it  may  be."  In  the  education  of  children  the 
itsing  them  to  the  divine  and  holy  must  begin 
with  the  weaning.*  From  the  beginning  of  his  Efe 
the  child  must  be  "about  his  Father's  business." 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PEACTICAL. 

Vers.  21-28.  The  presentation  of  Samuel  for 
constant  service  in  the  sanctuary.  1)  What  pre- 
ceded it,  according  to  Hannah's  wish  and  Elka- 
nah's  consent  (vers.  21,  22).  2)  How  it  was  per- 
formed, in  bringing  up  Samuel  to  Shiloh  and  in 
delivering  him  to  Eli  and  in  prayer  to  the  Lord 
(vers.  24-28). 

Ver.  21.  Osiandbb:  After  receiving  divine 
benefits  we  should  not  be  more  slothful  in  per- 
forming divine  service,  but  rather  be  so  much  the 
more  diligent  and  industrious. — Pious  mothers 
are  performing  acceptable  divine  service  when 
they  are  rearing  their  children  faithfully  and  in 
the  fear  of  God. — It  is  no  reproach  to  a  man  when 
he  prefers  his  wife's  better  opinion  to  his  own. 
[Ver.  23.  Matt.  Heney:  So  far  was  he  from  de- 
lighting to  cross  her,  that  he  referred  it  entirely 
to  her.  Behold,  how  good  dnd  pleasant  a  thing 
it  is,  when  yoke-fellows  thus  draw  even  in  the 
yoke,  and  accommodate  themselves  to  one  ano- 
ther; each  thinking  well  of  what  the  other  does, 
especially  in  works  of  piety  and  charity. — Te.] 

Ver.  24.  Ckamer:  The  rearing  of  children 
gives  to  parents,  it  is  truCj  great  toil  and  trouble, 
but  when  it  is  done  in  faith,  it  constitutes  better 
works  than  when  monks  and  nuns  perform  tdl 
their  fasting,  praying,  castigations  and  indulgence- 
ceremonies;  for  those,  not  these,  are  enjoined  by 


•  [The  Gennan  is:  mit  der  EntwShnuTtg  sohon  hat  die 
OewShnung  .  . .  zu  beginnen. — Tb,] 


CHAP.  II.  1-10. 


63 


Grod  in  HIb  word.  Accordingly  they  are  true 
acts  of  divine  service,  and  receive  from  God  their 
reward. 

Ver.  25.  Von  Gerlach  :  That  a  three-year  old 
hoy  should  be  already  given  over  to  the  temple, 
was  done  in  order  that  from  the  first  awakening 
of  his  liigher  spiritual  powers  he  might  already 
be  living  amid  these  holy  surroundings. — tSeb. 
Schmidt  :  Children  must  at  times  be  carried  to 
divine  service. — Staeke  (vers.  26,  27):  The 
wonders  of  God's  goodness  we  should  openh^  cele- 
brate, and  not  keep  silent  about  them.  ver.  28. 
Parents  give  their  children  back  to  God  when 
they  advance  them  to  holy  baptism,  present  them 
to  God  in  prayer,  and  rear  them  in  a  Christian 
manner.  [There  are  many  who  think  this  can 
be,  and  often  is,  quite  as  well  performed  without 
infent  baptism  as  with  it. — ^Tb.] — Cramer:  We 
should  devote  to  the  ministry  the  best  talents  and 
dearest  children. 


[Ver.  28.  Giving  back  to  the  Lord:  1)  All  we 
have  was  given  by  the  Lord.  2)  All  we  have 
should  be  really  consecrated  to  Him,  and  regarded 
and  treated  as  His.  3)  The  Lord  will  then  make 
all  promote  both  our  good  and  His  glory. — Vers. 
10,  26-7.  Agonizing  supplication  and  joyful 
thanksgiving.  Look  on  the  two  pictures  and 
learn  the  lesson. — Chap.  I.  Hannah,  her  sorrows 
and  her  joys:  I.  Her  sorrows.  1)  She  was  child- 
less. 2)  She  was  derided  and  ridiculed.  ^  3)  She 
was  unjustly  accused  by  a  good  man.-  II.  Her 
joys.  1)  In  the  tender  love  of  her  husband. 
2)  In  the  answer  to  her  agonizing  prayer.  3)  In 
being  the  mother  of  a  prophet. — Te.]  [Chby- 
SOSTOM  has  five  sermons  on  Hannah,  which  are 
discursive  as  usual,  but  contain  some  passages  in 
his  best  vein.  Works,  ed.  Migne,  Vol.  IV.,  p. 
631.— Tb.] 


THIRD    SECTION. 
Hannah's    Song    of   Praise. 

Chap.  II.  1-10. 

1  And  Hannah  prayed,  and  said : 

My  heart  rejoiceth  m  the  Lord  [Jehovah'], 

My  hom  is  exalted  in  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ; 

My  mouth  is  enlarged  [opened  wide]  over  mine  enemies, 

Because*  I  rejoice  in  thy  salvation. 

2  There  is  none  holy  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 
For  there  is  none  beside  thee, 

Neither  is  there  any  [And  there  is  no]  rock  like  our  God. 
8    Talk  no  more  so  exceeding'  proudly ; 

Let  not  arrogancy  come  out  of  your  mouth  ; 
]For  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  a  God  of  knowledge,' 
And  by  him'  actions  are  weighed. 

4  The  bows  of  the  mighty  men  are  broken, 

And  they  that  stumbled  are  girded  with  strength.  ^ 

5  They  that  were  full  have  hired  themselves  out  for  bread, 
And  they  that  were  hungry  ceased  \ins.  to  hunger"} ; 

So  that  [Even*]  the  barren  hath  borne  seven. 

And  she  that  hath  many  children  hath  waxed  feeble. 

6  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  killeth  and  maketh  alive. 

He  [pm.  He]  bringeth  down  to  the  grave  (underworld')  and  brmgeth  up, 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Instead  of  "Jehovah,"  28  MSS.,  3  printed  copies,  LXX.  and  Valg.,  read  "my  God,"  which  some  prefer  as 
a" variation  i  Syr.  and  Ar.  omit  the  word.    It  is  better  to  keep  the  Heb.  text.— Ik-J  _ 

s  ["^Beoause"  is  omitted  in  Vat.  LXX.  (probably  by  clerical  error),  retamed  m  Chald.  and  Syr.— J.B.J 

s  [The.Heb.  here  repeats  the  subst.  n^ii  HnJi  "pride,  pride,"  in  a  superl.  sense.  Wellhausen  takes  these 
words  as  a  quotation,  and  the  71  as  He  local,  "do  not  say,  high  up!  high  up  I"  but  thi.-  rendering  has  little  in  its 
fevor.— Ik.1  .     .     ^  „   J  „ 

<,[Lit.  "knowledges."    Ewald  and  Erdmann  render  "an  omniscient  faod. 

6  [Kethib  is  nS,  "not,"  and  so  Syr.  and  Ar.;  the  Qeri  ')'?,  "by  him,"  is  found  in  many  MSS.,  and  LXX., 
Chald.  and  Vnlg.    See  Dr.  Erdraann's  note.— Te.] 

•  [On  these  interpretations  of  iSlD  and  n;?  see  exegetioal  note.— Ta.] 
'  [Heb.  VlNttf,  Sheol.    See  exeget.  note.— Te.] 


64 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


7  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  maketh  poor  and  maketh  rich, 
He  (om.  He)  bringeth  low  and  lifteth  up. 

8  He  raisetb  up  the  poor  out  of  the  dust, 

And  [om.  And]  lifteth  up  the  beggar  [needy]  from  the  dunghiU, 

To  set  them'  among  princes, 

And  to  make  [And  he  makes]  them  to  inherit  the  [a]  throne  of  glory: 

For  the  pillars  of  the  earth  are  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's], 

And  he  hath  set  the  wurld  upon  them. 

9  He  will  keep  the  feet  of  his  saints," 

And  the  wicked  shall  be  silent' in  darkness; 

For  by  strength  shall  no  man  [not  by  strength  shall  a  man]  prevail. 
10    The  adversaries'"  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  be  broken  to  pieces ; 
Out  of  heaven  shall  [will]  he  thunder  upon  them. 
The  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  [will]  judge  the  ends  of  the  earth, 
And  he  shall  [will]  give  strength  unto  his  king. 
And  exalt  the  horn  of  his  anointed. 

8  [The  Heb.  has  no  pronoun  here.  Some  MSS.  have  a  Yod  paragog.  which  may  represent  an  original  Waw  in 
the  text.    The  sense  Is  not  affected.— Tb.1  ,  „     .       .,    i,  i.       u  »i.         ra„  i?,,!™  \    T-ho  T7^,v,!y, 

»  fHeb.  has  the  sing,  in  Kethib.  but  tlie  plur.  of  Qeri  suits  the  connection  better.  (So  Vulg.)  The  Kethib 
may  be  only  a  scripUo  defecliva.    (In  Ps.  xvi.  10  Kethib  is  plur.;  Qeri,  not  so  well,  smg.>-Tpn  is  literally     a  favored 

one  "  "  beloved,"  rendered  bv  Erdmann  "fromm  "  (pious).— Erdmann  renders  "  shall  perish."    The  word  means 
first  "be  silent,"  and  then  "perish,"— silence  being  a  sign  of  destruction.— Th.]  .       ,    „  , 

10  THere  again  Kethib  is  sing.,  and  Qeri  pUir.,  and  the  verb  is  plur.  Lit.  "  Jehovah— his  adversaries  shall  be 
broken"  LXk- "the  Lord  will  make  his  adversary  weak;"  Vulg.:  "domiimmformidttbmt  rutvers,mi  ejm;  '-■aald^ 
"  Jehovah  will  destroy  the  enemies  who  rise  up  to  hurt  his  people."  This  simpler  construction  (reading  the  verb 
as  sing.)  is  adopted  by  Wellhausen  and  the  Bible  Commentary— ^ni  there  is  not  sufBoient  ground  for  changing  the 
existing  Hebrew  text.*— Te.] 

Lord"  emphasizes  the  fact  that  the  joyous  frame 
of  mind  and  lofty  consciousness  of  power  has  its 
root  in  the  Lord,  and  presupposes  the  most  inti- 
mate communion  with  the  living  God.  The 
"mouth  opened  wide  over  my  enemies,"  intimates 
that  the  joy  and  courage  that  filled  her  soul  had 
found  utterance,  partly  in  exulting  over  adversa- 
ries, as  contrasted  with  the  silence  of  subjection 
to  them,  partly  in  proclaiming  the  glory  of  the 
Lord  in  thanks  and  praise  for  the  help  received 
from  Him  in  the  attacks  of  foes.  The  ground  of 
her  joy  in  the  Lord  is  His  salvation,  His  help 
against  enemies.  2)  The  praise  of  the  ma- 
jesty of  God  in  His  holiness  and  His  faithfulness, 
which  is  as  firm  as  a  rock  (ver.  2).  The  "  holy" 
indicates  here  in  the  broad  sense  the  infinite  su- 
periority of  God  to  everything  earthly  and  human, 
His  isolation  from  the  world,  but  at  the  same 
time  His  absolute  completeness  of  life  in  contrast 
with  the  nothingness  and  perishableness  of  every- 
thing in  the  sphere  of  the  creaturely,  as  in  Ps. 
xcix.  2-5 ;  comp.  1  Kings  viii.  27.  This  is  evi- 
dent from  the  double  negation :  "  none  is  holy  as 
the  Lord ;  for  there  is  none  beside  thee."  The 
ground  of  this  exclusive  holiness  is  the  aloneness 
and  absoluteness  of  God ;  there  is  no  God  beside 

which  the  vail  is  attached,  and  which  by  their  position 
indicate  the  woman's  position  as  maiden,  wife,  or 
mother.  There  is  no  trace  of  such  a  custom  among  the 
ancient  Hebrews.  The  word  qeren  "  horn,''  la  vsed  of  the 
horns  of  beasts,  of  horns  for  blowing  and  drinking,  or 
for  any  horn-snaped  vessel,  (so,  the  name  of  Job's 
daughter  Qeren-happuk  "paitit-norn,"  "eyepigment- 
horn  " ),  and  of  a  mountain-peak.  It  signifies  also  "  ray 
of  light,"  and  the  derived  verb  "  to  emit  rays  of  light, ' 
as  of  Moses,  Ex.  xxxiv.  29.  From  the  incorrect  trans- 
lation of  the  Vulg.,  "horned"  probably  came  (as  Gese- 
nius  suggests)  the  custom  of  the  early  painters  of  repre- 
senting Moses  with  horns. — Ta  ]. 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CBITICAL. 
Ver.  1.  The  superscription,  "and  Hannah 
prayed,"  does  not  suit  precisely  the  contents  of 
the  following  Song,  which  is  not  exactly  a  prayer 
(nbsn)  but  a  thanksgiving-testimony  to  the 
Lord  and  the  revelation  of  His  glory.  Clericus : 
"  Hannah  rather  sings  praises  to  God  than  aslis 
anything  of  Him."     So   the    word    "prayers" 

(nlSsrW  in  Ps.  Ixxii.  20,  includes  all  the  Pss. 
from  1  to  72,  in  the  broad  sense  of  thinking  and 
speaking  of  God  and  in  God's  presence,  when  the 
heart  is  most  thoroughly  concentrated  and  deeply 
immersed  in  Him,  though  the  form  of  thinking 
and  speaking  to  God  may  be  lacking.  The 
"thou,"  however,  referring  to  God,  appears  in 
two  places  (vers.  1,  2).  [Chald.:  "H.  prayed  in 
the  spirit  of  prophecy." — Tb.]. 

The  con(en*  of  the  Song  is :  1)  Tlie  manifestation  of 
deep  joyinthe  Lord  at  the  deliverance  vouchsafed  by 
Him  over  against  enemies  (ver.  1).  With  lofty 
flight  the  four-membered  strophe  rises  from  the 
depth  of  the  heart's  joyful  emotion  on  high,  where 
the  source  of  salvation  and  help  in  the  living  God  is 
seen  and  praised.  The  heart  (as  elsewhere  the  soul) 
is  the  central  organ  of  all  painful  and  joyful  feel- 
ings. The  "horn"  is  the  symbol — derived  from 
homed  beasts,  which  carry  the  head  high  in  con- 
sciousness of  power — of  vigorous  courage  and 
consciousness  of  power,  of  which  the  Lord  is  the 
source,  (comp.  Deut.  xxxiii.  17 ;  Ps.  Ixxv.  5 ; 
Ixxxix.  18,  25).*    The  repetition  of  the  "  in  the 

*  [There  is  no  reason  for  supposing  here  a  reference 
to  the  eastern  custom  among  Oriental  women,  (Druses 
and  others),  of  wearing  silver-horns  on  the  head  to 


•  [The  Sept.  inserts  in  ver.  10  a  quotation  from  Jer.  ix.  23,  24  differing  sliehtly  from  the  present  Greek  text  in 
Jer.  The  Chald.  gives  a  paraphrase  of  the  Song  rather  than  a  translation,  referring  the  words  of  the  several  verses 
to  the  Philistines,  Nebuchadnezzar,  Mordecai,  the  Greeks,  and  Magog. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  n.  1-10, 


65 


Him,  He  shares  the  divine  being  [Grerm.  Sein 
und  Weaen]  with  none;  therefore  He  is  apart 
from  everything  human  and  earthly,  and  lifted 
up  above  it.* — The  words  "  there  is  no  rock  like 
our  God,"  express  the  aloneness  and  exclusive- 
ness  of  God's  character  as  set  forth  by  the  name 
rock.  This  superiority  of  God  to  all  earthly  and 
worldly  being,  this  absolute  glory  beyond  every- 
thing finite  and  human  does  not  exclude,  but  is 
the  ground  of  His  self-revelation  as  the  Fixed,  Un- 
changeable, Immovable  amid  everything  earthly 
and  human.  The  "out  God"  presupposes  the 
revelation  of  God  by  which  He,  as  the  Holy  One, 
has  chosen  His  people  to  be  Ilia  posseesion,  an- 
nounced Himself  to  this  people  as  their  God,  and 
made  a  covenmU  with  them.  The  symbolical  de- 
signation of  this  covenant-God  by  Bock,  which 
occurs  frequently,  was  suggested  naturally  by  the 
configuration  of  the  ground  in  Palestine,  where 
masses  of  rock  surrounded  by  steep  precipices 
oiFered  an  image  of  solid  and  sure  protection. 
God  is  a  rock  in  His  firm  unshakable  feith- 
faluess ;  and  it  is  the  more  necessary  to  suppose 
this  attribute  to  be  here  set  forth,  because  His 
relation  to  His  people  as  covenant-Grod  is  assumed 
in  the  words  "  our  God."  This  term  has  the 
signification  of  faithfulness  and  indestructible 
trustworthiness  in  Deut.  xxxii.  4,  also;  where  it 
is  clearly  the  same  as  HJIDK  "faithfulness,"  Ps. 
xviii.  3,  (2)  sq. ;  xcii.  16.t — ^The  presupposition 
is  the  declaration  "  there  is  none  beside  Thee." 
Jehovah,  as  the  Holy  One  who  has  revealed  Him- 
self to  His  people  as  their  God  in  His  lofty  eleva- 
tion above  the  earthly  and  human,  and  is  alone 
the  truly  existing  living  God,  is  for  this  very 
reason  the  JRock  also  in  the  absolute  sense,  the 
unchangeable,  unshakably  faithful,  trustworthy 
God,  and  therefore  claims  from  men,  to  whom  He 
has  revealed  Himself  as  their  God,  and  is  known 
as  such,  unconditioned  complete  confidence,  as  it  is 
expressed  in  this  brief  sentence,  "  none  is  a  rock 
like  our  Ood."% 

3)  The  manifestations  of  the  holy  and  faithful 
God  in  His  conduct,  as  it  is  determined  by  His 
omniscience  and  mnnipoterux,  partly  towards  the 
ungodly,  partly  towards  the  godly,  vers.  3  8). 

Ver.  3.  The  negative  particle  is  omitted  before 
"come out"    (NS'.)  as  before  "speak"?  (nann), 

and  the  sense  requires  that  it  be  supplied  (Ge- 
senius,  §152,  3).  Partly  by  the  "  more,"  [Heb. 
literally,  "do  not  increase  to  speak." — ^Te.], 
partly  by  the  doubling  of  the  noun  [nrtJJ 
"  pride ;"  in  Eng.  A.  V.  the  intensive  doubling 
is  rendered  hy  "exceeding," — ^Te.],  the  boastfiil 
vaunting  character,  the  haughty  soul  of  the  un- 
godly is  characterized,  showing  itself,  as  it  often 

*  [These  ideas  are  not  properly  indicated  by  the  word 
"  holy,"  but  may  be  said  to  be  connected  with  and  sug- 
gested by  the  lofty  Heb.  conception  of  the  holiness  of 
God.— Te.1       • 

i lB:^U-0>mmenlary :  "That  the  name  was  commonly 
applied  to  Sod  so  early  as  the  time  of  Moses,  we  may 
conclude  from  the  names  ZurisJioddai,  "  my  Rock  is  the 
AlVnighty,"  (Nam.  i.  6:  ii.  12),  and  ZurUl,  "my  Eock  is 
Goil,'*^(Nam.  iii.  3.9).— Ts.].  ,  , 

t  [More  literally  "  there  is  not  a  rook  like  our  God. 
— TeJ. 

§  [This  is  not  correct.  The  neg.  is  not  omitted  before 
03in  which  is,  according  to  the  Heb.  syntax,  merely 
an  appendage  of  Oljl,  forming  with  it  a  compound 
notion.— This  paragraph  is  improperly  assigned  in  the 
Serm.  to  ver.  4. — Ta.]. 

5 


does,  in  arrogant  words,  and  becoming,  as  it  were, 
a  second  nature.  The  warning,  talk  not  so 
proudly,  proudly,"  stands  in  contrast  with  the 
praise  of  God's  grandeur  in  His  holiness,  and 
brings  out  the  more  sharply  the  contrast  between 
human  pride  and  the  humility  which  is  appro- 
priate towards  the  holy  God.  Herder's  reference 
of  the  word  (Oeist  d.  ebrdisch.  Poesie  2,  282)  to  the 
"  heights,  which  were  used  for  defence,  and  in 
which  pride  was  felt"  is  untenable,  the  Heb.  not 
permitting  it.  The  talking  with  so  many  proud 
and  arrogant  words  stands  in  contrast  with  the 
expression  of  humility  and  gratitude  in  ver.  2: 
"  My  mouth  is  opened  wide,  etc.,  there  is  none 

holy."   "     pnj'     "arrogance"   specially 

marks  the  haughty  talk  as  the  expression  of  a  bold 
defiant  soul,  which  will  not  bend,  and  manifests 
itself  particularly  towards  the  pious  and  God- 
fearing by  bold  words,  comp.  Ps.  Ixxv.  6 ;  xciv. 
4;  xxxi.  19.  Sins  of  word,  corresponding  to  the 
proud  nature,  are  here  emphasized,  because  what 
the  heart  is  full  of  the  mouth  will  speak. 

His  warning  is  supported  by  pointing  to  God's 
omniscience  and  omnipotence,  in  which  the  relation 
of  His  holiness  to  earthly  and  humrni  things  is 
shown.  "  For  Jehovah  is  a  God  of  omniscience." 
The  plu.  "knowledges"  (nij;^)  indicates  that 
Grod  knows  and  is  acquainted  with  every  indi- 
vidual thing,  that,  as  He  is  raised  above  every 
created  thing,  and  thus  present  with  aU  things 
and  creatures,  so  they  are  present  and  known  to 
Him ;  and  thus  it  expresses  the  thought  that  the 
concrete  content  of  God's  omniscience  is  every- 
thing finite  and  created.*  The  proud  and  bold 
men,  who  speak  so  haughtily,  must  recollect  that 
God  knows  all  their  deeds  and  hears  their  words, 
that  therefore  they  cannot  withdraw  from  His 
rule. — Secondly,  reference  is  made  to  God's 
power,  which  controls  all  things  according  to  a 
fixed  unchangeable  plan.    We  must  first  inquire 

whether  the  "actions"  (fw/i!)  is  to  be  under- 
stood of  human  or  divine  deeds,  and  then 
whether  we  are  to  read  "  not"   (t<7)  or  the  Qeri 

"by  him"  (i'?).  The  first  question  can  be  de- 
cided only  by  the  connection.  The  preceding 
context  speaks  not  of  the  deeds,  but  of  the  words 
of  ungodly  men.  In  what  follows  it  is  similarly 
not  works  and  deeds  of  men  that  are  treated  of, 
but  the  conditions  and  relations  of  human  life, 
with  which  divine  agency  has  to  do ;  in  ver.  4, 
sq.,  the  thought  expressly  confines  itself  to  divine 
deeds.  We  cannot  therefore  with  Bottcher 
(Aehrenlese,  in  loco)  suppose  a  question,  and, 
retaining  the  Kethib,  render,  "  and  are  not  deeds 
measured?"  that  is,  "  is  not  care  taken  that  human 
deeds  shall  not  become  immoderate,  insolent?" 
nor,  with  Thenius,  adopting  the  Qeri,  "and  by  Him 
actions  are  measured,"  that  is,  "He  determines 
how  far  human  doing  may  go;"  nor,  with  Luthei, 
paraphrase  "the  Lord  does  not  suffer  such  conduct 
to  prosper."  But,  if  we  have  'to  suppose  only 
divine  deeds,  then  the  translation  "to  him  or  by 
him  actions  are  weighed  or  measured"  is  certainly 


*  (The  Heb.  plu.  means  not  more  than  "  great  know- 
ledge ;"  our  author's  exposition  cannot  be  gotten  from 
the  simple  Heb.  word,  but  is  an  interpretation  into  the 
word  (here  probably  warranted)  of  ideas  gotten  from 
the  Scriptures  in  general. — Te.]. 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


to  be  preferred  to  the  other— ''are  not  actions 
weighed  or  measured,  that  la,  determined?" — be- 
cause of  the  vagueness  of  the  thought  in  tlie  lat- 
ter. The  thought  then,  is  this:  God's  actions  are 
weighed,  measured,  fixed;  He  proceeds,  in  His 
working,  by  unchangeable  paths  established  by 
Himself,  so  that  none  can  free  himself  from  His 
omnipotence,  as  none  can  withdraw  from  His  all- 
pervading  omnisdenee.  Against  the  explanation 
"by  Him  the  actions  of  men  are  weighed"  (Bun- 
sen:  according  to  their  essential  worth),  Keil 
properly  urges:  "God  weighs  the  spirits,  the 
hearts  of  men  indeed  (Prov.  xvi.  2;  xxi.  2;  xxiv. 
12),  but  not  their  deeds.  This  expression  is  never 
found."  It  is  without  ground,  however,  that  he 
introduces  the  idea  of  righteousness,  since  we  have 
here  to  do  with  nothing  but  the  free,  unrestricted 
activity  of  the  divine  omnipotence,  to  which,  as  to 
His  omniscience,  men  are  absolutely  subject. 
[The  correctness  of  this  interpretation  is  open  to 
doubt.  The  conception  of  God  weighing  His  own 
actions,  acting  with  prudence  and  forecast,  is  not, 
I  believe,  found  elsewhere  in  the  Bible ;  the  higher 
conception  of  immutable  wisdom  is  every  where 
presented.  On  the  other  hand,  that  God  weighs 
the  actions  of  men,  if  not  (as  Keil  says)  explicitly 
stated,  is  yet  involved  in  many  passages,  in  all, 
for  example,  which  set  forth  His  righteous  retri- 
bution; as,  "Thou  renderest  to  every  man  accord- 
ing to  his  work"  (Ps.  Ixii.  12) ;  "God  shall  bring 
every  work  into  judgment"  (Eccl.  xii.  14);  and 
comp.  Ps.  X.  18;  xL  5;  xiv.  2;  Prov.  xv.  3;  Job 
xxxiv.  21,  23;  Jer.  ii.  23,  24;  Joel  iii.  12.  And 
this  interpretation  agrees  very  well  with  the  con- 
text. The  word  "actions"  may  well  include  all 
exhibitions  of  human  character,  and  the  antithe- 
sis throughout  the  Song  is  between  the  wicked  and 
the  righteous.  The  thought,  tlierefore,  may  be: 
Jehovah  is  holy  and  immutable.  Give  no  exhi- 
bition of  pride,  for  He  knows  and  weighs  your 
actions.  He  reverses  human  conditions,  bringing 
down  (i.  e.  tlie  wicked),  and  setting  up  (i.  e.  the 
righteous).  Expositors  are  about  equally  divided 
between  these  interpretations.  With  Erdmann 
are  Targum,  Sept.,  Theodoret,  Patrick,  Keil;  in 
favor  of  the  other,  Syr.,  Clarke,  Henry,  Ewald; 
doubtful,  Vulg.,  Synop.  Grit.,  GiU,  "Wordsworth. 
Deut.  xxxii.  4  does  not  seem  to  bear  on  the  deci- 
sion, for  it  is  Jehovah's  righteousness  that  is 
there  emphasized. — Tr.] 

Vers.  4^8  further  carry  out  the  thought  of  God!s 
almighty  working  in  human  life  by  a  series  of  sharply 
contrasted  changes  of  fortune.  In  this  it  is  assumed- 
thai  God's  omnipotent  working  in  just,  but  it  is  not 
explicitly  declared  till  afterwards.  "The  pre- 
ceding thought  is  carried  further:  Every  power 
which  will  be  something  in  itself  is  destroyed  by 
the  Lord ;  every  weakness,  which  despairs  of  it- 
self, is  transformed  into  power"  (O.  v.  Gerlach). 

Ver.  4.  As  in  Isa.  xxi.  17  we  have  bows  of  heroes 
instead  of  heroes  of  the  bow,  so  here  the  symbol  of 
human  power  and  might  is  poetically  put  first  in- 
stead of  the  personal  subject.  [Dr.  Erdmann 
translates :  "the  heroes  of  the  bow  are  cast  down," 
which  is,  however,  giving  up  the  poetical  form. 
Better:  "the  bows  of  heroes  are  broken."  So  in 
Isa.  xxi.  17 ;  "the  residue  of  the  bows  of  the  heroes 
shall  become  small."  —  Tb.]  The  "broken" 
(D'rin)  refers,  according  to  the  sense,  to  the  latter 
(since  "heroes"  is  the  logical  subject)  instead  of 


to  "bows,"  the  breaking  of  wMch  indicates  the 
broken  power  of  those  who,  like  heroes  of  the 
bow,  trust  to  their  might.  The  strong  are  over- 
come by  God,  as  a  hero  loses  his  power  when  his 
bow  is  broken.  The  antithesis:  "And  they  that 
stumbled  [or,  stumlile^  are  girded  with  strength."  As 
stumbling,  tottering  indicates  weakness  and  pow- 
erlessness,  so  "being  girded"  with  strength  de- 
notes fitness  for  battle,  power  prepared  for  battle. 
The  strong  He  deprives  of  strength,  the  powerless 
He  makes  strong — according  to  the  free  working 
of  His  power. 

Ver.  5.  The  "full,"  who  in  the  abundance  of 
their  wealth  had  no  need,  have  hired  themselves 
out  for  bread,  that  is,  must  earn  their  bread  in 
order  to  appease  their  hunger.     On  tlie  other  hand, 

the  hungry  "cease"  ('''in)  either  "  to  be  hungry," 
or,  "to  work  for  bread."  The  latter  is  preferable 
on  account  of  the  contrast  with  "hire  themselves 
out  for  bread"  in  the  first  clause;  so  Herder 
("they  now  have  holiday")  and  Bunsen  ("they 
no  longer  need  work  for  bread").  Clericus: 
"Hannah  here  rightly  attributes  to  divine  provi- 
dence what  the  heathen  wrongly  attribute  to  for- 
tune, of  whose  instability  they  speak  ad  nauseam." 
See  J.  Stobsei,  Jlorileg.  lit.  105.*  The  1£  ["tUl," 
rendered  in  Eng.  A.  V.  "so  that"]  is  taken  by 
some  expositors  in  the  sense  "even"  [Germ. 
sogarl.  Clericus  explains  it  as  a  sort  of  ellipsis 
"  as  if  she  said  that  all  experienced  the  vidssitudes 
of  human  affairs,  even  to  the  barren  woman,  who," 
etc.  Similarly  Keil  explains  it  as  a  brachylogy: 
"it  goes  so  far  that" This  adverbial  con- 
struction, with  the  presupposed  logical  zeugma, 
would  have  as  much  in  its  favor  as  the  view  of 
Thenius,  who  asks :  "  Might  not  IJt^  be  an  adverb : 
the  1/mg  barren?"  But  there  are  passages  in 
which  1j^,  from  its  sense  of  continuance,  must  be 
taken  simply  as  a  conjunction,  meaning  "in  thai 
OT  while"  (Jon.  iv.  2;  Job  i.  18;  1  Sam.  xiv.  19) ; 
in  the  two  last  passages  it  is  followed  as  here  by 
1  ["and"],  and  introduces  an  occurrence  contem- 
poraneously with  which,  or  following  on  which, 
something  else  occurred.  Here  then :  "  whiii  the 
barren  bears  seven."  "Seven  children"  is,  accord- 
ing to  Euth  iv.  15,  the  "  complete  number  of  the 
divine  bles.sing  in  children"  (Keil).  Comp.  Ps. 
cxiii.  9 :  "he  makes  the  barren  woman  dwell  in 
the  house,  the  joyful  mother  of  children."  [Erd- 
mann translates:  "he  makes  the  barren  woman  of 
the  house  dwell  as  a  joyful  mother  of  children." 
— Te.]  [Ps.  cxiii.  7-9  resembles  1  Sam.  ii.  5,  7, 
8  so  closely  as  to  suggest  an  imitation.  It  would 
be  very  natural  in  a  later  writer,  in  composing  a 
Psalm  celebrating  Jehovah's  majesty  and  power, 
to  take  such  general  expressions  from  a  well- 
known  song,  which  we  may  suppose  was  commit- 
ted to  writing  by  Hannali  herself,  and  through 
Samuel  transmitted  to  the  prophetic  students, 
among  whom,  no  doubt,  were  many  psalmists. 
The  Book  of  "Samuel"  itself  was  probably  in 
circulation  soon   after  Behoboam's  time. — ^Te.] 


*  [The  word  'jnn  is  used  in  the  Bible  either  abROlutely 
— " cease  to  exist "  (Judges  v.  6, 7  ;  Ps.  xlix.  8  (9);  Deut. 
XV.  11),  or  with  an  explanatory  word  (Job  iii.  17 ;  rr.  x.  9), 
or  its  complement  is  siiffgested  by  the  immediate  action 
or  context  (Am.  vii.  5 ;  Zech.  xi.  12).  Here  the  statement 
is  "the  hungry  ceased  to  exist  as  such."  as  in  Judg.  T. 
e ;  Deut.  XV.  11.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  II.  1-10. 


67 


"And  she  who  had  many  children  languishes 
away.''  Clericus  remarks :  "being  exhausted  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  usual  bearing-time  of  women, 
and  perhaps  left  solitary  by  the  death  of  her  chil- 
dren." As  to  this  last  point  comp.  Jer.  xv.  9.* 
\^£he  view  held  by  some  that  in  Hannah's  barren- 
ness and  subsequent  fruitftilness  there  is  a  mysti- 
cal or  typical  meaning,  deserves  consideration. 
It  is  advocated  by  Jerome,  Augustine,  Patrick, 
GiU,  Wordsworth,  and  the  JBib.  Comm.  Hannah 
is  said  to  be  the  type  of  the  Christian  Church,  at 
first  barren  and  reviled,  afterwards  fruitful  and 
rejoicing.  As  to  such  a  typical  character  we  must 
be  guided,  not  by  outward  resemblances,  but  by 
fixed  principles  of  biblical  interpretation.  If 
Hanuai's  late  fruitfulness  is  typical,  it  must  be 
because  it  sets  forth  a  spiritual  element  of  the  spi- 
ritual kingdom  of  God.  These  facts  may  guide 
us  to  a  decision:  1)  God's  relation  to  His  people 
is  set  forth  under  the  figure  of  marriage ;  He  is 
the  husband.  His  people  the  wife  (Isa.  liv.;  Jer. 
iii.;  Hos.  i.-iii.);  2)  Isaiah  (liv.  1)  describes 
God's  spiritual  people  as  barren,  yet  with  the 
promise  of  many  children;  3)  Paul  (Gal.  iv.  27) 
quotes  this  passage  of  Isaiah,  refers  it  to  the 
Church  of  Christ  as  distinguished  from  the  Jew- 
ish dispensation,  and  declares  that  this  antithesis 
is  given  in  Sarah  and  Hagar.  The  barren  Sarah 
is  the  new  dispensation,  the  fruitful  Hagar  the 
old.  Besides  Sarah,  other  barren  women  in  the 
Bible  become  the  mothers  of  remarkable  sons: 
Eebecca,  Eachel,  Samson's  mother,  Hannah,  Eli- 
zabeth. Are  these  all  typical  of  the  new  dispen- 
sation or  the  Church  of  Christ?  The  answer  is  to 
be  found  in  Paul's  treatment  of  Sarah's  history. 
What  he  declares  is,  that  Sarah  is  the  mother  of 
the  child  of  promise,  while  Hagar's  child  was  the 
product  of  natural  fruitfulness.  Thus  Sarah  sets 
forth  the  dispensation  which  is  based  on  promise  or 
free  grMe  and  faith ;  Hagar  represents  the  dispensar 
tion  of  works.  Paul  quotes  Isa.  Uv.  1,  to  show  sim- 
ply that  the  spiritual  Jerusalem,  the  Church  of 
Christ,  is  our  mother.  Throughout  his  argument 
it  is  the  spiritual  element  of  promise  and  faith  on 
which  Sarah's  typical  position  is  based.  Only, 
therefore,  where  we  can  show  such  spiritual  ele- 
ment are  we  justified  in  supposing  a  typical 
character.  There  must  be  involved  the  truth  that 
the  origination  and  maintenance  of  God's  peo- 
ple depend  on  His  promise  and  not  on  human 

•  [Dr.  Erdmann's  translation  of  this  clanse  (1  Sam.  ii. 
6)  is  hardly  satisfactory.  The  word  Hj;  (lit.  "  continu- 
ance) is  used  in  the  senses  "  while,"  "  until."  "  so  that," 
and  the  question  is,  which  is  the  appropriate  sense  here. 
Erdmann  renders:  "while  the  barren  bears,  the  fruit- 
ful waxes  feeble,"— that  is,  the  clause,  according  to 
him,  affirms  the  contemporaneousness  of  the  two 
things.  This  would  be  appropriate  in  a  narration,  but 
is  inappropriate  and  feeble  here.  To  judge  from  the 
lassages  cited,  he  supposes  the  sense  to  be :  "  and  while 
-he  barren  is  still  bearing  (that  is,  in  the  midst  of  her 
bearing),  the  fruitful  languishes,"  which  is  plainly  out 
of  keepmg  with  the  context.    Bather  we  are  to  take  Ij; 

—in  its  well-sustained  sense  of  "  till  "—as  marking  the 
limit  of  the  action  involved  in  the  preceding  context. 
The  mutations  in  human  life,  broueht  about  by  God, 
reach  to  this  astonishing  point,  namely,  that  the  barren 
becomes  fruitful  and  the  fruitful  barren.  So  Vulg. 
(donee)  and  Sept.  (on).  The  other  versions  do  not  trans- 
late the  1«.  Gesenius  and  Furst  take  the  word  as  a 
preposition :  "  even  the  barren,  she  bears."  But  it  may 
also  be  a  conjunction.  It  sometimes  by  suggestion 
(though  not  properly)  includes  the  fact  which  it  intro- 
duces.—Te.] 


li 


strength.  This  is  not  necessarily  involved  in  the 
history  of  every' barren  woman  who  becomes 
fruitful — certainly  not  in  that  of  Eachel,  probar 
bly  in  that  of  Eebecca,  probably  not  m  the 
others.  These  histories  teach  indeed  that  fruit- 
fulness is  the  gift  of  God;  and,  as  an  encourage- 
ment to  faith.  He  has  in  some  instances  granted 
to  the  barren  to  be  the  mothers  of  sons  to  whom  He 
has  assigned  important  positions  in  the  develop- 
ment of  His  kingdom.  But  this  fact  does  not  in 
itself  show  that  these  mothers  sustained  to  the 
kingdom  of  God  the  relation  which  Sarah  sus- 
tained. Hannah  seems  to  be  simply  a  pious 
mother  whose  prayer  for  a  son,  contrary  to  himian 
probabilities,  is  granted. — Te.]. 

Ver.  6.  This  KeU  connects  with  the  preceding, 
explaining :  This  comes  from  the  Lord,  who  kills, 
ete.  But  here,  as  in  the  remaining  members  of  the 
Song,  we  must  suppose  a  logical  asyndeton.  The 
contrast  of  death  and  life,  killing  and  making  alive 
demands  even  a  wider  extension  of  these  concep- 
tions than  is  indicated  in  the  last  clause  of  ver.  5. 
KiUing  denotes  (with  a  departure  from  the  or- 
dinary sense)  bringing  into  the  extremest  misfor- 
tune and  suffering,  which  oppresses  the  soul  like 
the  gloom  of  death,  or  brings  it  near  to  death — 
making  alive  is  extricating  from  deadly  sorrow 
and  introducing  into  safety  and  joy.  This  is 
confirmed  by  the  second  member:  "He  brings 
down  to  Sheol  and  brings  up."  The  same  con- 
trast is  found  in  Deut.  xxxii.  39,  "  I  kill  and  I 
make  alive ;  I  wound  and  I  heal ;"  Ps.  xxx. 
4  (3),  "  Thou  hast  brought  up  my  soul  from 
Sheol,  Thou  hast  made  me  alive,"  etc.;  Ps.  Ixxi. 
20,  "Thou,  who  hast  showed  us  great  and  sore 
trouble,  wilt  quicken  us  again,  and  wilt  bring  us 
up  again  from  the  depths  of  the  earth,"  [Eng. 
A.  V.  reads,  with  Qeri,  me;  Kethih,  iis. — Tr.J. 
Ps.  Ixxxvi.  13 :  "  Great  is  Thy  mercy  towards  me, 
and  Thou  hast  delivered  my  soul  from  the  lowest 
Sheol,"  (comp.  Job  v.  18,  and  Ps.  Ixxxviii.  4-6). 
So  also  in  Ps.  Ixvi.  9,  misfortune  is  conceived  of 
as  death,  salvation  as  revival.  Calvin :  "  in  the 
word  'death'  Hannah  properly  embraces  every- 
thing injurious,  and  whatever  leads  step  by  step 
to  death,  as,  on  the  other  hand,  the  word  'life' 
includes  everything  happy  and  prosperous,  and 
whatever  can  make  a  fortunate  man  contented 
with  his  lot."  [As  is  apparent  from  the  above 
exposition,  there  is  no  reference  in  this  verse  to 

the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection.  The  word  /INE' 
"  Sheol,"  improperly  rendered  in  Eng.  A.  V. 
"hell"  and  "the  grave,"  means  "the  under- 
world," (Erdmann,  the  same,  "unterwelt"),  the 
gloomy  abode  of  all  the  dead,  conceived  of  by  the 
Hebrews  as  the  negation  of  all  earthly  activity. 
It  thus  became  an  image  of  darkness  and  suffer- 
ing, only  here  and  there  illumined  and  soothed  (as 
in  Ps.  xvi.)  by  the  conviction  that  God's  love 
would  maintain  and  develop  into  fulness  of  joy 
the  life  which  He  had  bestowed  on  His  servants. 
— The  word  is  usually  supposed  to  mean  a  "  hole," 
"cleft"  like,  Eng.  heU  (="hole,"  "hollow,"  Ger- 
man hSlle. — Te.]. 

Ver.  7.  By  His  power  the  Lord  determines  the 
contrast  of  rich  and  poor,  high  and  low ;  comp. 
Ps.  Ixxv.  8(7).  The  thought  of  the  second  clause 
is  developed  in  ver.  8,  with  the  first  half  of  which 
Ps.  cxiii.  7,  8  agrees  almost  word  for  word.    Being 


68 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


low  is  here  regarded  as  being  despised,  for  "  dust 
and  dunghill"  indicate  a  condition  of  deepest 
dishonor  and  disgrace,  in  which  one  is,  as  it  were, 
trodden  under  foot ;  comp.  Ps.  xliv.  26  (25).  The 
"  raising  and  lifting"  denotes  the  divine  govern- 
ment, by  which  shame  and  contempt  are  changed 
into  honor  and  glory.  The  contrast  to  the  dust 
and  the  dunghiU  is  the  sitting  in  the  company  of 
nobles  and  princes,  on  the  throne  of  honor. 
Calvin  :  "  Hannah  goes  on  to  say  the  same  thing 
of  honors  and  dignities  as  of  fortunes,  namely, 
that,  when  we  behold  in  this  world  so  many  and 
so  great  vicissitudes,  we  should  lift  up  our  gaze 
to  the  providence  of  God,  who  rules  all  things  in 
heaven  and  earth  by  His  will,  not  imagining  that 
there  is  anything  fortuitous  in  our  lives,  (.  .  .  but 
knowing  that  God's  providence  controls  every- 
thing)."— The  two  last  clauses  point  to  thefcmnda- 
lion  of  the  Lord's  determination  and  arrangement 
of  the  contrasted  relations  of  life  and  fates  of 
men :  "for  the  pUlars  of  the  earth  are  Jehovah's,  and 
He  hath  set  the  earth  upon  them."*  The  control 
and  government  of  God  here  portrayed  is  founded 
on  the  fact  that  He  is  the  creator  and  mistainer  of 
the  earth,  and  therefore  by  His  mnnipotence  ex- 
ercises unrestricted  rule  over  the  earth-world. 
Here  we  have  clear  and  plain  the  highest  point 
of  view,  from  which  all  that  is  said  from  ver.  4 
on  is  to  be  looked  at :  the  all-embracing  power  of 
the  Lord.  Clericus :  "  Hannah,  therefore,  means 
to  say  that  God  easily  effects  any  change  in  hu- 
man affairs,  since  He  is  creator  and  lord  of  the 
earth  itself." 

4.  The  Song  culminates  (vers.  9,  10)  in  the 
prophetic  testimony  to  the  omnipotent  nde  of 
the  holy  Ood  in  the  manifestation  of  His  justice  to- 
wards the  godly  and  the  ungodly,  and  in  con- 
ducting His  kingdom  to  glorious  victory  over 
the  world,  a)  To  the  godly  the  Lord  will 
grant  His  protection  and  scdvalion,  and  will  guard 
them  from  misfortune,  comp.  Ps.  Ivi.  13  (14): 
"Wilt  Thou  not  deliver  my  feet  from  falling, 
that  I  may  walk  before  God  iu  the  light  of  life 
[Germ,  as  Eng.  A.V.:  'the  living']?"  So  Ps. 
cxvi.  8 ;  cxxi.  3 ;  "he  suffers  not  thy  foot  to  fall." 
The  tottering  [or  faUingl  of  the  feet  is  not  to  be 
taken  here  in  an  ethical  sense ;  the  preservation 
of  the  feet  from  slipping,  tottering,  stumbling,  of- 
ten denotes  deliverance  from  long-continued  mis- 
fortune and  suffering,  so  Ps.  xv.  5 ;  Iv.  23 ;  Ixvi. 
9.  "  His  saints "  points  to  the  intimate  associa- 
tion between  God  and  His  people,  and  its  corre- 
lative is  "my  God,"  "our  Ood."  b)  The  godless 
will  be  the  objects  of  His  punitive  justice.  They  will 
perish  in  darkness.  The  darkness  is  the  symbol  of 
misfortune  and  misery,  as  light  of  safety  and  life, 
Job  XV.  22 ;  Ps.  cvii.  14.  Godlessness  is  volun- 
tary remoteness  from  the  light  of  salvation,  which 
God  sheds  abroad  ;  and  so  its  walking  in  darkness 
must  end  in  destruction.  For,  not  by  strength, 
that  is,  by  his  ram  strength,  shsill  a  man  prevail  ; 
"shall  a  man  be  strong"  (E^'K-iar)  is  an  allusion 
perhaps  to  the  "mighty  men"  (b'"i3il)  in  ver.  4. 
The  godless  rely  on  their  own  strength  with  which 

*  [It  is  not  necessary  to  find  a  geographical  theory  in 
this  poetical  statement.  And,  even  if  it  expresses  the 
author's  geographical  views,  it  is  not  the  thought  of  the 
passage,  but  only  the  framework  of  the  thought;  the  real 
thought  here  is  solely  religious,  and  has  nothing  to  do 
with  physical  science. — Tb.]. 


to  help  themselves  in  the  darkness.     But  it  is  uni- 
versally true  that  "  we  do  nothing  by  our  own 
strength."     Ps.  xxxiii.  16,  17.    He  who  leans  on 
his  own  strength  (which  cannot  be  without  turn- 
ing away  from  the  Lord,  who  alone  can  help)  will 
receive  his  just  reward,  he  will  perish  in  darkness. 
Clericus :  "  No  one  can  avoid  calamity  by  his  own 
strength,  unhelped  by  divine  providence." — Hu- 
man weakness  is  here  specially  brought  out  by  the 
order  of  the  words ;  on  man  [Heb.  t?'K  last  word 
in  ver.  9]  follows  immediately  Jehovah  [in  the 
Heb.,  first  word  in  ver.  10],  which  further  stands 
as  absolute  subject  (comp.  Ps.  xi.  4)  and  thus  in 
sharper  contrast.    As  "  prevail "  in  ver.  9  alludes 
to  ver.  4,  so  here  the  "broken"  to  the  "broken" 
in  that  verse. — The  thought,  that  God's  justice  is 
shown  in  the  punishment  of  the  godless,  is  first 
very  strongly  and  sharply  expressed  by  the  im- 
mediate collocation  of  the  two  verbs  after  Jehovah : 
"  broken  are  his  opposers,"*  and  then  illustrated 
by  the  allusion  to  a  judicial  process  which  ends 
with  the  carrying  out  of  the  sentence.    The  un- 
godly  strive  with  God  as  in  a  judicial  contest 
(VJ'^a  [Qeri]),  but  they  are  confounded  in  the 
presence  of  the  process  of  law  to  which  the  Lord 
comes.  The  thunder,  the  sign  of  His  fear-inspiring 
and  destructive  power,  is  the  announcement  of  His 
proximity  to  the  tribunal.  The  "judge  "  (['T)  de- 
notes the  holding  of  the  court.    The  judicial  work 
of  God  is  the  outflow  of  His  holiness,  justice  and 
almightiness,  which  three  attributes  of  God  have 
been  celebrated  up  to  this  point.    The  ol^eet  of 
the  judicial  interposition  of  God  is  not  only  the 
members  of  the  chosen  people,  but  the  ends  of  the 
earth,  that  is,  all  peoples,  the  whole  world.    As 
before  the  whole  earthly  creation,  founded  and 
maintained  by  God's  power,  was  brought  before 
us  in  order  to  establish  God's  almighty  control 
over  the  earth,  so  here  our  view  is  extended  from 
punitive  justice  as  it  shows  itself  in  the  sphere  of 
God's  people  to  God's  judgment  as  it  stretches 
over  the  whole  earth,  to  the  all-embracing  world- 
judgment.    The  prophetic  view  often  rises  to 
this  universality  of  God's  judicial  control  as  the 
judge  of  the  whole  world  (Gen.  xviii.  25),  which 
corresponds  to  the  idea  of  the  universal  salvation 
embracing  all  the  nations  of  the  earth ;  so,  for  ex- 
ample, Mich.  i.  2  sq. ;  Isa.  ii.  9  s(j. ;  iii.  13 ;  Ps.  vii.  8 
sq. ;  ix.  8.  The  conception  of  this  general  judgment 
over  all  the  peoples  of  the  earth,  and  that  of  the 
special  judgment  over  Israel  and  every  individual 
member  of  Israel  are  closely  connected.    The 
aim  of  both  is  to  lead  God's  kingdom  to  victory 
and  glory.     The  broad  glance  at  the  ends  of  the 
earth  filled  with  the  judicial  glory  of  King  Je- 
hovah fixes  itself  in  the  concluding  words  on  the 
highest  aim  and  end  to  be  reached  by  the  exer- 
cise of  God's  judicial  justice,  namely,  the  unfold- 
ing of  God's  power  and  dominion  in  the  kingdom 
in  Israel  and  in  the  person  of  His  anointed.     And 
He  will  give  strength  to  His  king,  and  exalt  the  ham 
of  His  anointed." 

HISTORICAL   AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

After  the  explanation  of  the  content  of  this  Song 
of  praise  of  Hannah,  we  must  in  the  first  place 
consider  the  question  of  its  crrigin.    The  answer 


*  [Heb.  literally :  "Jehovah,  broken  are  His  opposers." 
Some  render,  "Jehovah  will  break  His  opposers.*'— Ts.l 


CHAJf.  II.  1-10. 


C9 


to  this  C[uestion  is  inseparable  from  our  historical 
conception  and  estimate  of  the  content  of  the 
Song,  and  is  therefore  connected  with  the  histori- 
cal and  theological  remarks.  The  question  is : 
whether,  as  the  author  obviously  assumes,  Hannah 
herself  sang  it  from  her  heart,  or,  whether  it  owed 
its  origin  to  a  totally  different  occasion,  and  was 
put  into  Hannah's  mouth  by  the  author. 

According  to  Ewald,  this  Song  is  an  interpolar 
tion  by  a  later  hand,  because  ver.  1  is  the  imme- 
diate continuation  of  the  concluding  words  of  the 
first  chapter,  and  is  therefore  a  proper  ending  like 
ch.  i.  19,  ("  they  worshipped  and  returned  ") ;  but 
we  reply  that  the  words,  ch.  i.  28,  "  they  wor- 
shipped the  Lord  there,"  form  an  appropriate 
introduction  to  the  following  prayer,  and  that 
the  latter  contains  nothing  out  of  keeping  with 
the  continuity  of  the  narrative — rather  its  content 
quite  suits  the  situation,  and  therefore  frx)m  this 
point  of  view  there  is  no  necessity  for  regarding 
it  (from  its  content)  as  a  later  insertion  which 
breaks  the  connection. — But  particularly  two 
things  in  the  content  have  been  adduced  against 
the  ascription  of  the  Song  to  Hannah  or  to  Han- 
nah's time :  the  celebration  of  a  glorious  victory 
over  foreign  enemies,  and  the  assumption  of  the 
existence  of  the  theocratic  kingdom  in  the  con- 
clusion.— But,  as  to  the  first,  where  in  the  Song  is 
there  the  mention  of  a  victory  gained  in  war  with 
foreign  enemies?  The  only  passage  in  which 
warriors  are  spoken  of  contrasts  the  "mighty 
bowmen''  with  the  stumbling  who  are  girded 
with  the  strength,  not  to  portray  heroes  of  war,  but 
to  show  how  this  contrast  also  (which  is  parallel 
with  others,  none  of  which  have  anything  to  do 
with  war)  is  brought  about  by  the  Lord's  omnipo- 
tent rule.  The  description  of  these  contrasts  and 
of  the  power  of  God  which  reveals  itself  in  them 
is  so  general  that  it  is  impossible  to  discover  here 
the  character  of  a  Song  of  victory  which  presup- 
poses a  war.  The  "  enemies  "  against  whom  the 
Song  is  directed  are  not  the  national  enemies  of  the 
people  of  Israel,  the  heathen  nations  with  whom 
they  had  to  fight,  but  the  ungodly  within  the 
chosen  people  as  opposed  to  the  truly  pious  and 
God-fearing.  The  contrasts  which  are  introduced 
have  their  root  in  the  fundamental  view  of  the 
religious-moral  opposition  of  pride  and  humility 
in  reference  to  the  holy  God  (ver.  3,  a),  culminate 
in  the  testimony  to  God's  righteous  judgment  on 
godly  and  ungodly,  and  in  their  movement  be- 
tween these  poles  exhibit  only  the  religiovs-vwral 
condition  of  the  people  of  Israel  as  the  historical 
background.  Nothing  is  said  of  opposition  to 
external  national  enemies.  Hence  it  is  just  as 
unfounded  to  regard  David  as  the  author  of  the 
Song  (Bertholdt,  Eird.  III.  915),  especially  to 
suppose  it  a  Song  of  praise  for  his  victory  over 
Gohath  and  the  resulting  defeat  of  the  Philistines, 
(Thenius  1  ed.,  Bottcher),  as  it  is  arbitrary  to 
suppose  one  of  the  oldest  Kings  of  Judah  its  au- 
thor.* Neither  one  nor  the  other  can  be  demon- 
strated, or  even  shown  to  be  probable. — The 
second  argument  against  the  ascription  of  the  Song 

*  rBqnally  arbitrary  is  the  procedure  of  Geiger 
{Urtchnfl  n.  Ueierielzmigm  der  Bibel,  page  27),  who 
makes  Hannah's  Song  an  imitation  of  Ps.  oxiii.,  and 
refers  the  latter  to  the  postexilian  period,  explaining 
WTll  as  foreign  princes  reigning  over  Israel  I— Tb. J. 


to  Hannah,  and  for  referring  it  to  the  period  of 
the  Kings  seems  weightier ;  for  the  words  of  ver. 
10,  "  He  will  give  strength  to  his  king,  and  exalt 
the  horn  of  His  anointed,"  seem  to  assume  the 
existence  of  a  king.     But  nothing  obliges  us  so 
to  understand  it.    If  we  put  ourselves  in  the 
period  of  Samuel's  early  life,  the  fact  is  incontes- 
table that  in  the  consciousness  of  the  people,  and 
the  noblest  part  of  them  too,  the  idea  of  a  monar- 
chy had  then  become  a  power,  which  quickened 
more  and  more  the  hope  of  a  realization  of  the 
old  promises  that  there  should  be  a  royal  domi- 
nion in  Israel,  till  it  took  shape  in  the  express 
demand  which  the  people  made  of  Samuel.     The 
divine  promise  that  the  people  should  be  a  king- 
dom is  given  as  early  as  the  patriarchtd  period, 
comp.  Gen.  xvii.  6, 16.     The  idea  of  the  kingdom 
as  bringing  prosperity  to  the  whole  people  con- 
nects itself  with  the  Tribe  of  Judah,  G«n.  xlix. 
10.     Judah  will  come  forth  victorious  from  the 
battle  which  awaits  him,  will  remain  in  possession 
of  everlasting  imperishable  dominion,  and  will 
never  lose  ^e  sceptre.     The  period  of  the  Law 
further  develops   the  idea  of  this  kingdom.    The 
whole  people  is  to  be  a  priestly  kingdom  (Ex.  xx. 
6).    In  Balaam's  prophecy  the  royal  power  and 
dominion  to  which  Israel  would  attain  is  cele- 
brated under  the  figure  of  the  Star  which  rises  on 
Jacob,  and  in  their  victory  over  their  enemies, 
Num.  xxiv.  17,   19.     This  old  prophecy  is  al- 
together unintelligible  if  the  consciousness  of  the 
people  did  not  attach  the  hope  of  future  de- 
velopment and  prosperity  to  the  idea  of  the  king- 
dom.   That  the  law  of  the  king  in  Deut.  xvii. 
belongs  to  the  legal  period  has  been  improperly 
doubted,   (comp.  Oehler  in  Herzog's  M.-JE.  s.  v. 
Konigthum).     The  proposition  made  to  Gideon 
to  be  king  (Judg.  viii.  23),  though  rdected  by 
him,  shows  how  in  the  period  of  the  Judges  the 
felt  national   disintegration   brought    out   more 
strongly  the    desire    for    a   single   government 
which  should  embrace  the  whole  people  and  pro- 
tect them  against  external  enemies.    The  phrase 
of   refusal      Jehovah    shall    rule  over  you,"   is 
based  on  the  external  non-theocratic  conception 
of  the  kingdom  which  underlay  that  application, 
and  at  the  same  time  expresses  in  the  clearest 
manner  the  consciousness  of  the  divine  rule  of 
which  the  kingly  rule  was  to  be  the  organ.    At 
the  close  of  the  period  of  the  Judges  the  need  of 
such  a  theocratic  kingdom  was  felt  the  more 
strongly,  because  the  office  which  was  entrusted 
with  the  duty  of  forming  and  guiding  the  theo- 
cratic life  of  the  nation,  namely,  the  high-priestly 
office,  was  itself  with  the  people  involved  in  the 
deepest  degradation.    The  hope  thereon  based, 
that  the  Lord  would  set  up  a  kingdom  as  the 
instrument  of  saving  the  people  from  their  deep 
corruption,  is  expressed  in  our  Song  in  the  con- 
cluding mention  of  the  anointed  of  the  Lord,  who 
would  receive  his  power  from  Him,  whose  horn 
would  be  exalted  by  the  hand  of  the  Lord.    The 
same  thought  is  expressed  by  that  man  of  God 
(ch.  ii.  35),  who  announces  to  the  High-priest  Eli 
the  judgment  of  his  house  and  the  raising  up  of  a 
faithful  priest  who  will  walk  before  the  anointed 
of  the  Lord  ;  that  is,  he  indicates  a  direct  interpo- 
sition by  God  in  the  fortunes  of  His  people,  by 
which  a  new  order  of  things  will  be  brought  about 
under  the  guidance  of  a  true  theocratic  priesthood 


70 


THE  FIKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


in  connection  with  a  divinely  established  king- 
dom. 

This  was  a  testimony  of  the  prophetical  spirit 
which  animated  that  man  of  God,  that  spirit  of 
the  prophecy  and  announcement  of  divine  truth 
and  promise,  which  had  by  no  means  completely 
died  out  in  the  time  of  the  Judges.  When  God 
introduced  the  new  era  of  Israel's  fortunes,  the 
elevation  of  the  theocratic  development  of  His 
people's  life  to  a  new  plane  by  the  prophet  Samuel 
as  instrument  of  His  revelation,  and  first  of  the 
continuous  theocratic  Une  of  prophets,  He  selected 
persons  in  the  border-time  between  the  old  and 
the  new  in  whom  theocratic  hopes  dwelt  in  living 
power,  informed  them  by  direct  influence  of  His 
Spirit  of  the  approaching  fulfillment  of  this  hope, 
and  prepared  and  impelled  them  to  announce  and 
to  celebrate  by  prophetic  testimony  God's  new 
revelations  of  salvation.  The  "man  of  Ood" 
made  such  an  announcement  to  Eli,  who,  accord- 
ing to  the  divine  counsel,  was  to  fall  together 
with  his  house,  that  a  new  true  priesthood  might 
arise,  which  should  be  closely  connected  with  the 
"  anointed  of  the  Lord,"  the  theocratic  kingdom, 
in  its  effort  to  attain  its  end  and  aim,  namely, 
God's  dominion  over  His  people.  Sarmah  made 
such  an  announcement  respecting  her  child  Sa- 
muel, she  knowing  by  divine  revelation  that  he 
was  to  be  God's  instrument  for  great  things,  the 
renewer  and  restorer  of  the  theocratic  life  under 
the  God-given  kingdom.  She,  like  that  man  of 
God,  is  filled  with  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  whose 
representative  and  instrument  she  was  the  more 
fitted  to  be,  as  she  belonged  to  the  pious  class  of 
the  people,  and  walked  before  Grod.  Her  song  is 
a  product  of  this  prophetic  spirit,  which  lifts  her 
far  above  the  joy  (felt  in  her  heart,  and  uttered  at 
the  outset)  of  her  heard  prayer  and  God's  accept- 
ance of  her  child  to  be  His  possession,  and  above 
her  personal  experience  of  the  might  of  the  living 
God,  and  makes  her  see  and  celebrate  His  mani- 
festations of  might  in  his  kingdom,  which  he  has 
established  in  his  people,  and  will  develop  in  new 
glory  by  the  revelation  of  His  power  and  justice. 
From  the  depths  of  humble  piety  she  looks  up 
away  from  her  poor  self  to  the  height  of  the  holi- 
ness and  faithfulness  of  the  living  God.  The 
foundations  on  which  rests  all  God's  revelation  to 
His  people,  as  well  as  His  dominion  over  them, 
are  His  holiness  and  rock-firm  faithfulness.  On 
them  is  built  God's  government  in  His  kingdom 
and  people,  to  which  Hannah  is  led  by  the  divine 
providence  in  her  own  life  to  look  up.  As  she 
looks,  her  experience  of  her  "  adversaries  "  and 
of  their  pride  and  presumption  is  broadened  and 
generalized  into  a  view  of  God's  absolute  govern- 
ment and  dominion  which  brings  to  shame  all 
the  pride  and  insolence  of  the  ungodly,  and  which 
is  revealed,  partly  in  the  unlimited,  unconditioned 
rule  of  His  might,  which  accomplishes  the  life- 
changes  of  godly  and  ungodly  in  the  extremest 
contrasts,  contradicting  all  human  calculation 
(vers.  4-8),  partly  in  the  government  of  His  justice, 
m  which  He  shows  Himself  as  the  unchangeable 
rock  of  the  godly,  and  gives  the  ungodly  over  to 
destruction  (vers.  9,  10).  From  the  idea  of  this 
government  of  justice  the  song  rises  finally  with 
rapid  flight  to  the  conception  of  a  judgment  which 
the  living,  just  God  stretches  with  His  dominion 
over  the  ends  of  the  earth,  and  to  the  idea  of  a 


kingdom,  which,  in  this  divine  domain,  and  by 
this  ruling  and  governing  of  God,  develops  its 
power  beyond  the  limits  of  Israel,  and  in  the  pos- 
session of  this  God-given  power  is  the  instrument 
of  the  divine  dominion — a  wide  extension  of  the 
prophetic  view,  under  the  guidance  of  the  divine 
Spirit,  beyond  the  present  which  is  the  foundation 
of  the  word  of  the  prophetic  testimony.  Thus 
the  prophetic-historical  description  of  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  kingdom  in  Israel  is  introduced 
by  this  lyric-prophetic  witness  of  the  God-ordained 
and  God-serving  power  of  the  theocratic  kingdom; 
and  on  this  follows  soon  the  prophetic  announce- 
ment of  the  intimate  relation  in  which  the  reno- 
vated priesthood  is  to  stand  to  the  "  anointed  of 
the  Lord."  Hannah  "  beholds  in  her  individual 
experience  the  general  laws  of  the  divine  economy, 
and  divines  its  significance  for  the  whole  history 
of  the  kingdom  of  God  "  ( Auberlen,  Stud.  u.  Krit. 
1860,  p._  564). 

■  In  this  song — uttered,  in  the  spirit  of  prophecy, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  development  of  the  theo- 
cratic life,  in  so  far  as  that  development  was  de- 
termined by  the  kingdom  which  the  people  hoped 
for  and  God  gave — Hannah  passes  unconsciously, 
impelled  by  the  divine  Spirit,  over  all  the  inter- 
mediate steps  of  the  development  of  the  kingdom 
of  God,  and  points  to  the  final  goal,  at  which  the 
divinely  established,  divinely  equipped,  royal  do- 
minion extends  itself  over  the  ends  of  the  earth. 
To  this  answers,  on  the  one  hand,  the  idea  of  a 
universal  revelation  of  salvation,  which  appears 
in  that  tribe-promise  of  the  Shiloh,  to  whom  the 
obedience  of  the  nations  belongs,  and  farther  back 
in  the  patriarchal  promises ;  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  there  is  connected  with  it  the  prophetic 
content  of  the  songs  of  praise  of  Maiy  and  Zacha-  ■ 
riah  (Luke  i.46sq. and  68sq.),  where  there  is  ex- 
press reference  to  the  words  of  Hannah  in  view 
of  the  approaching  final  fulfillment  of  the  idea, 
contained  in  her  prophetic  announcement,  of  the 
dominion  of  the  anointed  of  the  Lord  which  in 
divine  power  is  to  extend  over  the  ends  of  the 
earth. 

[Wordsworth :  "  The  Magnijicxit  of  Hannah  is 
an  evangelical  song,  chanted  by  the  spirit  of  Pro- 
phecy under  the  Levitical  Law.  It  is  a  prelude 
and  overture  to  the  Gospel.  It  is  a  connecting 
link  of  sweet  and  sacred  melody  between  the 
Magnificat  of  Miriam  after  the  passage  of  the  Eed 
Sea — symbolizing  the  Death,  Burial  and  Eesur- 
rection  of  Christ — and  the  Magnificat  of  Mary, 

after  the  Annunciation  of  His  Birth Let 

this  Song  of  Hannah  be  read  in  the  Septuagint, 
and  then  the  Magnificat  in  St.  Luke's  original,  and 
the  connection  of  the  two  will  be  more  clearly 
recognized.  .  .  .  The  true  characteristic  of  Sacred 
Poetry  is,  that  it  is  not  egotistical.  It  merges  the 
individual  in  the  nation,  and  in  the  Church  Uni- 
versal. It  looks  forward  from  the  special  occasion 
which  prompts  the  utterance  of  thanksgiving,  and 
extends  and  expands  itself  with  a  loving  power 
and  holy  energy,  into  a  large  and  sympathetic 
outburst  of  praise  to   God  for  His  love  to  all 

manldnd  in  Christ The  Magnificat 

of  Hannah  is  conceived  in  this  spirit.  It  is  not 
only  a  song  of  thanksgiving;  it  is  also  a  pro- 
phecy. It  is  an  utterance  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
moving  within  her,  and  making  her  maternal  joy 
on  the  birth  of  Samuel  to  overflow  in  outpourings 


CHAP.  n.  1-10. 


71 


of  thankfulness  to  God  for  those  greater  blessings 
in  Chmst,  of  which  that  birth  was  an  earnest  and 
a  pledge.  In  this  respect  it  may  be  compared 
with  the  Song  of  Moses  (Dent,  xxxii.)  and  the 
Song  of  David  (2  Sam.  xxii.)." — Augustine,  in 
his  comment  on  this  Song  (De  Civ.  Dei,  17,  4), 
follows  the  translation  of  the  Sept.  (which  is  often 
incorrect),  and,  along  with  some  good  thoughts, 
has  much  wrong  exegesis  and  unfounded  spiri- 
tualizing.— Tk.] 

HOMILETICAL    AND    PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  The  joy  in  the  Lord,  to  which  faith  at- 
tains amid  sore  conflicts:  1)  Its  source — not  our 
own  heart  with  its  frowardness  and  its  despon- 
dency, not  help  and   consolation  from  men,  but 
only  the  Lord's  grace  and  compassion,  which 
make  the   heart  joyous  again,   lifting  up  with 
mighty  power  the  mind  that  ha.s  been  stricken 
down;   2)  Its  object:  the  fvlness  of  the  salvation 
which  the  Lord  dispenses,  and  faith  ever  more 
richly  appropriates:   3)  Its  expression:  an  open 
testimmiy  to  the    salvation   experienced — before 
Ood    ia  praise,  ("1  rejoice  in  thy  salva,tion"), 
before  mem — in  confessing  and  celebrating  our 
experience  of  salvation,   to  our  comj^anions  in 
the  faith  that  they_  may  unite  with  us  in  joy  and 
praise,  so  that  their  faith  may  be  strengthened, 
to  the  adversaries  of  the  faith  that  they  may  be 
ashamed,  may  be  warned,  may  repent. — [Han- 
nah's song  of  praise  compared  with  her  former 
prayer.     1)  She  was  then  "  in  bitterness  of  soul" 
(i.  10) ;  now  her  "  heart  rejoiceth."  2)  Then  she 
was   humiliated  (i.  5,  8,  11);  now  she  is  "ex- 
alted."    3)   Then  her  adversary  provoked  her 
(i.  6) ;  now  her  "  mouth  is  opened  wide  over  her 
enemies."     4)  Then   she  "  poured  out  her  soul 
before  the  Lord"  (i.  15) ;  now  she  "rejoices  in 
His    salvation."     Often  we  remember  to  pray, 
and  then  forget  to  praise. — ^Te.]. 

Ver.  2.  The  two  characteristics  of  the  life  of  OocHs 
children  in  their  relation  to  the  living  God :  1) 
The  humble  reverence  before  Him,  in  view  of  His 
Miness;  2)  The  heartiest  confidence  in  Him,  in 
view  of  His  unchangeable /aiiA/Mfcess. 

Ver.  3.  The  humbling  of  the  natural  man's  pride 
through  the  testimony  concerning  the  living  God: 

1)  Concerning  his  universal  knowledge;  2)  His 
vmiversal  wisdom  which  determines  and  rebates 
all  the  details  of  His  action  (ver.  3) ;  3)  His  vmir 
versal  power  which  determines  every  change  in  the 
fortunes  of  human  life,  (vers.  4-8 ) .    [The  division 

2)  must  be  modified  if  the  view  of  Tr.  be  adopted 
as  to  the  reference  of  the  term  "actions."  See 
Exegetical  on  ver.  3. — Tb.] 

[Ver.  3.  "  By  Him  actions  are  weighed."  I. 
The  manner  of  "His  weighing— with  perfect  know- 
ledge (ver.  3),  with  absolute  rectitude  (ver.  2), 
with  immutable  justice  (ver.  2).— H.  The  result 
of  His  weighing  is  often  a  total  reversal  of  men's 
fortunes  (vers.  4-8).  Application:  Be  not  proud 
of  present  prosperity,  but  look  well  to  the  way  in 
which  you  enjoy  and  use  it  (ver.  3). — Tr.]. 

[Henby:  Vers.  1 — 3.  Hannah's  triumph  in 
God's  perfections,  and  in  His  blessings  to  her.  I. 
She  celebrates  His  glorious  attributes :  (1)  His 
purity.  (2)  His  power.  (3)  His  wisdom.  (4) 
His  justice.  II.  She  solaces  herself  in  these 
things.    III.  She  silences  those  who  are  enemies 


to  her  and  to  God. — Vers.  4-8.  Providence  in  the 
changes  of  human  life:  1)  The  strong  are  weak- 
ened and  the  weak  strengthened,  when  God 
pleases  (ver.  4).  2)  The  rich  are  impoverished 
and  the  poor  enriched  (ver.  5).  3)  God  is  the 
Lord  of  life  and  death  (ver.  6).  4)  He  advances 
and  He  abases  (vers.  7,  8).  5)  And  in  all  this 
we  must  acquiesce,  for  God  is  sovereign.  "  The 
pillars  of  the  earth  are  the  Lord's." — Tk.] 

Vers.  4^8.  The  imity  amid  cha/nge  of  the  opposite 
ways  which  the  pious  and  the  ungodly  must  go : 
1)  One  starting-point,  the  Lord's  inscrutable  will, 
which  determines  them:  2)  One  hand,  the  al- 
mighty hand  of  the  Lord,  which  leads  them ;  3) 
One  goal  at  which  they  end,  humble  submission 
under  that  hand. — The  wonderful  guidance  of  the 
children  of  men  upon  qwite  opposite  ways :  1)  The 
opposite  direction  in  which  they  go,  (a)  from  the 
height  to  the  depth,  (6)  from  the  depth  to  the 
height;  2)  The  opposite  design  which  the  Lord 
has  therein  with  men,  (a)  to  lead  them  from  the 
heights  of  pride  and  haughty  self-complacency  to 
humble  submission  under  Hisunlimitedpower,(6) 
to  exalt  them  from  the  depths  of  humble  self- 
renunciation  to  a  blessed  me  in  the  enjoyment 
of  His  free  grace ;  3)  The  opposite  end,  accord- 
ing as  men  cause  the  divine  design  to  be  fulfilled 
or  defeated  in  them  :  (a)  everlasting  destruction 
without  God,  (6)  everlasting  salvation  and  life 
in   and  with  God. 


Vers.  3-10.  The  contrasts  which  the  change  in  the 
relations  of  human  life  presents  to  us  in  the  light  of 
divine  truth:    1)  God's  holiness  and  man's  sin; 

2)  God's  almightiness  and    man's   powerlessness ; 

3)  God's  graeious  design  and  man's  destruction. 
Ver.  4.   Weakness  and    strength    come  from  the 

Lord:  1)  He  makes  the  strong  weak;   2)  He 
makes  the  weak  strong. 

Ver.  5.  2%e  Lord  alone  gives  full  satisfaction: 
1)  He  leads  from  false  contentment  in  carnal 
fulness  to  wholesome  destitution;  2)  He  changes 
hunger  into  blessed  fulness  with  true  content- 
ment. [Fanciftil  and  strained.— TK.]—-B/essed  are 
they  that  hunger :  1)  Because  the  Lord  brings  them 
from  full  to  hungry,  2)  From  hungry  to  full. 

Ver.  6.  Sow  tiie  living  Ood  shows  Himself  as  the 
Lord  of  life  and  of  death :  1)  In  that  He  leads  from 
life  into  death,  i)  From  death  into  life. 

Vers.  7,  8.  The  sovereign  rule  of  the  graee  of  Ood: 
1)  It  makes  poor,  in  order  to  make  rich ;  2)  It 
humbles,  in  order  to  exalt. 

Vers.  9,  10.  The  Lord  our  Ood  is  a  just_  Ood: 
1)  Upon  the  pious  He  bestows  salvation  in  His 
light ;  2)  The  ungodly  he  causes  to  perish  in 
darkness.— 4s  man  with  his  whole  life  places  him- 
self towards  God,  so  will  Ood  in  the  judgment  place 
Himself  towards  him  as  a  just  Judge:  1)  Either  in 
the  severity  of  His  punitive  justice ;  2)  Or  in  the 
kindness  of  His  saving  grace.— The  great  Either— 
Or — ^which  God's  word  writes  over  every  human 
life:  1)  Either  with  the  pious  for  the  Lord,  or 
with  the  ungodly  ajaimsC  Him;  2)  Either  trusting 
alone  in  the  saving  might  of  divine  grace,  or  wish- 
ing to  be  strong  by  one's  own  power ;  3)  Either 
preserved  by  the  Lord  with  the  pious  to  everlast- 
ing life,  or  banished  with  the  ungodly  to  everlast- 
ing condemnation, 

Ver.  10.  The  judgment  of  God!s  punitive  justice 
("The  Lord  will  judge"):  1)  Whom,  it  threatens— 
the  ungodly,  "adversaries."    2)  How  God  makes 


72  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


it  approach  with  warning  signs  ("out  of  heaven 
shall  be  thunder").  3)  How  it  discharges  Usdf 
against  aU  theMwW  that  is  opposed  to  God  ("The 
Lord  shall  judge  the  ends  of  the  earth").    4)  How 

it  promotes  the  perfecting  of  His  Kingdom. 

[Providence  m  the  national  government  of  Israel. 
Not  only  was  the  secular  spirit  in  the  nation  begin- 
ning to  desire  a  king  (viii.  5),  but  the  inspired  Han- 


nah here  predicts  it  with  devout  hope.  Theocracy, 
Monarchy  and  Hierarchy  each  contributed  in 
turn  to  the  welfere  of  Israel,  and  each  helped  to 
prepare  the  way  for  the  great  Anointed,  at  once 
Prophet,  King,  and  Priest,  who  should  rei^  over 
the  spiritual  firael. — Interesting  lectures  might  be 
made  on  "Psalms  outside  of  the  Book  of  Peahne." 
(See  above,  additions  to  Historical  and  Theologi- 
cal.)—Te.] 


FOURTH   SECTION. 


Samnel's  Service  before  the  Lord  In  Contrast  with  the  Abominations  of  the  De- 
generate Priesthood  in  the  House  of  Eli. 

Chap.  II.  11-26. 

I.  The  conduct  of  the  sons  of  Eli  in  contrast  with  Samuel,  the  "  servant  of  the  Lord."    Vers.  11-17. 

11  And  Elkanah  went  to  Raraah  to  his  house.     And  the  child  did  minister  [minis- 

12  tered]  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  before  Eli  the  priest.     Now  [And]  the  sons  of  Eli 

13  were  sons  of  Belial  [wicked  men] ;  they  knew  not  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And' 
the  priest's  custom  [the  custom  of  the  priests]  with  the  people  was  that,  when  any 
man  offered  sacrifice,  the  priest's  servant  came,  while  the  flesh  was  in  seething,  with 

14  a'  flesh-hook  of  three  teeth  in  his  hand;  [,]  And  he  (am.  he)  struck  it  into  the 
pan,  or  kettle,  or  cauldron  or  pot;  all  that  the  flesh-hook  brought  up  the  priest 
took  for  himself    So  they  did  in  Shiloh  unto  all  the  Israelites  that  came  thither. 

15  Also  [Even]  before  they  burnt  the  fat,  the  priest's  servant  came,  and  said  to  the 
man  that  sacrificed,  Give  flesh  to  roast  for  the  priest ;  for  he  will  not  have  sodden 

16  flesh  of  thee,  but  raw.  And  if  any  [the]  man  said  unto  him.  Let  them  not  fail  to 
burn*  the  fat  presently,  and  then  take  as  much  as  thy  soul  desireth ;  [,]  then  he 
would  answer  [say]  him  [om.  him*].  Nay,  but  thou  shalt  give  it  me  [pm.  me]  now; 
and  if  not,  I  will  take  it  by  force.     Wherefore  [And]  the  sin  of  the  young  men 

17  was  very  great  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah] ;  for  men  abhorred  the  offering  of  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]. 

II.  Samuel  as  minister  h^ore  the  Lord.    Vers.  18-21. 

18  But  [And]  Samuel  ministered  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  being  [pm.  being]  a 

19  child,  girded  with  a  linen  ephod.  Moreover  [And]  his  mother  made  him  a  little 
coat  [tunic],  and  brought  it  to  him  from  year  to  year,  when  she  came  up  with  her 

20  husband  to  offer  the  yearly  sacrifice.  And  Eli  blessed  Elkanah  and  his  wife,  and 
said,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  give  thee  seed  of  this  woman  for  the  loan  which  is  lent  to 
the  Lord  [in  place  of  the  gift  which  was  asked  for  Jehovah"].     And  they  went  unto 


TEXTUAL  AND  GEAMMATICAL. 
le  preceding,  putting  a  full 
the  word  is  more  naturally  in  st.  const.,  the  Art.  is  better  omit- 


1  [Ver.  13.  Erdmann  attaches  this  clause  to  the  preceding,  putting  a  full  stop  after  "people."    See  Exeeeti- 
eal  Notes  in  loco. — Ta.] 


ted 

Heh.  reads  ^a  "in  it;"  Erdmann,  domti,  " therewith."— Tk.] 

.  ,.„  „      .- — 1  (or,  they  will)  Terily  burn."— Tk.] 

ii.o    I  m    •  16.  Kethibis  "  to  him,"  Qeri  "no  "  (and  so  Is  MSS ,  some  printed  Eds.,  LXX.,  Svr.,  Vulg.,  Arab.,  and  one 
MB.  of  rarg.  cited  by  De  Rossi);  the  latter  better  suits  the  following  '3,  which,  however,  yields  a  good  sense  as  it 

stands  in  the  text.    It  may  be  translated  "  but,"  supposing  a  preceding  "  nay,"  as  in  Ene.  A.  V  •  or  reKarded  as 
mtroduoing  the  substantive  clause,  and  rendered  "  that."— Ta.] 

»  [Ver.  20.  Lit.:  "in  place  of  the  petition  which  one  asked  for  Jehovah."  Erdmann  changes  the  form  of  the  verb 
to  the  fern.,  and  renders  "  instead  of  the  begged  one  (des  Erbetenen)  whom  she  begged  from  the  Lord."  Otliers  point 
as  part.  pas.  IK^-  The  3  sing.  fem.  is  found  in  one  MSS.;  2  sing.  "  thou  askedest "  in  one  MS.,  LXX.,  Syr.,  Vulg.; 
and  Arab,  has  '''  thou  gavest."    It  is  better  to  retain  the  Heb.  text  and  render  it  as  impersonal.— Te.] 


CHAP.  II.  11-26. 


73 


21  their  own  home  [to  his'  place].  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  visited  Hannah,  so  that 
[and]  she  conceived,  and  bare  three  sons  and  two  daughters.  And  the  child 
Samuel  grew  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

III.  Eli's  conduet  towards  his  worthless  sons.    Vers.  22-26. 

22  Now  [And]  Eli  was  very  old,  and  [ins.  he]  heard  all  that  his  sons  did  unto  all 
Israel,  and  how  [that]  they  lay  with  the  women  that  assembled  [served*]  at  the 

23  door  of  the  tabernacle  of  the  congregation  [meeting  (or  assembly)].  And  he  said 
unto  them,  Why  do  ye  such  things?  for  I  hear  of  your  evil  dealings  [deeds]  by 

24  [from]  all  this  people.     Nay,  my  sous ;  for  it  is  no  good  report  that  I  hear ;  ye 

25  make  the  Lord's  people  [Jehovah's  people  are  made]  to  transgress.  If  one  man 
sin  against  another  [If  a  man  sin  against  a  man],  the  judge  [God°]  shall  judge'" 
him ;  but  if  a  man  sin  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  who  shall  intreat'"  for  him  ? 
Notwithstanding  [And]  they  hearkened  not  unto  the  voice  of  their  father,  because 

26  the  Lord  would  slay  them  [for  it  was  Jehovah's  will  to  slay  them].  And  the  child 
Samuel  grew  on  and  was  in  favour  [grew  in  stature  and  favour"]  both  with  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  and  also  [pm.  also]  with  men. 

»  [Ver.  20.  The  plu.  suffix  "  their  "  is  found  in  12  MSS.,  Syr.,  Chald.,  Ar.;  Vulg.  " in looumiuum ;"  some  MSS.  of  Targ. 
hare  the  sing.  Wellhausen,  combining  LXX.  and  Heb.,  gives  as  the  true  reading  "  he  went  to  his  place ;"  but  the 
more  difficult  reading  seems  preferable.  See  Exeg.  Notes  in  loco.  Erdmann's  translation  omits,  by  typographical 
error,  the  last  sentence  of  ver.  20. — Tk.1 

8  [Ver.  22.  The  verb  means  "  to  perform  service,  military  or  other.**    So  in  Ex.  xxxviii.  8. — Tb.] 

»  [Ver.  25.  See  Exeg.  Notes  in  loco. — Te.] 

1"  [Ver.  25.  Erdmann:  "will  adjust  *'  and  "  who  can  use  his  interest  (or  interpose)  to  adjust."— Tb.] 

^  [Ver.  26.  See  Exeget.  Notes  »n  toco.— Tb.] 


EXEGETIOAL  AND   CEITICAL. 

1.  Vers.  11-16.  In  ver.  11  the  Sept.  again 
clearly  shows  the  effort  to  combine  explanations 
with  the  translation  of  the  Heb.  text,  rendering : 
"  and  they  left  him  there,  and  they  went  away." 
[The  Vat.  MS.  reads  in  both  instances  "  she  "  in- 
stead of  "  they." — Tb.].  There  is  the  less  need  to 
change  the  Heb.  text  to  accord  with  this,  because, 
as  Bottcher  {ubi  sup.  p.  69_)  rightly  remarks,  "  the 
Elkanah "  of  the  former  is  quite  sufficient,  since 
this  name  would  suggest  to  every  reader  Elkanah 
and  his  household,  and  the  only  one  that  remained 
behind  is  mentioned  immediately  afterwards. 
From  ch.  i.  21  Elkanah  can  be  thought  of  only 
together  "with  his  whole  house." — The  child 
"was  ministering  to  the  Lord,"  or  "serving  the 
Lord."  These  words  express  the  whole  work  which 
the  growing  boy  Samuel,  conformably  to  his  con- 
secration, had  to  perform,  certain  duties  connected 
with  the  service  of  God  being  laid  upon  him. 
"  Before  Eli,"  that  is,  under  his  supervision,  and 
according  to  his  appointment.  Ver.  12.  The 
sons  of  Eli  were  sons  of  worthles&ness  ;*  their  cha- 
racter and  conduct  forms  the  sharpest  contrast  with 
what  they  ought  to  have  been  before  the  whole 
people  as  highest  in  position,  as  children  of  the 
High-priestly  House.  Observe  the  sharp  asynde- 
ton in  this  short  sentence:  they  knew  not  the  Lord, 
that  is,  they  did  not  live  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord, 
they  did  not  trouble  themselves  about  Him  ;_comp. 
Job  xviii.  21.  This  godlessness  and  irreUgious- 
ness  is  the  source  of  their  moral  worthlessness, 
which  is  afterwards  described.  The  two  together 
give  the  religious-moral  characteristics  of  Eli's 
sons. — ^Ver.  13.  This  is  not  to  be  rendered :  "And 
the  eustam  of  the  priests  with  the  people  was  this  " 


1*  [For  meaning  of  Heb.  belial,  "  worthlessness,"  see  on 
eh.  1. 16.— Te  ]. 


— this  would  certainly  require  simply  tsaE'D*  nil 
without  D'JiJan  ["this  is  the  custom"  without 
"the priests"],  comp.  Gen.  xi.  6  (Bottcher) ;  nor 
is  it :  "  the  right  (that  is,  the  assumed  right)  of  the 
priests  in  respect  to  the  people  was  as  follows " 
(Keil),  for  DSBJD  ["right"]  alone  cannot-be  so 
understood;  but  the  words  are  to  be  connected 
with  the  preceding:  they  troubled  themselves  not 
about  God,  nor  about  the  real,  true  right  of  the 
priests  in  respect  to  the  people,  that  is,  "about 
what  was  the  legal  due  of  the  priests  from  the 
people"  (Thenius). 

[The  construction  of  this  difficult  clause  adopted 
by  Erdmann  (with  Vulg.,  Cahen,  Wellhausen, 
Thenius,  and  perhaps  Sept.)  is  open  to  grave  ob- 
jections. The  reply  to  Keil  is  correct;  OBWD 
cannot  well  mean  "assumed  right."  The  ob- 
jection to  Bottcher's  translation  (where  read 
DB3E;D  nt  instead  of  Erdmann's  BSE'D  HT) 
is  forcible  in  so  far  as  we  should  expect  HI  to 
introduce  the  clause  (comp.  Dent,  xviii.  3) ; 
but  the  possibility  of  the  omission  of  the  pronoun, 
and  of  an  apposition  of  the  two  clauses  must  be 
admitted.  To  the  translation  of  ''D  by  "legal 
right "  Wellhausen  properly  objects  that  the  DJ 
(even)  in  ver.  15  introduces  a  graver  outrage,  and 
therefore  the  proceeding  described  in  ver.  13  mu.st 
be  illegal. — But  against  Erdmann's  rendering  it  is 
to  be  said  that  the  meaning  assigned  to  Hy  (know) 
"  trouble  one's-self  about "  is  rare  and  difficult ;  it 
is  found  only  in  poetical  passages.  The  phrase 
"to  know  the  Lord"  occurs,  and  always  in  the 
sense  of  intimate  sympathetic  apprehension ;  but 
this  sense  will  not  suit  the  'D.  Moreover,  if  'D 
here  means  "  right "  we  should  expect  the  prep. 
nXD  "from"  (as  Deut.  xviii.  3)  instead  of  HK 


'  [DDSiyD- 
T  T  :   • 


-Tb.]. 


74 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


"  with ;"  the  latter  must  be  retained  here,  though 
the  former  is  read  in  9  MSS.  and  in  LXX.,  Syr., 
Chald.  Further,  the  narrative  is,  in  this  construc- 
tion, introduced  very  abruptly  ("  when  any  man, 
etc.").  OSE'D  means  not  only  "right,"  but  also 
"custom,  manner;''  see  2  Kings  xi.  14;  Judg. 
xiii.  12.  The  "custom"  here  described  was  not 
the  legal  right,  but  was  in  force  under,  apparently 
introduced  by,  the  sons  of  Eli,  the  priests  (OH) ; 
ver.  13  details  one  imposition  of  the  priests,  and  a 
more  serious  imposition  is  properly  introduced 
(ver.  15)  by  "even"  (QJ). — We  retain,  therefore, 
the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  (with  Philippsou, 
Bib.  Comm.  and  others). — Tb.]. 

Then  follows  the  statement  of  the  priests'  legal 
right. — The  connection  required  that  the  people's 
part  in  the  offering  should  now  be  distinctly  set 
forth,  in  order  to  put  the  unseemly  conduct  of 
Eli's  sons  in  its  true  light.  Therefore  the  parti- 
ciple "  sacrificing "  in  connection  with  the  indefi- 
nite subject  "  every  man,"  stands  first  "in  absolute 
construction,  like  the  Lat.  Abl.  absolute  (comp. 
Gesen.  ^  145,  2,  Eem.),  =  "when  any  man  of- 
fered, then  came,  et£."  Ewald,  §  341  e.:  "If  the 
subject  of  the  circumstantial  sentence  is  wholly 
undefined,  then  the  mere  combination  of  the  par- 
ticiple with  the  subject  suffices  to  express  a  pos- 
sible case  (Gen.  iv.  15)."  Here  is  vividly  por- 
trayed the  grasping  selfish  conduct  of  the  priests 
in  the  preparation  of  the  sacrificial  meal  afiefr  the 
offering  was  presented,  which  had  already  become 
the  rule  ("so  they  did  to  all  the  Israentes"). — 
But  still  further.  Ver.  15.  Even  before  the  offer- 
ing, before  (in  accordance  with  the  law.  Lev.  iii. 
3-5)  the  fat  was  burned  that  it  might  be  offered  to 
the  Lord  as  the  best  portion,  they  committed  a 
robbery  on  the  meat,  which  they  wanted  only  'H, 
that  is,  raw,  fresh,  full  of  juice  and  strength,  in 
order  to  roast  it.  [Bib.  Comm.  points  out  that 
vers.  13-15  repeat  the  Language  of  the  Law,  and 
thus  give  evidence  to  its  existence.  See  Lev.  vii. 
31-35,  23-25,  31 ;  xvii.  5;  also  Ex.  xxix.  28;  Deut. 
xviii.  3.  Philippson:  "Eoast  was  common  in 
heathen  sacrifices,  and  even  now  the  Orientals  do 
not  like  to  eat  boiled  meat." — Tk.].  Ver.  16. 
The  remonstrance  of  the  offerer  based  on  the  legal 
regulation,  of  which  they  should  be  the  guardians, 
is  set  aside.  UV2  =  "  at  this  time,  now,"  as  in 
Gen.  XXV.  31 ;  1  Kings  xxii.  5.  The  Qeri  "  not " 
is  preferable  to  the  Kethib  "  to  him :"  "  no,  but 
now  thou  shalt  give  it ;"  threats  were  combined 
with  violent  seizure.  Rude  force  was  added  to 
lawlessness.— Ver.  17.  The  "  young  men  "  are  not 
the  servants  of  the  priests  (Keil)  but  the  priests 
themselves,  the  sons  of  Eli.  Their  arbitrary  con- 
duct was  "  a  very  great  sin  before  the  Lord,"  be- 
cause the  fat  burned  on  the  altar  pertained  to  the 
Lord,  and  their  legal  portion  of  the  sacrifice-meat 
fell  to  them  only  after  the  burning  of  the  fat. 
What  made  their  sin  so  great  was  the  fact  that 
they  brought  the  offerings  into  contempt  with  the 
people,  iu  so  far  as  the  wicked  conduct  of  the  priests 
took  away  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  their  true  sig- 
nificance as  offerings  to  the  Lord.  Minchah  (r\r\lT2) 
"  means  here  not  the  meat-offering  as  the  adjunct 
to  the  bloody  offerings,  but  the  sacrificial  gift  in 
general  as  an  offering  to  the  Lord  "  (Keil).  In 
the  succeeding  narrative  Samuel's  "  service  before 


the  Lord  "  is  contrasted  with  this  wicked  conduct 
of  Eli's  sons  in  relation  to  the  offering. 

IL  Vers.  18-21.— Ver.  18.  The  "  JEphod"  can 
mean  nothing  but  a  garment  resembling  in  form 
the  High-priest's  ephod,  consisting  of  two  pieces 
which  rested  on  the  shoulders  iu  iront  and  behind, 
were  joined  at  the  top  and  held  about  the  body  by 
a  girdle.  Therefore  it  is  said  also :  Samuel  was 
girded  with  the  ephod,  comp.  Ex.  xxviii.  7,  8.  In 
distinction  from  the  material  of  the  High-priest's 
ephod,  it  was  made  of  the  same  material  as  the 
other  priestly  garments,  white  linen  (13).  That 
the  priests  then  all  wore  this  ephod  appears  from 
ch.  xxii.  18.  It  was  the  sign  of  the  priestly  call- 
ing, and  was  worn  during  the  performance  of  the 
priestly  ftinctions.  David  was  thus  clothed,  ac- 
cording to  2  Sam.  vi.  14,  when  he  brought  back 
the  Ark,  and  in  connection  with  this  ceremony 
performed  quasi-priestly  functions.  As  the  men- 
tion of  this  priestly  dress  of  Samuel  is  connected 
expressly  and  directly  with  the  reference  to  his 
calling  as  minister  in  the  Sanctuary  before  the  Lord, 
it  is  thus  intimated  that  he,  called  to  this  life-long 
service,  received  therewith  an  essentially  priestly 
calling.  [Bib.  Comm. :  The  word  minister  is  used 
in  three  senses  in  Scripture :  1)  Of  the  service  of 
both  Priests  and  Levites  rendered  unto  the  Lord, 
Ex.  xxviii.  35,  etc. ;  2)  of  the  ministrations  of  the 
Levites  as  rendered  to  the  Priests,  Numb.  iii.  6 ; 
3)  of  any  service,  as  that  of  Joshua  to  Moses,  that 
of  Elisha  to  Elijah,  that  of  the  angels  in  heaven, 
2  Sam.  xiii.  17 ;  Ps.  ciii.  21,  etc.  The  application 
of  it  to  Samuel  accords  most  exactly  with  his  condi- 
tion as  a  Levite. — Tr.].  Ver.  19.  While  the 
ephod  was  the  High-priestly  dress,  which  the  boy 
received  on  the  part  of  the  Sanctuary  (Thenius), 

the  little  meil*  ( ''Jl'B)  was  his  every-day  dress, 
which  his  mother  renewed  for  him  once  a  year, 
when  she  came  with  her  husband  to  the  Sanctuary 
to  present  the  annual  offering.  The  unbroken 
connection  which  the  household  thus  maintained 
with  the  Sanctuary  prevented  any  estrangement 
between  the  child  Samuel  and  the  house  of  his  pa- 
rents.—The  Impf.  "  made  "  (TiiS^Pi)  indicates  a 
continued  customary  action,  and  thus  answers  to 
the  Latin  tense  which  is  so  called  in  a  stricter 
sense. 

Ver.  20.  Eli's  blessing  f  refers  to  two  things :  to 
the  act  of  consecrating  the  son  to  the  service  of 
the  Lord,  and  to  the  compensation  which  Eli 
wished  the  Lord  to  make  for  the  son  who  was  of- 
fered to  the  Lord.  Keil  explains  the  7NE'  (asked 
[Eng.  A.  V.  "lent"])  as  3  pers.  singular  instead 

*  [The  meil  was  the  outer  garment  worn  by  Icings,  no- 
bles and  others,  probably  a  loose  robe.  The  Hi^h- 
priest's  me'ii  was  peculiar  in  shape  and  color  (Ex.  xxviii. 
31  ff.).  Bib.  Cnmm.:  "The  pointed  mention  of  the  ephod 
and  robe,  taken  in  connection  with  his  after  acts,  seems 
to  point  to  an  extraordinary  and  ii-regular  priesthood  to 
which  he  was  called  by  God  in  an  age  when  the  provi- 
sions of  the  Levitical  law  were  not  yet  in  full  opera- 
tion."—Te.] 

+  1DX1,  not  IDX'l  because  the  saying  as  well  as  the 

~  T  :  V        T 

blessing  itself  (hence  also  "Il^l)  was  j-epea(eri  every  year; 

and  this  is  expressed  by  the  Perf.  oonseo.  fBottcher). 
[The  two  Perfects  indicate  a  distinction  between  the 
Mem'77g  and  the  saying,  but  do  not  necessarily  express 
repeated  action  ;  ratliei-  they  sum  up  as  complete  Eli's 
action  in  pronouncing  the  blessing  and  uttering  the 
wish." — Te.J 


CHAP.  II.  11-26. 


75 


of  2  pers.  singular  or  plural  "  from  the  indefinite 
form  of  speech  (comp.  Ewald,  §  249  b  with  ?  319 
o)  which  the  narrator  chose  because,  though  it 
was  Hannah  who  in  Eli's  presence  had  obtained 
Samuel  from  the  Lord  by  prayer,  yet  Eli  might 
assume  that  the  father,  Elkanah,  had  shared  the 
wish  of  his  pious  wife."  But  the  circumstance 
which  alone  permits  such  change  of  person,  or 
rather  of  gender,  in  the  subject,  namely,  the  inde- 
finiteness  of  the  subject  as  indicated  by  the  con- 
text, does  not  exist  here,  since  such  indefiniteness 
is  undoubtedly  excluded  by  ch.  i.  27,  28.  Bott- 
cher  properly  takes  the  verb  foi-m  with  altered 
points  as  3  sing.  fern.  "  she  asked."* — The  sing, 
pronoun  in  "his  place"  (for  which  we  should  ex- 
pect "«Aeir  place")  does  not  require  the  change 
of  "they  went"  into  "the  man  went,"  asBottcher 
and  Thenius  prefer,  following  the  Sept.  koI  ott^X- 
^ev  i  av^pujroc;  the  singular  suffix  (after  the  plu- 
ral verb)  is  explained  "  by  the  fact  that  the  place 
of  residence  is  determined  by  the  husband  or 
owner  of  the  house." 

Ver.  21.  '3  is  neither  widi  Bunsen  to  be  trans- 
lated: "When  now  Jehovah  visited  Hannah  she 
conceived,"  nor  with  Thenius  to  be  complemented 
by  "it  came  to  pass,"  nor  to  be  referred  to  "  and 
Eli  blessed"  (ver.  20),  according  to  the  view  of 
Keil,  who  inserts  a  sentence  ("Eli's  word  was  ful- 
filled," or  "they  -went  home  blessed")  in  order  to 
retain  the  causal  meaning,  but  it  is  to  be  consi- 
dered as  strengthening  the  following  assertion, 
with  reference  to  the  blessing  in  ver.  20,  and  = 
"indeed,"  "in  fact,"  immo  [German,  ja,  in  der 
thai].  See  Ewald,  §  310  c  and  §  330  b.  Comp. 
Isa.  vii.  9;  xxxii.  13;  Job  viii.  6.t — Samuel's 
growth  "  before  the  Lord"  indicates  not  only  that 
he  remained  in  the  Sanctuary,  but  also  that  (as 
the  condition  of  his  calling)  he  grew  in  fellowship 
of  heart  and  life  with  God. 

HI.  Vers.  22-26.  The  chief  thing  in  the  con- 
tent of  this  section  is  Hie  description  of  Eli's  con- 
duct towards  his  sons.  But  at  the  same  time  their 
worthlessness  in  relation  to  the  Sanctuary  in  yet 
another  direction  is  brought  to  view.  They  dese- 
crated the  latter  not  only  by  the  wickedness  de- 
scribed in  vers.  12-17,  but  also  by  their  unchaste 
dealing  with  the  women  who  served  at  the  Sanc- 
tuary. Wherein  consisted  their  service  at  the 
door  of  the  Tent  of  Assembly  is  not  said  in  Ex. 
xxxviii.  8,  where  they  are  mentioned.  They 
formed  a  body,  which  was  regularly  and  formally 

drawn  up  (nitOX)  at  the  door  of  the  Tent  for  the 
performance  of  its  duty,  which  consisted  _"  proba- 
bly in  the  cleansing  of  the  vessels  used  in  offer- 


*B8ttoher:  "  Historically  for  hlW  must  have  stood 
nSsE'  (so  1  Cod.  of  Kennicott),  this  alone  being  correct 
and  connecting  itself  immediately  with  the  context. 

But,  because  nSsE' stood  immediately  before  with  the 

same  n,  or  because  the  feminine  signification  was  ob- 
vious from  the  connection,  the  exceptional  form  ehaala 
(which  appears  elsewhere  also),  without  the  final  n.  was 

written."  [The  3  sing.  masc.  SxK'  may  be  retained  here 
without  great  difficulty.  See  "  Textual  and  Grammati- 
cal Notes"  Ml  loco.  Chap.  i.  27,  28  (cited  by  Erdmann 
above)  excludes  indefiniteness  as  to  the/oc/,  but  not  m 
the  expresaion. — Te.]  .     ..     j 

t  [Eng.  A.  V.  here  follows  Sept.,  reading  npfl^1_mstead 

ofipg  >3,  and  this  seems' the  simplest  way  of  taking 

It:  "and  Jehovah  visited  Hannah."— Te.J 


ings."  Since,  therefore,  they  were  persons  dedi- 
cated  to  the  holy  God,  the  wickedness  of  Eli's 
sons,  who  seduced  to  the  service  of  fleshly  lust 
these  persons  destined  for  the  service  of  the  Lord, 
appears  in  so  much  the  stronger  light. — The  wick- 
edness of  En's  sons  in  what  pertained  to  the  sanc- 
tuary attached  itself  to  the  whole  people,  who 
were  to  hold  themselves  a  holy  people  to  the 
Lord  through  this  Sanctuary  and  through  the 
ofiering  and  persons  connected  with  it.— EU's  con- 
duct in  connection  with  their  misdeeds  is  in  the 
beginning  by  the  words  "and  Eli  was  very  old" 
represented  as  the  weakness  of  old  age,  not  thereby 
to  excuse  or  justify  his  slackness,  but  to  explain  R. 
Ver.  23.  The  question :  Why  do  ye  such 
things  ?  is  but  a  feeble  rebuke  of  their  gross  mis- 
doings. It  cannot  be  translated:  "Why  do  ye 
according  to  the  wm-ds  which  I  hear"  (Keil)  ?  for 
the  Heb.  word  (Dp'^il)  cannot  mean  "reports 
about  you,"  nor  could  these  reports  be  termed 
"  evil,"  since  they  would  be  true  reports  of  evil 
deeds ;  but  the  proper  rendering  is :  "  Why 
do  ye  as  these  things?"  that  is,  such  things.* 
"  For  I  hear  of  your  evil  dealings  from  all  this 
people,"  that  is,  those  who  came  to  the  Sanctuary, 
and  there  saw  the  wickedness. — Ver.  24.  "  Do  not  so 

( /N)  my  sons."  Not  good  is  the  "  report,"  or  object- 
ively "the  thing  heard ;"  this  answers  to  the  "evil 
dealings  (or  things)."  The  "I  hear"  (.J^Dii')  corres- 
ponds to  the  "report,"  "thing  heard"  (n;>pK'), 
and  [being  a  particip. — Tk.]  shows  that  it  con- 
stantly came  to  his  ears.  What  follows  is  the 
explanation  of  the  words :  "  it  is  no  good  report." 
The  words:  "Jehovah's  people  are  made  to 
transgress''  (D'"1?£D,  etc.),  express  the  guilt 
which  the  sons  of  Eli  incurred  by  their  misdoing 
towards  "  the  Lord's  people."  The  difficulties  in 
the  explanation  of  the  particip.  CO  "are  causing 
to  transgress")  have  give  occasion  to  attempts  at 
alteration,    which,    however,    are    unsatisfactory. 

"  Michaelis'  alteration  (into  D'^ia;;!?) :  '  the  report 
which  I  hear  incidentally  (from  people  passing  by) 
from  God's  people'  is  against  grammar ;"  so  says 
Thenius.  '^But,"  says  Bottcher  rightly,  "The- 
nius' own  reading  (made  from  Sept.  and  Arab., 
and  therefore  insecure) :  '  you  plague,  oppress  the 
people  of  Israel'  ("  D]i  Om  Dn3j;D)  is  wholly 
without  ground.  For  T'^^.n  means  only  '  make 
to  seme,'  '  enslave,'  or  '  make  to  work,'  plague  with 
work  (Ex.  i.  13;  vi.  5).  From  the  last  in  the 
later  prophetic  style  (Isai.  xliii.  23)  has  developed 
the  meaning  '  weary,'  '  burden,'  just  as  German : 
schaffen  machen  ['  to  give  trouble,'  lit.  '  to  make  to 
do'],  irpayfiaTa  napix^t^  ['to  cause  trouble'],  and 
so  always  with  the  idea  of  '  work '  as  fundamental. 
Eli's  sons,  it  is  true,  robbed  and  dishonored  the 
people  (vers.  13  sqq.,  22) ;  but  they  did  not  burden 
them  in  such  a  way  that  our  term  'give  trou- 
ble '  would  suit.    The  expression  does  not  come 


*    3  has  a  comparative  force,  Ges.  §164,  3sq.— The 

following  "1I£>S  is  a  conjunction,  and— not  so  much  ori 

["  because  "]"  as  it  ["  as  "],  but,  like  the  latter,  goes  over 
into  the  causative  sense;  it  refers  to  "such  things," 
and  points  out  the  occasion  and  cause  of  the  rebuke 
(comp.  Ew.  I  .isa,  2  a  with  §  331  e  3 ;  Ges.  J 165,  2  d). 


76 


TI-IE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


up  to  the  reality,  for  it  is  too  narrow  for  the  re- 
buke. And  the  addition  of 'ye'  (0(1??)  here  is 
both  violent,  and  cannot  be  inferred  from  the 
Arab,  text,  where  it  was  a  necessity  of  Shemitic 
construction."  The  view  thus  opposed  by  Bott- 
cher  is  maintained  by  Thenius  (in  hia  2d  ed.  also) 
to  suit  the  connection  perfectly,  though,  on  the 
other  hand,  he  declares  that  Ewald's  explanation, 
in  which  there  is  no  change  of  text,  must  be  ac- 
cepted ;  this  latter  is  held  by  Bottcher  to  be  the 
only  one  permitted  by  the  language  and  matter, 
and   he  gives  it  thus:     "to   send  forth    a    cry 

(7lp  'n),  thence  to  cause  to  be  called  mii,  and  to 
cause  to  trumpet  forth  {^HW  Tl)  are  common  ex- 
pressions, appropriate  to  the  simplest  style,  Ex. 
xxxvi.  6 ;  Lev.  xxv.  9 ;  Ezra  i.  1 ;  x.  7.  Why 
then  should  not  "send  forth  a  report"  (^mt  'T\) 

be  said  as  well  as  '  send  forth  a  voice '  (7113  Tl)? 
'  The  report  which  (as)  I  hear,  God's  people  are 
circulating,'  is  quite  proper;  the  plu.  partcp. 
is  joined  to  the  collective  'people'  as  in  1 
Sam.  xiii.  15."  To  this  Thenius  properly  objects 
that  it  is  a  superfluous  statement  ^ter  ver.  23 
("  which  I  hear  from  all  the  people"),  and  that 
we  should  here  expect  a  more  significant  word. 
The  train  of  thought  requires  after  the  declaration 
"  Twt  good,"  etc.,  a  statement  of  the  ground  of  Eli's 
judgment.  The  usual  rendering :  "ye  make  the 
Lord's  people  to  transgress,"  satisfies  the  demands 
of  the  connection  of  thought.  Only,  as  the  pers. 
pron.  (Onx,  "ye")  is  wanting,  the  partcp.  must 
be  rendered  impersonally :  "  people  make  ...  to 

transgress''  (comp.  CtlWD,  ch.  vi.  3,  and  D'"ipK 
Ex.  V.  16).  The  objection  that  the  object  of  the 
transgression,  which  is  elsewhere  always  found 
with  this  verb  as  exacter  determination,  is  not 
here  expressed  (comp.  ch.  xv.  24 ;  Isa.  xxiv.  6 ; 
2  Chron.  xxiv.  20 ;  Num.  xiv.  41),  cannot  set 
aside  the  meaning :  "  cause  to  sin  or  transgress," 
"  because  the  exact  definition  is  contained  in  the 
context"  (Keil).  The  sin  of  the  sons  was,  ac- 
cording to  the  context,  very  great  before  the  Lord 
(vers.  12-17),  but  was  at  the  same  time  committed 
against  the  people  of  the  Lord  (vers.  13,  22)  in 
reference  to  their  holy  calling,  and  had  the  de- 
structive efiect  of  bringing  the  Lord's  offering  into 
contempt  (ver.  17).  The  "people  of  the  Lord" 
not  only  knew  and  spoke  of  the  wickedness  of 
Eli's  sons,  but  were  made  by  the  latter  partakers 
of  their  guUt,  were  seduced  into  transgression  of 
the  Law  by  those  who  ought  to  have  watched 
over  its  fulfillment. 

Ver.  25.  PUUl  {'2?)  is  used,  in  connection 
with  wicked  actions,  in  the  sense  "  to  give  a  deci- 
sive judgment,"  and  so  between  two  contending 
parties,  ''to  compose  a  strife  by  judgment;"  comp. 
Ezek.  xvi.  52;  Pa.  cvi.  30.  The  ehhim,  however, 
cannot  here  mean  the  judge,  or  the  authority  that 
judges,  but  Ood  ia  described  aa  He  who  composes 
by  .ludging.  The  sense  of  Eli's  discourse  is: 
"When  men  sin  against  men,  it  is  God  (of  course 
through  the  appointed  human  organs),  who  re- 
stores the  disturbed  relations  by  composing  the 
strife ;  but  when  we  have  to  do  with  the  relation, 
not  between  man  and  man,  but  between  man  and 
God,  when  a  man  sins  against  God,  offends  against 
Ctod's  honor,  who  will  interpose  to  arrange  the 


matter  ?"  Eli  sets  two  things  therefore  before  his 
sons:  1)  that  their  sin  is  a  sin  immediately 
against  God,  from  which  point  of  view  it  has 
been  regarded  in  the  whole  preceding  narration 
(vers.  12,  17) ;  2)  that  the  consequent  ^uilt  is  so 
great,  that  divine  punishment  therefor  i8_  certain. 
[Wordsworth :  A  man  may  intercede  with  Grod 
for  remission  of  a  penalty  due  for  injury  to  him- 
self; but  who  shall  venture  to  entreat  for  one 
who  has  outraged  the  majesty  of  God  ? — Tb.] — 
Eli's  weakly  mild  words  were  too  indefinite  and 
general  to  check  the  bold  wickedness  of  his  sons. 
It  was  too  late.  They  sinned  against  the  Lord 
"with  a  high  hand"  (flDl  T3),  as  it  were,  with 
hardened  hearts. — And  they  hearkened  not 
to  the  voice  of  their  father. — ^As  reason  of 
this  ('3,  "because")  is  stated,  "that  it  pleased 
God,  was  God's  will,  to  slay  them ;"  that  is,  they 
were  in  a  state  of  inner  hardening,  which  exclu- 
ded the  subjective  condition  of  salvation  from 
destruction,  and  so  they  had  already  incurred 
God's  unchangeable  condemnation.  As  hardened 
offenders,  they  were  already  appointed  by  God 
to  death ;  therefore  the  word  of  instruction  had 
no  moral  effect  on  them. — Ver.  26.  In  contrast 
with  them,  Samuel  is  now  again  presented,  as  he 
developed  in  his  childhood  as  well  physically  as 
morally ;  while  the  sons  of  EU  were  a  horror  to 
God  and  men,  he  was  well-pleasing  to  God  and 

men.  On  yp,  comp.  Gtes.,  ?  131,  3,  Eem.  3. 
It  is  used  frequently  to  express  continuance  in 
the  sense  "  advance,"  "  continue,"  and  then  also 
expresses  advancing  increase,  the  participial  con- 
struction being  not  seldom  employed  in  such 
cases,  as  here:  "The  child  Samuel  grew  con- 
stantly in  stature  and  goodness."  [See  Luke  ii. 
52.— Tr.] 

HI8T0EICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Since  Eli's  judgeship  rested  on  his  high- 
priestly  dignity,  the  Higlwpriestship,  thus  con- 
nected with  the  judicial  office,  had  so  much  the 
higher  calling  to  establish  the  theocratic  unity 
of  the  people  with  their  centre,  the  national  sanc- 
tuary at  Shiloh.  But,  in  the  person  of  the  weak 
Eli,  it  showed  itself  incapable  of  fulfilling  this 
calling.  The  godless  priesthood,  represented  by 
the  Bons  of  Eli,  corrupted  the  inner  religious- 
moral  life  of  the  people,  whose  external  centre 
and  theocratic  unity  were  in  the  Sanctuary. 
The  priesthood  could  no  longer  ia\Si.  its  calling 
of  mediating  between  God  and  His  people,  be- 
cause its  representatives,  lacking  the  religious- 
moral  conditions  of  the  calling,  were  unworthy 
of  it ;  they  were  not  servants  of  God,  but  servants 
of  sin. 

2.  The  sins  of  Eli's  sons  were  a  symptom  of 
their  spiritual  heart-hardening  and  ruin  in  alie- 
nation from  God  and  in  immorality.  "They 
sinned  with  "  a  high  hand,"  boldly,  presumptu- 
ously (comp.  Num.  xy.  22-31).  To  this  internal 
judgment  of  hardening  answered  as  necessary 
consequence  the  judgment  of  their  rejection  by 
God,  which  was  a  thing  determined  on  in  God's 
will,  because  they  knew  nothing  of  Ood  and  His 
law  (ver.  12).  Their  crime  against  the  divinely 
established  holy  ordinances  and  the  sanctuary, 
the  visible  sign  of  God's  abode  with  His  people, 


CHAP.  11.  11-26. 


77 


was  at  the  same  time  a  crime  against  the  people 
of  the  Lord,  and  culminated  in  the  crime  against 
God  Himself,  in  which  indeed  was  its  root. 

3.  Samuel,  though  nota  jjriest,  but  only  a  Le- 
vite,  is  (by  his  repeated  designation  as  "  servant 
of  the  Lord"  (vers.  11  18),  and  by  the  reference 
to  his  priestly  clothing)  contrasted  with  the  rep- 
resentation of  the  official  priesthood  as  God's 
chosen  instrument  for  truly  iulfllling,  in  and  by 
the  prophetic  calling  which  was  to  take  the  place 
of  the  priesthood  that  mediated  between  God  and 
His  people,  the  priestly  mission,*  to  ftdfil  which 
the  existing  priestly  race  had  shown  itself  both 
powerless  and  unworthy.  The  condition  of  this 
theocratic  calling  of  Samuel,  the  earnest,  personal 
fellowship  of  life  with  the  Lord,  is  pointed  out  in 
vers.  21,  26.  The  life  of  the  youth,  who  was 
chosen  and  called  by  the  Lord  to  restore  the  the- 
ocracy, develops  itself  in  the  service  of  the  sanc- 
tuary before  the  Lord  in  conformity  to  his  divine 
mission,  in  order  that  some  day  he  may  become 
in  place  of  the  desecrated  sanctuary  the  living 
personal  centre  of  the  theocratic  national  life,  and 
in  place  of  the  corrupted  priesthood  the  conse- 
crated organ  of  God's  new  revelations  for  His 
people. 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  12.  Stabke:  Where  the  true  fear  of  G«d 
is  lacking  in  the  heart,  there  ungodliness  prevails 
in  the  life,  and  thereby  the  heart  reveals  itself. 
S.  ScHMiD :  It  is  a  bad  state  of  things,  when  those 
who  teach  others  the  fear  of  God,  do  not  fear  God 
themselves. — J.  Lange:  Preachers  should  most 
carefully  guard  against  scandal,  and  earnestly 
strive  to  pursue  a  course  of  life  which  shall  be  not 
merely  without  offence,  but  also  edifying,  1  Tim. 
iv.  11. — Staekb:  He  who  in  the  office  of  teacher 
seeks  only  his  own — namely,  how  he  may  become 
rich  and  have  a  good  time — but  not  that  which 
belongs  to  God  and  Jesus  Christ,  is  a  false  pro- 
phet, a  thief,  and  a  hireling.  Mark  that,  you 
who  bear  the  vessels  of  the  Lord,  Phil.  ii.  20, 
21;  iv.  17;  2  Cor.  xii.  14;  1  Pet.  v.  2 sqq.  [The 
misconduct  of  these  leaders  of  worship  may  well 
suggest  lessons  for  Christian  ministers;  but  it 
should  never  be  forgotten  that  the  Christian  mi- 
nister corresponds  mxich  more  nearly  to  the  Old 
Testament  prophet  than  to  the  priest,  and  that  all 
Christians  are  priests,  1  Pet.  ii.  5, 9 ;  Bev.  i.  6;  v. 
10.— Tb.] 

Ver.  16.  Staeke:  When  hearers  see  something 
bad  in  him  who  ha^  the  care  of  their  souls,  they 
should  duly  remind  him  of  it,  and  should  not  ap- 
prove and  commend  his  bad  deeds,  much  less  imi- 
tate him  therein. 

Ver.  17.  Staeke:  Nobody  makes  more  Athe- 
ists than  godless  teachers,  and  even  if  the  people 
still  remember  so  much  as  to  do  according  to 
their  words  and  not  their  works,  yet  they  retain 
a  powerful  influence  upon  the  furtherance  of  eod- 
lessness.  That  wicked  teachers  with  their  godless 
life  make  great  their  damnation,  is  beyond  dis- 
pute; but  it  is  irrational  to  infer  from  this  that 


*  [This  statement  is  liable  to  misconception.  The  pro- 
phet could  never  take  the  place  of  the  priest.  The  priest 
represented  the  idea  of  aUmtiment  by  bloody  a  univereaf,  fun- 
damental religious  fact;  the  prophet  expounded  the  epi' 
rUuality  of  God's  law  and  service.  These  complementary 
offices  were  equally  necessary,  and  existed  till  they  both 
culminated  in  Jeeai  Christ. — Te.] 


there  is  no  such  thing  as  religion.  ["The  sin  of 
the  young  men  was  very  great"  is  the  text  of  a 
sermon  by  Wesley  (Semum  CIX.,  Vol.  II.  p.  368) 
on  the  question  "whether  God  ever  did  bless  the 
ministry  of  ungodly  men." — Tk.] 
_  Ver.  18.  Starke:  And  so  he  (Samuel)  was  a 
right  pious  lad;  for  such  piety  is  more  acceptable 
to  God  than  when  one  leads  a  good  life  among 
only  pious  people,  since  there  is  a  greater  victory 
and  greater  fidelity  in  living  piously  among  the 
wicked.  Comp.  Enoch's  example,  Gmi.  v.  24 ;  vi.  9. 
Ver.  19.  Daechsel:  Petty  little  histories,  cries 
unbelief.  What  matters  it  whether  one  knows 
that  Samuel  had  a  little  coat  or  not  I  Holy  Scrip- 
ture is  not  written  for  the  wise,  but  for  child- 
souls,  and  a  child-like  soul  does  not  doubt  that 
even  the  little  coat  which  Hannah  prepared  for 
her  Samuel  has  its  history.  If  I  think  of  Hannah 
as  every  year  sewing  this  coat  at  her  home  in 
Eamah,  I  know  that  at  every  stitch  a  prayer  for 
her  Samuel  rose  up  to  the  throne  of  the  Lord. — 
The  coat  which  she  was  sewing  would  remind  her 
that  she  had  given  her  Samuel  to  the  Lord;  and 
when  the  coat  was  ready,  and  she  brought  it  to 
Shiloh,  then  every  time  with  the  coat  she  anew 
gave  Samuel  to  her  God,  and  said:  I  give  him  to 
the  Lord  again  for  his  whole  life,  because  he  was 
obtained  from  the  Lord  by  prayer. 

Ver.  21.  Stabke:  Whoever  gives  to  God  what 
is  God's,  to  him  God  also  gives  what  his  heart  de- 
sires.— Osiandee:  Nothing  is  better  invested 
than  what  is  given  to  God  the  Lord  and  to  His 
service;  for  He  richly  repays  it  all. — Daechsel: 
When  our  faithfiil  God  accepts  from  us  poor  crea- 
tures an  offering  of  love.  He  takes  it  only  to  give 
it  back  five-fold,  a  hundred  fold,  and  a  thousand- 
fold; from  His  fulness  we  receive  grace  for  grace. 
Look  at  our  Hannah  1  It  was  grace,  that  the 
Lord  taught  her  to  pray  for  Samuel ;  grace,  that 
He  gave  her  the  promise;  grace,  that  He  made 
her  willing  to  dedicate  Samuel  to  him ;  but  what 
shall  we  say  of  the  fact  that  in  place  of  the  one 
child  whom  He  had  caused  to  be  given  to  Him- 
self, the  Lord  gave  her  five  children,  three  sons 
and  two  daughters?  When  we  in  His  service  do 
for  Him  the  least  thing  out  of  love,  it  is  not  enough 
that  He  gives  to  the  act  itself  such  blessedness,  but, 
consciously  or  unconsciously  to  lis.  He  crowns 
such  an  act  with  a  rich  blessing  of  grace,  and  this 
grace  is  completed  when  He  blesses  us  with  the 
greatest  of  all  blessings,  eternal  life. — [Vers.  22- 
25.]  Staeke:  O,  how  often  do  pious  parents,  by 
indulging  their  wicked  children,  plait  a  scourge 
for  their  old  backs!  [Hall:  I  heard  EU  sharp 
enough  to  Hannah,  upon  but  a  suspicion  of  sin, 
and  now  how  mild  I  find  him  to  the  notorious 
crimes  of  his  own.  The  case  is  altered  with  the 
persons.  With  all  the  authority  of  an  Oriental 
father,  a  high-priest,  and  a  judge,  he  was  solemnly 
bound  to  do  more  than  mildly  censure  his  sons, 
chap.  iii.  13. — Tb.] 

Ver.  25.  Cbameb:  The  sins  of  the  first  table 
are  much  weightier  and  more  perilous  than 
the  sins  of  the  second  table. — Osiaitdke:  Let 
no  one  sin  purposely  or  wilfully  and  heap 
sins  upon  sins;  for  if  he  does,  the  door  of 
grace  is  at  last  closed  to  him,  and  he  finds  no 
more  place  for  repentance. — Staeke:  The  pur- 
pose of  God  was  not  the  cause  of  their  disobe- 
dience, but  their  disobedience  was  a  sign  that  they 


78 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


were  now  ripe  for  destruction,  and  that  tlie  right- 
eous purpose  of  God  in  their  case  should  now  soon 
be  executed. 

Ver.  26.  StAbke:  The  best  way  to  make  our- 
selves agreeable  and  beloved  among  men  is  to 
seek  to  please  God  in  Christ,  act  according  to  our 
conscience,  and  lead  an  exemplary  life.— S. 
Schmid:  Whoever  uses  the  grace  of  God  aright,  to 
him  God  gives  more  and  more  grace. — Daechsel  : 
Our  history  is  throughout  a  strong,  firm  consola- 
tion for  parental  hearts— for  those  who  have  to 
give  back  to  the  Lord  in  death  a  dear  child  which 
He  has  given  to  them  in  birth,  for  He  can  other- 
wise rejoice  and  bless  them  (vers.  20  sq. ) ;  and  also 
for  those  who  have  to  let  their  sons  and  daughters  | 
go  out  into  the  wicked  world,  fiill  of  evil  exam- 
ples and  corrupting  influences,  for  He  can  even 
then  shield  and  preserve  their  children,  and 
carry  them  on  in  faith  and  godliness  (vers. 
21-26). 

Vers.  18-26.  Young  Samuel  the  pattern  of  a  pious 
life  in  youth  in  the  service  of  the  Lord:  1)  Planted 
and  rooted  in  the  soil  of  the  early  habit  during 
childhood  of  consecrating  himself  to  the  Lord, 
vers.  18,  19;  2)  Growing  and  increasing  in  the  fear 
of  the  Lord  under  the  care  of  godly  parents  and 
teachers,  vers.  19-21;  3)  Preserved  and  proved 
amid  the  temptations  and  influences  of  an  evil 


world,  vers.  22-25;  4)  Blessed  with  favor  in  the 
sight  of  God  and  man. 

Vers.  23-25.  The  judgment  agamsl  obduraey  m 
sin  against  the  Lord:  1)  Wh^ein  is  it  fowndedf 
(a)  In  persistent,  conscious  sinning  on  ag:ain8t  the 
Lord  in  spite  of  divine  and  human  warning.  (6) 
In  the  holy,  unchangeable  will  of  God,  who  does 
not  suffer  Himself  to  be  mocked.  2)  Sow  is  it 
exemUdf  [a]  In  that  God  gives  up  the  sinner  to 
the  service  of  sin  from  one  degree  to  another. 
(h)  In  that  the  punitive  divine  justice  gives  over 
the  sinner  to  the  destruction  to  which  he  has  con- 
demned himself. 

[Vers.  12-25.  On  wicked  children  of  pious  pa- 
rents. 1)  The  number  of  such  cases  is  often 
greatly  exaggerated,  because  Inen  are  surprised  at 
them,  and  notice,  and  remember;  but  it  is  in  fact 
sadly  great — in  the  Scripture  histories— in  our 
own  observation.  2)  The  probable  causes  of  this, 
(o)  Piety  is  not  properly  hereditary — in  what 
sense  it  is,  and  in  what  sense  it  is  not.  _  (6)  Pious 
parents  may,  out  of  mistaken  kindness,  improperly 
indulge,  and  but  feebly  restrain — as  Eli.  (c)  In 
other  cases,  they  are  too  strict  and  severe.  Ap- 
plication— to  parents — ^to  the  children  of  the 
pious. — Te.] 

Ver.  26.  The  fruit  of  a  godly  life:  1)  The  gra- 
cious approval  of  the  Lord;  2)  Secognition  by 
God-fearing  men. 


FIFTH  SECTION. 

The  prophecy  of  a  Man  of  God  of  the  divine  judgment  on  Eli's  house  and  of  the 

calling  of  a  faithful  priest. 

Chapter  II.  27-36. 

27  And  there  came  a  man  of  God'  unto  [to]  Eli  and  said  unto  [to]  him.  Thus  saith 
the  Lord  [Jehovah],  Did  I  plainly  appear  [reveal  myself]  unto  [to]  the  house  of 
thy  father  when  they  were  in  Egypt  in  Pharaoh's  house  [in  servitude'  to  the  house 

28  of  Pharaoh]  ?  And  did  I  choose  [I  chose']  him  [it]  out  of  all  the  tribes  of  Israel 
to  be  my  priest  [to  do  priestly  service  to  me],  to  offer*  upon  my  altar,  to  burn  in- 
cense, to  wear  an  ephod  before  me?  lorn.  ?],  and  did  I  give  [I  gave]  unto  [to]  the 
house  of  thy  father  all  the  offerings  made  by  fire  [the  fire-offerings]  of  the  children 

29  of  Israel?  [om.  ?].  Wherefore  kick  ye  at  [trample  ye  under  foot]  my  sacrifice 
and  at  [om.  at]  mine  [my]  offering  which  I  have  commanded  in  my  habitation,' 
and  honorest  thy  sons  above  me  to  make  yourselves  fat  with  the  chiefest  of  all  the 

30  offerings  [the  best  of  every  offering]  of  Israel  my  people  ?*  Wherefore  [Therefore] 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel  saith,  I  said  indeed'  that  thy  house  and  the  house 


TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  27.  Chald.  "a  prophet  of  Jehovah."— Tr.] 

2  [Ver.  27.  7  often  expresses  possession,  and  is  here  so  rendered  by  Chald.  and  Sept. — Tb.] 

« [Ver.  28.  The  following  njflXl  makes  it  better  not  to  carry  on  the  interrogation  here.    Erdmann :  "  I  chose 
T :  •;  T 
it  (thy  house)  to  perform  priestly  service." — Tb.] 

<  [Vor.  28.  Tlie  Heb.  form  hero  may  be  Qal  (''  ascend  ")  or  Hiphil  ("  ofl'er  ")  but  the  sense  is  the  same  in  both 
cases. — Tb.] 

s  [Ver.  20,  See  Exeg.  Notes.— Tb.) 

«  [Vsr.  29.  The  S  is  probably  repetition  from  the  last  letter  of  the  preceding  word ;   see  Josh.  *.  21  for 
similar  case. — Tb.] 

'  [Ver.  30.  "  Indeed  "  is  merely  intensive,  Heb.  Infin.  Absol.— Te.] 


CHAP.  n.  27-36. 


79 


of  thy  father  should  walk  before  me  for  ever ;  but  now  the  Lord  saith   [saith 
Jehovah],  Be  it  far  from  me ;  for  them  that  h(mor  me  I  will  honor,  and  they  that 

31  despise  me  shall  be  lightly  esteemed.  Behold,  the  days  come  that  I  will  cut  off 
thine  arm,  and  the  arm  of  thy  father's  house,  {ins.  so]  that  there  shall  not  be  an 

32  old  man  in  thine  house.  And'  thou  shalt  see  an  enemy  in  my  habitation  in  all  the 
wealth  which  God  shall  give  Israel  [thou  shalt  see  distress  of  house  in  all  that  does 

33  good  to  Israel] ;  and  there  shall  not  be  an  old  man  in  thy  house  for  ever.  And 
the  man  of  thine  whom  I  shall  not  cut  off  [And  I  will  not  cut  off  every  man  of 
thine']  from  my  altar  shall  be  [om.  shall  be],  to  consume  thine  eyes,  and  to  grieve 
thine  [thy]  heart ;  and  all  the  increase  of  thine  [thy]  house  shall  die  in  the  flower 

34  of  their  age"  And  this  shall  be  a  [the]  sign  unto  [to]  thee,  that  [ins.  which]  shall 
come  upon  thy  two  sons,  Hophni  and  Phinehas :  in  one  day  they  shall  die  both  of 

35  them.  And  I  wiU  raise  me  up  a  faithful  priest,  that  [who]  shall  do  according  to 
that  which  is  in  my  heart  and  in  my  mind  [soul],  and  I  will  build  him  a  sure" 

36  house,  and  he  shall  walk  before  my  anointed  for  ever.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass 
that  every  one  that  is  left  in  thy  house  shall  come  and  crouch  to  him  for  a  piece" 
of  silver  and  a  morsel  of  bread,  and  shall  say,  Put  me,  I  pray  thee,  into  one  of  the 
priests'  offices,  that  I  may  eat  a  piece  of  bread. 

'Ver.  32.  On  tlie  text  of  this  verso  see  Exeg.  Notes. — Tb.] 

'Ver.  33.  See  Exeg.  Notes.— Te.i 

;Ver.  33.  Lit.  "  shall  die  men ;"  Sept.  "  by  the  sword  of  men,"  which  Wellhausen  prefers,  but  see  Exeg.  Notes. 


10 

-Tb.' 


;Ver.  35.  The  Heb.  word  is  the  same  as  that  rendered  "  faithful "  just  before.— Te.] 
'Vei.  36.  More  exactly  "  a  small  piece;"  Erdmann :  eine  BetUlmunze,  "  a'beggar's  coin.' 


-Te.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CJRITICAL. 

Ver.  27.  The  "  man  of  God"  (for  the  expression 
comp.  Deut.  xxxiii.  1 ;  Judg.  xiii.  6)  who  appears 
here  is  undoubtedly  to  be  regarded  as  a  prophet, 
both  from  this  title,  which  marks  him  as  stand- 
ing in  a  specific  relation  to  Grod,  and  from  the 
introduction  of  his  address:  "Thus  saith  the 
Lord."  This  is,  however,  not  the  first  mention 
of  a  prophet  after  Moses  (Thenius) ;  against  this 
are  Judg.  iv.  14;  vi.  8. — IJBib.  Comm.:  "The 
term  (man  of  God)  is  applied  to  Moses  in  Deut. 
iixiii.  1 ;  Josh.  xiv.  6 ;  and  to  different  prophets 
upwards  of  forty  times  in  Judg.,  Sam.  and  Kings, 
most  frequently  in  the  latter.  In  the  Prophets  it 
occurs  only  once  (Jer.  xxxv.  4).  It  occurs  six 
or  seven  times  in  Chrou.,  Ezra  and  Neh.,  and  in 
the  inscription  of  Ps  xc,  and  nowhere  eiae  in  the 
Old  Testament.  The  sudden  appearance  of  a 
man  of  God,  the  only  prophet  of  whom  mention 
is  made  since  Ju.  vi.  8,  without  name,  or  any 
notice  of  his  country,  is  remarkable." — Te.] — 
Thus  saith  the  Lord. — Called  and  commis- 
sioned hereto  by  the  Lord,  he  is  nothing  but  His 
instrument ;  what  he  says  is  the  very  word  of  the 
Lord. — Did  I  reveal  myself  ?— The  interrog. 
particle  (H)  stands  here  to  strengthen  the  reality 
of  the  fact  treated  o^  a  question  being  introduced 
to  which  an  affirmative  reply  is  a  matter  of 
course,  where  in  German  [and  in  EngUsh]  a  not 
must  be  inserted.    Comp.  Jer.  xxxi.  20 ;  Job  xx. 

4;  Ges.  ?  153,  2.  The  Inf.  Abs.  (rlSjJ)  shows 
the  feeling  of  the  question,  and  strengthens  the 
assurance  or  assertion  contained  in  it.  By  Eli's 
father's  house  we  cannot  understand  Ithamar  and 
his  family,  since  a  divine  revelation  to  them  in 
Egypt  is  out  of  the  question;  it  is  rather  the 
femily  of  Aaron  (from  whom  Eli  descended 
through  Ithamar),  as  the  high-priestly  house. 
Aaron  and  his  four  sons,  Nadab,  Abihu,  Eleazar 


and  Ithamar,  when  they  were  in  Egypt,  "  belonged 
to  Pharaoh's  house,"  were  its  subjects,  property 

(■'3  !vyj) ;  the  suffix  D-  (when  they  were)  refers 
not  to  the  children  of  Israel,  but  to  "  the  house 
of  thy  father." 

During  the  Egyptian  bondage  Aaron  received 
the  divine  revelations  by  which  he  was  called 
along  with  Moses  to  be  God's  instrument  for  the 
redemption  of  His  people;  and  with  Moses  he 
received  the  command  to  institute  the  feast  of  the 
Passover  (Ex.  iv.  14  sqq.,  27 ;  xii.  1,  43).  These 
revelations  were  the  preparation  and  foundation 
for  the  calling  of  Aaron  and  his  house  to  the 
high-priesthood. — [So  far  as  the  caMing  was  con- 
cerned, the  hov^e  rf  Aaron  and  the  house  of  Eli 
were  identical.  Hence  Eli  is  in  this  discourse 
identified  with  Aaron  as  to  his  privileges,  but  dis- 
tinguished from  the  whole  house  as  to  his  sin  and 
its  punishment. — Tr.] 

Ver.  28.  [Erdmann  renders :  "  I  chose  it  (the 
house  of  thy  feither)  to  perform  priestly  service." 
— Tb.]» 

How  that  house  (Aaron  and  his  sons)  were  for- 
mally called  and  appointed  to  the  priestly  office 
is  circumstantially  related  in  Ex.  xxviii.,  xxix. 

*  Textual  and  Grammatical.— The  Inf.  Abs.  inS  stands 

T 

for  the  Verb,  fin.,  as  a  Verb.  fln.  has  preceded  in  the 
same  sentence  (Ges.,  ?  131,  i  a).  But  the  interrog.  T\ 
does  not  extend  to  this  Inf.  Abs.,  which  stands  for  the 
Perf.,  and  makes  the  discourse  absolute. — IPS  is  better 
referred  to  D'S  than  t"  TDK,  on  account  of  the  fol- 
lowing "  tribes."  But  then  we  must  read  with  BBttcher 
and  Thenius  tHDV  instead  of  lil^S,  "as  agreeing 
better  with  the  preceding  H'S  and  the  succeeding 
Inf."  (Bottoher).  So  the  Sept.  iepnTeueii'.  Comp.  Ex. 
xxxi.  Va.—ri'hjh  is  contracted  from  niSj^nS.  See 
Deut.  i.  33 ;  2  Sam.  xviii.  3 ;  Bccl.  v.  6. 


80 


THE  FIKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Comp.  especially  Ex.  xxviii.  1 ;  xxix.  9,  30,  44, 
with  Lev.  viii.  1  sq .  and  Num.  xviii.— The  priettly 
service  is  described  in  three  grades,  corresponding 
to  the  three  divisions  of  the  Sanctuary :  1)  "to 
offer*  on  my  cdtar."  where  the  altar  of  burnt-offer- 
ing with  its  service  is  meant ;  2)  "  <o  bum  incerae." 
Incense  had  to  be  burned  daily.  The  incense- 
offering  alone  is  named,  and  represents  the  other 
offerings  as  the  indication  of  the  priestly  service 
in  the  Holy  Place,  Ex.  xxx.  8 ;  3)  "  to  wear  the 
ephod  before  me."  The  high-priest  wore  the  ephodf 
when  he  went  officially  into  the  Most  Holy  place 
to  represent  the  people  before  God,  Ex.  xxviii. 
12,  29,  30.— And  I  gave  to  the  house  of  thy 
father,  etc. — The  divine  wages  for  these_  priestly 
services  is  the  maintenance  which  the  priests  de- 
rived from  the  offerings.  The  "firings"  (fire- 
offerings,  O  'E^N)  are  the  same  as  "the  firing 
and  the  firings  of  the  Lord"  (Lev.  i.  9;  ii.  10; 
Deut.  xviii.  1)  in  the  offerings,  and  so  are  the 
things  offered.  According  to  Num.  xviii.  20; 
Deut.  X.  9 ;  xviii.  1,  the  Levites,  and  therefore 
the  whole  priesthood,  received  no  inheritance  in 
land ;  their  support  was  provided  for  by  the  por- 
tions of  the  oflerings  appointed  them  by  law,  that 
is,  all  sacrificial  gifts,  so  far  as  thejr  were  not 
burnt  in  offering  the  sacrifice.  Lev.  vi.  7  ;  Num. 
xviii. 

Ver.  29.  In  the  preceding  verses  (27,  28)  refe- 
rence is  made  to  the  favor  which  had  been  shown 
the  family  of  Eli  in  their  selection  and  calling  to 
the  service  of  priests  in  the  Sanctuary,  and  their 
maintenance  with  the  offerings  is  mentioned  as 
proof  of  the  Lord's  care  for  His  servants ;  there 
the  question  (ver.  27)  was  introduced  by  the  sim- 
ple interrog.  sign  (H) ;  here   the  more  sharply 

toned  question  with  "why"  (HD?)  portrays  in 

distinct  contrast  the  wicked  conduct  of  the  priests  : 
Why  do  ye  trample  under  foot  ?  etc. — 
"Sacrifice  and  offering"  (HniOl  n3I)  is  a  "ge- 
neral designation  for  all  altar-offerings"  (Keil). 
Q}12  "is  in  Aram,  first  tread  (Heb.  "I"n),  and 
might  thence  (as  1"n.  013,  Judg.  v.  23;  Prov. 
xxvii.  7)  like  'tread'  in  many  languages  figura- 
tively mean  to  treat  with  contempt"  (Bottcher). 
jVa,  the  "dwelling,"  in  pregnant  sense  is  the 
Tabernacle,  as  the  Lord's  dwelling-place  in  the 
midst  of  His  people.  Though  the  word  has  not 
elsewhere  in  itself  this  meaning,  yet  it  follows 
here  and  in  ver.  32  from  the  connection,  which 
without  difficulty  permits  the  same  addition  that 
we  find  in  Ps.  xxvi.  8,  "  of  thy  house."  There 
is  no  need  therefore  here  to  suppose  (with  The- 
nius)  either  a  wrong  reading  or  in  general  any- 
thing superfluous,  particularly  not  the  latter, 
because  the  Lord's  abode  with  His  people  was  in 
fact  the  scene  of  the  priests'  enormities,  and  their 
guilt  thus  appeared  so  much  the  greater.  I<yD 
is  Accus.  of  place  "  in  the  dwelling  "  (=n;3  "  in 
the  house").  Bottcher  proposes  as  a  "faultless 
text"  pi;D'n'«  %  "why  do  ye  trample  under 
foot,  .  .  .  what  I  commanded  them,  sinfully," 
where  the  suffix  "them"  refers  to  the  Israelites 

*S^^^  Germ,  has  nUigm,  "ascend,"  error  for  mfem. 
"  offer."— Te.] 
t  [Germ.  (Khaelkhid,  "  shoulder-dress,"  "  amioe."— Tk.] 


(ver.  28),  and  ]i^  "sin,"  is  taken  in  the  sense 
of  ]1P3,  "in  sin,"  which  is  found  in  Ps.  li.  7, 
But  according  to  the  preceding  explanation  there 
is  no  need  for  such  a  change,  apart  from  the  fact 
"that  the  'sinfully'  precisely  speaking  is  already 
contained  in  the  'trample  trader /ooi'"  (Thenius). 
He  says :  "  why  do  ye  trample,"  etc.,  because  Eli 
was  partaker  in  the  guilt  of  his  sons ;  because  he, 
not  only  as  father  towards  sons,  but  also  as  high- 
priest  towards  them  as  priests,  was  weakly  lack- 
ing in  the  proper  chastisement  and  in  the  en- 
joined holy  strictness.  Eli  ought  to  have  op- 
posed his  sons  as  a  zealous  contender  for  the 
Lord's  honor ;  since  he  did  not  do  this,  he  not 
only  made  himself  partaker  of  their  guilt,  but 
honored  his  sons  before  the  Lord,  more  than  the 
Lord,  because  he  spared  them,  and  showed  un- 
seasonable paternal  gentleness.  In  the  plu.  pron. 
"  make  yourselves  fat,"  EU's  guilt  is  again  referred 
to ;  what  they  did,  namely,  that  they  took  (ver. 
15)  the  first  (n'E'K'n)  of  the  offering  before  the 
best  of  the  offering  (T^JD)  was  presented  to  the 
Lord  by  burning  it  in  the  fire  of  the  altar,  that  he 
did  along  with  them;  tha/  made  themselves  fet. 
The  vnckedness  of  Eli  and  his  sons  in  connection 
with  the  offering  is  also  put  here  in  two-fold  form, 
namely,  against  God  ("  my  offering  "),  and  against 
the  people  as  the  people  of  the  Lord  (all  the  of- 
ferings of  Israel,  my  people).*  After  the  refer- 
ence to  the  guilt  follows  now  the  judgmemt,  the 
announcement  of  punishment,  which  applies  to 
Eli  as  well  as  to  his  sons  and  his  whole  house. 
Ver.  30.  'm0X=I  liad  said.— The  house  of 

thy  father  in  connection  with  "thy  house," 
indicates  the  whole  priestly  connection  in  all  its 
branches  from  Aaron  down,  to  whom  with  his 
sons  the  same  expression  in  ver.  27  refers.  For 
this  reason,  if  for  no  other,  because  "  the  house 
of  thy  father "  must  mean  the  same  here  as  in 
ver.  27,  we  must  set  aside  the  view  that  here  only 
Ithamar's  family  is  meant,  to  which  the  high- 
priesthood  passed  from  Eleazar's  family,  and  to 
which  Eli  belonged.  But  also  the  expression: 
should  -walk  before  me  for  ever,  is  in  con- 
flict with  this  view.  The  "  walking  before  the 
Lord"  would  be  understood  in  too  narrow  a 
sense,  on  the  one  hand,  if  it  were  restricted  to  the 
entrance  of  the  high-priest  into  the  Holy  of  Ho- 
lies, and  in  too  wide  a  sense,  on  the  other  hand, 
if  it  were  regarded  as  a  general  description  of  a 
pious  walk  before  God,  as  in  Gen.  xvii.  1. 
Rather  it  points  to  the  life  in  priestly  sentiee  b^ore 
the  Lord  promised  to  the  house  of  Aaron  for  ever 
(Ex.  xxix.  9).  The  promise  of  the  "covenant  , 
of  an  everlasting  priesthood"  was  renewed  to 
Phinehas,  the  son  of  Eleazar  (Num.  xxv.  13)  for 
his  zeal  for  the  Lor^s  honor.  This  fact  and  its 
motive  contribute  essentially  to  the  explanation 
of  what  here  follows.  The  "and  now"  intro- 
duces a  declaration  opposed  to  that  promise,  not 
in  the  sense  that  the  latter  is  annulled,  but  in 
reference  to  its  non-fulfilment  for  those  in  whom 
the  condition  of  its  fulfilment  was  lacking. — Par 


*  '13^7  "is  periphrasis  for  the  Gen.,  and  is  chosen 

in  order  to  make  the  'my  people'  more  prominent" 
(Keil).  On  this  periphra9ii<  of  the  Gen.  see  Ew.  Gr.  i 
292,  a.  3.— [But  this  does  not  apply  here.  See  Textual 
Notes  in  loco.— Tr.]. 


CHAP.  II.  27-36. 


81 


be  it  from  me,  that  is,  this  promise  shall  not 
be  Mfllled  unless  the  condition  be  fulfilled  which 
ia  expressed  in  the  words :  Those  that  honor 
me  I  ■will  honor. — According  to  the  priests' 
attitude  towards  God  the  Lord  in  their  whole 
walk  wiU  be  His  attitude  towards  them  in  respect 
to  the  fulfilment  of  His  promise. 

Vers.  31,  32.  The  general  truth  of  the  last  words 
in  ver.  30,  which  emphasize  in  the  distinctest 
manner  the  ethical  condition    of  the  exercise 
of  the    holy   sacerdotal    office    in    the    priest's 
bearing  towards  God,  is  allied  to  Eli  and  his 
house  in  ver.  31,  and  contains  the  standard  by 
which  he  with  his  sons  is  judged.     I  vrill  cut  off 
thy  arm. — The  "  arm  "  signifies  might,  power,  Ps. 
X.  15 ;  Job  ixii.  9.     "  There  shall  not  he  an  old  man 
in  thy  house."     Thus  will  be  shown  that  the 
strength  of  the  family  and  the  house  is  broken ; 
for  strength  is  shown  in  reaching  a  great  age.   No 
one  in  Eli's  house  shall  attain  a  great  age.     This 
supposes  that  sickliness  will  early  consume  its 
members.     "  On  the  aged  rested  the  consideration 
and  power  of  families"  (Bottcher).    As  the  house 
of  Eli  will  perish,  so  will  also  the  house  of  Ood 
suffer  affliction  (ver.  32).     tO'an  always  means  to 
look  with   astonishment  or  attention   (Bottcher, 
Num.  xii.  8 ;  Isa.  xxxviii.  11 ;  Ps.  x.  14) ;  ^S  is 
only  "oppressor"  or  "enemy,"  and  is  not  to  be 
rendered    "rival"    or   "adversary,"   as    Aquila 
(dmf)?fef)  and  Jerome  {(rnivlvs),  and  also  Luther 
and  De  Wette  give  it;  ]ij?D  "dwelling"  is  here 
to  be  understood  of  the  dwelling-place  of  Ood,  not 
of  Eli.     From  these  meanings  it  follows  that 
Samuel  cannot  be  here  referred  to,  since  he  was 
not  an  enemy  of  Eli,  nor  the  installation  of  Za- 
dok  in  Abiathar's  place  (1  Ki.  ii.  27),  for  Zadok 
was  not  Abiathar's  enemy.     Something  must  be 
meant  which  Eli  lived  to  see  with  astonishment 
or  consternation  in  the  house  of  the  Lord,  and  it 
can  therefore  only  be  the  oppression  of  the  house 
by  the  oppressor  or  enemy  who  met  Israel  in 
the  person  of  the  Philistines,  carried  away  the 
ark,  and  thus  robbed  the  Lord's  house  of  its  heart. 
We  do  not  need  therefore  to  alter  the  text  to  "  rock 
ofrefiige"  (I'l.^D  1?),  as  Bottcher  proposes.     "In 
all  which"  ("IB'lj!  v33)  is  not  to  be  rendered  with 
De  Wette  "during  the  whole  time  which."     In 
3'B"'  "shall  do  good"  we  mu.st  not  supply  a  '  as 
name  of  Jehovah  (Kennicott),  nor,  as  is  commonly 
done,  make  Jehovah  the  subject  (De  Wette,  Keil, 
etc.).    "There  is  no  reason  why  we  should  not 
take  "all  which"  itself  as  unpersonal  subject; 
precisely  where  ''    has  an  unpersonal  subject,  it 
has,  as  here,  a  simple  Ace.  after  it,  Pr.  xv.  13,  20; 
xvii.  22;  Ecc.  xx.  9,  while,  with  a  personal  sub- 
ject, a  preposition  follows,  Ex.  i.  20;  Num.  x. 
32;  Judg.  xvii.  13"  (Bottcher).     The  affliction 
of  God's  house  from  the  loss  of  the  Ark  remained, 
while  under  the  lead  of  Samuel  there  came  bless- 
ing to  the  people.    This  is  the  fulfilment  of  this 
prophecy  m  reference  to  the  affliction  of  God^s 
dmeUing.     "Not  an  old  man"  is  repetition  of  the 
threat  in  ver.  31,  and  return  of  the  discourse  to 
the  judgment  on  EWs  house.     "All  the  days" 
[Eng.  A.  V.  for  ever],  for  ever,  that  is,  as  long_  as 
nis  family  existed.     [Both  text  and  translation 
of  ver.  32  offer  great  difficulties.    Vat.   Sept. 
omits  it.    Al.  Sept.  and  Theod. :  "  Thou  shalt  see 
6 


strength"  {icpaTaiu/ia),  etc.  The  Syr.  and  Arab.: 
"  and  (not)  one  who  holds  a  sceptre  in  thy  dwell- 
ing," which  involves  a  totally  different  text. 
Targ.  has  "  thou  shalt  see  tlie  affliction  which  will 
come  on  a  man  of  thy  house  in  the  sins  which  ye 
have  committed  in  the  house  of  my  sanctuary." 
The  omission  in  Vat.  Sept.  was  probably  occa- 
sioned by  the  similar  endings  of  vers.  31  and  32  ■ 
the  other  versions  and  all  the  MSS.  contain  the 
verse,  one  MS.  only  of  De  Eossi  giving  lipo, 
"strength,"  instead  of  [VD,  "dwelling."  We 
must  therefore  retain  the  Heb.  text,  and  explain 
the  repetition  of  the  last  clause  as  intended  to 
give  emphasis  to  the  statement  in  question.  But, 
as  ns  frequently  means  "distress,"  and  as  the 
course  of  thought  here  suggests  affliction  for  Eli's 
house  rather  than  for  God's,  it  is  better  to  render : 
"thou  shalt  see  distress  of  dwelling  in  all  that 
brings  prosperity  to  Israel,"  the  contrast  being 
between  the  national  prosperity  and  his  personal 
affliction,  which  would  thus  exclude  him  from 
the  national  rejoicing,  and  so  from  the  evidence 
of  the  divine  fevor.  And  we  may  regard  the  lat- 
ter clause  of  the  verse:  "there  shall  not  be  an  old 
man,"  etc.,  as  defining  the  "affliction"  which  is 
here  brought  out  as  a  punishment  additional  to 
the  "  weakness  "  of  ver.  31. — Te.] 
_  Ver.  33.  Bottcher  declares  De  Wette's  explana^ 
tion :  "and  I  will  not  let  thee  lack  a  single  man," 
to  be  incorrect,  and  Thenius'  reference  to  the 
definite  one  "Ahitnb"  (xiv.  3;  xxii.  20)  to  be 

without  ground,  and  then  remarks  (on  sS  t^'Nl): 
"There  remains  no  other  course  but  to  regard  it 
as  an  infrequent,  but  not  unexampled  exceptional 
case.      In  Heb.,  as  is  well  known,  a  negative  in 

a  sentence  with  ^it  ("man")  and  Sj  ("all"), 
whether  it  stand  before  or  after,  negatives  these 
words  not  alone,  but  in  connection  with  the  whole 

sentence,  and  thus  ty'X  K7,  E^'N  Sk  mean  not 
"not  every  one,"  but  "no  one,"  and  so  too 
K^  E'-N,  '7N  E?'X,  Ex.  xvi.  19;  xxxiv.  3;  Lev. 
xviii.  6.  But  when  the  accent  falls  on  the  word 
expressive  of  universality  by  an  adversative  par- 
ticle, as  here  (E'"X1),  the  following  negation  may 
affect  this  word  alone,  as  in  Num.  xxiii.  13. 
Accordingly  we  render  here :  "  Yet  I  will  not  cut 
off  every  one  from  thee."  The  following  words : 
to  consume  thine  eyes  and  to  grieve  thy 
heart,  or  "that  I  may  consume,"  etc.,  mark  the 
highest  degree  of  jjunishment  which  would  befal 
Ell  but  for  the  limitation  contained  in  the  words 
"  not  every  man."  Thenius  refers  this  limitation 
specially  to  Ahitub,  son  of  Phinehas,  and  brother 
of  Ichabod,  against  which  Keil  justly  remarks 
that  it  cannot  be  proved  from  xiv.  3  and  xxii. 
20  that  he  was  the  only  one  who  survived  of  EU's 
house.* — The  following  words :  the  great  ma- 
jority or  mass  shall  die  as  men,  not  only  an- 
swer to  the  repeated  threat  in  vers.  31,  32,  that 
there  should  be  no  old  man  in  the  house,  but  at 

*    Bottcher:  y\K^  ia  for  a'XnS—a'KinS,  one  of 

the  numerous  clerical  errors  in  these  books.— ^It  is  by 
no  means  clear  that  there  is  a  clerical  error  here,  since 
we  may  suppose  a  stem  3^K="3N^  as  pJK"=p8<J. 
— Tb.] 


pJK=pi 


82 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  same  time  explain  the  declaration  of  Vv/.  31 : 
"I  will  break  thine  arm;"  for  "men"  {O'^i^.} 
indicates  the  pmver  and  atrenglh  of  the  house,  and 
is  contrasted  with  "old  man"  (Luther:  "when 
they  have  become  men;"  Van  Ess:  "in  mature 
ace").— On  '3  'D,  "multitude,"  " majority,"  not 
"offspring,"  comp.  1  Chron.  xii.  29;  2  Chron. 
XXX.  18.— [Sept. :  "  And  every  survivor  of  thy 
house  shall  Ml  by  the  sword  of  men."  _  Vulg. : 
"  and  the  great  part  of  thy  house  shall  die  when 
they  attain  the  age  of  men."  Targ. :  "  and  all 
the  multitude  of  thy  house  shall  be  slain  young." 
Syr.:  "and  all  the  pupils  (so  Castle  renders 
marlnth)  of  thy  house  shall  die  men."  Philipp- 
eon:  "  and  all  the  increase  of  thy  house  shall  die 
as  men."  The  Eng.  A.  V.  probably  gives  the 
sense.  The  adj.  "  all "  does  not  suit  the  render- 
ing "multitude,"  which  Targ.  and  Erdmann 
adopt.  In  regard  to  the  first  clause  of  the  verse, 
the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  seems  to  be  possible, 
that  is,  the  taking  'H  tn  as  indef.  rel.  clause. 
Erdmann  regards  the  reservation  of  the  "  man " 
as  a  limitation  of  the  punishment  ("consume, 
grieve") ;  Eng.  A.  V.  better,  with  most  exposi- 
tors, as  an  element  of  the  punishment.  Mendoza 
(in  Poole's  Synopsis) :  "  I  will  take  from  thee  the 
high-priesthood,  which  thou  hast  by  privilege ;  I 
will  give  thee  or  thy  descendants  the  priesthood 
of  the  second  order,  which  thou  hadst  by  heredi- 
tary right."  Grotius:  "They  shall  Jive  that 
they  may  be  the  greatest  grief  to  thee." — Long 
afterwards  this  curse  was  held  to  cling  to  the 
family  of  Eli.  Gill  cites  a  saying  of  the  Talmud 
that  there  was  a  family  in  Jerusalem  the  men  of 
which  did  not  live  to  be  more  than  eighteen 
years  old,  and  Johanan  ben  Zacchai  being  asked 
the  reason  of  this,  replied  that  they  were  perhaps 
of  the  feimily  of  Eli. — Sept.  has  kis  eyes  "  and 
"  hia  soul,"  instead  of  thy ;  but  there  is  no  good 
ground  for  altering  the  Heb.  text. — Tb.] 

Ver.  34.  The  fact  announced,  the  death  of  hia 
two  sons  in  one  day  (iv.  11),  was  to  be  a  sign  to 
Eli,  who  lived  to  see  it,  that  this  threat  affecting 
his  whole  house  should  be  fulfilled.  The  reali- 
zation of  this  threat  began  with  that  event.  Not 
all  of  Eli's  descendants  indeed  perished  in  this 
judgment,  and  among  his  immediate  posterity 
were  some  who  filled  the  office  of  priest,  namely, 
Phinehas'  son,  Ahitub;  Ahitub's  sons,  Ahiah 
(xiv.  3,  18)  and  Ahimelech  (xxii.  9,  11,  20); 
Ahimelech's  son,  Abiathar  (xxii.  20).  Ahiah 
and  Abiathar  filled  the  high-priestly  office.  But 
Ahimelech  and  "  all  his  fathers  house,  the  prie,sts, 
who  were  at  Nob,"  were  hewn  off  from  Eli's 
family-tree.  And  Abiathar,  Ahimelech's  son, 
who  escaped  that  butchery  (xxii.  19),  and  as  a 
faithful  adherent  of  David  enjoyed  the  dignity  of 
high-priest,  was  deposed  from  his  office  by  Solo- 
mon. The  office  of  high-priest  passed  now  for- 
ever from  Ithamar's  family,  and  went  over  to 
Eleazar's,  to  which  Zadok  belonged;  the  latter 
from  now  on  was  sole  high-priest,  while  hitherto 
Abiathar  had  exercised  this  office  along  with 
him. — Thus  was  to  be  fulfilled  the  negative  part 
of  the  prophetic  announcement  (vers.  31-34) : 
gradually  Eli's  house  went  down  in  respect  to 
the  majority  of  its  members  [better,  in  all  its 
increase. — ^Tb.]  ;  the  office  of  high-priest,  which 


the  surviving  members  for  some  time  filled,  wag 
at  last  taken  away  from  it  altogether. 

Ver.  35sqq.  Now  follows  the  poeitwe  part  of  the 
prophecy.— But  1  will  raise  me  up  a  faithful 
priest. — The  priestly  office,  as  a  divine  iiistitu- 
tion,  remains,  though  those  that  fill  it  perish  be- 
cause they  are  unworthy,  and  because  their  life 
contradicts  its  theocratic  meaning,  and  therefore 
faUs  under  the  divine  punishment.  The  "faith- 
ful priest "  is,  in  the  first  place,  to  be  understood 
in  contrast  with  Eli  and  his  sons,  to  whom  the 
above  declaration  of  punishment  was  directed. 
We  may  distinguish  the  following  fa<^  in  the 
announcement  of  this  priest  of  tJie  fviure,  who  is 
to  assume  the  theocratic-priestly  position  between 
God  and  His  people  in  place  of  Eli  and  his 
house:  1)  he  is  to  be  raised  up  by  Ood  directly, 
that  is,  not  merely  called  and  chosen,  but  (accord- 
ing to  the  exact  meaning  of  the  word)  set  up;  his 
priestly  position  is  to  be  liistorically  fixed  and 
assigned  by  God  directly  and  in  an  extraordinary 
manner ;  2)  he  will  be  a  faithful  priest,  that  is, 
will  not  merely  be  in  keeping  with  the  end  and 
meaning  of  his  calling,  but,  in  order  to  this,  will 
be  and  remain  personally  the  Lord's  own  in  true 
piety  and  in  firm,  living  faith,  constantly  and 
persistently  devoted  to  the  Lord  his  God,  and 
seeking  only  His  honor ;  3)  he  will  do,  act, 
according  to  the  norm  of  the  divine  will ;  as  faithful 
priest  of  Grod,  he  knows  what  is  in  God!s  heart 
and  sold,  he  knows  His  thoughts  and  counsels; 
these  will  be  the  rule  by  which  C^t^XB)  he  wiU 
act  as  a  man  of  God,  as  a  servant  after  his  heart; 
4)  and  I  -will  build  him  a  sure  house,  his 
feimily  will  continue  as  one  well-pleasing  to  me 
and  blessed,  and  will  not  perish  like  thine — this 
shall  be  the  reward  as  well  as  tlie  result  of  Us 
faithfulness;  5)  he  shall  walk  before  my 
anointed  for  ever.  The  "anointed"  is  the 
theocratic  king,  whom  the  Lord  will  call.  Walk- 
ing before  Him  denotes  the  most  cordial  life-fdlaw- 
ship  with  Him.  In  this  reference  of  the  prophetic 
announcement  to  the  "anointed  of  the  Lord"  is 
expressed  the  same  expectation  of  a  theocratic 
kingdom  as  in  the  close  of  Hannah's  song. 

In  ver.  36  is  added  another  feature  in  the  por- 
traiture of  the  faithful  priest :  in  this  clo.se  con- 
nection with  the  kingdom,  he  will  occupy  so 
exalted,  honorable  and  mighty  a  position  over 
against  the  fallen  house  of  Eli,  that  the  needy 
and  wretched  survivors  of  that  house  will  be 
dependent  on  him  for  existence  and  support. — 

On  the  73  before  iriliin,  where,  on  account  of 
the  following  Article,  it  signifies  aU,  whole,  comp. 
Ges.,  §  III.,  1  Eem.,  Ew.,  §  290  c.  "All  the  rest, 
all  that  remains."  The  1D3  nYUS  is  "a  small 
silver  coin  collected  by  begging"  (Keil).  The 
lower  the  remains  of  Eli's  house  sink  even  to  beg- 
gary, the  higher  will  the  "faithful,  approvM 
priest,"  of  whom  the  prophet  here  speaWs,  stand. 
In  the  immediate  future  of  the  theocratic  king- 
dom he  wiU  see  far  beneath  him  those  of  Eli's 
house  who  are  still  priests  in  humble  dependence 
on  him. 

This  prophecjr  found  its  fuljillmesni  from  the 
stand-point  of  historical  exposition  in  Samuel, 
That  the  author  of  our  Books  had  him  in  view 
in  his  account  of  the  man  of  God's  announcement 


CHAP.  II.  27-36. 


83 


is  clear  from  the  narration  immediately  following 
in  ch.  iii. ;  here  the  voice  of  the  divine  caU  comes 
to  the  child  Samuel  at  the  same  time  with  the 
revelation    imparted  to   him    of   the  judgment 
against  the  house  of  Eli.    He  is  indeed  expressly 
called  by  the  divine  voice  to  be  prophet;  his 
first  prophetic  duty,  which  he  performs  as  God's 
organ,  is  the  announcement  of  the  judgment  on 
Eli  in  the  name  of  the  Lord ;  it  is  true,  it  is  said 
of  him  in  ver.  20,  that  he  was  known  in  all  Israel 
to  be  fiiithful  and  confirmed  (I'S.i^J)  as  a  prophet. 
But  the  summary  statement  of  his  prophetical 
vigor  and  work  in  vers.  19-21,  in  which  the 
epithet  "faithful,  confirmed,"  points  back  to  the 
Bame  expression  in  ii.  35,  is  connected  with  the 
reference  to  ShUoh  and   the  constant  revelations 
there,  which  had  begun  with  the  one  made  to 
Samuel;    by  the    express    reference   to  Shiloh 
Samuel's  prophetic  character   and  work  are  at 
the  same  time  presented  under  the  sacerdotai  point 
of  view.    An  essential  element  of  the  calling  of 
priest  was  instruction  in  the  Law,  the  announce- 
ment of  the  divine  will  (Lev.  x.  11 ;  Dent,  xxxiii. 
10),  and  Mai.  ii.  7,  expressly  declares  the  duty 
of  the  priest  in  these  words:  "the  priest's  lips 
shall  keep  knowledge,  and  they  shall  seek  the 
law  from  his  mouth,  for  he  is  a  messenger  of 
heaven;"    and  so  that   prophecy  of  a  faithful 
priest  is  all  the  more  fulfilled  in  Samuel  (whose 
words  to  the  people,  iii.  19-21,  had  the  pure  and 
the  practical  word  of  God  in  the  Law  for  their 
content),  because  the  priesthood  of  his  time  had 
proved  itself  unworthy  and  unable  to  fulfid  this 
calling.    The  further  sacred  priestly  acts  which 
Samuel  performed  (iii.  19-21),  and  the  mediating 
position  between  God  and  the  people  as  advocate 
and  intercessor  expressly  ascribed  to  him  in  vii.  5 
characterize  him  as  the  faithful,  approved  priest 
who  is  announced  here  in  vers.  35,  36.  The  other 
single  traits  in  the  picture  suit  Samuel.    In  the 
list  of  theocratic  instruments  of  the  succeeding 
period  there  is  none  that  surpasses  him ;  he  sur- 
passes them  all  so  fer,  that  our  gaze  fixes  itself  on 
him  in  seeking  for  a  realization  of  this  announce- 
ment in  connection  with  the  fulfilment  of  the 
threat    against    Eli   and  his  house.     Samuel's 
bearing  and  conduct  is  everywhere  such  that  the 
declaration  "he  shall  do   according  to  what  is  in 
my  heart  and  soul,"  is  verified  in  no  other  theo- 
cratic-prophetic and  priestly  person  so  eminently 
as  in  him.    A    sure  house  the  Lord  built  him 
according  to  1  Chron.  vi.  33;    xxv.  4,  5.     His 
grandson  was  Heman    "the  singer,  the  king's 
seer  in  the  words  of  God,"  father  of  fourteen  sons 
and  three  daughters.    The  intimate  relation  of 
Samuel  to  the  theocratic  kingdom  under  Saul 
and  David,  the  Lord's  anointed  kings,   is  an 
obvious  fiilfllment   of  the  prophecy  "he  shall 
walk  before  my  anointed  for  ever."     The  raising 
up  of  the  fore-announced  priest  was  to  follow 
immediately  on  the  punishment  of  EU  and  his 
house.    In  point  of  feet  Samuel  steps  into  the 
gap  in  the  priesthood  which  that  judgment  made 
as  priestly  and  high-priestly  mediator  between 
God  and  the  people,  as  is  shown  by  the  passages 
cited  and  by  the  whole  character  of  his  work. 
By  the  corruption  of  its  traditional  representa- 
tives the  hereditary  priesthood  had  come  to  be  so 
at  variance  with  its  theocratic  significance  and 
mission,  that  the  fiilfilment  of  this  mission  could 


be  attained,  in  this  great  crisis  in  the  develop- 
ment of  Israel's  history  into  the  theocratic  king- 
dom, only  in  an  extraordinary  way,  through 
direct  divine  calling,  by  such  an  instrument  as 
Samuel.  The  statement,  in  the  concluding  words, 
of  the  walking  of  the  faithful  priest  before  the 
Lord's  anointed  is  fulfilled  exactly  (according  to 
the  above  explanation)  in  Samuel's  relation  to 
this  kingdom. — It  is  held  by  some  that  the  prophecy 
in  vers.  30-36,  (compared  with  1  Bangs  ii.  27, 
and  Joseph.  V.  11,  5 ;  VIII.  1,  3)  refers  to  the 
transition  of  the  priestly  dignity  from  the  house 
of  Ithamar  to  the  house  of  Eleazar,  and  therefore 
that  this  prophecy,  in  whole  or  in  some  parts, 
was  composed  in  or  after  the  time  of  Solomon, 
(De  Wette,  Einl.  §178  6.;  Bertholdt,  Einl.  III. 
916,  and  Ewald,  Gesch.  1.  190) ;  against  which 
Thenius  (p.  15)  properly  points  out  that  even 
after  this  change  the  high-priesthood  remained 
still  in  the  family  of  Aaron,  while  the  words 
"and  the  house  of  thy  father,"  (vers.  30,  31), 
clearly  shows  that  the  prophecy  does  not  speak 
of  a  change  in  the  family,  and  that  in  vers.  27-36 
we  have  a  genuine  ancient  prediction  of  a 
prophet.  Against  the  mew  that  the  prophecy  of 
the  "faithful  priest"  was,  according  to  1  Kings 
ii.  27  fulfilled  in  the  complete  transference  of  the 
high-priesthood,  by  the  deposition  of  Abiathar, 
to  thefemily  of  Eleazar,  to  which  Zadok  belonged, 
we  remark:  1)  that  (if  the  advocates  of  this  view 
mean  this  family  and  its  succeeding  line  of  high- 
priests)  the  words  of  the  prophecy  speak  of  a 
single  person,  not  of  several,  or  collectively  of  a 
body;  and  2)  thatj  if  Zadok  is  held  to  be  the 
"feithful  priest"  m  whom  the  prophetic  word 
was  fulfilled,  his  person  and  work  have  no  such 
epoch-making  theocratic  significance  in  the  his- 
tory as  we  should  expect  from  the  prophecj; ;  the 
expectation  is  satisfied  only  in  Samuel's  priestly- 
prophetical  eminence.  For  the  rest,  the  words 
of  1  Kings  ii.  27  give  no  ground  for  the  opinion 
that  the  prophecy  in  ver.  35  is  in  them  referred 
to  Zadok  (Thenius),  since  the  passage,  having  in 
view  Abiathar's  deposition,  is  speaking  merely 
of  the  fulfilment  of  the  threatened  punishment  of 
Eli's  house,  and  not  at  all  of  the  fulfilment  of  the 
positive  part  of  the  prophecy;  there  is,  there- 
fore, no  occasion  to  speak  (with  Thenius)  of  a 
false  conception  of  this  prophecy  as  early  as 
Solomon's  time.  The  \oiij  priestly  position,  which 
Samuel  took  in  his  calling  as  Judge  and  Prophet 
before  the  Lord  and  His  people,  the  priestly  work, 
by  which  (the  regular  priesthood  completely  re- 
tiring) he  stood  as  mediator  between  Jehovah 
and  His  people  in  sacrifice,  prayer,  intercession 
and  advocacy,  and  the  high  theocratie^eformatory 
calling,  in  which  his  "  important,  sacred  duty  was 
to  walk  before  the  anointed,  the  king,  whom 
Israel  was  to  receive  through  him,  while  the 
Aaronic  priesthood  fell  for  a  good  time  into  such 
contempt,  that,  in  the  universal  neglect  of  divine 
worship,  it  had  to  beg  honor  and  support  from 
him,  and  became  dependent  on  the  new  order  of 
things  begun  by  Samuel,"  (O.  v.  Gerlach),— these 
things  prove  that,  from  the  theocratic-historical 
point  of  view,  in  him  is  fulfilled  the  prophecy  of 
the  faithful  priest. 

[Four  diflferent  interpretations  explain  the 
"faithful  priest"  to  be  Samuel,  Zadok,  Christ,  or 
a  line  of  priests,  including  Samuel  and  Zadok, 


84 


THE  FIKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


and  culminating  in  Christ ;  the  last  seems  to  be 
the  only  tenable  one.  I.  We  cannot  restrict  the 
prophecy  to  Samuel,  for  1)  the  "established 
house"  promised  the  faithful  priest  is  clearly  a 
prieitly  house,  as  is  evident  from  a  comparison  of 
ver.  35  with  vers.  30,  31,  where  the  everlasting 
official  sacerdotal  character  of  this  house  is  con- 
trasted with  the  fall  of  Eli's  priestly  house ;  and 
Samuel  founded  no  such  house.  2)  Eli's  house 
was  not  immediately  deprived  of  the  high-priest- 
hood, nor  was  it  at  all  excluded  from  the  priest- 
hood. Up  to  Solomon's  time  descendants  of  Eli 
were  high-priests,  and  the  Jews  held  that  his 
family  continued  to  exist.  Nor  did  Samuel  suc- 
ceed Eli  immediately  as  Priest  and  Judge.  3)  It 
is  an  important  fact  that  Samuel  is  nowhere 
called  a  priest,  and  it  is  an  exaggeration  of  his 
position  to  ascribe  to  him  a  complete  sacerdotal 
character.  His  mediatorial  work  belonged  to  him 
largely  as  a  man  of  Ood,  and  similar  work  was 
performed  by  Moses,  David,  Solomon,  none  of 
whom  acted  as  priests.  It  is  doubtftil  whether 
Samuel  sacrificed  at  all,  still  more  whether  he 
usually  performed  this  service.  The  people  are 
said  to  have  sacrificed  (1  Sam.  xi.  15),  where  is 
probably  meant  that  they  did  it  through  the 
priests,  and  one  passage  (1  Sam.  ix.  13),  seems  to 
exclude  Samuel  from  the  act  of  sacrifice.  At 
any  rate  his  performance  of  sacrificial  service 
may  be  regarded  as  extraordinary  and  unofiicial 
like  that  of  Gideon  (Judg.  vi.  26,  27)  and  Solo- 
mon (1  Kings  iii.  4).  But  it  is  true  that  Samuel's 
life  developed  the  conception  of  the  theocratically 
pure  and  faithful  priest  in  contrast  with  the  self- 
seeking  and  immorality  of  Eli's  sons.  He  was 
the  first  protest  against  their  profane  perversion 
of  the  holy  office,  the  first  exemplification 
after  Eli's  time  of  pure-hearted  service  of  God. 
II.  Eashi,  Abarbanel  and  the  majority  of  modem 
coniraentatoi-3  suppose  the  reference  to  be  to 
Zadok,  Christian  writers  usually  adopting  also 
the  Messianic  interpretation.  And,  though  1 
Kings  ii.  27  mentions  only  the  deposition  of 
Abiathar  as  the  fulfilment  of  the  judgment  on 
Eli's  housBj  yet  this,  taken  with  ver.  35,  can 
hardly  be  dissevered  from  the  installation  of  Za- 
dok as  sole  high-priest;  the  final  exclusion  of 
Eli's  representative  is  followed  immediately  by 
the  elevation  of  the  Zadokite  family,  which  con- 
tinues in  an  unbroken  line  to  Christ.  That 
the  Zadokites  were  the  true  divinely-appointed 
priests,  is  assumed  throughout  the  following 
books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  especially  in 
such  passages  as  Ezek.  xliv.  15,  fquoted  by  Keil). 
Erdmann's  objections  to  this  view  do  not  seem 
conclusive.  He  urges:  1)  that  the  prophecy 
(vers.  27-37)  speaks  not  of  a  change  vdthin  the 
Aaronic  family,  but  of  a  setting  aside  of  that 
family  in  favor  of  a  non-Aaronic  priest.— But 
this  is  not  the  declaration  of  the  prophecy,  (ver. 
30  speaks  of  the  exclusion  of  unworthy  members' 
and  the  reference  is  plainly  to  Eli's  immediate 
family),  and  is  contradicted  by  the  facts  of  his- 
tory ;  for  the  Aaronic  priesthood  did  continue  to 
the  end,  while  the  change  announced  (ver.  36) 
was  to  take  place  in  the  history  of  Israel.  Samuel 
founded  no  priestly  family,  and  the  restriction 
of  the  prophecy  to  him  alone  is  not  in  keeping 
with  the  broadness  of  its  declarations.  2)  That 
Zadok  was  not  specially  prominent,  and  does  not 


exhibit  a  commanding  character  cannot  be  urged 
against  this  view,  since  the  prophecy  promises  not 
intellectual  vigor  in  the  "faithful  priest''  but 
theocratic  official  purity  and  personal  godliness, 
which  Zadok  and  his  descendants  in  the  main 
exhibited.  III.  Augustine  (De  Civ.  Dei  17,  5) 
explains  the  priest  here  announced  to  be  Christ 
alone,  basing  his  view  on  the  breadth  and  fulness 
of  the  statements  made  about  Him.  The  text 
does  not  allow  this  exclusive  reference  to  Christ, 
looking  plainly,  as  it  does,  to  the  then  existing 
order  of  things  (as  in  ver.  36,  which  Augustine 
interprets  of  Jewish  priests  coming  to  worship 
Christ),  but  it  may  include  Him,  or  rather  point 
to  Him  as  the  consummation  of  the  blessedness 
which  it  promises ;  and  the  remarkable  fulness 
of  the  terms  in  ver.  35  naturally  leads  us  to  this 
explanation.  IV.  If  the  prophecy  finds  a  partial 
fulfilment  in  Samuel  and  Zadok,  and  also  points 
to  Christ,  then  it  would  seem  best  to  regard  it  as 
announcing  a  line  of  faithful  men  who  would  do 
God's  will  in  full  official  and  personal  sympathy 
with  His  law.  First  comes  Samuel,  not  indeed 
an  official  priest,  but  a  true  representative  of  the 
spirituality  of  the  divine  service  (see  1  Sam.  xv. 
22).  He  is  followed  by  Zadok,  the  father  of  a 
long  line  of  priests,  who  (with  many  defects)  in 
the  main  preserve  among  the  people  and  in  the 
presence  of  the  king  the  fiindamental  ideas  of  the 
sacrificial  service,  and  are  a  type  ( Ez.  xliv.  15) 
of  the  perfect  priesthood  into  which  they  are 
finally  merged.  To  this  Erdmann  objects  that 
the  reference  is  plainly  (ver.  35)  to  one  person, 
and  not  to  a  body  of  men ;  but  he  himself  under- 
stands the  "  anointed,"  in  which  the  expression 
of  singleness  is  not  less  distinct,  of  Saul  and 
David.  If  the  anointed  is  to  be  understood  of  a 
line  of  kings,  why  not  the  priest  of  a  line  of 
priests  ?— This  last  view  then  seems  best  to  meet 
the  demands  of  this  confessedly  difficult  passage. 
See  Keil  and  Wordsworth  m  loco. — Te.]. 

HISTORICAL  AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  "man  of  God"  who,  by  divine  com- 
mission, predicts  the  punishment  of  EU  and  his 
house  is  a  proof  that  the  prophetic  gift,  which  ap- 
pears sporadically  in  the  Period  of  the  Judges, 
had  in  this  its  gloomy  close  not  yet  disappeared. 
After  it  had  been  said :  "  there  arose  not  hence- 
forth a  prophet  in  Israel  like  Moses,  whom  the 
Lord  knew  fe,ce  to  face  "  (Deut.  xxxiv.  10),  never- 
theless in  the  time  of  the  Judges,  by  whose  word 
as  spoken  according  to  the  divine  calling  and 
commission,  the  people  had  to  govern  themselves, 
we  see  prophecy  reappearing  in  the  following  in- 
dimduah:  Judg.  ii.,  the  messenger  of  the  Lord,* 
who  comes  up  from  Gilgal  to  Bochim,  and  ex- 
horts the  Israelites  to  repentance  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord;  chap,  iv.,  the  Judge  Deborah,  who, 
expressly  described  as  "prophetess,"  combines 
the  offices  of  Judge  and  Prophet,  being  theorgan  of 
Jehovah's  communications;  chap,  vi.,  the  Prophet 
who  was  sent  by  the  Lord  as  His  messenger,  to 
rebuke  Israel  for  their  idolatry,  and  to  call 
Gideon  to  deliver  Israel  from  the  Midianitish 
bondage.  The  content  of  the  prophetic  decla- 
rations, in  keeping  with  the  history  of  the  times, 

•  [It  is  doubtful  whother  the  ma'alt  can  be  con-oldercd 
other  than  an  angel. — Te-]. 


CHAP.  11.  27-36. 


85 


is :  announcement  of  divine  punishment  for  the 
people's  idolatry  through  the  oppression  of 
enemies,  exhortation  to  repentance,  promise  of 
help. 

2.  The  internal  dedine  of  tJie  theocraiie  Ufe  of 
Ood!a  people  showed  itself  in  the  close  of  the  Pe- 
riod of  the  Judges  principally  in  the  corruption 
of  thei  sacerdotal  office  as  cause  and  effect.  In 
regard,  therefore,  to  the  pries%  mediation  between 
Grod  and  the  people,  there  was  needed  a  thorough 
reformation  and  a  re-establishment  of  the  proper 
inner  relation  between  them  by  a  true  priestly 
mediation.  For  this  reason  the  prophetic  an- 
nouncement of  the  "  faithful,  true  priest"  stands 
at  the  beginning  of  the  new  period,  and,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  new  theocratic  develop- 
ment, has  an  epoch-making  fulfilment  in  Samuel's 
person  and  work,  in  which  the  priestly  side  is 
chiefly  prominent. 

3.  Samuel  is  in  this  respect  a  type  of  Christ ; 
the  idea  of  the  priesthood,  as  here  in  ver.  35  ex- 
pressed, found  in  all  respects  its  completest  and 
most  universal  fulfilment  in  Christ's  high-priestly 
office  of  mediator  between  God  and  man. 

4.  The  conception  of  the  honor  of  God  and  of 
hnowing  Him  is  impossible,  without  the  idea  of 
the  personal  living  God,  and  without  the  ex- 
istence of  a  relation,  established  by  Him,  between 
Him,  the  living  God,  and  man,  in  which  the 
consciousness  of  absolute  dependence  on  Him  is 
connected  with  that  of  the  obligaMon  to  be  heartily 
consecrated  to  Him  and  in  fellowship  with  Him. 
The  declaration  "  he  who  knows  Me,"  etc.  [ver. 
30]  expresses  God's  righteous  procedure  in  regard 
to  the  recognition  or  non-recognition  of  His 
honor  by  men. 

5.  When  the  guilt  of  the  corruption  and  decline 
of  the  religious-moral  life  of  the  people  rests  on 
"the  house  of  the  Lord,"  "it  is  time  that  judg- 
ment should  begin  at  the  house  of  God,"  1  Pet. 
iv.  17. 

6.  [The  walking  of  the  priest  before  Jehovah's 
anointed  indicates  a  definite  separation  between 
the  sacerdotal  and  judicial  or  governing  offices, 
and  a  certain  subordination  of  the  first  to  the 
second.  This  was  a  condition  of  the  developed 
Israelitish  state,  and  appears  in  proper  form  first 
under  David.  Saul  seems  to  have  exercised  au- 
thority over  the  priesthood,  but  in  David's  time 
the  relation  of  political  subordination  was  first 
united  with  sincere  religious  unity  of  heart  and 
purpose,  and  thus  one  step  taken  towards  the 
perfect  and  complete  form  (king,  prophet,  priest), 
which  was  to  shadow  forth  the  office  and  work  of 
Christ. — ^And,  as  of  Hannah's  anticipation  of  the 
king,  so  we  may  say  of  the  prediction  by  this  man 
of  God  of  the  united  king  and  priest,  that  it  had 
its  root  in  the  felt  need  of  the  times,  which,  as  it 
existed  in  its  distinctest  and  intensest  form  in  the 
most  spiritual  minds  of  the  nation,  was  guided 
and  elevated  and  intensified  by  the  Spirit  of  God 
into  prevision  and  prophecy. — Tr.]. 

HOMILETICAT.  AND   PRACTICAL. 

[Ver.  27.  A  man  of  Ood.  1)  His  office  is  to 
come  to  the  people  with  "Thus  saith  the  Lord." 
Though  inspiration  cannot  now  be  expected,  he 
may  be  "  thoroughly  furnished  "  from  the  Scrip- 
tures (2  Tim.  iii.  17).    2)  When  called  to  give 


rebukes  and  warnings,  he  should  do  it  with  faith- 
fulness, solemnity,  and  tenderness. — Tb.]. 

Vers.  27-36.  Tlie  prophet's  sermon  of  censure, 
[German  Stra/predigt]  against  Levi  a/nd  his  house. 
1)  Looking  back  td  the  past,  it  recalls  the  mani- 
fold exhibition  of  the  benefits  of  God's  grace, 
vers.  27,  28:  2)  Looking  around  upon  the  pre- 
sent, it  holds  before  Eli  his  sins  and  those  of  his 
house,  vers.  29,  30;  3)  Looking  out  upon  the 
future,  it  proclaims  the  divine  judgment,  vers. 
30-36. 

Vers.  27-30.  To  what  are  we  bound  by  the  ex- 
perience of  overflmmng  manifestations  of  Ood's  grace  f 

1)  To  be  always  thankfully  mindful  of  them; 

2)  To  proclaim  everywhere  the  praises  of  God ; 

3)  By  a  sober  and  holy  walk  to  promote  the 
honor  of  His  name. 

Vers.  27-36.  God's  righteousness  and  grace  in 
union  with  each  other.  1)  Grace  in  union  with 
righteousness,  vers.  27-32 ;  (o)  The  actual  proofs 
and  gifts  of  God's  grace  (vers.  27-29)  contain 
serious  demands  by  the  holy  and  righteous  God ; 
(6)  The  promises  of  grace  are  in  respect  of  their 
fulfilment  conditioned  by  the  conduct  of  man  to- 
wards God,  which  is  weighed  by  his  righteous- 
ness, ver.  30;  (c)  In  proportion  as  man  in  view 
of  the  revelation  of  divine  grace  gives  God  the 
honor  or  not,  he  is  requited  by  God  according  to  his 
righteousness,  ver.  30.  2)  The  severity  of  God's 
righteousness  does  not  exclude  grace,  vers.  30, 
(a)  It  suffers  itself  to  lean  upon  forbearing,  soft- 
ening grace,  in  order  that  justice  may  not  execute 
complete  destruction,  vers.  33,  36 ;  (6)  It  does  not 
take  away  the  arrangements  which  grace  has  es- 
tablished, but  guards  and  preserves  them  against 
the  sin  of  men,  vers.  27-29  ;  (c)  It  does  not  cause 
the  promises  of  grace  to  fall  away,  but  makes 
room  for  their  fulfilment  in  another  way,  ver.  35. 

Ver.  30.  God  the  Lord,  according  to  His  right- 
eousness, remains  no  man's  debtor;  1)  Whoever 
honors  Him,  will  He  also  honor ;  2)  He  who 
despises  Him  shall  be  despised  in  return. — To 
honor  God  the  loftiest  task  of  human  life:  1) 
Wherein  it  consists;  2)  How  it  is  performed; 
3)  What  promise  and  threatening  are  here  con- 
cerned.— [I.  Some  of  the  ways  in  which  we  may 
honor  God.  (1)  By  speaking  His  name  with 
reverence.  (2)  By  keeping  the  Lord's  day  holy 
to  Him.  (3)  By  propriety  of  behaviour  in  public 
worship.  (4)  By  practically  recognizing  our  de- 
pendence on  His  Providence.  (5)  By  perform- 
ing all  the  duties  of  life  as  to  the  Lord  (Col.  iii. 
17).  II.  Some  of  the  ways  in  which  He  will 
honor  us.  (1)  In  causing  us  to  be  respected  by 
our  fellow-men  (Prov.  iii.  16).  (2)  In  making 
us  the  means  of  converting  others.  (3)  In  re- 
ceiving us  to  glory,  honor  and  immortality  in 
heaven  (Kom.  iii.  7). — Baxter:  Never  did  man 
dishonor  God,  but  it  proved  the  greatest  dishonor 
to  himself.  Grod  will  find  out  ways  enough  to 
wipe  off  any  stain  upon  Him;  but  you  will  not 
so  easily  remove  the  shame  and  dishonor  from 
yourselves. — Tr,]. 

Ver.  35.  The  exercise  of  the  priestly  office,  which 
is  well-pleasing  to  God :  1)  Its  personal  condition 
and  presupposition,  fidelity,  firmness,  steadfast- 
ness, "I  wifl  raise  me  up  a  faithfiil  priest;"  2) 
Its  rule  and  measure,  "  according  to  that  which 
is  in  my  heart  and  in  my  soul ;"  3)  Its  blessing 
and  reward,  "  and  I  will,"  etc.    [Upon  the  phrase, 


THE  FIBST  BOOK  OF  SAM!UEL. 


"he  shall  walk  before  my  Anointed  forever," 

comp.  above  on  ii.  10,  Horn,  and  Praet. — Tb.]. 

Vers.  27-30.   The  heavy  guilt  of  neglecting  the 

office  of  household-priest  in  the  rearing  of  children: 

1)  It  wrongs  the  welfare  and  honor  of  the  hovse,  so 
far  as  in  earlier  times  God  has  in  grace  and  com- 
passion crowned  it  with  blessings,  vers.  27-29 ; 

2)  In  indulgent  and  weak  love  to  the  children  it 
robs  Ood  of  the  honor  which  He  demands,  ver.  30 ; 

3)  It  thereby  prepares  for  the  children  a  sure 


destruction,  ver.  34 ;  4)  It  often  thereby  brings  a 
curse  and  ruin  upon  succeeding  generations,  vers. 
31-33,  36. 

[Hall:  Indulgent  parents  are  cruel  to  them- 
selves and  their  posterity.  Eli  could  not  have 
devised  which  way  to  have  plagued  himself  and 
his  house  so  much,  as  by  his  kindness  to  his 

children's  sins I  do  not  read  of  a5y  fault 

Eli  had  but  indulgence;  and  which  of  the  no- 
torious offenders  were  plagued  more  I — Tb.]. 


SECOND    SECTION. 

Samuel's  Call. 
Chapters  III. — IV.  1  a. 

1  And  the  child  Samuel  ministered  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  before  Eli.  And 
the  word  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  precious'  in  those  days  ;  there  was  no  open 

2  vision  [vision  spread  abroad^].  And  it  came  to  pass  at  that  time,  when  [that']  Eli 
was  laid  down  [lying  down*]  in  his  place,  and  his  eyes  began  to  wax  dim  that  he 

3  could  not  see.  And  ere  [om.  ere']  the  lamp  of  God  went  out  [was  not  yet  gone  out] 

in  the  temple  of  the  Lord,  where  the  ark  of  God  was  [om.  in  the  temple 

was']  and  Samuel  was  laid  down  [lying  down*]  to  sleep   [pm.  to  sleep,  ins.  in 

4  the  temple  of  Jehovah  where  the  ark  of  God'  was],  That  [And]  the  Lord  [Jeho- 

5  vah]  called  [ins.  to]  Samuel,  and  he  answered  [said].  Here  am  I.  And  he  ran 
unto  Eli,  and  said.  Here  am  I,  fir  thou  calledst  me.     And  he  said,  I  called  not ; 

6  [ins.  go  back  and]  lie  down  again  [om.  again].  And  he  went  and  lay  down.  And 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  called  yet  again,  Samuel.  And  Samuel  arose  and  went  to  Eli, 
and  said.  Here  am  I,  for  thou  didst  call  [calledst]  me.     And  he  answered  [said],  I 

7  called  not,  my  son,  [ins.  go  back  and]  lie  down  again  [om.  again].  Now  Samuel 
did  not  yet  know'  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  neither  was  the  word  of  the  Lord  yet  [and 

8  the  word  of  Jehovah  was  not  yet]  revealed  unto  him.  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
called  Samuel  again  the  third  time.     And  he  arose  and  went  to  Eli,  and  said,  Here 

TEXTUAL  AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

•  [Ver.  1.  —  "  rare,"  see  Isa.  xiii.  12  j  Chald.  renders  "  hidden." — Tk.] 

2  [Ver.  1.  This  word  (I'TSJ)  is  variously  rendered:    SepI;.  Siairri>Aov<Ta,  "distinguishing,"  "explaining," 

whence  some  would  (without  ground)  change  the  text  to  Vi3  (which  perhaps  the  Alex,  translator  read,  the  Nun 

omitted  from  preceding  Nun) ;  Ohald.  "  revealed  "  =  "  broken  open  j"  Syr.  as  Heb. ;  Arab.,  "  the  Lord  had  de- 
prived the  children  of  Israel  of  revelation  in  those  days,  and  there  was  no  revelation  to  anyone  of  them,  and 
nothing  appeared  to  him  ;"  Vulg.  "  manifesta ;"  others,  "  broken."  "  diffused  "  "  multiplied ;"  the  Jewish  inter- 
preters (Rashi,  Kimchi,  Ralbag)  follow  the  Targ. ;  Luther,  wenigwemaguvg,  "  little  prophecy ;"  Erdmann,  verhreilel, 
''  spread  abroad ;"  Caheu,  "  repandu."  This  last  is  probably  the  correct  sense,  see  1  Chr.  xiii.  2 ;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  6.— Tn.] 
'  [Ver.  2.  Erdmann  renders  "  when  "  (as  Eng.  A.  V.)  in  order  to  show  that  the  description  from  this  point  is 
introductory  to  ver.  4 ;  but  the  literal  translation,  given  above,  clearly  indicates  the  connection  of  Uiou^t,  and 
avoids  the  interpretation  of  a  construction  into  the  text. — Tr.] 

*  [Ver.  2  and  ver.  4,  Or,  "  was  sleeping." — Tk.1 

'  [Ver.  3.  D1£3  with  Impf.  following  the  subject  =  "not  yet." — Te.] 

0  [Ver.  3.  The  Eng.  A.  V.  in  making  this  unwarranted  inversion  of  clauses,  was  probably  controlled  by  the 

same  motive  which  led  the  Masorites  to  separate  22W  ("  was  lying  ")  from  'jJTia  ("  in  the  temple  ")  by  the  Ath- 

nach,  namely,  to  avoid  the  seeming  assertion  that  Samuel  was  sleeping  in  the  sacred  building  The  Targum 
accordingly  renders '•  was  sleeping  in  the  Court  of  the  Levites,"  borrowing  this  term  apparently  from  Herod's 
temple.    For  explanation  see  Exeg.  Notes,  in  loco. — Te.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  This  is  the  only  place  where  i-^S  ("  Gtod  ")  in  the  phrase 'Sn  ['IIN  {"  the  ark  of  God  ")  occurs  with- 
out the  Art. ;  OS  often  occurs  with  the  force  of  a  proper  name,  but  no  reason  is  apparent  why  the  Art.  is  omitted 

here  in  this  standing  phrase.  For  discussion  of  the  difference  between  ''7N  and  <hHT\  see  Ouarrv's  "  Genesis 
and  its  authorship,"  pp.  270  sqq.— Tk.1  ^        •' 

8  [Ver.  7.  Erdmann :  "  had  not  yet  learned  to  know,"  which  is  substantially  the  same  as  Bne  A  V     On  ooint- 
ing  of  ^T  see  Exeg  Notes,  in  toco.— Te.]  s     •    •    -^    r 


CHAP,  ni.— IV.  1  a. 


87 


am  I,  for  thou  didst'  call  fcalledst]  me.     And  Eli  perceived  that  the  Lord  [Jeho- 

9  vah]  had  called  [was  calling]  the  child.     Therefore,  [And]  Eli  said  unto  Samuel, 

Go,  lie  down,  and  it  shall  be,  if  he  [one'"]  call  thee,  that  thou  shalt  say.  Speak,' 

Lord  [Jehovah],  for  thy  servant  heareth.     So  [And]  Samuel  went  and  lay  down 

10  in  his  place.  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  came,  and  stood,"  and  called  as  at  other 
times  [as  before],  Samuel,  Samuel.     Then  [And]  Samuel  answered   [said],  Speak, 

11  for  thy  servant  heareth.  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  to  Samuel,  Behold,  I  will, 
[pm.  will]  do  a  thing  in  Israel,  at  which  both  the  ears  of  every  one  that  heareth  it 

12  shall  tingle  [the  which  whosoever  heareth,  both  his  ears  shall  tingle].  In  that  day 
I  will  perform  against  Eli  all  things  [om.  things]  which  [that]  I  have  spoken  con- 
cerning his  house,  when  I  begin,  I  will  also  make  an  end  [from  beginning  to  end]. 

13  For  [And]  I  have  told  [I  announced  to]  him  that  I  will  [would]  judge  his  house 
for  ever  for  the  iniquity"  [sin]  which  he  knoweth,  because  [that  he  knew  that]  his 
sons  made  themselves  vile  [brought  a  curse  on  themselves"],  and  he  restrained  them 

14  not.  And  therefore  I  have  sworn  unto  the  house  of  Eli,  that  the  iniquity  of  Eli's 
house  shall  not  be  purged  [expiated]  with  sacrifice  \im.  of  blood]  nor  [ins.  un- 

15  bloody'*]  oifering  forever.  And  Samuel  lay  until  the  morning,'*  and  ^opened  the 
doors  of  the  house  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].     And  Samuel  feared  to  show  Eli  the 

16  vision.     Then  [And]  Eli  called  Samuel,  and  said,  Samuel,  my  son.     And  he  an- 

17  swered  [said],  Here  am  I.  And  he  said,  "What  is  the  thing  that  the  Lord  lorn,  the 
Lord,  ins.  he]  hath  [ow.  hath]  said  unto  thee  ?  I  pray  thee  [pm.  I  pray  thee"] 
hide  it  not  from  me.     God  do  so  to  thee  and  more  also,  if  thou  hide  anything  from 

18  me  of  all  the  things  [om.  the  things]  that  he  said  unto  thee.  And  Samuel  told  him 
every  whit,  and  hid  nothing  from  him.  And  he  said.  It  is  the  Lord  [He  is  Jeho- 
vah] ;  let  him  do  what  seemeth  him  good. 

19  And  Samuel  grew ;  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  with  him,  and  did  let  none  of 

20  his  words  fall  to  the  ground.    And  all  Israel  from  Dan  even  to  Beersheba  knew 

21  that  Samuel  was  established  to  be  a  prophet  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  appeared  again  [continued  to  appear]  in  Shiloh  ;  for  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  revealed  himself  to  Samuel  in  Shiloh  by  [in]  the  word  of  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]." 

Chap.  IV.     1  a  And  the  word  of  Samuel  came  to  all  Israel. 

•  [Ver.  8.  The  "  didst "  might  now  suggest  an  emphasis  not  given  by  the  Heb. — Tr.] 
10  [Ver.  9.  The  impersonal  subject  is  proper,  aa  Samuel  did  not  know  who  the  caller  was. — Te.] 
1^  [Ver.  lu.  Chald.  softens  this  anthropomorphism  into  "  revealed  himself,"  and  the  Rabbis  add,  by  a  voice 
from  the  Holy  of  Holies.— Tb.1 

^  [Ver.  13.  1\^2  is  difficult.    It  can  be  understood  here  only  as  in  stat.  const,  with  the  following  clause :  Hi's 

sin  was  "  that  he  knew,  etc."    So  the  Vulg.    The  Targ.  and  Syr.  render  as  Eng.  A.  V. ;  Sept.  gives  "  the  iniquities 
of  his  sons,"  and  omits  "  that  he  knew ;"  Wellhausen  omits  T^O. — Te.] 

1'  [Ver.  13.  UVn    is  here  taken  as  reflexive.    The  true  reading  here  is  not  clear ;  the  old  translators  and 

critics  treated  it  variously.    Sept.  has  Sehv  as  if  it  read  D^n7X,  which  Geiger  (Urgchrifl,  p.  271)  and  others  adopt. 

See  Erdmann's  remark  on  this  in  Exeg.  Notes,  in  loco.    Chald.  reads  as  the  Heb.  (Targ.  renders  /!p  by  IJT  here 

and  elsewhere) ;  Syr.  has  "  his  sons  brought  ignominy  on  the  \ 
the  eighteen  cases  of  the  "  correction  of  the  Scribes  "  (see  Buxtor] 

the  original  reading  'S  "  me  "  to  UTv>  "  themselves,"  to  avoid  the  blasphemy,  for  which  reason  also  Geiger  holds 

that  IS  "  God  "  was  changed.    Others  suggest  that  the  '7  stood  for  niiT/  "  Jehovah."    But  it  is  hard  to  say 
how  much  reliance  is  to  be  put  on  these  alleged  corrections  of  the  old  Jewish  critics,  and  here  (as  Wellhausen 

remarks)  we  expect  the  Ace.  TIIX  not  '7  after  77p.    The  external  critical  evidence  is  in  favor  of  the  reading 

D'HTN  "  God,"  but,  the  objection  to  this  urged  by  Brdmann  being  strong,  we  can  only,  with  him,  retain  the  pre- 
sent text.— Tn.] 

"  [Ver.  14.  It  seems  desirable  to  express  in  an  Kng.  translation  the  difference  between  fl^I  and  nnjp.--TB.] 
16  [Ver.  15.  Sept.  here  adds  "  and  rose  in  the  morning,"  which  Thcnius  and  Wellhausen  think  stood  originally 
in  the  text,  and  fell  out  by  similar  ending.    On  the  other  hand,  it  is  a  natural  filling  out  of  a  terse  account,  quite 
in  the  manner  of  the  Sept.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  17.  The  Eng.  "  I  pray  thee  "  is  too  strong  for  the  Heb.  KJ,  for  which  we  have  no  good  equivalent.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  21.  On  the  addition  of  the  Sept.  here  see  Thenius  and  Wellhausen.— Te.] 


!  people,"  reading  apparently  D^S.    This  is  one  of 
xtorra  Lex.  s.  v.  [Ipji),  who  are  said  to  have  changed 


EXEGETICAL   and   CRITICAL. 

Ver.  1.  JTie  history  of  Samuel's  call  to  be  prophet 
is  TOfro<it<ced  (ver.  1)  by  a  brief  statement  of  what 
It  presupposed,  and  wbat  led  to  it  in  Samuel  him- 


self and  in  the  condition  of  the  Israelitish  theocratic 
life.  As  to  the  first  point,  the  connection  shows 
that  the  "boy"  Samuel  had  grown  to  be  a  youth, 
and  was  therefore  intdlectiwUy  capable  of  receiving 
the  revelation  of  the  Lord ;  his  character  as  ser- 
vant of  the  Lord  in  the  Sanctuary  is  again  stated 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


(comp.  ii.  11,  18),  and  his  relation  to  Eli  as  his 
guardian  and  guide  is  anew  t^fiirmed  by  the  words 
"before  Eli"  (ii.  11).  The  call  which  Samuel 
receives  supposes  the  fact  that  he  belongs  to  the 
Lord  as  a  gift  from  his  parents,  and,  as  servant 
in  the  Sanctuary,  is,  in  this  priestly  life  under  the 
guidance  of  the  High-priest,  prepared  to  be  a  spe- 
cial instrument  of  God's  for  His  people. — As  to 
the  second  point,  the  condUion  of  the  theocratical  life, 
the  religious  character  of  the  times  is  marked  by  a 
twofold  expression :  1)  the  word  of  the  Lord  was 
"precious"  (IP'' ),  that  is,  the  word  was  rare  that 
came  directly  from  the  Lord  by  prophetic  an- 
nouncement to  the  people;  the  proper  organs 
were  lacking,  persons  who  were  filled  with  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord,  that  tliey  might  be  witnesses 
of  His  word ;  there  was  lacking  also  in  the  people 
the  living  desire  for  the  direct  revelations  of  God 
in  His  word,  and  receptivity  in  religious  feeling 
for  the  living  declaration, — and  this  was  true  even 
in  the  highest  planes  of  theocratical  life;  2) 
"There  was  no  vision  spread  abroad."  y^S  "break 
through,"  thence  "spread  out  from  within," 
"become  known  outwards,  become  public,"  Ps. 
iii.  10;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  5.— iTcKora  (]'lin)  [vision] 
is  the  feeling  or  perception  which  corresponds  to 
a  direct  real  divine  revelation  made  to  the  ima- 
gination of  the  prophet.*  This  "  vision  "  is  the 
means  of  the  reception  of  the  word  to  be  an- 
nounced. Little  was  heard  of  such  revelations 
of  the  Lord  by  visions,  they  were  not  spread 
abroad.  Tlierefore  the  word  of  the  Lord  was  pre- 
eiovs.  The  second  fact  had  its  ground  in  the  first 
In  the  theoeraticai  life  there  was  lacking  both  a 
truly  God-fearing,  living  priesthood,  and  a  pro- 
clamation of  God's  word  that  should  extricate  the 
people  from  their  religious-moral  depravation,  the 
vitalizing  power  of  the  divine  Spirit  through  pro- 
phetic organs. 

Vers.  2-10.  The  circumstances  and  individnal  de- 
ments of  the  calling.  In  ver.  2  the  "  and  it  came  to 
pass  "  and  the  statement  of  time  are  so  connected 
with  ver.  4  that  all  the  intermediate  from  "  and 
Eli"  to  the  end  of  ver.  3  is  ei^lanatory paren- 
thesis.f 

Samuel  might  have  supposed,  when  he  was 
awaked  by  hearing  his  name  called,  that  he  had 
to  render  some  service  to  the  half-blind  Eli ;  and 
BO  it  is  expressly  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of 
these  descriptive  sentences  that  Eli  was  growing 
blind.  The  word  "began"  shows  that  the  state- 
ment afterwards  made,  "  he  could  not  see,"  is  by 
no  means  to  be  understood  as  meaning  complete 
blindness.J — ^To  the  chronological  datum  in  the 

♦JTBazon,  which  is  uswd  chiefly  in  the  later  books  of 
O.  T.,  is  1)  the  picture  presented  to  the  mind  in  the  ec- 
static prophetic  state ;  2)  the  body  of  truth  thus  given 
to  the  prophet.  It  is  the  technical  word  for  divine  re- 
velation (so  contrasted  with  nsin)-— Te.] 

flSee  the  remark  of  Tr.  under  "Textual  and  Gram- 
matical."—Te.] 
X  r\1n3  is  either  verbal  adj.  n'lriD,  which  form.s  a  single 

conception  with  the  preceding  fln.  verb  ("  they  began 
dim,"  t.  «.,  "began  to  become  dim  ") — as  in  Gen.  ix."  20 
the  same  verb  is  connected  with  a  subst.,  Ges.,  ?  142,  4, 

Rem.— or  Inf.  Qal  01113  (comp.,  Isa.  iii.  7 ;  Gen.  xxvii. 

I 
1 ;  Deut.  xxxiv.  7 ;  Job  xvi.  8  ;  Zech.  xi.  17),  "  which  the 
punctuators  avoided  only  because  they  had  not  else- 
where met  with  it "  CBdttch.).  [This  whole  note.quotod 
by  Erdmann  and  Theniiis  from  BBttcher,  is  somewhat 
unclear.    The  passages  cited  for  the  Inf.  hardly  bear 


beginning  of  ver.  2  is  added  in  ver.  3  an  exacter 
and  more  definite  statement  in  the  words:  And 
the  lamp  of  God  vraa  not  yet  gone  out ; — 

no  doubt  this  indicates mii/AWime,  nearthemoming, 
since  the  seven-lamped  candelabrum  in  the  Sanc- 
tuary before  the  curtain,  which  (Ex.  xxvii.  20, 
21 ;  XXX.  7,  8)  was  furnished  with  oil  every  morn- 
ing and  evening,  after  having  burnt  throughout 
the  night  and  consumed  its  oil,  usually,  no  doubt, 
got  feebler  or  went  out  towards  morning  (comp. 
Lev.  xxiv.  2,  3).  The  words  "  and  S.  was  sleep- 
ing" are  not  to  be  regarded,  as  the  Athnaoh  un- 
der the  last  requires,  as  a  parenthesis  separated 
from  "  in  the  temple  "  (as  is  usually  done),  if  the 
latter  expression  is  understood  to  mean  sanctuary 
in  distinction  from  the  most  holy  place ;  for  we 
cannot  suppose  that  Samuel  slept  in  this  Sanc- 
tuary. But  hdcal  ( '3'n)  is  here,  as  in  ch.  i.  9  ; 
Ps.  xi.  4,  the  whole  sanctuary,  the  entire  space 
of  the  tabernacle,  as  the  palace  of  God,  the  King 
of  His  people,  who  has  His  throrie  there.  This 
throne  is  the  ark  of  God,"  for  above  the  ark  was 
the  symbol  of  the  presence,  yea,  of  the  royal 
dwelling  and  enthronement  of  Qod  in  the  midst  of  Mis 
people  (iv.  4) .  Samuel's  sleeping- place  was  in  one 
of  the  rooms,  which  were  built  in  the  court  for 
the  priests  and  Levites  on  service  (Keil).  The 
name  Jehovah  stands  after  "  temple,"  because  it 
is  the  Covenant-God,  who  descends  to  His  peo- 
ple and  dwells  with  them,  that  is  brought  before 
us.  On  the  other  hand,  in  connection  with  the 
lamp  and  the  ark  "  Elohim  "  is  used  "  in  the  sense 
of  the  dimne  in  general,"  (Then.),  that  is,  God  is 
viewed  in  His  loftiness  and  power  over  the  whole 
world,  as  He  who  i.s  to  be  feared  and  venerated, 
as  lofty  majesty  (which  conception  is  made  clear 
by  the  plural). 

In  vers.  2, 3,  is  described  the  situation  in  which 
Samuel  received  the  call  of  the  Lord, — it  is  night, 
the  High-priest  lies  in  his  place  in  the  sanctuary, 
the  lamps  of  the  candelabrum  are  still  burning,* 
the  morning  is  near,  it  is  the  time  when  dream- 
life  rises  to  its  height;  near  Samuel  was  the  ark 
of  God,  whence  the  revelations  of  God  came. 

Vers.  4-10  give  the  whole  history  of  the  caJi,  with 
the  attendant  circumstances,  in  its  individual  eU- 
m«jifa.— Samuel  hears  the  call  of  a  voice,  which 
has  awakened  him  from  sleep,  but  takes  it  to  be 
not  the  call  of  a  divine  voice,  as  it  was,  but  a  call 
from  Eli.  Eli,  to  whom  he  hastens,  sends  him 
back  to  his  couch  with  the  answer :  "  I  did  not 
call  thee."  This  is  repeated  in  ver.  6. — Ver.  7 
gives  the  reason  why  Samuel  thought  he  heard 
not  GocPs  voice,  but  ElUs.f  Knowing  God 
means  here  not  the  general  knowledge  of  God 
which  every  Israelite  of  necessity  had,  but  the 

on  the  question.  Wellhansen  declares  the  Inf  here 
without  7  impossible ;  but  see  Deut.  ii.  26,  31.    Winer 

makes  it'Piel.  Inf.— Te.] 

*  [The  Sept.  has  "  before  the  lamp  was  prepared," 
which  may  point  to  the  custom  of  keeping  one  light 
burning  during  the  day,  and  thus  indicate  the  late  night 
or  early  morning. — Ta.]. 

t  Dpt3  is  seldom  used,  as  here,  with  the  Ferf.  of  past 

time ;"  comp.  Ps.  xo.  2  ;  Ew.  ?  .137,  3,  c.  We  might  how- 
ever point  also  yT  with  Bfittoher,  and  thus  road,  "  in 

accordance  with  the  following  nSj'.  a  Fiens  [Impf.] 

with  WMS,  as  is  usual." 


CHAP,  in.— IV.  1  a. 


89 


special  knowledge  of  God,  which  was  given  by 
extraordinary  revelation  of  God.  The  experience 
which  now  comes  to  Samuel  is  marked  as  the /rs< 
of  the  sort.  The  word  of  God  had  not  yet 
been  revealed  to  him.  He  had  not  yet  re- 
ceived such  a  special  revelation  of  God  through 
His  word;  therefore  he  did  not  yet  know  the  God 
who  revealed  Himself  in  this  way. — "It  was  a 
gloomy  time,  poor  in  revelation,  as  in  exemplary 
religious  life.  For  Eli,  the  High-priest,  was 
weak,  his  sons  defiled  the  sanctuary,  the  people 
served  idols  (vii.  3  sq.),  and  the  Philistines  ruled 
oppressively.  Hence  it  came  that  Samuel  did 
not  yet  know  how  the  Lord  was  used  to  reveal 
Himself  to  the  prophets,  the  announcer  of  His 
word  to  men  (iii.  1,  7)"  (Nagelsbach,  Herz.  R.-E. 
XIII.  395  s(^. ) .  After  the  third  repetition  of  the  call 
(ver.  8),  Ell  observed  the  divine  origin  of  the  call, 
and  showed  Samuel  (ver.  9)  how  he  should  deport 
himself  towards  the  divine  voice.  His  answer 
was  to  be :  "  Speak,  Lord,  for  thy  servant  hear- 
eth." — Up  to  this  point  the  medium  of  the  divine 
revelation  was  the  thrice  repeated  call  of  a  voice, 
which  so  strongly  impressed  Samuel's  hearing, 
that  he  was  awakened  out  of  sleep.  This  is  the 
meaning  of  the  narrative;  it  does  not  mean  a 
voice,  which  he  thought  he  heard  in  a  dream 
merely.  In  ver.  10  a  new  factor  is  introduced : 
the  divine  revelation  by  means  of  a  voice  be- 
comes a  vision:  Jehovah  came  and  stood, 
that  is,  before  Samuel.  That  an  objective  real 
appearance  is  here  meant  is  clear  from  ver.  15, 
"the  vision"  (HNID).  Three  fectors  are  to  be 
combined ;  the  dreamrstate  of  Samuel's  soul  (the 
internal  sense),  the  Aearmgr  a  voice  on  awakening, 
the  seeiTig  an  appearance. 

Vers.  11-14.  Here  follows  the  divine  announce- 
menl  of  the  judgment  on  Israel  and  the  house  of 
Eli.  The  Pres.  (HB';?  partcp.)  brings  the  act, 
though  still  in  the  future,  before  us  as  near,  imme- 
diately and  surely  impending.*  The  tingling  of  both 
ears  is  the  mark  of  dread  and  horror,  which  comes 
suddenly  on  a  man,  so  that  he  well  nigh  loses  his 
senses.  Clericus'  reference  to  the  Lat.  attonitus  is 
excellent,  comp.  Jer.  xix.  3.  The  unheard  of  hor- 
ror which  was  to  make  both  ears  tingle  was  (chap, 
iv.)  the  frightful  defeat  of  Israel  in  battle  with 
the  Philistines,  and  the  loss  of  the  ark  to  this 
heathen  people. — ^As  in  ver.  11  the  horror,  which 
is  to  come  upon  Israel,  is  announced,  so  in  vers. 
12-14  is  declared  the  judgment  of  the  house  of  Eli. 

In  ver.  12  the  Infs.  Abs.  (71^31  ShH)  serve  to 
explain  and  define  the  verb  fin.,  "  beginning  and 
ending,"  that  is,  from  beginning  to  end,  fully, 
entirely.  Not  one  word  of  the  minatory  prophecy 
(ii.  27  sq.)  is  to  remain  unfidfilled.  (See  Ew.  ?  280, 
3  a). — In  ver.  13  this  announcement  is  recapitu- 
lated. The  declaration  was  a  threat,  no  longer  a 
warning.  Judging  is  in  sense  (comp.  Gen.  xv. 
14)  identical  with  punishing.  This  punishment 
will  be  inflicted  on  Eli's  house  "  for  ever ;"  the 
judgment  will  never  again  be  removed  from  it. 
In  what  did  Eli's  sin  consist  ?  In  the  neglect  of 
the  duty  which  he  ought  to  have  performed  to  his 
sons  as  father,  high-priest  and  judge,  by  the  em- 
ployment of  severe  chastisement  and  punishment. 

*    On  the  intrans.  nj'^Xfl  see  Ew.  ?  196  d  [comp. 
Green's  Heb.  Or.  ?141,  2.— Tr.]! 


He  knew  their  crimes,  but  let  them  go  unpun- 
ished. Wrp  anipO  "cursed  themselves"  is 
very  hard  to  explain,  unless  with  Sept.  and 
Then.,  we  read  D'SItX  for  OTp,  and  translate 
"  they  brought  God  into  contempt,"  the  Pi.  being 
taken  as  causative,  and  Qal="  to  come  into  con- 
tempt." Certainly  this  rendering  would  agree 
with  chap.  ii.  17;  but — aside  from  the  untrust- 
worthiness  of  the  Sept.  in  relation  to  the  Heb. 
text,  which  also  may  here  have  been  arbitrarily 
treated  on  account  of  this  difl&culty — against  this 
reading  is  the  fact  that  God  Himself  here  speaks. 

The    conjecture  adduced   by  Grotius,  'S  ("the 
Hebrews  wrote  that  for  DnS  'themselves'  for- 
merly stood  'S  'me,'")  must  be  rejected  on  ac- 
count of  the  difference  in  the  letters.    There 
remains  no  other  course  than  to  translate  "  curs- 
ing, bringing  a  curse  on,  themselves,"  according 
to  the    usual  explanation.*    Luther  gives  the 
correct  sense :   "  that  his  sons  behaved  shame- 
fully."    [So  Eng.  A.  V.  "made  themselves  vile," 
but  this  is  not  exactly  correct.    See  translation 
and  textual  note. — Tk.] — Ver.  14.  The  announce- 
ment that  the  punishment  is  imposed  for  ever 
^ver.  13)  is  here  marked  by  the  divine  oath  as 
irrevocable.     (DX,  in  yiew  of  the  ellipsis,  with 
negative  force,  Ges.  ?  155,  2  sq.).      The  transgres- 
sion of  ElUs  house  is  here  spoken  of  because  not 
only  did  Eli's  sins  of  omission  and  his  sons'  sins 
of  commission  prove  them  personally  worthy  of 
punishment  before  God,  but  the  religious  depra^ 
vation  that  issued  from  them  affected  the  whole 
family,  even  their  posterity.   (133^''  Pass,  for  the 
usual    133).     Because  the  guilt  can  never  be  ex- 
piated, therefore  the  sentence  will  never  be  re- 
called, but,  agreeably  to   the  Lord's  true  word, 
will  be  carried  out  on  Eli's  house.    The  double 
"forever"  at  the  end  of  the  two  declarations 
(vers.  13,  14)  expresses  the  terrible  earnestness  of 
the  divine  justice.  [As  to  the  relation  between  this 
announcement   (iii.   11-14)   and  the  other    (ii. 
27-26),  the  latter  is  founded  on  and  supposes  the 
earlier,   but  does   not  exactly  repeat  it.      The 
first  message   seems   (strangely  enough)  not  to 
have  produced  the  desired  effect,  namely  to  rouse 
Eli  and   save  his  house ;  for,  though  it  is  ex- 
pressed absolutely,  we  have  to  suppose  that  the 
doom  might  be  averted  by  repentance  and  obe- 
dience, as  in  the  case  of  Nineveh.     But  the  old 
man  was  too  weak,  and  his  sons  (who  must  have 
heard  of  the  prophet's   threatened  punishment) 
too  far  gone  in  sin.     No  moral  change  occurs  to 
remove  the  implied  moral  condition  of  the  doom, 
and  the  sentence  is  to  be  executed.     Still  God 
will  not  leave  His  old  servant  without  another 
appeal;   He  sends  another  message  by  Samuel. 
The  first  prophecy  (chap,  ii.)  reviewed  the  his- 
tory of  the  sacerdotal  house  of  Eli,  exposed  its 
unfaithfulness,   announced   its    deposition,    and 
looked  beyond  to  the  glory  of  a  new  and  faith- 
ful priestly  house.     The  second  prophecy,  given 
through  Samuel,  reafiirms  the  punishment,  em- 


*  nn3  Pi.  here  trans.  "  to  make  faint,  weak,  frighten  " 

T    ■ 

by  threatening,  terrifying  conduct,  as  elsewhere  "1J?J 
with  3,  inarepare  aliquem. 


90 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


phasizes  Eli's  personal  guilt,  and  declares  the 
sentence  on  the  priestly  house  to  be  irrevocable. 
Its  object,  then,  would  seem  to  be  two-fold: 
1)  to  rouse  Eli  and  his  sons  to  repentance  and 
quickening  into  spiritual  life,  (see  Eli's  response 
in  verse  18,  whereas  no  answer  of  his  to  the  first 
threat  is  recorded) ;  2)  to  accredit  Samuel  as  a. 
prophet  by  making  him  the  bearer  of  a  message 
that  the  whole  nation  would  hear  o^  and  to 
develop  his  spiritual-prophetic  earnestness  and 
faithfulness  by  bringing  him  into  personal  con- 
tact with  the  most  serious  events.  It  is  hardly 
to  be  supposed  that  the  conduct  of  Eli  and  his  sons 
had  been  unobserved  by  Samuel.  Bather  they 
must  have  occasioned  him  (in  connection  with 
the  man  of  God's  announcement)  much  serious 
thought,  so  that  his  message  to  EU  was  not  some- 
thing apart  from  his  own  intellectual  and  spiritual 
life.  We  must  notice,  also,  the  difference  in 
breadth  and  maturity  between  the  declaration 
committed  to  the  (doubtless)  full-grown  man 
of  God,  and  that  delivered  through  the  youth 
Samuel. — Tk.]. 

Vers.  15-18.  Samvd  before  Eli  as  caMed  prophet  of 
the  Lord  in  his  first  prophetic  function.  Although 
Eli  had  already  received  from  the  "  man  of  God" 
(ii.  27)  the  prediction  of  punishment,  yet  his  con- 
duct gives  occasion  to  the  repetition  (through 
Samuel  who  had  a  direct  call  from  the  Lord)  of 
the  prophetic  announcement  of  judgment  on  his 
house  as  a  word  of  immediate  revelation  from  the 
Lord. — Vers.  15  sq.  describe  with  such  psycho- 
logical and  historical  minuteness,  such  clearness 
and  truth  to  life  Samuel's  external  situation  and 
tone  of  mind  after  the  revelation  and  appearance, 
and  the  conduct  of  Eli  who  was  roused  to  earnest 
interest*  by  the  thrice-occurring  call  to  Samuel, 
that  neither  here  nor  in  the  preceding  description 
(vers.  1-14)  is  there  any  ground  for  Ewald's 
opinion  that  this  is  not  an  original  tradition. 
After  this  revelation  Samuel  sleeps  in  his  bed  till 
morning.  Opening  "the  doora  of  Ood's  house" 
was  a  part  of  his  duty  in  the  sanctuary.  By  the 
doora  we  are  not  to  understand  the  curtains,  but 
real  doors,  which  belonged,  however,  not  to  the 
cells  which  were  perhaps  buUt  aro\md,  but  "  to 
the  house  of  God"  itself.  Originally,  indeed, 
the  Tabernacle,  being  a  tent,  had  no  doors,  but, 
after  it  was  fixed  in  Shiloh  with  a  solid  enclosure, 
it  might  somehow  have  been  provided  with  them. 
"Perhaps  it  stood  within  a  larger  frame,  or  a 
solid  temple-apace  of  stone  built  for  its  protec- 
tion" (Leyrer  in  Herzog's  R.-E.  XV.  116.)— 
Samuel  is  afraid  to  tell  Eli  the  ■mum,  the  appear- 
ance (nx'ID)  which  had  presented  itself  to  his 
internal  sense,  in  which  God's  revelation  con- 
cerning the  house  of  Eli  had  been  set  forth  before 
him — partly  from  awe  at  the  divine  word  which 
formed  the  content  of  the  revelation,  partly  on 
account  of  the  dreadful  significance  it  had  for 
Eli,  partly  by  reason  of  the  sorrow  of  which,  in 
his  reverence  and  filial  piety  towards  Eli,  he 
could  not  rid  himself.  But  Eli  compels  him  to 
tell  what  he  had  so  wondrously  learned. — On 
"  my  son,"  ver.  16,  Thenius  admirably  remarks : 
"  How  much  is  expressed  by  this  one  word  I"    In 

•  [The  words  "  Eli  who  was  roused  to  earnest  inter- 
est "  have  been  supplied  by  the  translator,  something 
amounting  to  this  having  fallen  out  of  the  text,  pro- 
bably by  typographical  error.— Tb.] 


ver.  17  observe  the  dimax  in  the  words  with 
which,  in  three  sentences,  Eli  demands  information 
from  Samuel ;  it  expresses  the  excitement  of  Eli's 
soul.  He  asks  for  the  word  of  the  Lord;  he 
demands  an  exact  and  complete_  statement ;  he 
adjures  Samuel  to  conceal  nothing  from  him. 
Ood  do  so  to  thee  and  more  also,  if,  Oc., 
is  a  frequent  form  of  adjuration,*  which  threatens 
punishment  from  Godj  if  the  request  is  not  com- 
plied with,  comp.  XIV.  44;  xx.  18.— Ver.  18. 
And  Samuel  told  him  every  whit.  His 
fear  was  overpowered  by  Eli's  demand.  In 
obeying  Eli  he  was  at  the  same  time  obeying  the 
Lord,  whose  command  to  enter  on  his  prophetic 
calUng  before  Eli  he  must  have  recognized  in 
the  tatter's  demand.  And  he  (Eli)  said.  Two 
things  Eli  says :  It  is  the  Lord !  This  is  the 
utterance  of  submission,  to  the  Lord.  He  sees 
confirmed  what  the  man  of  God  announced  to 
him,  and  recognizes  the  indubitable  revelation  of 
the  Lord.  Let  Him  do  V7hat  seemeth  Him 
good.  This  is  the  expression  of  resignation,  to 
the  unchangeable  will  of  the  Lord.  To  the  over- 
whelming declaration  of  God  Eli  shows  a  com- 
plete resignation,  giving  himself  and  his  house 
into  God's  hands,  without  trying  to  excuse  or 
justify  himself,  but  also,  it  is  true,  without  ex- 
hibiting thorough  penitence. 

Vers.  19-21.  The  result  of  Sanmel^s  caU  to  the  pro- 
phetic office,  and,  at  the  same  time,  transition  to 
the  description  of  his  prophetical  work  in  Israel. 
1 )  In  ver.  19  a  the  divine  priv/Aple  in  his  develm- 
ment  into  a  man  of  God  in  his  prophetic  office  is 
expressly  emphasized,  his  growth  from  youth  to 

manhood  ( '^J'l)  being  set  forth  under  the  highest 
theocratic  point  of  view,  which  is  marked  by  the 
words:  And  the  Lord  ^vas  with  him.-^To 
him  were  imparted  God's  revelations  for  Israel, 
because  he  was  a  man  after  God's  heart,  who, 
amid  the  temptations  to  evil  that  surrounded  him 
in  Shiloh,  was  now  as  a  youth  mature  and  tried  in 
true  fear  of  God  and  sincere  fellowship  with  God ; 
and  his  growth  rested  on  a  childhood  consecrated  to 
the  Lord.  "The  Lord  was  with  him."  This  re- 
fers not  merely  to  the  general  proofe  of  God's 
goodness  and  mercy,  to  the  blessing  which  he  re- 
ceived from  the  Lord  throughout  his  life,  but  also 
to  the  special  revelations  and  gifts  of  the  Spirit 
which  the  Lord  imparted  to  him  as  His  chosen 
instrument.  For  2)  in  ver.  19  b  in  the  words 
And  he  let  none  of  his  words  fall  to  the 
ground  is  emphasized  the  divine  demonstration  of 
Samuel's  prophetic  character  by  God's  fulfilment  of 
what  he  prophetically  announced  as  the  word  re- 
vealed to  him.  The  expression  "didnotlet  fall " 
indicates  that  the  word  was  not  spoken  in  vain, 
but  was  fulfilled,!  comp.  Josh.  xxi.  45;  xxiii.  14; 
1  Kings  viii.  56;  2  Kings  x.  10.  3)  Ver.  20  ex- 
hibits his  general  recognition  in  Israel  as  a  tried 
instrument  for  the  Lord  in  the  prophetic  office. 
The  geographical  indication  of  the  extent  of  this 
recognition  suppo-ses  that  Samuel  was  made  known 


*  TThia  means  not,  "  may  God  do  to  you  as  you  do  to 
me, '  but "  may  God  visit  your  refusal  with  appropriate 
punishment."— Th.] 

t  [The  origin  of  the  figure  has  been  sought  for  in 
various  occurrenoes,  as  the  spilling  of  water,  the  fall  of 
an  arrow,  or  any  weapon  of  war,  or  of  a  house,  but  it  is 
better  understood  in  a  general  way  as  signifying  "fail- 
ures," m  contrast  with  a  firm,  upright  position.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  III.— IV.  1  a. 


91 


to  the  whole  people  from  Dan  on  the  north  to 
Beersheba  on  the  south  (Judg.  xx.  1)  aa  a  prophet 
of  the  Lord  by  his  declaration  of  the  word  of 
Cfod.      (jpw,     "found    trustwoi-thy,"     "tried," 
Num.  xii.  7).    From  this  it  is  evident  that  the 
people  of  Israel,  in  spite  of  their  disruption,  yet 
formed  religiously  a  unit.     In  spite  of  the  general 
lack  of  the  declaration  of  God's  word,  there  was 
still  altogether  a  receptivity  for  it;  notwithstand- 
ing the  decline  of  the  religious-moral  life  there 
was  not  lacking  a  sense  for  the  self-revelation  of 
the  living  God  through  His  chosen  instrument, 
the  prophet  Samuel.    It  is  no  doubt  intimated  in 
yer.  20  "that  Samuel,  in  contrast  with  the  hitherto 
isolated  appearances  of  prophets,  was  known  as  a 
man  callea  to  a  permanent  prophetic  work"  (Na- 
gelsbach,  Herz.  B.-E.  XIII.  26).     For  the  fectual 
ground  of  ver.  20  is  given  in  the  closely  connected 
T.  21,  where  4)  are  stated  the  continued  direct  reve- 
lations of  Ood  to  Samuel  in  Shiloh.     "Jehovah  con- 
tinued to  appear  in  Shiloh."     This  points  to  visions 
as  the  form  of  revelation  for  the  internal  sense, 
and  as  the  continuation  of  the  mode  of  appearance 
which  is  set  forth  in  vers.  10,  15  as  "vision." 
The  words   "for  the  Lord  revealed  Himself  to 
Samuel  in  Shiloh  by  the  word  of  the  Lord"  leave 
no  doubt  that  that  revelation  in  visions  also  was 
made  to  Samuel,  and  that  the  word  was  the  heart 
and  the  guiding  star  of  these  revelations  of  the 
Lord  made  to  mm  that  they  might  be  imparted  to 
the  people.     As  the  people  hal  hitherto  had  its 
centre  in  Shiloh  in  the  Tabernacle  with  the  ark 
■  as  the  symbol  of  God's  indwelling  and  presence, 
BO  now  it  found  in  the  same  place  a  new  centre  in 
the  continued  revelations  of  the  Lord  to  Samuel 
through  His  word.     From  now  on  God  made 
known  His  will  to  the  people  by  the  revelation 
of  His  word  to  Samuel,  the  first  representative 
of  the  permanent  prophetic  order.*    Thus,  then, 
the  beginning  of  the  fourth  chapter:  And  the 
word  of   Samuel   came   to  all  Israel — is 
closely  connected  with  the  preceding.    The  word 
of  Samuel  is  in  content  "the  word  of  the  Lord," 
which  was  directly  revealed  to  him,  he  being  from 
now  on  favored  with  this  revelation  (ver.  21)  in 
the  form  of  the  msitm  (nS'lD) ;  thus  the  declaration 
"God  revealed  Himself  to  Samuel"  is  by  no 
means  superfluous  (Then.);  for  it  is  not  "the  re- 
velation mentioned  above"  which  is  here  meant, 
but  that  which  was  constantly  repeated  in  vision, 
by  virtue  of  which  Samuel  was  the  Boeh  (nN/l), 
seer.    Inform  the  word  of  Samuel  was  prophetic 
announcement,  as  organ  of  which  he  was  Nabi 
(K'aj),  God's  spokesman,  interpreter.!    His  word 
came  "to  all  IxraM."     In  these  words  is  comprised 
5)  his  prophetic  work  in  all  Israel,  and  the  perma- 
nent effect  of  his  call  to  the  prophetic  office  (made 
by  the  first  revelation)  is  indicated.     The  word 
which  came  to  him  from  God  went  by  him  to  the 
whole  people.      This  close  connection  of  these 
words  with  the  preceding    context,   and   their 
closing  and  comprehensive  character  shows  plainly 
how  incorrect  is  the  ordinary  view  which  connects 

*  [It  ia  an  old  opinion  that  there  is  here  a  reference 
to  the  personal  Word,  the  second  Person  of  the  Trinity. 
The  Targ.  has  "the  woid  of  Jehovah  was  his  help,"  and 
so  some  modern  commentators,  as  G-ill.  But  plainly 
there  is  no  groimd  for  this.— Te.] 

t  [On  Boeh  and  IfaU  see  on  chap.  iz.  9. — Tb.] 


them  with  the  following,  and  regards  them  as  a 
call  by  Samuel  to  battle  with  the  Philistines. 
They  are  the  summary  description  of  his  prmhetie 
work,  on  which  his  judicial  labors  resteif  the 
transition  to  these  latter  being  made  in  the  follow- 
ing narration  of  Israel's  public  national  calamity. 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Samuel's  person  and  labors  as  prophet.  "So 
the  Lord's  training  had  borne  its  fruits.  Samuel 
had  been  preserved  amid  the  temptations  of  Sliiloh. 
He  had  grown  up  to  be  a  consecrated  man  and 
faithful  prophet  of  the  Lord— a  man  of  God  in  the 
midst  of  an  apostate  race — a  light  in  the  dark- 
ness, and  much  was  gained  when  God's  word  was 
once  more  t»  be  found  in  the  land."  (Schlier, 
Die  Konige  in  Isr.,  1865,  2  ed.,  p.  5.) 

"The  vigorous  and  connected  ministry  of  the 
prophets  begins  with  Samuel,  who  is  therefore  to 
be  regarded  as  the  true  founder  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment prophetic  order  (comp.  Acts  iii.  24).  It 
was  that  extraordinary  time  when,  with  the  re- 
inoval  of  the  ark,  the  Tabernacle  had  lost  its  sig- 
nificance as  centre,  the  high-priest's  functions 
were  suspended,  and  now  the  mediatorship  be- 
tween God  and  the  people  rested  altogether  in  the 
inspired  prophet.  While  the  limits  of  the  old 
ordinances  of  worship  are  broken  through,  Israel 
learns  that  Jehovah  has  not  restricted  His  saving 
presence  to  the  ancient  symbol  of  His  indwelling 
among  the  people,  rather  is  to  be  found  every- 
where, where  He  is  earnestly  sou^t,  as  God  of 
salvation."  Oehler  in  Herz.  B.-E.  s.  v.  Prophet- 
enthum  des  A.  T.  XII.  214. 

2.  The  time  of  Samuel's  appearance  in  Israel  as 
prophet  was  the  time  of  am  internal  judgment  of  Ood, 
which  consisted  in  the  preciousness  of  God's  word, 
that  is,  in  the  lack  of  intercourse  of  God  with  Bis 
people  by  revelation.  It  was  a  theocraMc  interdict* 
incurred  by  the  continued  apostasy  of  the  people 
from  their  God,  and  inflicted  by  God's  justice. 
It  had  the  disciplinary  aim  to  lead  their  hearts 
back  to  the  Lord,  who  had  long  kept  silence,  had 
long  suspended  His  revelations.  Such  ajudgment 
of  the  cessation  of  all  revelation-intercourse  of 
God  with  man  came  upon  Saul,  xxviii.  6,  15; 
comp.  the  complaint  in  Ps.  Ixxiv.  9,  "there  is  no 
longer  any  prophet,"  and  the  wail  in  Am.  viii. 
11  sq.  over  the  famine  of  God's  word.  The  same 
law  presents  itself  in  all  periods  of  the  kingdom 
of  God;  men  lose  the  source  of  life,  God's  revealed 
word,  by  a  divine  judgment,  when  they  withdraw 
from  intercourse  with  the  living  God,  and  will  not 
accept  His  holy  word  as  the  truth  which  controls 
their  whole  life. 

3.  The  form  of  God!s  revelation  in  prophecy  is,  as 
we  see  in  Samuel,  internal  sight,  the  vision,  to 
which  the  original  appellation iJoe/i  (HX*!  or  nin)  f 
(according  to  1  Sam.  ix.  9,  the  earlier  usual  desig- 
nation of  the  prophet)  points.  "  Vision  and  word 
of  God  are  in  iii.  1  parallel  expressions  for  pro- 
phecy." "The  vision  is  nothing  but  the  inner  in- 
corporation, and  therefore  also  symbolization  of 
what  is  felt  in  the  mind — whether  it  be  in  visible 


*  [The  Papal  Interdict  forbids  the  celebration  of  di- 
vine service,  the  administration  of  the  sacraments,  ec- 
clesiastical burial  and  marriage  (by  Romish  ministers), 
and  enjoins  fasting  and  prayer. — Tn.] 

t  [On  the  relation  between  nN"1  and  niH  see  below, 
chap.  ix.  9.— Tb.] 


92 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


shape  for  the  inner  eye,  or  vocally  for  the  inner 
ear."  (Tholuck,  Die  Propheten  und  ihre  Weissa- 
gungen,  1861,  p.  54.)  The  internal  sight,  by  means 
of  which  the  prophet  knows  that  the  content  of  the 
prophecy,  the  matter  of  the  announcement  to  be 
made,  has  been  imparted  to  him  by  God  directly, 
altogether  independently  of  his  own  activity,  is 
the  visimi  in  the  wider  sense.  For  this  reason 
Samuel,  like  all  other  prophets,  is  called  a  Seer. 
After  his  soul,  detached  from  the  outer  world  of 
sense  through  the  medium  of  the  dream,  has  thus 
been  brought  into  a  state  of  more  concentrated  re- 
ceptivity for  the  revelation  of  God,  he  sees_  with 
the  internal  sense  the  matter  of  the  prophetic  de- 
claration directly  imparted  to  him  by  God.  "But 
when  the  revelation  presents  its  content  in  visible 
shape  before  the  prophet's  soul,  there  results  the 
vision  in  the  stricter  sense."  (Oehler,  Herz.  R.-E. 
XVII.  637.) 

4.  In  the  history  of  Samuel's  call  to  the  pro- 
phetic office  are  united  prototypically  all  essential 
momenta*  of  theocratic 'prophecy :  1)  the  ethical  con- 
dition  of  the  absolute  consecration  of  the  person  and 
the  whole  life  to  Ood's  service  on  the  ba.sis  of  sincere 
life-commiinion  with  Him,  and  of  mutual  inter- 
course between  God  and  the  prophet — ("Speak, 
Lord,  thy  servant  hearelh;"  comp.  Jer.  xxxiii.  2 
sq.:  "cali  unto  me,  and  I  wiU  answer  thee,  and 
show  thee  great  and  mighty  things,  which  thou 
knowest  not");  2)  the  definite,  direct,  clearly  re- 
cognized and  irresistible  call  of  Ood  to  be  the  in- 
strument of  His  revelation,  the  declarer  of  His 
word  which  is  to  be  imparted  to  him,  connected 
with  the  gift  of  inspiration  and  capacity  tha'cfor  by 
the  controlling  power  of  the  Spirit  of  Qod;  3)  the 
reception  of  God's  special  revelation  by  word  inde- 
pendently of  human  teaching  and  instruction  and 
his  own  investigation  and  meditation,  together 
with  the  consciousness  of  having  been  favored 
with  a  dLsclosure  of  God's  objective  thoughts;  4) 
the  internal  sight  as  the  subjective  medium  of  the 
reception  of  the  revelation  of  God,  the  psychical 
form  of  prophecy ;  5)  the  declaration  of  the  reve- 
lation received,  with  the  certainty  and  confidence 
(produced  by  the  Spirit)  that  the  announced  word 
will  be  confirmed  by  the  corresponding  divine 
deed:  Comp.  Oehler,  Weissagung,  Herz.  R.-E. 
XVII.  627  sqq.t 

5.  The  triple  repetition  of  the  divine  call  to  Samuel 
betokens  God's  holy  arrangement  for  preparing 
His  inner  life,  that  he  might  become  an  exclusive 
organ  of  divine  revelation  (comp.  vers.  7,  8),  freed 
from  human  authority,  his  soul  open  only  to  the 
utterances  of  the  living  God,  as  is  shown  by 
Samuel's  answer  to  the  divine  voice:  "Speak, 
Lord,  thy  servant  heareth"  (vers.  9,  10);  for  by 
this  answer  Samuel  assumes  the  position  of  one 
who  has  direct  converse  with  the  Lord,  that  he 
may,  as  his  servant,  hear  what  the  Lord  will  say 
to  him  by  His  revelations,  and  thereby  the  end 
of  the  threefold  preparative  call  is  fulfilled. 

6.  That  the  light  of  the  divine  word  may  illu- 
minate the  inner  life,  the  latter  must  be  open  to 
this  light,  as  it  is  given  by  divine  revelation.  The 
humble  readiness  to  hear  and  accept  God's  coun- 
sels with   the  ear  of  faith  is  called  forth  by  the 

*  [Momentum,  translation  of  Germ,  "moment,"  "essen- 
tial or  important  clement." — Tr.] 

+  [See  also  Fairbairn  on  Prophecy,  Chap.  I.,  and  Lee 
on  Inspiration. — Tk.] 


amakening  call  of  God's  voice,  and  leads  to  the  clear 
knowledge  of  His  word.  The  way  to  fellowship 
with  the  living  God  and  service  in  His  kingdom 
is  opened  and  prepared  only  by  Qiod's  act  of  grace 
in  calling  men  by  the  voice  of  His  word:  and  so 
limng  and  abiding  continually  in  fellowship  with 
the  Lord  is  conditioned  on  the  word  of  revelation, 
in  which  the  Lord  speaks  to  the  soul  that  stands 
fast  in  the  obedience  of  faith.  Thus  the  individual 
elements  of  this  history  of  Samuel's  call  present  a 
picture  of  the  grace  of  God  that  calls  us,  as  all 
they  learn  or  experience,  who,  like  Samuel,  occupy 
such  a  position  towards  God's  word,  that  to  Grod's 
call  they  answer  with  him:  "Speak,  Lord,  thy 
servant  heareth." 

7.  Pardoning  grace*  (ver.  14)  is  open  to  every 
sinner,  and  is  denied  by  God  for  no  sin,  if  there 
be,  on  the  man's  part,  honest,  hearty  repentance 
for  sin  as  enmity  against  God  and  violation  of  His 
holy  will,  and  confident  trust  in  His  grace  and 
mercy,  that  is,  if  there  be  a  thorough  conversion 
to  the  Lord.  In  Eli's  house,  in  spite  of  the  pre- 
ceding divine  warnings  and  threatenings,  there 
was  continued,  persistent  sin,  and  Eli  did  not 
summon  the  resolution  to  make  an  energetic 
cleansing  of  his  house  and  thoroughly  to  remove 
his  .sons'  wickedness,  which  he  ought  to  have  felt 
especially  bound  to  do  as  high-priest;  such  sin 
makes  it  impossible  that  God's  grace  should  be 
shown  in  the  forgiveness  of  sin,  puts  a  limit  to 
God's  patience  and  long-sufiering,  and  draws 
down  on  itself  His  punitive  judgments  as  necessary 
proofs  of  His  holiness  and  justice.  [The  Mosaic- 
Law  had  no  ofiering  for  presumptuous  sins;  but 
underneath  the  Law  (which  was  civil-political  in 
its  outward  form)  lay  the  fundamental  principle 
of  the  forgiveness  of  the  penitent  sinner,  deve- 
loped, for  example,  in  Ps.  li.  and  others.  This  prin- 
ciple, however,  though  doubtless  part  of  the  spiri- 
tual thought  of  ancient  Israel,  did  not  find  full  ex- 
pression till  it  was  announced  that  the  blood  of 
Christ  cleanses  from  all  sin.  But  in  the  New 
Testament,  as  in  the  Old  Testament,  there  is  no 
pardon  without  repentance. — Tn.] 

8.  The  true  permanent  unity  of  Israel,  dismem- 
bered, as  the  nation  was,  during  the  Period  of  the 
Judges,  was  established  by  Samuel  by  means  of 
the  word  of  God  which,  in  his  prophetic  procla- 
mation, embraced  all  Israel.  Even  m  times  when 
the  national,  political  and  religious-ecclesiastical 
life  is  most  sadly  shattered  and  disrupted,  the 
divine  word,  if  it  is  only  preached  lovingly  by 
preachers  that  live  in  it,  shows  its  purifying  and 
unifying  power,  the  receptivity  for  it  being  pre- 
sent, and  only  needing  to  be  called  forth. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PEACTICAI... 

Ver.  1.  Cramer:  That  is  the  greatest  and 
most  perilous  scarcity,  when  God  causes  a  dearth, 
not  of  bread  but  of  His  word. — Wtiebt.  Bible: 
God  does  not  give  His  holy  word  to  every  one 
and  at  every  time  in  great  abundance,  but  causes 
at  certain  times  also  a  scarcity  therein  to  be 
sufiered,  Ezek.  iii.  26  ;  Amos  viii.  11,  12. 

[Vers.  3-14.  Stanley  :  The  stillness  of  the 
night— the  sudden  voice — the  childlike  miscon- 
ception—the venerable  Eli— the  contrast  between 


*  ff^  t'l®  Germ.  verslihnungs-gnade—"%T&ce  of  expia- 


CHAP.  Ill— IV.  1  a. 


93 


the  terrible  doom  and  the  gentle  creature  who  has 
to  announce  it — p.\e  to  this  portion  of  the  narra- 
tive a  universal  interest.  It  is  this  side  of  Sam- 
uel's career  that  has  been  so  well  caught  in  the 
well-known  pictures  by  Sir  Joshua  RejTiolds. — 
Te.] 

Vers.  3-10.  Steinmeyee  (Testimonies  to  the 
glory  of  Christ,  Berlin,  1847):  Tlie  call  of  Samud 
the  Prophet,  as  an  image  of  our  entering  into  com- 
mnnitm  with  the  Lord;  1)  How  the  occasion  for 
this  communion  is  given  on  the  part  of  Ood,  2) 
How  the  condition  of  it  is  fulfilled  on  the  part  of 
Samad,  and  3)  How  this  communion  itself  was 
begun. — Awaking  from  sleep!  What  a  strik- 
ing designation  of  the  turning  point  between 
the  old  and  the  new  in  our  life  also.  We  were 
like  them  that  sleep,  them  that  dream,  before  we 
entered  into  communion  with  God.  It  is,  how- 
ever, certainly  no  arbitrary  pre-supposition,  that 
this  pure,  simple,  upright  nature  had  definite  priM 
sentiments  that  he  must  be  in  what  was  his  God's, 
and  that  he  was  moved  by  a  longing,  even  though 
not  understood,  after  the  hour  which  now  struck ; 
and  even  this  position  of  heart  appears  to  find  in 
the  image  of  sleep  its  beautiful,  exactly-corre- 
sponding expression.  More  or  less,  however,  the 
comparison  will  also  be  applicable  to  us  all.  If 
the  grace  of  the  Lord  caused  us  to  grow  up  in  the 
temple  of  His  chui-ch,  as  Samuel  in  the  sanctuary  at 
Shiloh,  if  we  were,  like  him,  from  childhood  nour- 
ished with  the  sincere  milk  of  the  word,  then  there 
will  always  in  our  awaking  be  a  definite  recollec- 
tion that  already  long  before  we  found  ourselves 
unawares  in  this  sphere,  only  that  hitherto  our 
eyes  were  holden,  while  now  wc  are  allowed  to 
look  freely  and  without  hindrance  into  the  riches 
of  His  grace  and  His  truth. 

[How  far  this  sort  of  analogical  preaching  may 
be  carried,  is  a  question  of  opinion.  There  ar^ 
many  who  will  think  it  has  been  carried  quite  too 
far  in  this  paragraph. — Tb.] 

Vers.  8-9.  The  fact  that  Samuel,  notwithstand- 
ing the  old  man's  assurance  that  he  had  not  called 
him,  appeared  again,  and  came  the  third  time, 
without  consulting  with  flesh  and  blood,  was  a 
proof  of  his  simplicity  and  uprightness.  This  is 
indeed  the  same  uprightness  which  the  Redeemer 
commends  in  Nathaniel,  and  here  we  have  cer- 
tainly a  striking  example  of  the  Scripture  saying : 
The  Lord  makes  the  upright  prosper. — That  the 
youth  was  ready  without  fretting  to  present  him- 
self three  times  for  the  service  of  his  fatherly 
teacher — ^what  else  is  it  than  his  obedience  towards 
him  to  whose  discipline  and  service  he  had  now 
devoted  himself,  so  firmly  grounded  in  obedience 
that  he  did  not  allow  himself  to  be  turned  away 
from  his  simple,  quiet  path,  not  even  by  the  most 
wonderful  testimonies,  by  perfectly  incompre- 
hensible directions.  And  so  with  us  too,  if  in  any 
delation  whatever  we  have  only  learned  true  obe- 
dience, if  the  position  and  state  of  our  heart  has 
become  that  of  full  and  humble  subjection, 
then  we  are  no  longer  far  from  the  Kingdom  of 
God,  which  demands  blind,  unshakable  obedience, 
within  which  one  cannot  maintain  himself  without 
giving  himself  up  unconditionally  to  the  one 
authority  of  Christ  in  faith  as  well  as  in  life,  and 
which  utterly  excludes  all  selfishness,  in  whatever 
form  it  may  come  up,  all  self-will,  all  entering 
upon  a  self-chosen  path.     [The  analogy  here  and 


in  what  follows  is  extremely  remote,  and  such  a 
use  of  the  passage  would  seem  injudicious. — Te.] 
— If  we  too_  have  only  first  reached  in  general  the 
point  of  being  able  to  believe  without  seeing — for 
faith  too  must  be  learned — able  to  believe  in 
the  first  place  the  human  teaching,  rebuking,  con- 
Bolingword, — well,  then  we  are  on  the  way,  since 
the  voice  of  the  divine  word  is  belie  vingly  received 
by  us. 

[Heney  :  There  was  a  special  Providence  in 
it,  that  Samuel  should  go  thus  often  to  Eli ;  for 
hereby,  at  length,  Eli  perceived  that  the  Lord  had 
called  the  child,  ver.  8.  (1)  This  would  be  a 
mortification  to  him,  and  he  would  apprehend  it 
to  be  a  step  toward  his  family's  being  degraded, 
that  when  God  had  something  to  say  he  should 
choose  to  say  it  to  the  child  Samuel,  his  servant 
that  waited  on  him,  and  not  to  him.  (2)  This 
would  put  him  upon  inquiring  what  it  was  that  God 
said  to  Samuel,  and  would  abundantly  satisfy  him 
of  the  truth  and  certainty  of  what  should  be  deliv- 
ered, and  no  room  would  be  left  for  him  to  suggest 
that  it  was  but  a  fancy  of  Samuel's. — Te.] 

Ver.  10.  So  then  for  the  first  time  Samuel 
stands  with  consciousness  in  the  presence  of  the 
majesty  of  God — and  immediately  all  the  riddles 
of  life  begin  to  be  solved  for  him,  and  the  mean- 
ing of  his  own  life  to  become  clear.  What  he  says 
bears  the  clearest  stamp  of  a  really  begun  commu- 
nion with  the  Lord.  Is  it  not  the  resolve  to  say 
and  to  do  all  that  the  Lord  might  show  him  of 
his  lofty  thoughts  and  ways — is  it  not  this,  and 
nothing  but  this,  that  is  expressed  in  Samuel's 
words :  Speak,  Lord,  for  Thy  servant  heareth  ? 
Has  he  not  thereby  once  for  all  renounced  self- 
knowing  and  self-will  ?  That  was  the  faithfulness 
as  a  prophet,  which  all  Israel  from  Dan  even  to 
Beersheba  recognized  in  him  (ver.  20).  And  that 
which  thus  first  established  a  true  communion 
with  the  Lord  could  also  alone  be  the  power  that 
maintained  it.  The  constant  prayer,  "Speak, 
Lord,"  and  the  constant  vow,  "  Thy  servant  hear- 
eth,"— that  is  the  hand  which  takes  hold  of  God's 
right  hand,  to  be  held  fast  by  it  with  everlasting 
life. 

Ver.  10.  "Speak,  Lord,  thy  servant  heareth,"  a 
testimony  of  unconditional  demolion  to  the  Lord:  1) 
How  such  a  testimony  is  reached,  (a)  through  the 
Lord's  awakening  call,  (6)  through  receptivity  of 
heart  for  God's  word,  and  (c)  through  the  deed 
of  self-denial  in  the  renunciation  of  all  self-know- 
ing and  self-will ;  2)  What  is  therein  testified  and 
praised  before  the  Lord :  (o)  humble  subjection 
(Speak,  Lord),  (b)  steadfast  dependence  on  the 
Lord  in  free  love  {thy  servant),  (c)  unconditional, 
joyful  obedience  to  His  will  (thy  servant  heareth.) 
— Conditions  of  a  blessed  fulfillment  of  one's  calling 
for  the  Kingdom  of  Ood :  1)  The  experience  of  the 
power  of  the  divine  word  :  I  have  called  thee  by 
thy  name;  2)  The  repeated  call  in  prayer,  "Speak, 
Lord!"  and  3)  The  fiilfillment  of  the  vow:  "thy 
servant  heareth." 

Ver.  11.  Lange  :  It  is  God's  design  that  when 
He  causes  great  judgments  to  occur,  men  shall  with 
holy  terror  accept  them  as  u.  warning.  God 
begins  in  good  time  to  bring  into  holy  fear 
the  hearts  of  those  whom  he  wishes  to  make  special 
and  great  instruments  of  advancing  His  honor. 
Ver.  12.  Staekb:  The  Lord's  word  is  true; 
Psa.  xxxiii.  4  [in  German;  Eng.  Ver.  correctly: 


94 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


-Tb.]  Let  men  therefore  not  mock  at  God's 
word  and  threatenings. — Calvlk  :  The  guilt  be- 
comes so  much  the  greater,  when  God  warns 
sinners  of  their  transgressions,  and  they  notwith- 
standing persevere  in  them.  Ver.  13.  Eli's  guilt 
becomes  so  much  the  greater  from  the  fact  that  it 
was  known  to  him  how  shamefully  his  sons 
behaved,  and  he  did  nothing  to  remove  this 
abomination  from  his  house  and  from  the  sanc- 
tuary. CAiiVTiSf :  Those  who  are  set  for  the  purpose 
of  chastising  the  wicked  make  themselves  par- 
takers of  a  like  guilt  with  them,  and  go  quite 
over  to  their  side,  when  at  most  they  express  cen- 
sure with  words,  and  so  give  themselves  the 
appearance  of  strictness  and  earnestness,  but  do 
not  use  the  power  conferred  on  them  to  interfere 
with  the  godlessness  by  deeds. — Ver.  14.  If  the 
sons  of  Eli  had  earnestly  repented,  they  would 
have  obtained  grace.  But  as  they  were  given  up 
to  their  godless  disposition,  they  must  of  neces- 
sity be  hardened  in  their  sins,  and  in  spite  of 
the  offerings  they  presented,  which  were  an  abo- 
mination in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,  must  suffer 
judgment. 

[Vers.  11-14.  Compare  this  warning  with 
that  previously  sent  to  Eli  (ii.  27-36).  1)  It  is 
simpler,  as  was  appropriate  when  given  through  a 
youth.  2)  It  is  mainly  a  repetition  of  what  he  had 
been  told  before,  as  are  so  many  of  God's  messages 
to  men; — the  sin  mentioned,  is  'the  iniquity 
which  he  knoweth'  (ver.  13),  and  the  punish- 
ment is  'all  that  I  have  spoken'  (ver.  12).  3)  It 
contains  a  still  nwre  severe  threatening,  as  the 
former  had  not  led  to  repentance;  (o)  an  un- 
known horror  is  predicted,  (6)  a  punishment  of 
his  family  that  shall  never  cease.  4)  It  arouses 
Eli  to  enough  of  spiritual  life  for  subrmssion  (ver. 
18),  but  not  enough  for  amendme/nt.  (Comp. 
addition  by  Tb.  to  Exegetical  on  ver.  14). — Te.J 

Ver.  18.  We  should  never  venture  to  dispute 
with  God  nor  wish  to  speak  against  and  oppose 
His  purpose,  but  must,  even  when  we  do  not 
recognize  the  ground  of  His  judgments,  yea,  when 
we  think  we  are  suffering  unjustly,  adore  the 
righteousness  and  holiness  of  His  judgments.  Eli 
bowed  himself,  it  is  true,  in  humility  and  rever- 
ence before  the  Divine  Majesty,  but  we  do  not  see 
that  he  stirred  himself  up  to  fulfil  his  duty 
towards  his  godless  sons,  whereby  he  would  have 
made  known  by  action  the  earnestness  of  his  own 
conversion  from  the  slackness  and  yielding  com- 
pliance, which  made  him  the  sharer  of  his  sons' 
guilt.    We  should  therefore  lay  it  earnestly  to 


heart,  not  merely  with  the  mouth  to  give  God  the 
honor  for  His  wisdom  and  righteousness,  but  upon 
His  call  to  repentance  to  subject  our  own  life  to 
an  earnest  self-examination,  in  order  that  then  we 
may  beseech  God  to  forgive  our  sins,  and  may 
with  our  whole  heart  avoid  and  flee  from  eviL — 
Ver.  19.  The  word  of  God  does  not  return  void, 
whether  it  promises  or  threatens,  and  preachers 
of  the  word  of  God  learn  with  Samuel  that  none 
of  their  words  fall  to  the  ^ound,  and  this  just  in 
proportion  as  they  are  diugent  to  preach  nothing 
else  than  God's  word. 

[Vers.  15-18.  JEml  Tidings.  1)  Samuel  shrinks 
from  telliug  them,  as  a  painful  duty.  2)  Eli  is 
anxious  to  be  told,  (a)  He  apprehends  lU  news 
for  himself— accusing  conscience — reminded  of 
the  warning  given  through  the  prophet  (ii.  27  sqq.) 
(6)  But  he  desires  to  know  the  worst — earnestly 
conjures  Samuel  to  tell  him  all.  3)  Eli  hears 
evil  tidings  with  submission,  (o)  'He  is  Jehovah' 
— the  sovereign  God — the  covenant  God — 'too 
wise  to  err,  too  good  to  be  unkind.'  (6)  '  Let  him 
do,'  etc.  He  submits  humbly,  trustfully,  lovingly. 
Hall  :  If  Eli  have  been  an  ill  father  to  his  sons, 
yet  he  is  a  good  son  to  God,  and  is  ready  to  kiss 
the  very  rod  he  shall  smart  withal.) — Tb.] 

Ver.  20.  Samuel  a  true  prophet  of  the  Lord ;  1) 
Whereby  he  was  such.  2)  How  he  proved  him- 
self such  before  the  whole  people.  3)  How  he 
was  recognized  as  such  by  them.  4)  How  he  is 
an  example  for  the  faithftd  in  the  ministry  of 
God's  word. 

Cbamee:  Not  only  of  the  whole  church  in 
general,  but  of  every  Christian  hearer  in  particular 
is  it  demanded,  that  with  reference  to  the  doctrine 
taught  he  shall  perceive  whether  it  is  right  and  true 
or  not,  and  stand  his  ground.  In  the  case  of  Samuel 
the  word  did  not  hold  good :  The  prophet  has  no 
honor  in  his  own  country.  He  comes  before  us 
here  as  o  prophet  who  has  much  honor  in  his  mm 
country,  1)  Because  he  was  a  feithful  prophet  of 
God,  2)  Because  he  was  counted  worthy  by  God 
of  continual  revelations  through  his  word,  and  3) 
God  confirmed  his  proclamations  by  the  publicly 
manifested  fulfillment  of  them  as  a  fulfillment  of 
his  word. 

[Vers.  19-21.  Henby:  The  honor  done  Samvd 
as  a  prophet :  1)  God  did  him  honor  (a)  By  further 
manifestations  of  Himself  to  him.  (6)  By  fulfilling 
what  He  spake  by  him.  2)  Israel  did  him  honor, 
(o)  He  grew  famous.  (6)  He  grew  useful  and 
very  serviceable  to  his  generation.  He  that  began 
betimes  to  be  good,  soon  came  to  do  good. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  IV.  1  6— VIL  1. 


95 


SECOND  DIVISION. 

SAMUEL'S  WOEK  AS  PROPHET,  PEIEST  AND  JUDGE. 
1  Sam.  Chapteb  IV.  16— Chapter  VII. 

FIRST  SECTION. 

Infliction  of  the  Punishment  prophesied  by  Samnel  on  the  Honse  of  Eli  and  on  an 
Israel  in  the  unfortunate  Battle  with  the  Philistines. 

Chap.  IV.  1  6— VH.  1. 

I.  Israel! s  double  defeat  and  loss  of  the  Ark.    IV.  1 6 — H. 

1  Now'  [And]  Israel  went  out  against  the  Philistines  to  battle,  and  pitched  beside 

2  Ebenezer' ;  and  the  Philistines  pitched  in  Aphek.  And  the  Philistines  put  them- 
selves in  array  against  Israel,  and  when  [om.  when]  they  joined  battle',  lim.  and] 
Israel  was  smitten  before  the  Philistines,  and  they  slew  of  the  army  in  the  field 

3  about  four  thousand  men.  And  when  the  people  were  come  [And  the  people  came] 
into  the  camp,  [ins.  and]  the  elders  of  Israel  said,  Wherefore  hath  the  Lord  [Je- 
hovah] smitten  us  to-day  before  the  Philistines  ?  Let  us  [We  will]  fetch  the  ark 
of  the  covenant*  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  [ins.  to  us]  out  of  [from]  Shiloh  unto  us 
[om.  unto  us],  that,  when  it  cometh  [and  it  shall  come]  among  us  [into  our  midst] 

4  it  may  [pm.  it  may,  im.  and]  save  us  out  of  the  hand  of  our  enemies.  So  [And] 
the  people  sent  to  Shiloh  that  they  might  bring  [and  brought]  from  [om.  from] 
thence  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  of  hosts,  which  dwelleth 
between  the  cherubims  [who  sitteth  upon  the  cherubim']  ;  and  the  two  sons  of  Eli, 
Hophni  and  Phinehas,  were  there"  with  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  God. 

5  And  [ins.  it  came  to  pass],when  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
came  into  the  camp,  all  Israel  shouted  with  a  great  shout,  so  that  the  earth  rang 

6  agaiu'.  And  when  [om.  when]  the  Philistines  heard  the  noise  of  the  shout  [ins. 
and]  they  said,  What  meaneth  the  noise  of  this  great  shout  in  the  camp  of  the  He- 
brews ?    And  they  understood  that  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  come  into 

7  the  camp.  And  the  Philistines  were  afraid,  for  they  said,  God'  is  come  into  the 
camp.     And  they  said.  Woe  unto  us  !  for  there  hath  not  been  such  a  thing  hereto- 

8  fore.  Woe  unto  us !  who  shall  deliver  us  out  of  the  hand  of  these  mighty  gods  ? 
these  are  the  gods  that  smote  the  Egyptians  with  all  the  plagues  [every  sort  of 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

•  rVer.  1.  The  LXX  here  insert :  "  and  it  came  to  pass  in  those  days  that  the  Philistines  gathered  themselves 
together  against  Israel  to  battle,"  a  natural  introduction  which  we  should  expect  in  this  place,  but  for  that  very 
reason  suspicious,  since  it  might  easily  be  added  by  a  copyist  to  fill  out  our  brief  and  abrupt  text.  It  is  not  un- 
likely, as  Bib.  Comm.  suggests,  that  the  account  is  taken  from  a  fuller  narrative,  and  is  introduced  here  chiefly  to 
set  forth  the  fulfillment  of  the  prophecy  against  Eli's  house,  that  is,  from  the  theocratic-prophetic  point  of  view. 
See  Brdmann's  Introduction  to  this  Comm.  J  4.  The  Vulg.  here  agrees  with  the  Sept.,  the  other  vss.  with  the  He- 
brew.— Tb.] 

'  r  Two  articles  as  in  Jo.  iii.  14;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  S,  to  give  prominence  to  each  word.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  2.  Chald.:  "  The  combatants  spread  themselves  out,"  Syr.:  "there  was  a  battle,"  Sept.:  l/tAii/ei/  6  irdXejiot 
"  the  battle  turned  (against  Isr.),"  Vulg.:  inito  certamiM,  Erdmann :  "  der  KampJ  girm  los."  The  stem  t? DJ  means 
"  to  put  away,  scatter ;"  here  literally  "the  battle  spread  out,"  of  which  the  rendermg  in  Eng.  A.  V.  is  probably  a 
feir  equivalent.     Thenius  suggests  that  the  Sept.  read  E^Dfll,  but  Abarbanel  also  renders  the  verb  by  3IJ? 

"leave,"  as  if  the  defeat  of  the  Israelites  was  referred  to. — Tn.] 

<  [Ver.  3.  Sept.  omits  "covenant,"  and  had  a  different  text  from  ours,  but  it  has  no  claim  to  reception.— Te.] 

'   Ver.  4.  Sept.  /caflTjinei'oi/  x'PoK/S'V,  Chald.  and  Syr.  "  on  "  (as  in  2  Sam.  xxii.  11),  Vulg.  "  siiper."— Tb.] 

«  [Ver.  4.  Sept.  omits  "there  "  and  thus  gives  a  very  good  sense ;  Vule.  supports  Sept,  and  Heb.  is  supported 

by  Ch.  and  Syr.    Wellhausen  thinks  the  word  was  inserted  from  ch.  i.  8.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  6.  or  "shook."    So  Erdmann :  er6e6i!e.—TE.]  _,„     ^.    ^ 

'  [Ver.  7.  The  Chald.,  to  avoid  seeming  irreverence,  has  "  the  ark  of  God  is  come."    The  text  of  Sept.  is  here 

very  bad.— Tb.] 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


9  plague]  in  the  wilderness'  ?    Be  strong,  and  quit  yourselves  like  men,  O  ye  Philis- 
tines, that  ye  be  not  servants  unto  the  Hebrews,  as  they  have  been  to  you ;  quit 

10  yourselves  like  men  and  fight.  And  the  Philistines  fought,  and  Israel  was  smitten, 
and  they  fled  every  man  to  his  tent  [tents'°]  ;  and  there  was  a  very  great  slaughter 
[the  slaughter  was  very  great],  for  [and]  there  fell  of  Israel  thirty  thousand  foot- 

11  men.  And  the  ark  of  God  was  taken,  and  the  two  sons  of  Eli,  Hophni  and  Phine- 
has,  were  slain  [the  two  sons  of  Eli  perished,  Hophni  and  Phinehas.] 

«  rVer.  8.  To  avoid  the  historical  dlflSoulty  here  LXX.  and  Syr.  insert  "  and  "  and  Chald.  "and  to  his  people 
wonders  "  before  ■'  in  the  wilderness."    See  Bxeg.  Notes  in  toco.— Tb.J 
w  [Ver.  10.  Ch.  "  cities."— Tb.] 

sides  is  described.  The  CtSflJ  does  not  describe 
the  spreading  of  the  tumult  of  battle  (as  is  clear 
from  the  following  statement  that  the  Israelites 
were  beaten  in  the  line  of  battle,  and  thence  made 
an  orderly  retreat  to  their  camp),  but  the  sudden 
mutual  assault  of  the  opposing  lines  (Vulg.:  iniio 
prodio).  It  is  said:  Israel  was  smitten  before 
the  Philistines,"  with  reference  to  the  local  rela- 
tion and  the  victorious  superiority  of  the  Philis- 
tines, but  at  the  same  time  in  respect  of  God's 
punishing  hand  which  therein  showed  itself,  as  is 
expressly  declared  in  v.  3.*  The  Israelites  lo.st 
in  the  battle — "in  the  field,"  that  is,  in  the  plain, 
about  4000  men. 

Ver.  3.  After  the  return  to  the  camp,  it  is 
assumed  as  a  fact  in  the  ensuing  deliberation  of 
the  elders,  that  God  had  smitten  them  before  the 
Philistines,  and  the  cause  is  discussed.  The  whole 
people  here  appears  as  a  unit,  which  is  represented 
by  the  elders. — The  ark  here  spoken  of  is  no  other 
than  the  Mosaic,  the  symbol  of  God's  presence 
with  His  people,  the  place  of  His  revelation  to 
them.  Cf.  Ex.  xxv.  1&-22.  When  the  Israelites 
say:  "  We  will  fetch  the  ark  of  the  Lord  out  ofShiioh 
unto  U8,  and  it  shall  come  into  our  midst  and  save  us 
from  our  enemies,"  they  assume  that  the  Lord  and 
the  ark  are  inseparably  connected,  and  that  they 
can  obtain  His  help  against  the  foe,  (of  which 
they  recognize  their  need),  only  by  taking  the  ark 
along  with  them  into  battle.  They  connected  the 
expected  help  essentially  with  the  material  vessel, 
instead  of  bowing  in  living,  pure  faith  before  the 
Lord,  of  whose  revealing  presence  it  was  only  a 
symbol,  and  crying  to  Him  for  His  help.  This  is 
a  heathenish  feature  in  the  religious  life  of  the 
Israelites,  and  shows  that  their  faith  was  obscured 
by  superstition,  there  being  no  trace  here  of  earnest 
self-examination  with  the  question  whether  the 
cause  of  the  defeat  might  not  lie  in  God's  holiness 
and  justice  thus  revealing  itself  against  their  sins. 
Grotius  therefore  well  remarks :"  It  is  in  vain  that 
they  trust  in  God,  when  they  are  not  purged  from 
their  sins." 

Ver.  4.  Jehovah  as  covenant-God  is  more  pre- 
cisely designated  in  a  twofold  manner,  correspond- 
ing to  the  situation,  in  which  the  Israelites  de.sire 
His  almighty  help,  which  they  think  to  be  exter- 
nally connected  with  the  ark.  As  Jehovah  Sab- 
aoth  He  is  the  almighty  ruler  and  commander  of 
the  heavenhg  powers.  As  Jehovah  who  "  dwells 
above  the  Cherubim  "  [or,  "  is  enthroned  upon  the 
Cherubim" — Tr.],  He  is  the  living  God,  the  God 
of  the  completest  fulness  of  power  and  life,  who 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CEITICAL. 

Ver.  1.  IsraeVs  march  to  battle  against  the  Philis- 
tines does  not  stand  in  pragmatical  connection  with 
the  preceding  words '  and  the  word  of  Samuel  came 
to  all  Israel,'  as  if  this  latter  meant  a  summons  to 
war  with  the  Philistines  (as  is  held  by  most  of  the 
older  expositors,  and,  among  the  later,  by  Keil 
and  O.  V.  Gerlach.)  Eather  these  words  conclude 
and  sum  up  the  description  of  the  origin  and  com- 
mencement of  the  prophet's  work  and  of  his  an- 
nouncement of  the  word  of  the  Lord.  We  are 
now  introduced  immediately  to  the  scene  of  the 
history,  on  which  Samuel  will  henceforth  appear 
as  the  Lord's  instrument,  a  position  he  has  reached 
by  the  call  in  ch.  iii — iv.  1  a.  The  narrative  sets 
us  straightway  into  the  midst  of  Israel's  conflict 
with  the  Philistines.  That  the  latter  were  now 
already  in  the  laud  is  assumed  in  the  narrative, 
since  not  only  is  nothing  said  of  an  incursion  by 
them,  but  the  expression  "  the  Israelites  went  out 
against  the  Philistines"  in  connection  with  the 
succeeding  statement  of  the  place  of  encampment 
points  to  the  fact  that  the  Philistines  had  already 
possessed  themselves  of  the  land.*  In  support  of 
the  view  that  Samuel  summoned  the  Israelites  to 
war  Gericus  remarks  that  he  did  it  in  God's 
name,  that  they  might  be  punLshed  by  a  defeat ; 
but  this  is  inconsistent  with  the  divine  justice. 
The  pressure  of  the  Philistine  yoke,  under  which 
Israel  groaned,  was  already  a  punLshment  from 
God.  If  this  defeat  also  is  so  regarded,  it  can  be 
only  on  the  supposition  that  the  Israelites  hazarded 
this  battle  moi  by  Ood's  will,  and  therefore  without 
a  summons  by  Samuel.  The  name  of  the  Israel- 
itish  camp,  Ebenezer,  is  here  given  by  anticipa- 
tion, it^  origin  being  related  in  ch.  vii.  12,  on  the 
occasion  of  the  victory  of  the  Israelites  over  the 
Philistines,  twenty  years  after  this  defeat.  Ac- 
cording to  vii.  12  it  was  near  Mizpeh  in  Benjamin, 
Josh,  xviii.  26;  from  which  we  must  distinguish 
the  Mizpeh  in  the  lowland  of  Judah,  Josh.  xv.  38. 
Aphek  cannot  have  been  far  from  this,  and  is 
therefore  "perhaps  the  same  place  with  the  Ca- 
naanitish  royal  city  Aphek  (Josh.  xii.  18),  and  de- 
cidedly a  different  place  from  the  Aphekah  in  the 
hill-country  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  53) ;  for  the 
latter  lay  south  or  southeast  of  Jerusalem,  since, 
according  to  Josh.  lac.  cit,  it  wa.s  one  of  the  cities 
which  Uj  in  the  neighborhood  of  Gibeon."t 
(Keil)— In  ver.  2  an  orderly  battle-array  on  both 

*  [On  the  chronology  see  Tr.ans.'s  note  on  p.  54.  The 
dates  are  diffloult,  but  the  first,  battle  of  Ebem-zer  may 
be  put  approximately  B.  C.  IITO,  about  the  time  of  Sam- 
son s  death,  when  Samuel  was  about  20  (or  perhaps  .SO) 
years  old.  The  third  battle  of  Ebenezer  (oh.  vii.)  falls 
about  1080.— Te.] 

i  [Mr.  Grove  (in  Smith's  Diet,  of  the  Bible)  thinks  it 
likely  that  the  Aphek  is  the  same  as  that  mentioned  in 


1  Sam.  xxix.  1,  and  different  from  the  places  mentioned 
in  Josh.  xii.  and  xv.,  but  not  far  from  Jerusalem  on  the 
north-west     But  see  on  1  Sam,  xxix.  1. — Ta.] 

•  [This  fact  is  not  involved  in  tho  word  te/ra-e,  which 
belongs  to  the  common  formula  for  a  defeat,  but  is  a 
part  of  the  religious  belief  of  the  Israelites.— Te.] 


CHAP.  IV.  1  i— VII.  1. 


97 


reveals  Himself  on  earth  in  His  glory,  exaltedness 
and  dominion  over  all  the  fulness  of  the  life  which 
has  been  called  into  existence  by  Him  as  Creator. 
Xhe  designation  of    God ,    "  enthroned  on    the 
Cherubim,"  is  never  found  except  in  relation  to 
the  arh,  which  is  conceived  of  as  the  throne  of  the 
covenant-God  who  dwells  as  King  in  the  midst  of 
His  people.     Comp.   Hengstenberg  on  the  Pss., 
xcix.  1.    The  ChervMm  are  not  representatives  of 
the  heavenly  powers,  since  they  are,  as  to  form, 
made  up  of  elements  of  the  living,  animate,  earthly 
creation  which  culminates  in  man.    Eepresenting 
this,  they  get  forth,  in  their  position  on  the  ark,  the 
ruling  might  and  majesty  of  the  living  Godj  as  it 
is  revealed  over  the  manifoldness  of  the_  highest 
and  completest  life  of  the  animate  creation.    In 
these  two  designations  of  God,  then,  reference  is 
had  to  the  glory  and  dominion  of  God,  which  em- 
braces and    high-exceeda   all    creaturely  lifein 
heaven  and  on  earth,  and  whose  saving  interposition 
the  Israelites  made  dependent  on  the  presence  of 
the  ark.    In  sharpest  contrast  to  this  indication  of 
God's  loftiness  and  majesty  stands  the  mention 
of  the  two  priests  Hophni  and  Phinehas,  whose 
worthlessness  has  been  before  set  forth,  and  who 
represent  the  whole  of  the  moral  corruption  and 
sham  religious  life  of  the  people.     They  br<mght  the 
ark.    Berlenburger  Bibel :  "  taking  the  matter  into 
their  own  hands,  without  consulting  the  Lord,  and 
also  without  example,  that  what  was  testified  of 
Hophni  and  Phinehas,  ch.  ii.  24,  might  be  ful- 
filled."    The  loud  exulting  cry  of  the  people*  in  the 
camp  (ver.  5)  was  the  expression  of  the  joyful 
couvicuon  that,  now  that  the  ark  was  with  them 
in  battle,  victory  would  not  fail.     Probably  this 
confidence  was  strengthened  by  the  recollection 
of  former  glorious  victories,  gained  under  the  pre- 
sence of  the  ark  in  battle. 

Vers.  6-9.  And  the  Philistines  heard,  ver. 
6  sqq.  The  Philistines'  camp  was  so  near  that  of  the 
Israelites  that  they  could  hear  the  latter's  shout  of 
joy.  For  this  reason  the  Aphek,  near  which  the 
Philistines  now  had  their  camp,  cannot  have  been 
the  Aphekah  in  the  hill-country  of  Judah  (Josh. 
XV.  53),wliich  was  south  orsoutheast  of  Jerusalem, 
while,  on  the  contrary,  the  Mizpah,  near  which  we 
must  put  Ebenezer,  was  about  four  [English]  miles 
northwest  of  Jerusalem.!  Noteworthy  is  here 
the  lively,  distinct  description  of  the  contrasted 
tone  of  the  Philistines,  the  psychological  truth  of 
which,  in  the  transition  of  feeling  from  constemar 
tion  to  fear,  from  fear  to  despair^  and  from  despair 
to  encouragement  was  most  strikingly  confirmed. 
The  victors  must  have  been  at  first  astonished  and 
dismayed  by  the  shout  of  joy  of  the  vanquished. 
Their  astonishment  then  must  have  turned  into 
fear  and  terror,  when  they  learned  through  scouts 
that  "the  ark  of  the  Lord"  had  come  into  the 
camp  of  the  Israelites.  First,  from  their  heathen 
stand-point,  to  which,  as  we  have  seen,  that  of  the 
Israelites  here  approached  very  near,  they  saw 
therein  the  actual  presence  of  the  God  of  the  He- 
brews.   "  As  all  heathen  feared  to  a  certam  extent 


•  [It  was  the  army  that  here  acted,  rather  than  the 
people  in  a  political  capacity ;  b"' *e  word 'people 
perhaps  points  to  the  absence  of  a  regular  a™?-— i.»:J 

t  [  Nefiy  Samwil,  which  is  identifiedV  Bobi?f  °f  ^ith 
Mizpah.  is  about  five  miles  from  Jerusalem.  Bonar  and 
Stanley  prefer  Scopus  (about  a  m>le  from  J«™^4!?lk^^ 
the  site,  and  this  view  i.s  favored  by  Mr.  Grove.  Smith  s 
Bib.  Diet.  a.  v.  Mizpah.— Tn.] 

7 


the  power  of  the  gods  of  other  nations,  so  also  the 
Philistines  feared  the  power  of  the  god  of  the 
Israelite.s,  and  the  more,  that  the  fame  of  his  deeds 
in  former  times  had  come  to  their  ears."    (Keil.) 
Further,  they  look  from  this  dreaded  god  at  the 
supposed  dangerous  position  in  which  they  now 
suddenly  find  themselves  in  contrast  with  their 
preceding  success.    As  certainly  as  the  Israelites 
see  their  victory  in  the  ark  of  the  Lord,  so  vividly 
do  the  PhUistines,  with  the  cry  "woe  to  usl" 
conceive  the  defeat  which  the  god  of  the  Israelites 
will  prepare  for  them.  They  even  Ml  into  despair. 
The  thought  of  a  possible  averting  of  the  threat- 
ened danger  turns  into  a  picturing  of  the  invinci- 
bility of  the    God   of  the   Israelites,   and  the 
impossibility  of  deliverance    from   him.      The 
predicate  "mighty"  (D'T'IN)  stands  with  etoAim 
in  the  Plu.  and  not  in  the  Sing.,  because  here  the 
polytheistic  view  of  heathendom  is  set  forth.* 
Calvin :  "  It  is  not  strange  that  they  say  '  gods '  in 
the  plural,  for  unbelievers  ever  feign  many  gods. 
Therefore  this  is  the  speech  of  unbelieving  men, 
ignorant  of  the  truth.    Though  the  Hebrew  word 
is  often  used  in  the  Scripture  in  the  plural  of  the 
true  and  only  God,  yet  in  this  case  the  attached 
adjectives  and  verbs  are  always  in  the  Sing." 
"  D'n'7X  (Elohim)  is  only  used  very  frequentiy 
and  purposely  with  the  Plu.,  where  polytheism  or 
idolatry  is  meant,  Ex.  xxx.  11,  4,  8,  1  K.  xii.  29, 
or  a  visible  spirit  (God),  1  Sam.  xxviii.  13,  or 
where  heathen  speak  or  are  spoken  to,  Gen.  xx. 
13"  (Ew.  O.  ?  318  o).t    The  fear  and  despair  of 
the  Philistines  were  founded  on  the  revelation 
of  the  irresistible  power  of  this  God  in  the  history 
of  the  deliverance  of  the  people  of  Israel  out  of 
Egypt.    The  acquaintance  of  the  heathen  nations 
with  the  wonderful  demonstrations  of  the  power 
of  the  God  of  Israel  in  this  His  deliverance  was 
wide-spread.     As  this  deliverance  from  Egypt  was 
engraved  indelibly  in  the  religious  consciousness 
of  Israel,  and  is  very  often  cited  in  the  OW  Testa- 
ment as  a  type  of  all  mighty  self-revelations  of 
God  for  the  salvation  of  His  people,  so  it  was  to 
the  surrounding  heathen  nations  the  frightful  in- 
stance of  the  invincible  power  of  the  God  of  Israel. 
This  is  stated,  for  example,  in  Ex.  xv.  14Bq.  in  refe- 
rence to  the  Philistines :  "  The  nations  heard,  they 
quaked,  fear  seized  the  inhabitants  of  Philistia," 
and  in  Josh.  ii.  10  sq.   "  We  have  heard  how  Je- 
hovah dried  up  the  water  of  the  Bed  Sea  for  you, 
when  ye  came  out  of  Egypt  .  .  .  .,  and  when  we 
heard  it,  our  hearts  melted,  and  there  remained 
no  longer  courage  in  any  man,  because  of  you." — 
With  every  kind  of  plague  in  the  wilder- 
ness.— As  the  "every  kind  of  plague"  can  only 
refer  to  the  plagues  inflicted  by  God  on  Egypt  be- 
fore the  exodus  of  Israel,  and  the  "in  the  wilder- 
ness," which  can  mean  only  the  catastrophe  in  the 
Eed  Sea,  does  not  agree  with  this,  Sept.  and  Syriac 
have  inserted  "and"  before  "in  the  wilderness ;" 
and  Bunsen  accepts  this  as  probable,  in  order  to 
refer  the  "and  in  the  wilderness"  to  the  destruc- 
tion in  tiie  Eed  Sea.    Against  this  Bottcher  rightly 


*  TAnd,  therefore,  it  should  be  rendered  plur.il,— 
"  mighty  gods,"  and  not,  as  Erdmann  in  his  translation, 
*:«esmacMis™  ffo^tes,  "this  mighty  god."— Tb.] 

t  [But  see  Gen.  1.  2li,  xi.  7,  xx.  13,  2  Sam,  vii  22,  Ps. 
Ivlii.  12,  where  the  renderings  "  gods,"  "  deity,"  ele..  are 
not  quite  satisfactory, — Tb.  i 


98 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


remarks:  "the  wherewith  and  the  where  of  two 
actions  are  not  usually  so  connected  by  and."  So 
against  Ewald's  expedient,  to  insert  "in  their 
land"  before  "and  in  the  wilderness,"  Bottcher 
excellently  saya,  that  this  would  be  very  tame  and 
flat,  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  the  supposed 
omission,  and  that  the  expression  "  with  every 
kind  of  plague  "  cannot  in  any  case  suit  the  de- 
struction in  the  Red  Sea,  even  if  the  word  Ti30 
"blow"  should  be  applied  to  the  downfall  of  the 
army.  Bottcher  proposes  to  remove  the  difficulty 
by  two  insertions,  of  "and"  before  "in  the  wilder- 
ness," and  after  the  latter  phrase  some  expression 
of  a  greater  demonstration  of  power,  as  "  destroyed 
them "  (iniTasn)  from  Deut.  xi.  4,  but  this  is 

too  bold.  Over  against  such  arbitrary  additions 
to  the  difficult  text,  it  is  by  no  means  a  "  worthless 
expedient,"  as  Thenius  calls  it,  if  we  suppose  that 
the  narrator  represents  the  Philistines  aa  express- 
ing their  incorrect  and  confused  view,  which  cor- 
responds also  psychologically  with  the  excitement 
and  precipitation  with  which  they  here  speak. 
There  is  a  sort  of  zeugma  here,  the  recollections 
of  two  facts,  the  plagues  and  the  destruction  in  the 
Bed  Sea,  being  combined  into  one  expression, 
whence  results  a  statement  in  itself  incorrect. 
Keil  thinks  thal^  according  to  the  view  of  the 
Philistines,  all  God's  miracles  for  the  deliverance 
of  Israel  were  wrought  in  the  wildemess,  because 
Israel  had  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Goshen  on  the  bor- 
der of  the  wilderness ;  but  the  phrase  "  in  the 
wilderness  "  is  against  this.  A  confusion  of  view 
in  the  Philistines,  and  an  exact  relation  of  it  by 
the  narrator  maybe  the  more  readily  assumed, 
because,  on  the  one  hand,  the  Philistines  were  not 
investigators  of  history,  and  from  their  heathen 
stand-point,  had  no  interest  in  an  exact  statement 
of  those  remote  miracles  of  God  for  Israel,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  for  these  words  of  the  Philistines 
the  narrator  had  [possibly]  before  him  a  lyric- 
like song  of  real  lamentation,  as  the  Philistines 
then  uttered  it ;  just  as,  on  the  Israelitish  side,  he 
had  similar  bits  of  poetry  in  David's  lament  over 
Jonathan,  and  in  the  song  of  the  women  on  David's 
victory.  In  ver.  9  the  tone  of  fear,  of  despair, 
which  had  hitherto  shown  itself,  suddenly,  and 
without  cause,  turns  to  the  opposite.  Clericus' 
insertion, "  others  said,"  is,  certainly,  inadmissible ; 
but,  from  the  context,  it  hardly  admits  of  doubt, 
that  here  different  speakers  from  the  former  are 
introduced,  that  now  the  leaders  enter,  and,  with 
encouraging  words,  urge  the  terrified  body  of  the 
army  to  bold  struggle.  The  repeated  "  be  men  /" 
is  set  over  against  the  twofold  expression  of  des- 
pondency "woe  to  us/"  The  "be  strong— fight/" 
is  directed  against  the  "  who  xmll  save  us  f  "  The 
reference  to  the  disgrace,  which  subjection  would 
bring  on  the  Philistines  as  servants  of  the  Israel- 
ites, is  based  on  the  pride  of  the  people,  and  its 
force  is  strengthened  by  reference  to  the  depend- 
ency, on  the  other  hand,  of  the  Israelites  on  them. 
Comp.  Judg.  xiii.  1.  It  is  a  martial,  curt,  energetic 
woro,  which  is  in  striking  contrast  with  the  wide 
lamentation  just  heard,  and  therefore  cannot  have 
come  from  the  same  mouth  as  that.  The  false, 
secure,  superstitious  reliance  of  the  Israelites  on 
the  present  ark,  their  advance  to  battle  not  in  the 
fear  of  the  Lord  and  in  proper  trust  in  Him,  and 
the  newly-kindled  courage  of  the  Philistines  re- 


sulted in  terrible  defeat  of  the  former;  the  defeat 
was  very  great,  especially  in  comparison  with  the 
first,  in  which  4000  fell.  The  result  of  the  battle 
was  1)  for  the  Israelitish  army  a  complete  disper- 
sion ("every  man  fled  to  his  tents")  with  the 
terrific  loss  of  30,000  footmen  (the  Israelitish  army 
consisted  at  this  time  of  footmen  only);  2)  for  the 
ark,  its  capture  by  the  Philistine.s,  and  3)  for  the 
sons  of  Eli,  death.  Thus  a  terrible  divine  judg- 
ment was  executed  on  Israel  and  its  whole 
religious  system,  dead,  as  it  was,  and  void  of  the 
presence  of  the  living  God.  The  priesthood  was 
judged  in  its  unworthy  representatives ;  the  loss 
of  the  ark  to  the  heathen  was  the  sign  that  the 
living  God  does  not  bind  His  presence  to  a  dead 
thing,  and  withdraws  its  helpfulness  and  blessings 
where  covenant-faithfulness  to  Him  is  wanting ; 
the  mighty  army  was  destroyed,  because  it  had 
not  the  living,  Almighty  God  as  leader  and  pro- 
tector, and  He  gave  Israel,  as  a  punishment  of 
their  degeneracy,  into  the  power  of  the  enemy.* 

HISTOEICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  Tabernacle  was,  according  to  the 
divine  arrangement,  to  be  the  consecrated  place, 
where  the  covenant-God,  dwelling  among  His 
people,  would  be  enthroned  in  the  revelation  of 
His  holiness,  mercy  and  majesly ;  according  to  its 
designation,  it  was  "the  place  where  God  met 
with  the  people."  It  contravened,  therefore,  this 
sacred  ordination  of  God,  that  Israel  should  with- 
out authority  separate  the  sacred  tent  and  the  ark 
that  belonged  to  it,  and  drag  the  latter  into  the 
tumult  of  battle,  under  the  superstitious  impres- 
sion that,  removed  from  the  quiet  holy  place 
where  the  people  assembled,  and  where  they  met 
with  God,  it  would  secure  the  mighty  interven- 
tion of  God.  Thereby  was  God's  holy  method  of 
meeting  with  His  people  disturbed  and  destroyed. 
For  the  space  outside  the  Holy  Place  and  the 
Most  Holy  was  the  appointed  place  where  the 
people  assembled  and  drew  near  to  God  through 
the  priesthood ;  and  the  place  of  the  priests,  sym- 
bolizing their  mediating  office,  was  between  the 
court  and  the  Most  Holy  Place;  and  the  Most 
Holy  Place,  symbolizing  God's  dwelling  enthroned 
amid  His  people,  did  this  for  the  whole  sanctuary 
and  for  the  theocratic  people  only  through  "the 
ark  of  the  covenant  or  of  the  testimony,"  and 
through  its  symbolic  representation  of  God's  gra- 
cious presence ;  and  therefore  the  removal  of  the 
ark  of  God  from  this  consecrated  place,  and  its 
separation  from  what  was  intimately  connected 
with  it  by  the  idea  of  the  indwelling  of  God  in 
His  people  and  their  meeting  together,  not  only 
stripped  the  Holy  of  HoUes  of  its  holy  meaning, 
but  also  destroyed  the  whole  order  and  compre- 
hensive aim  of  the  sanctuary.  According  to  this 
divine  order  and  aim,  the  people  were  here  to 
draw  near  to  their  God.  The  people  here,  on  the 
contrary,  demand  that  God  shall  come  to  His 
people  with  His  help,  while  they  have  not  ap- 
proached Him  with  penitence  and  humility,  with 
prayer  and  sacrifice.  Herein  is  set  forth  the 
deepest  inward  corruption  of  the  priestly  office, 
which  not  only  did  not  prevent,  but  positively 


*  [Thppe  two  ^attle<i  ar?  tho  first  and  second  battlei 
of  Ebenezer;  for  tho  third,  seo  1  Sam.  vii.— Tr.] 


CHAP.  rv.  16— VII.  1. 


permitted  such  an  inversion  of  tte  theocratic 
order. 

2.  The  arh,  as  the  most  essential  part  of  the 
sanctuary,  whose  signification  as  "dwelling  of 
God"  it  alone  fuUy  expressed,  was  the  symbol  of 
God's  presence  with  His  people  in  the  chief 
aspects  of  His  self-revelation  as  covenant-God: 
fint  in  His  holiness  and  justice,  the  testimony  of 
which  in  the  covenant- record  of  the  Law  as  the 
revelation  of  the  holy  and  righteous  will  of  God 
to  His  people,  formed  the  content  of  the  ark ; 
secondly,  in  His  grace  and  mercy,  indicated  by  its 
cover,  the  kapporeth  [meroy-ssat],  as  the  symbol 
of  God's  merciful  love,  which  covered  the  sin  of 
His  penitent  people;  and  thirdly,  in  His  royal 
majesty  and  glory,  whose  consoling  and  terrifying 
presence  over  the  cover  of  the  ark  was  symbolized 
by  the  cherubic  forms.  These  forms  are  to  be 
regarded,  not  as  a  symbolical  representation  of 
real  personal  existences  of  a  higher  spirit-world 
(Kurtz,  Keil),  but,  both  in  the  simpler  shape  in 
which  the  human  form  is   the  prominent  and 

foverning  one  (Ex.  xxv.),  and  in  the  more  ela- 
orate  composite  form,  as  in  Ezokiel  (ch.  i.),  as 
the  symbolical  representation  of  the.  majesty  of 
God  (presented  in  full  glory  to  the  covenant-peo- 
ple), as  it  is  set  forth  in  the  completest  creaturely 
life  of  the  earthly  creation.  The  people  of  Israel, 
eoil-conrmaWei  by  their  elders  (ver.  3),  nwcoun- 
selled  by  their  hi^h-priast,  perverted  now  the 
saving  covenant-order  symbolized  by  the  ark  thus 
constithted,  in  that,  by  the  external  conveyance 
of  the  ark  into  the  battle,  they  severed  the  mighty 
unfolding  of  God's  majesty  and  glory  against  His 
enemies  and  His  saving  presence  from  the  ethical 
condition  necessary  on  their  part — that  is,  in 
that  they  did  not  observe  covenant-fidelity  in 
obedience  to  the  law  of  God,  nor  sought  His 
grace  and  mercy  in  sincere  penitence,  but  rather, 
m  fleshly  security  and  in  dead,  superstitiously 
degenerate  religious  service,  deluded  themselves 
into  believing  that  God's  presence  would  secure 
protection  and  help  without  the  moral  condition 
of  obedience  to  His  holy  will,  without  penitent 
approach  to  Him,  and  without  free  appropriation 
of  His  offered  grace,  and  that  it  was,  in  its  essence 
and  working,  connected  with  the  sensely  and 
natural.  This  was  in  open  contradiction  to  the 
fundamental  view  of  the  religion  of  Israel,  by 
which  the  idea  that  God  dwelt  above  the  ark 
amid  His  people  in  a  sensely  way  was  excluded. 

3.  The  unauthorized,  self-determined  inversion 
of  the  holy  order,*  in  which  is  founded  the  fel- 
lowship of  God  with  man  and  of  man  with  God, 
is  followed  by  the  opposing  manifestation  of  God's 
punitive  justice.  It  does  not  sufiice  to  see  and 
confess,  like  the  elders  of  Israel,  under  the  pain 
of  self-incurred  misfortune  and  misery,  the  reve- 
lation therein  of  the  smiting  hand  of  the  almighty 
God;  but  there  must  be  joined  with  this  the 
penitent,  sorrowful  recognition  of  our  own  sin  as 
its  cause,  and  the  penitent  seeking  after  God's 
mercy  and  help,  of  which  there  is  no  trace  in  the 

*  [We  mupt  guard,  however,  ap:aTnst  laying  too  much 
stress  on  the  ceremonial,  symbolical  order,  which 
David  violated  n  Sam.  xxi.)  without  wrong.  The 
Israelites  were  punished,  not  because  they  violated 
avmbolic  logic  in  removing  the  ark  from  the  sanctuary, 
bnfc  because  their  whole  religious  life  was  perverted 
and  disobedient.  This  M'as  only  the  occasion  of  the 
lesson.-'TK.]  ' 


people  and  their  elders.  He  who  does  not,  by 
penitence,  living  trust  in  His  mercy  and  obe- 
dience, make  himself  absolutely  dependent  on 
God  and  subject  to  Him,  comes  by  his  own  fault 
into  this  inverted  relation  to  Him,  that  he  seeks 
to  make  Him,  the  holy  and  righteous  God,  sub- 
ject to  himself,  and  to  secure  His  helping  grace 
according  to  His  own  perverse  -will.  Tlieodoret 
says  in  Qaaist,  in  I.  Reg.  Inierrog.  X.:  "By  the 
loss  of  the  ark  God  taught  the  Hebrews  that  they 
could  rely  on  His  providence  only  when  they 
lived  obedient  to  His  law,  and  when  they  trans- 
gressed His  law,  could  rely  neither  on  Him  nor 
on  the  sacred  ark." — Berl.  Bibel  on  ver.  2:  "The 
elders  were  right  in  recognizing  the  fact  that  the 
Lord  had  smitten  them  (Am.  iii.  6).  But  they 
were  arch-hypocrites  in  that  they  did  not  lay  the 
blame  on  them.selves,  and  make  a  resolution  to 
cleanse  themselves  from  sin  and  idolatry  (vii.  3, 
4),  and  turn  to  the  Lord  in  downright  earnest 
and  with  the  whole  heart,  but  only  counselled  to 
carry  the  ark  of  the  covenant  into  battle,  put  their 
trust  in  the  outward,  and  so  directed  the  people. 
If  only  the  ark  were  with  them,  thought  they,  the 
Lord  must  help  them.  Very  dilferently  did 
David,  and  in  his  deep  need  would  hold  directly 
on  the  Lord;  therefore  he  had  the  ark  of  the 
Lord  carried  back  into  Jerusalem  (2  Sam.  xv.  24 
seq.).  But  they  had  to  learn  also  that,  as  they 
had  let  obedience  to  the  Lord  go,  so  the  Lord 
would  let  these  outward  signs  go,  with  which  He 
was  not  so  much  concerned  as  with  obedience. — 
Out  of  God  we  seek  in  vain  for  help;  nothing 
can  protect  us  against  His  wrath.  We  must  give 
ourselves  up  to  Him,  and  that  is  the  best  means 
of  quieting  His  anger.  And  we  must  so  give 
ourselves  up  to  Him,  that  we  do  not  once  think 
of  trying  to  quiet  His  anger." 

4.  There  is  a  merely  fleshly  natural  joy  in  the 
external  affairs  and  ordinances  of  religious  life 
and  service,  in  that  we  think  of  and  use  these, 
not  as  means  of  glorifying  God  and  furthering 
His  honor,  but  as  means  of  satisfying  vain  de- 
sires, selfish  wishes  and  earthly-human  ends. 
The  Lord  punishes  such  pretence,  not  only  by 
thwarting  these  ends,  but  by  sending  the  oppo- 
site, privation  and  distress,  and  even  taking 
away  the  outward  supports  and  forms  of  hypo- 
critical godliness  and  piety,  as  the  ark  was 
taken  from  the  Israelites  by  the  Philistines. 
"  He  who  has,  to  him  shall  be  given ;  and  he  that 
has  not,  from  him  shall  be  taken  what  he  has." 
[Wordsworth  refers,  for  a  similar  state  of  things, 
to  Jer.  vii.  4  sq. — Tk.] 

5.  It  is  one  of  the  weightiest  laws  in  the  King- 
dom of  God,  that  when  His  people,  who  profess 
His  name,  do  not  show  covenant-fidelity  in  faith 
and  obedience,  but,  under  cover  of  merely  exter- 
nal piety,  serve  Him  in  appearance  only,  being 
in  heart  and  life  far  from  Him,  He  gives  them 
up  for  punishment  to  the  world,  before  which 
they  have  not  magnified  the  honor  of  His  name, 
but  have  covered  it  with  reproach. 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 
Vers.  1,2.  Berlenb.  Bible:  Israel  smitten  before 
the  Philistines,  is  to-day  also  the  spectacle  pre- 
sented by  the  condition  of  God's  people.  The 
enemies  of  the  Divine  name,  the  hostile  powers 
of  darkness  have  for  the  most  part  the  upper 


100 


THE  FTKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


hand.  Anxiety  about  sustenance  or  love  for 
earthly  things  everywhere  plays  the  master,  and 
even  the  best  Israelites  are  thereby  overcome  and 
made  to  fall. — Stabkb:  It  is  indeed  not  wrong  to 
defend  ourselves  against  the  enemy  who  attacks 
us ;  but  such  defense  must  be  undertaken  in  true 
penitence,  that  we  may  have  a  reconciled  God 
and  His  assistance. 

Vers.  3.  4.  Stabkb:  In  the  punishments  of 
God  men  seldom  th'uk  of  their  sins  comjuitted, 
but  only  of  outward  means  of  turning  away  the 
punishments,  Deut.  xxvi.  18 ;  Ps.  Ixxviii.  56-62. 
Schmid:  Hypocrites  leave  the  appointed  way, 
and  wish  to  prescribe  to  God  how  He  shall  help 
them. 

[Ver.  3.  Failure  in  religious  enterprises,  as  in 
efforts  to  evangelize  a  particular  community,  or 
in  some  field  of  home  or  foreign  missions.  We 
are  prone  to  see  only  the  external  causes  of  such 
failure,  instead  of  perceiving  and  lamenting  our 
lack  of  devotion  and  spirituality,  and  to  ask,  as 
if  surprised  or  complaining,  "  Wherefore  has  the 
Lord  smitten  us  before  the  Philistines  ?"  And  in 
seeking  remedies,  we  are  apt  merely  to  hunt  out 
striking  novelties  in  outward  agencies,  instead  of 
forsaking  our  sins  and  crying  for  God's  mercy  and 
help.  Sudi  novelties  may  be  employed,  provided 
a)  they  are  lawful  in  themselves,  and  b)  we  do  not 
take  it  for  granted  they  will  be  accompanied  by 
God's  presence  and  blessing. — Ver.  4.  The  taber- 
nacle and  its  leading  contents,  1)  as  symbols  of 
God's  manifested  presence.  His  majesty,  justice, 
and  mercy,  and  of  the  need  of  purification,  sacri- 
fice, and  priestly  intercession  in  approaching 
Him ;  and  2)  as  foreshadowing  the  mcamation 
of  God's  Son,  and  His  work  of  atonement  and  in- 
tercession.— Tb.] 

Ver.  5.  OsiANDER  :  So  joyful  are  the  ungodly 
in  their  carnal  security  that  they  let  themselves 
dream  of  a  happy  iasue,  while  yet  they  do  not 
think  of  repentance  and  reformation  of  life. 
[Hall  :  Those  that  regarded  not  the  God  of  the 
ark,  think  themselves  safe  and  happy  in  the  ark 
of  God. — Tk.]. — Bbblenb.  Bible  :  The  holiest 
things  and  the  most  precious  institutions  of  the 
Lord  may,  as  we  here  see,  be  most  horribly  mis- 
used contrary  to  God's  intention,  and  bring  on 
men  the  utmost  ruin,  if  they  are  not  handled  and 
read  in  a  holy  way  and  according  to  the  will  of 


God.  How  clearly  is  here  depicted  that  &lse 
confidence  of  hypocritical  Christians,  which  they 
place  in  outward  signs,  yea,  in  Christ  Himself 
without  true  repentance  and  reformation  of  life. 

Vers.  7,  8.  Schmid  :  Even  the  mere  rumor  of 
God  and  of  His  works  fills  the  ungodly  with  fear ; 
how  much  more  God's  written  Word.  God  con- 
vinces even  unbelievers  of  His  majesty,  that  they 
may  have  no  excuse,  Eom.  i.  20. 

Ver.  9.  Stabkb  :  O  ye  children  of  God,  do 
learn  here  by  the  example  of  the  Philistines,  that 
as  they  encourage  one  another  for  the  conflict 
against  God's  people,  you,  on  the  contrary,  may 
encourage  yourselves  for  the  conflict  against  the 
children  of  Satan,  Eph.  vi.  10  sq. — Schmid:  So 
desperately  wicked  is  the  human  heart,  that  it 
opposes  itself  to  God  in  perfect  desperation  rather 
than  submit  itself  to  Him  in  repentance. 

Vers.  10,  11.  Stabkb  :  When  the  ungodly 
have  filled  up  the  measure  of  their  sins,  God's 
anger  and  punishment  is  sure  to  strike  them. — 
Schmid  :  When  unbelievers  show  themselves  so 
brave  that  it  appears  as  if  they  had  overcome  God 
and  His  people,  they  gain  nothing  by  it  except 
that  they  at  least  experience  God's  heavy  ven- 
geance.— WuEETEMBEKO  BrBiE:  The  outward 
signs  of  God's  grace  are  to  the  impenitent  utterly 
unprofitable,  Jer.  vii.  4,  5. — TmEBiNGEN  Bible  : 
God  often  punishes  a  people  by  taking  away  the 
candlestick  of  His  word  from  its  place.  Rev.  ii.  5. 
— ScHLiEK :  The  Lord's  arm  would  first  chastise 
the  secure  and  presumptuous  people,  before  help 
could  be  given ;  the  blows  of  the  Philistines  were 
the  Lord's  rods  of  cha,stening.  But  there  also  was 
help  near  to  those  who  would  only  open  their 
eyes,  for  the  Lord's  chastisements  are  meant  to  be 
unto  salvation.  And  Israel  was  soon  to  be  able 
to  see  that  with  their  eyes.  The  Lord  had  chas- 
tised His  people ;  but  they  were  not  to  despair 
or  to  perLsh. — [Hall:  The  two  sons  of  Eli, 
which  had  helped  to  corrupt  their  brethren,  die 
by  the  hands  of  the  uncircumcised,  and  are  now 
too  late  separated  from  the  ark  of  God  by  Philis- 
tines, which  should  have  been  before  separated 
by  their  fether.  They  had  lived  formerly  to 
bring  God's  altar  into  contempt,  and  now  live  to 
carry  His  ark  into  captivity ;  and  at  last,  as  those 
that  had  made  up  the  measure  of  their  wicked- 
ness, are  slain  in  their  sin. — Te.] 


II.  The  Judgment  on  the  House  of  Eli.     Chap.  IV.  12-22. 

12  And  there  ran  a  man  of  Benjamin^  out  of  the  army,  and  came  to  Shiloh  the 

13  same  day  with  his  clothes  rent,  and  with  earth  upon  his  head.  And  when  [pm. 
when]  he  came  [ins.  and]  lo,  Eli  sat  upon  a  [his']  seat  by  the  wayside'  watching  ; 
for  his  heart  trembled  for  the  ark  of  God.  And  when  [_om.  when]  the  man  came 
into  the  city  and  told  it  [came,  in  order  to  tell  it  in  the  city]  lim.  and]  all  the  city 


TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

'  rVer.  12.  Instead  of  the  Gen.  construction,  as  here,  the  Heb.  has  more  commonly  the  tribal  name  aa  Adj. 
(gentilio),  as  in  Jude.  iii.  15 ;  2  Sam.  xx.  1 ;  but  for  ex.  of  this  form  see  Judg.  x.  1.— Tr.] 
'  [Ver.  13.  The  Art.  here  points  to  some  well-known  or  anoustoraed  seat.— Tr.1 
5  [Ver.  13.  It  is  generally  agreed  that  we  must  here  read,  with  the  Qeri  and  Syr.,  T  instead  of  T,  but  the 


CHAP.  IV.  12-22. 


101 


14  cried  out.  And  when  [om.  when]  Eli  heard  the  noise  of  the  crying,  he  [ont.  he, 
ins.  and]  said.  What  meaneth  the  noise  of  this  tumult  ?     And  the  man  came  in 

15  hastily  [hasted  and  came]  and  told  Eli.     Now  E!i  was  ninety  and  eight'  years  old. 

16  and  his  eyes  were  dim  [set]  that  he  could  not  see.  And  the  man  said  unto  Eli,  I 
am  he  that  came  out  of  the  army,  and  I  fled  to-day  out  of  the  army.    And  he  said, 

17  What  is  there  done,  my  son  ?  And  the  messenger  answered  and  said,  Israel  is 
fled  before  the  Philistines,  and  there  hath  been  also  a  great  slaughter  among  the 
people,  and  thy  two  sons  also,  Hophni  and  Phinehas,  are  dead,  and  the  ark  of  God 

18  is  taken.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  made  mention  of  the  ark  of  God,  that  he 
fell  from  ofi"  the  seat  backward  by  the  side*  of  the  gate,  and  his  neck  brake,  and  he 
died  ;  for  he  was  an  old  man  [Jjie  man  was  old],  and  lieavy.     And  he  had  judged 

19  Israel  forty'  year^.  And  his  daughter-ia-law,  Phinehas'  wife,  was  with  child,  near 
to  be  delivered ;'  and  when  she  heard  the  tidings  that  the  ark  of  God  was  taken, 
and  that  her  father-in-law  and  her  husband  were  dead,  she  bowed  herself  and  tra- 

20  vailed,  for  her  pains  came  upon  her.  And  about  the  time  of  her  death  the  women 
that  stood  by  her  said.  Fear  not ;  for  thou  hast  borne  a  son.     But  she  answered 

21  not,  neither  did  she  regard  it.  And  she  named  the  child  Ichabod,  saying  "  The 
glory  is  departed  from  Israel,"  because  the  ark  of  God  was  taken,  and  because  of 

22  her  father-in-law  and  her  husband.  And  she  said,  The  glory  is  departed  from 
Israel,  for  the  ark  of  God  is  taken. 

absence  of  the  Art.  in  T^T  makes  a  diflBculty,  and  the  Sept.  and  Chald.  seem  to  have  rendered  from  a  slightly 
different  text.  Sept.  has :  "  Eli  was  near  the  gate,  watching  the  way,"  and  Chald. :  *'  Eli  sat  in  the  path  of  the  way 
of  the  gate  watching."  So  in  ver.  18  the  Heb.  text  "  side  of  the  gate."  It  would  seem  probable,  therefore,  that  IJJtSTI 
"  the  gate  "  has  fallen  out  here. — Tr.] 

*  [Ver.  16.  Sept.  here  gives  90  years,  and  Syr.  (followed  by  Arab.)  78.— Tk.] 

'  [Ver.  18.  Wellhauaen  objects  to  T  ^^2,  rejects  the  ly  as  repetition  by  error,  and  reads  T3.  But  this  la 
unnecessary ;  corap.  the  7X  in  2  Sam.  xviii.  4,  and  the  force  of  ^J?3  in  Job  ii.  4. — Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  18.  Sept.  gives  20  years,  other  verss.  40. — Te.j 

'  [Ver.  19.  rh  for  m 7,  the  only  place  where  this  contraction  occurs  (so  Eashi).— Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Ver.  12  Bq.  The  persons  and  events  of  the  fol- 
lowing narrative  are  de.scribed  with  peculiar  vi- 
vidness, 80  that  we  may  here  without  doubt  sup- 
pose the  narration  to  rest  on  the  direct  account 
of  an  eye-witness.  A  man  of  Benjamin. — 
Thenius:  "This  exact  statement  vouches  for  a 
faithful  tradition."  That  he  comes  with  mournful 
tidings  is  shown  by  his  rent  garment  and  the  earth 
strewn  on  his  head,  as  signs  of  sudden  deep  grief, 
in  which  the  heart  is  rent  with  sorrow.  Comp. 
Greu.  xxxvii.  29,  34;  Numb.  xiv.  6  ;  .Tosh.  vii.  6; 
2Sam.  XV.  32;  Ezek.  xxvii.  30.*— To  Shiloh 
the  man  came  straight  from  the  army  (HJ^^Oi 
Vulg.  ex  aeie).  According  to  the  Jewish  tradi- 
tionf  this  man  was  Saul,  who  snatched  from  Go- 
liath the  Tables  of  the  Law,  taken  out  of  the  ark, 
in  order  to  save  them.  Instead  of  the  '^2  (he 
slew)  of  the  text,  which  is  unintelligible,  we  must 
readT  (side)^:  He  sat  by  the  aide  of  the 

way, watching.  Thenius  remarks :  "What  a 
strange  expression !"  But  the  sitting  in  the  way, 
or  on  the  side  of  the  way  by  which  the  first  mes- 

*  [On  the  importance  of  "  runners  "  see  note  in  Bib. 
Coram,  on  this  verse,  which  remarks  also,  that  as  the 
messenger  came  from  Ebenezer  within  the  day  (ver.  16) 
it  must  have  been  near. — Tr.] 

t  [See  Talmudical  Tract  Sota.  and  the  Midrash  of  Sa- 
inuel,  and  oomms.  of  Eashi  and  Abarbanel.— Te.] 

t  [See  "  Textual  and  Grammatical "  note  on  this  word. 
-Te.] 


sage  must  come,  answers  precisely  to  the  intense 
expectation  in  which  Eli,  though  blind,  had  taken 
this  position,  so  as,  if  not  with  the  eyes  (which, 
however,  had  perhaps  still  a  glimmer  of  light), 
yet  with  the  sense  of  hearing  to  learn  straightway 
the  arrival  of  the  first  messenger.  Eli  sits,  as  in 
ch.  i.  9  at  the  inner,  so  here  at  the  outer  gate  of 
the  Sanctuary,  on  his  seat,*  and,  a«  appears  from 
ver.  18,  on  the  side  of  the  gate,  which  was  also, 
therefore,  the  side  of  the  adjacent  way. — His 
heart  was  heavy,  not  merely  "from  anxiety 
and  care  for  the  ark,  which  without  divine  com- 
mand he  had  let  go  from  its  dwelling-place  into 
the  camp"  (Berl.  Bib.),  but  also  in  respect  to  the 
issue  of  the  battle  itself  for  the  people  of  Israel. — 
Eli's  blindness  explains  the  fact  that  he  failed  to 
observe  the  messenger,  who  ran  hurriedly  byf 
without  noticing  him.  It  is  the  cry  of  lamenta- 
tion, raised  by  the  people  of  Shiloh  at  his  news, 
that  directs  Eli's  attention  to  the  announcement. 
His  question  concerning  the  loud  outcry  around 
him,  on  which  the  messenger  came  to  inform 
him,  is  explained  in  ver.  15  by  reference  to  his 

*  (This  word  (XDD)  everywhere  else  clearly  means 
"throne"  (unless  perhaps  in  1  Ki.  11. 19;  Ps.  ix.  14),  and 
comp.  Zech,  vi.  13.  Yet.. in  the  infrequent  occurrence 
of  any  word  for  an  ordinary  seat  (and  see  Ez.  xxviii.  2, 
'Vs  SK'iD  "  seat  of  God  "),  though  the  word  seems  to  im- 
ply something  of  official  dignity,  the  rendering  throne 
(Josephus:  ei^'  vi/^T^Aov  flpocov)  would  here  be  not  so  good 
as  "  seat."    Te.] 

t  [The  messenger  probably  entered  the  city  by  the 
gate  where  Eli  was  sitting. — Te.] 


102 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


blindness,  the  result  of  old  age. — Eli  was  98 
years  old,  and  his  eyes  were  set.  (The 
Fern.  Sing.  Hop  with  VJ'J>  is  explained,  accord- 
ing to  Ewald,  I  317  a,  by  the  abstract  conception 
which  connects  itself  with  the  Plu.  of  the  Subst. 
by  the  combination  into  an  abstract  idea  of  the 
individuals  embraced  in  it,  "  especially  in  lifeless 
objects,  beasts,  or  in  co-operating  members  of  owe 
body,  in  which  the  action  of  the  individuals  is  not 
so  prominent — and  so  in  the  Dual,"  as  here).  For 
"  xoere  set "  comp.  1  Kings  xi v.  4,  where  occurs 
the  same  expression  for  blindness  caused  by  old 
age.  It  is  the  vivid  description  of  the  lifeless, 
motionless  appearance  of  the  eye  quenched  by 
senile  weakness,  "  a  description  of  the  so-called 
black  cataract,  amaurosis,  which  usually  ensues 
in  great  old  age  from  the  feebleness  of  the  optic 
nerves"  {Keil,  in  toco).  In  iii.  2  the  process  of 
this  blinding  is  indicated  by  the  word  HPIJ  as 
"  waxing  dim." 

Ver.  16  sq.  The  sorrowful  tidings.  The  remark 
in  ver.  15  concerning  Eli's  senile  weakness  and 
blindness  explains  both  the  preceding  ver.  14  and 
the  statement  in  ver.  16  as  to  the  way  in  which 
the  messenger  personally  announces  and  intro- 
duces himself  with  the  words :  I  am  he  that 
came  out  of  the  army.— But  he  says,  "  I  am 
he  that  came"  not  merely  on,  account  of  Eli's 
blindness,  but  also  on  account  of  the  importance 
of  the  announcement  with  which  he  approaches 
the  head  of  the  whole  people.  It  is  not  allowable, 
therefore,  to  translate:  "Icome"  (De  Wette).  At 
the  same  time  the  messenger  declares  himself  a 
fugitive,  and  so  intimates  that  the  army  is  com- 
pletely broken  up.  Eli's  que.ttion  refers  not  to  the 
How  (how  stood  the  affair?  De  Wette,  Bunsen), 
but  to  the  What:  "  What  was  the  affair?"  (The- 
nius),  Valg. :  guid  actum  est  f—The  answer  of  the 
messenger  to  ElUs  question  (ver.  17)  contains  no- 
thing but /acte  in  a  fourfold  grade,  each  statement 
more  dreadful  than  the  preceding.  There  is  a 
power  in  these  words  which  comes  out  in  four 
sharp  sentences,  with  blow  after  blow,  till  its  force 
is  crushing :  Israel  fleeing  before  the  Philistines,  a 
great  slaughter  among  the  people,  ElUs  sons  dsad, 
the  ark  taken.  The  double  "  and  also"  (DJl)  is  to 
be  observed  here  as  characteristic  of  the  lapidary 
style  of  the  words,  and  the  excitement  with  which 
they  were  spoken. — The  narrator  remarks  ex- 
pressly that  the  fourth  blow,  the  news  of  the  cap- 
ture of  the  ark  by  the  heathen,  led  to  Eli's  death. 
This  is  again  a  sign  of  the  fear  of  God,  which  was 
deeply  rooted  in  hia  heart;  the  ark  represented 
the  honor  and  glory  of  the  God  who  dwelt  in  His 
people ;  the  people's  honor  and  power  might 
perish;  the  destruction  of  his  house  might  be  ir- 
retardable,  unavoidable  ;  prepared  beforehand 
for  it,  he  had  said :  "  It  is  the  Lord,  let  him  do 
as  seemeth  him  good  1"  But  the  loss  of  the  ark 
to  the  heathen  was  his  death-blow  the  more 
surely,  the  firmer  had  been  his  hope  that,  as  of 
old  in  the  time  of  Moses  and  Joshua,  the  host  of 
Israel  would  win  the  victory  over  the  Philistines 
under  the  lead  of  tlie  ark  which  he,  a  weak  guar- 
dian of  the  Sacred  Vessel,  had  sent  ofTto  the  battle 
without  Divine  command,  wealdy  yielding  to  the 
elders  of  the  people  whose  trust  was  not  in  the 
living  God.  His  judicial  and  high-priestly  office, 
lacking  as  it  was  in  honor  and  renown,  he  closed 
with  honor ;  though  the  maimer  of  his  death  was 


terrible,  and  bore  the  mark  of  a  divine  judgment, 
he  nevertheless  died  in  the  fear  of  God.  Berl. 
Bib. :  "  It  is  besides  an  honorable  and  glorious 
death  to  die  from  care  for  God's  honor."  His 
judgeship  had  lasted  40  years.  The  Sept.  reading, 
20  years  for  40,  results,  according  to  Thenius,  from 
the  confusion  of  the  numeral  letters  □  and  3,  as 
the  reading  78  (Syr.,  Arab.)  for  98  in  ver.  15,  ac- 
cording to  the  same  critic,  may  be  due  to  the  con- 
fusion of  X  and  J7.  Further,  our  text  "  is  sus- 
tained by  the  fact  that  Eli  hardly  became  Judge 
'in  his  78th  year"  (Thenius). 

Vers.  19  sq.  Here  follows  the  pathetic  nar- 
rative of  Eli's  daughter^nrlaw,  in  which  is 
shown  how  the  judgment  on  Eli's  house  is 
still  farther  fulfilled  in  his  family.*  The  wife 
of  Phinehas  was  so  violently  affected  by  the  hor- 
ror and  sorrow  that  her  pains  came  prematurely 
on  her.  Literally  it  reads:  "her  pains  turned 
upon  her,"  or  "  be^an  to  turn  themselves  within 
her."  This  expression  is  suggested  by  the  ground- 
meaning  of  the  word  (D'TS),  "something  turn- 
ing, winding,  circling." — Ver.  20.  The  comfort- 
ing word  of  the  women  who  stood  by :  "  thou  hast 
borne  a  son  "  does  not  rouse  the  mother's  joy  in 
her  heart,  and  cannot  overcome  or  soften  its  sor- 
row at  the  loss  of  the  ark,  which  is  more  to  her 
than  the  loss  of  husband  and  father-in-law — and 
this  is  set  forth  by  two  expre-ssions  in  the  narra- 
tion :  "  she  gave  no  answer,  and  laid  it  not  to 
heart,"  did  not  set  her  mind  on  it.    Comp.  Ps. 

Ixii.  11  37  aw.  What  is  commonly  for  a  mo- 
ther's heart  at  such  a  time  the  greatest  joy  ( Jno. 
xvi.  21),  was  for  her  as  if  it  were  not;  so  is  her 
soul  occupied  and  taken  up  with  sorrow  for  the 
lost  ark.  This  shows  the  earnest,  sincere  piety, 
in  which  she  is  like  her  father-in-law.  Eli's 
house,  made  ripe  by  his  weakness  for  so  frightful 
a  judgment,  was  not  in  aJ,l  its  members  personally 
a  partaker  of  the  godlessness  and  immorality  of 
those  who  certainly,  before  the  Lord  and  the 
whole  nation,  stamped  it  as  ripe  for  God's  right- 
eous punishment.  "  The  wife  of  this  deeply  cor- 
rupt man  shows  how  penetrated  the  whole  people 
then  was  with  the  sense  of  the  value  of  its  cove- 
nant with  God  "  (0.  V.  Gerlach).t— Ver.  21.  She 
gives  expression  to  what  fills  her  heart  by  naming 
the  child  Ichahod.     This  name  is  not  "  where  is 

*  The  S  before  nS  —  PtH  is  that  of  time,  our  towards, 
on,  about ;  comp.  Josh.  ii.  3, "  the  gate  was  for  closing," 
that  is,  was  to  be  closed  immediately ;  Ew.  Or.  217,  2  6. 
So  here :  towards  bearing,  near  to  bearing.  On  the  con- 
traction of  rinS  into  nS  comp.  Ew.  Or.  J  236, 1  6,  and  J 
80.— 7X  is  often  used,  as  here,  to  point  out  the  object  to 
which  the  narration  relates— with  the  verbs  "  say,  re- 
late." Comp.  Gen.  xx.  2;  Ps.  ii.  7;  Ixix.  27;  Is.  xxxviii. 
19 ;  Jer.  xxvii.  19 ;  Job  xlii.  7.  It  is  explained  by  the  fact 
that,  in  narrating  or  speaking,  the  mind  is  directed  to 
the  object,  stands  in  relation  to  it.  Comp.  S  Isa.  T.  1. 
That  it  here  depends  on  a  subst.,  and  not,  as  usually,  on 
a  verb,  does  not  affect  the  principle,  since  a  verbal  con- 
ception lies  in  this  subst. 

t  [We  can  hardly  draw  a  conclusion  concerning  the 
whole  nation  from  the  example  of  one  person,  and  Gar- 
lach's  inference  is,  for  other  reasons,  doubtful.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  IV.  12-22. 


103 


glory?"  ('■:>  'X),  that  is,  nowhere,  but  it  =  "not 
glory."*  She  explains  the  name  Not-glory, 
Un-glory  by  saying  ("iONI):  "the  glory  of 
Israel  is  carried  into  captivity."  (The  'f<,  as 
in  verse  19,  is  "in  reference  to,"  "having 
regard  to,"  and  belongs  to  "iOK?.  as  the  conti- 
nuation of  the  words  of  the  narrator,  not  of 
the  dying  woman).  The  narrator  has  in  mind 
her  words,  on  which  she  based  that  ejaculation, 
but  does  not  state  them  as  hers  till  afterwards  ; 
here  he  states  beforehand  the  fact  contained  in 
them  as  a  historical  explanation.  We  must  note, 
however,  the  difference  between  his  explanation 
and  her  reason  for  that  exclamation  in  ver.  22. 

While  he  mentions  the  reference  ( vS)  to  the  two 
dead,  she  bases  the  name  ('3)  on  the  one  thing 
only,  the  capture  of  the  ark.  The  honor  or  glory 
is  the  divine  majesty,  the  glory  of  God,  which  is 
enthroned  above  the  ark.  Grotius:  "The  ark 
above  which  God  was  accustomed  to  appear  in 
glory."  With  the  capture  of  the  ark  "Israel's 
glory  is  carried  into  captivity ;"  "with  the 
abandonment  of  the  earthly  throne  of  His  glory, 
the  Lord  seemed  to  have  annulled  His  covenant 
of  grace  with  Israel;  for  the  ark,  with  the  tar 
bles  of  the  law  and  the  kapporeth  [mercy-seat], 
was  the  visible  pledge  of  the  covenant  of  grace 
which  Jehovah  had  made  with  Israel"  (Keil). 
Eli's  son's  wife  dies,  as  Eli  himsell^  in  consuming 
sorrow  over  what  ^as  the  core  of  this  national  and 
domestic  misfortune,  over  the  judgment  of  the 
turning  away  of  the  almighty  living  God  from  the 
covenant-people,  the  outward  sign  of  which  was 
the  removal  of  the  ark,  on  which,  in  accordance 
with  His  promise  given  in  the  law.  He  would  sit  as 
Israel's  God  and  dwell  in  the  midst  of  His  people. 
Comp.  Ex.  XXV.  22;  xxx.  6,  36;  xl.  35  ("the 
glory  of  the  Lord  filled  the  dwelling"),  1  Kings 
viii.  10, 11.  [jBiS.  Comm.  refers  to  Ps.  IxxvUi.  61, 
64  as  containing  allusions  to  this  incident.  Words- 
worth: "With  God  there  is  no  Ichabod."— Tb.] 
"The  necessary  result  of  this  national  view  of  the 
ark  is  that  there  was  only  one  sanctuary,  so  that 
all  those  passages  which  affirm  it  may  be  cited  as 
direct  testimony  to  the  fact  that  there  was  only 
one  sanctuary."  (Sengst.  £eit.  [ConJni.]  HI.  55.) 

HISTORICAL   AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  In  the  history  of  His  kingdom  on  earth  God 
the  Lord  often  permits  times  to  come,  when  it 
seems  as  if  the  victory  had  been  forever  borne 
away  from  His  people  by  the  hostile  world,  and 
the  holy  ordinances  of  His  kingdom,  and  its  gra- 
cious benefits  forever  abandoned  to  the  power  of 
Unbelief.  Such  times  are  times  of  judgment  on 
the  house  of  the  Lord,  the  purpose  of  which  is  to 
make  manifest  all  who  truly  belong  to  the  Lord's 

Eeople,  to  put  an  end  to  the  hypocrisy  of  dead  be- 
ef and  of  the  unbelief  which  is  concealed  under 
outward  forms  and  the  appearance  of  godliness,  to 
lead  to  earnest,  honest  repentance,  and  bring  men 
to  seek  again  God's  mercy  in  true  living  faith. 

•  'N  is  not  'JN  oontraoted,  as  in  IIJ^^'K,  Nu.  xxvi.  30; 

Ew.  §  84  c,  but  =  "  not."  "  without,"'  Bw.  §  273  h,  A.  1,  p. 
667,  comp.  J  209  e,  to  wliich  tlie  context  points. 


2.  Outcry  over  inbreaking  outward  and  inward 
corruption,  in  which  God's  judgments  are  inflicted, 
is  nothing  but  an  expression  of  the  sorrow  which 
flesh  and  blood  feels,  a  sign  of  the  distance  and 
alienation  of  the  fleshly  heart  from  God,  unless 
therein  the  cry  is  heard:  "It  is  the  Lord,  this  the 
Lord  hath  done,"  and  the  confession  is  made: 
"  We  have  deserved  it  by  our  sins,"  and  unless 
recourse  is  had  in  penitence  and  faith  to  God's 
grace  and  mercy.  And  all  this  was  lacking  in 
the  outcry  of  that  whole  city  and  its  loud 
tumult. 

3.  "Being  in  God" — ^that  is,  the  union  of  the 
heart  with  Him  in  the  deepest  foundation  of  its 
being,  reveals  itself  in  times  of  great  misfortune 
and  suffering  in  this,  that  the  sorrow  and  mourn- 
ing is  not  restricted  to  the  loss  of  earthly-human 
possessions,  but  directs  itself  chiefly  to  the  loss  and 
lack  of  God's  gracious  presence,  and  thus  shows 
that  for  the  inner  life  the  glory  of  God  and  bless- 
edness in  communion  with  Him  is  become  the 
highest  good.  So  here  in  this  refraining  from 
grief  over  the  loss  of  what  to  the  flesh  was  the 
nearest  and  dearest,  and  in  the  outspoken  sorrow 
only  over  the  violence  done  to  God's  honor  and 
the  contempt  cast  on  His  name,  is  verified  the 
Lord's  word:  "He  who  forsaketh  not  fa,ther  or 
mother,  or  brother,  etc.,  is  not  worthy  of  me." 

4.  Eli  and  his  son's  wife  are  shining  examples 
of  true  heartfelt  piety  in  the  gloom  of  the  corrup- 
tion that  reigned  in  the  high-priestly  family  and 
the  judgments  that  came  on  it,  in  that  they  are 
not  taken  up  with  their  own  interests,  but  bewail 
the  violation  of  the  sanctuary,  the  contempt  put  on 
God's  honor  as  the  highest  misfortune ;  and  so  in 
times  of  universal  confusion  and  degradation 
which  God  the  Lord  lets  befall  His  kingdom  in 
this  world.  He  has  always  His  people  in  secret, 
who  look  not  on  their  own  need  and  tribulation 
as  most  to  be  lamented,  but  sorrow  most  deeply 
and  heavily  that  the  ends  of  His  grace  are 
thwarted,  the  honor  of  His  nama  violated,  and 
the  afiairs  of  His  kingdom  in  confusion. 

5.  Even  a  sudden  terrible  death  under  the 
stroke  of  a  merited  judgment  of  God  may  be  a 
blessed  death  in  the  living  God,  if  the  heart 
breaks  with  the  cry:  "To  God  alone  the  glory  I" 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PEACTICAL. 

Ver.  12.  The  outward  signs  of  mourning,  such 
as  were  usual  among  the  people  of  Israel — rending 
the  garments  and  putting  ashes  or  dust  on  the 
head — ought  to  be  a  symbolical  representation 
of  godly  sorrow  for  sin,  in  which  the  heart  is 
broken  to  pieces  by  the  word  of  the  holy  and 
righteous  God,  and  the  whole  man  casts  himself 
humbly  and  penitently  into  the  dust  before  his 
God.  [Very  fancituL— Tb.]  But,  as  then  under 
the  oppression  of  Philistine  rule  in  Israel,  there  is 
nowhere  a  trace  to  be  found  of  such  repentance, 
when  the  misfortune  over  which  men  mourn  and 
lament  is  not  regarded  and  felt  as  a  punishment 
of  God  for  sin,  and  the  smiling  hand  of  the  right- 
eous and  holy  God  is  not  therein  recognized. 

Ver.  13.  S.  SoHMiD:  We  must  take  care  not  to 
do  any  thing  with  a  doubtful  conscience,  that  we 
may  not  have  always  to  stand  in  fear,  Eom.  xiv. 
23. — Those  who  will  not  cry  out  over  their  sina 


104 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


iu  true  repentance  must  at  last  cry  out  over  the 
punishment  and  their  misfortune. 

Vers.  17,  18.  Siabke:  When  men  sin  without 
distinction,  God  also  punishes  without  distinc- 
tion, and  regards  no  person,  dignity,  age,  nor  con- 
dition, Wisdom  vi.  7. — S.  Schmid:  The  honor  of 
God  and  the  true  service  of  God  must  lie  more  on 
our  hearts  than  our  own  children  and  parents. — 
Bebl.  Bible  :  1 1  is  a  wonderful  thing  that  whereas 
the  people  were  so  powerful  and  had  gained  so 
many  victories,  as  long  as  God  protected  them, 
they  now  fly  and  let  themselves  be  overcome  al- 
most without  a  struggle,  as  soon  as  ever  God 
ceases  to  be  on  their  side.  If  God  protects  us  in 
a  special  way,  we  are  a  match  for  our  enemies ; 
but  if  He  leaves  us  only  for  a  little  to  ourselves, 
into  what  weaknesses  do  we  not  then  fall  I  So  that 
we  unite  with  our  enemies  in  contributing  much 
to  our  downfall. — We  must,  however,  regard  it  as 
an  effect  of  God's  compassion  when  He  permits  us 
to  be  smitten.  For  if  this  did  not  happen,  wo 
should  not  sufficiently  recognize  our  weakne'ss,  and 
our  great  need  of  His  assistance. — It  is  an  hono- 
rable and  glorious  death  to  die  from  concern  for 
the  honor  of  God. — Vers.  21,  22.  Bebleb.  Bible  : 
As  soon  as  we  lose  this  presence  (God's),  we  fall 
into  the  utmost  weakness  and  into  powcrlessness, 
so  that  we  can  no  more  do  what  we  have  done  be- 
fore. We  also  cease  to  be  a  terror  to  our  ene- 
mies; for  these,  on  the  contrary,  now  rejoice  over 
our  defeat. — Wtwdeelich  (in  Daechsel):  So 
prevalent  in  Israel  was  a  regard  for  the  glory  of 
God,  which  streamed  down  upon  the  people,  so 
deeply  implanted  was  the  theocratic  national  con- 
sciousness that  a  woman  in  travail  forgot  her 
pains,  and  a  dying  woman  the  terrors  of  death,  a 
mother  did  not  comfort  herself  in  her  new-bom 
son,  and  sorrow  for  the  lost  jewel  of  the  nation 
outweighed  even  sorrow  for  the  death  of  a  father 
and  of  a  husband,  and  this  in  a  family  and  in  a 
period  which  must  be  regarded  as  degenerate. 

Vers.  12-22.  A  terrible  and  yet  an  honorable  end — 
if  1)  With  the  humble  confession  "  It  is  the  Lord  " 
the  hand  of  God  aa  it  smites  down  is  held  hack; 


2)  In  complete  unselfishness  one's  own  misfortune 
and  ruin  is  quite  forgotten  over  the  shame  brought 
upon  the  honor  and  the  name  of  God;  and  3j  The 
hidden  man  of  the  heart,  with  aU  his  striving, 
turns  himself  alone  towards  the  honor  and  glory 
of  God  as  his  swpreme  good. — The  defeats  of  God's 
people  in  the  conjtict  with  the  world  which  is  hostile  to 
Mis  kingdom.  1)  Their  causes:  a)  on  tlieir  side: 
unfidthfuluess  towards  the  Lord^  arbitrary,  self- 
wUled  entrance  into  the  strife  without  God,  cow- 
ardice and  flight;  6)  on  God's  side:  punitive  jus- 
tice, abandonment  to  the  hands  of  their  enemies. 
2  Their  necessary  consequences:  deep  hurt  to  the 
yet  remaining  life  of  faith,  injury  to  the  honor  of 
God,  and  shame  brought  upon  His  glorious  name, 

3)  The  remits  contemplated  by  God  in  permitting 
them,  or  their  design:  sincere  repentance,  all  the 
more  zealous  care  for  the  Lord's  honor,  glorifying 
His  name  so  much  the  more. —  Wiihovt  honor  to 
God  no  honor  to  the  people:  1)  In  the  inner  life  of 
the  people — error  and  heterodoxy,  where  the 
light  of  His  revealed  truth  does  not  shine,  sin  and 
unrighteousness,  where  there  is  a  lack  of  faithful 
obedience  to  His  holy  will,  spiritual-moral 
wretchedness  and  niin,  where  God  must  with- 
draw His  gracious  presence ;  2)  In  the  outer  life 
of  the  people  in  relation  to  other  peoples,  oppres- 
sion and  subjection,  introduction  from  without  of 
godlessness  and  immorality,  loss  of  their  good 
name. — The  cry,  IchaJbod,  the  glory  is  departed  from 
Israel,  is  a  cry  which  1)  as  a  lamenting  cry,  is 
grounded  in  the  proper  recognition  of  the  cause, 
greatness  and  significance  of  the  ruin  and  wretched- 
ness which  come  from  being  abandoned  by  God, 
and  2)  as  an  awakening  cry  is  designed  to  admonish 
to  earnest  repentance  and  returning  to  the  Lord, 
that  the  light  of  His  glory  may  again  breaJi  forth 
out  of  the  gloom. 

[Vers.  19-22.  The  pious  wife  of  Phinehas.  1) 
Pious,  though  living  in  an  age  of  general  corrup- 
tion. 2)  Deeply  pious,  though  the  wife  of  a 
grossly  wicked  husband.  3)  So  pious,  that  in  her 
devout  grief  all  other  strongest  feelings  were  swal- 
lowed up:  a)  maternal  feeling,  5)  conjugal  and 
filial  feeling,  c)  patriotic  feeling. — Te.] 


III.    The  Ark  and  the  Philistines.     Chap.  V.  1-VII.  1. 

1.  The  Chastisement  of  the  Philistines  for  the  Eemoval  of  the  Ark. 

Chap.  V.  1-12. 

1  And  the  Philistines  took  the  ark  of  God,  and  brought  it  from  Ebenezer  unto 

2  Ashdod.     When  [And]  the  Philistines  took  the  ark  of  God,'  they  [and]  brought 

3  it  into  the  house  of  Dagon,  and  set  it  by  Dagon.  And  when  lorn,  when]  they  of 
Ashdod  arose  early  on  the  morrow,^  [iw.  and]  behold,  Dagon  was  fallen  upon  his 
face  to  the  earth  before  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].     And  they  took  Dagon,  and 

4  set  him  in  his  place  again.     And  when  [om.  when]  they  arose  early  on  the  morrow 

TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

I  f^^''^-  2  ^d  *■  This  verbal  repetition  is  quite  after  the  manner  of  Hebrew  historical  writing.— Tr.] 
ii,  i  IVer.  3.  Hero  Sept.  inserts:  "and  went  into  Dagnn's  house  and  saw," — a  very  natural  explanation,  but,  for 
that  very  reason,  suspicious  as  the  probable  addition  of  a  copyist  or  annotator.— Te.] 


CHAP.  V.  1-12. 


lOi* 


morning,'  [ins.  and]  behold,  Dagon  was  fallen  upon  his  face  to  the  ground  [earth] 
before  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  the  head  of  Dagon  and  both  the  palms 
of  his  hands  were  cut  off  upon  the  threshold ;  only  the  stump  of  lorn,  the  stump  of] 

5  Dagon  was  left  to  him.  Therefore  neither  the  priests  of  Dagon,  nor  any  that  come 
into  Dagon's  house,  tread  on  the  threshold  of  Dagon  unto  this  day. 

6  But  [And*]  the  hand  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  heavy  upon  them  of  Ashdod, 
and  he  destroyed  them,  and  smote  them  with  emerods  [boils*],  even  [om.  even]  Ash- 

7  dod  and  the  coasts'  thereof.  And  when  [om.  when]  the  men  of  Ashdod  saw  that  it 
was  so,  [ins.  and]  they  said,  The  ark  of  the  God  of  Israel  shall  not  abide  with  us, 
for  his  hand  is  sore  upon  us,  and  upon  Dagon  our  god.     [ins.  And]  they  sent  there- 

8  fore  [om.  therefore]  and  gathered  all  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  unto  them,  and 
said.  What  shall  we  do  with  the  ark  of  the  God  of  Israel  ?  And  they  answered 
[said],  Let  the  ark  of  the  God  of  Israel  be  carried  about  [removed]  unto  Gath. 
A-id  they  carried  [removed]  the  ark  of  the  God  of  Israel  about  thither  [om.  about 

9  thither].  And  it  was  so  [And  it  came  to  pass]  that,  after  they  had  carried  it  about 
[removed  it],  the  hand  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  against  the  city  with  a  very  great 
destruction  [ ;  there  was  a  very  great  consternation']  ;  and  he  smote  the  men  [people] 
of  the  city,  both  small  and  great,  and  they  had  emerods  in  their  secret  parts  [and 
boils  broke  out*  on  them].     Therefore  [And]  they  sent  the  ark  of  God  to  Ekron. 

10  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  the  ark  of  God  came  to  Ekron,  that  the  Ekronites  cried 
out,  saying,  They  have  brought  about  [om.  about]  the  ark  of  the  God  of  Israel  to 

11  us  [me*],  to  slay  us  [me]  and  our  [my]  people.  So  [And]  they  sent  and  gathered 
together  all  the  lords  of  the  Philistines,  and  said.  Send  away  the  ark  of  the  God  of 
Israel,  and  let  it  go  again  [return]  to  his  [its]  own  [om.  own]  place,  that  it  slay  us 
[me]  not,  and  our  [my]  people ;  for  there  was  a  deadly  destruction  [consternation] 

12  throughouc  [in]  all  the  city ;  the  hand  of  God  was  very  heavy  there.  And  the 
men  that  died  not  were  smitten  with  the  emerods  [boils]  ;  and  the  cry  of  the  city 
went  up  to  heaven. 

8  [Ver.  4.  It  seems  hotter  to  omit  this  explanatory  phrase,  which  is  not  found  in  the  Heb.,  and  to  leave  the 
word  "  Dagon "  to  he  explained  in  the  exposition ;  for,  though  the  phrase  is  probably  correct  (see  Erdmann's 
account  of  Dagon),  it  is  still  an  interpretation  rather  than  a  translation. — Tr.J 

*  I  Ver.  6.  The  text  of  the  Sept,  here  deviates  decidedly  from  the  Heb.;  for  attempts  to  reconcile  the  two  see 
Thenius  and  Wellhausen,  in  loco.    There  is  no  good  ground,  however,  for  departing  from  the  Heb. — Te.] 

6  (Ver.  G.  The  versions  here  all  follow  the  Qeri  tehorim,  which  word  most  of  them  take  to  mean  a  part  of  the 
body  (posteriora),  and  not  a  disease.  Chald.  and  Syr.  have  this  very  word.  Chald.  "  mariscsB,"  Syr.  "  posteriora," 
Arab,  "sedes,"  Vulg.  "in  secretiori  parte  natium,"  Philippson  " schambeulen."  Geiger  thinks  that  the  Kethib 
means  "posteriora,"  aod  the  Qeri  a  disease  of  that  part  of  the  body,  the  change  of  reading  having  been  made  for 
decency's  sake.  This  was  probably  the  reason  of  the  change,  but  the  Kethih  seems  to  mean  the  disease,  while 
the  Qeri  means  both  a  disease  and  a  part  of  the  body.  No  explanation  has  yet  been  given  of  the  reading  of  the 
Sept.  "  ships  "  (I'aus);  it  may  be  simply  an  error  of  transcription  for  «8p«,  which  is  found  in  ver.  9.— Te.] 

*  [Ver.  7.  The  word  "  coasts,"  not  now  used  in  its  original  sense  of  "sides,"  has  here  been  retained  because 

of  the  difficulty  of  finding  another  equally  good  rendering  of  the  Heb.  word  (D'7l3J). — Ta. 

^  [Ver.  9.  Erdmann :  "  xm  grossem  schrecken,'^  but  it  is  better,  with  the  versions,  to  take  it  as  an  independent 
sentence. — ThJ 

8  [Ver.  9.  Bug.  A.  V.  takes  the  verb  IHty  as=inD,  "concealed,"  but  the  connection  does  not  favour  this. 
Gesenius'  suggestion  "  broke  out"  i.s  adopted  by  Erdmann,  and  seems  best,  but  Philippson,  from  the  Arab.  r»ot 
which  Gesen.  compares,  sJuUara,  " rv/pim  fuit"  prefers  "broke,"  as  indicating  the  culmination  of  the  disease — 
aufiirechea  instead  of  kervorbreehm.  Philippson's  rendering  is  etymologically  better  founded,  but  does  not  so  well 
suit  the  connection. — Tb.] 

^  [Ver.  10.  The  Sing,  here  points  to  the  prince  or  other  person  who  was  spokesman  for  the  people. — Tk.] 


•    EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-5.  Jehovah's  demonstration  of  power 
against  the  Philistine  heathenism.  —  Vera.  1  sqq. 
From  Ebenezer  to  Ashdod. — On  the  antici- 
patory use  of  the  name  Ebenezer,  with  reference 
to  ch.  vii.  12,  see  ch.  iv.  1.  Ashdod,  'Afurof,  one 
of  the  capital  cities  of  the  five  Philistine  princes 
(Josh.  xiii.  3),  named  in  ch.  vi.  17  as  that  seat  of 
pagon-worship,  which  comes  first  to  be  considered 
in  the  course  of  this  narrative — according  to 
Jos.  Ant.  V.  1,  22  a  border-city  of  Dan ;  accord- 
ing to  Josh.  XV.  46,  47,  assigned  to  the  Tribe  of 
Judah  ( Judah  was  to  receive  "  from  Ekron  on 
and  westward  all  that  lay  near  Ashdod,  and  their 
[Aehdod'a  and  Ekron's]  villages"),  but  never 


really  held  by  the  Israelites,  though  the  Philis- 
tines were  at  times  subject  to  the  Israelites  (Josh, 
xiii.  3) — a  mile  from  the  sea,  now  the  little  vil- 
lage Esdud,  on  an  elevation  on  the  road  fi-om 
Jamnia  to  Gaza,  nine  miles  south  of  Jamnia, 
and  about  thirty-two  miles  north  of  Gaza. — Ver. 
2.  The  house  of  Dagon  is  the  temple  of  one 
of  the  chief  Philistine  deities,  for  which  there  were 
places  of  worship  not  only  in  Ashdod,  but  also, 
according  to  Jerome  on  Isa.  xlvi.  1,  in  the  other 
Philistine  cities;  but,  according  to  Judg.  xvi. 
23  sqq.,  there  was  certainly  a  central  sanctuary  in 
Gaza,  where,  after  the  capture  of  Samson,  the 
princes  and  the  people  assembled  to  hold  a  sacri- 
fice and  feast  in  honor  of  Dagon  as  the  supposed 
bestower  of  their  victory  over  Samson.  Along 
with  the  male  deity,  a  corresponding  female  deity 


106 


THE  FIKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


was,  according  to  Diodorus,  worshipped,  called 
by  tke  Syrians  Derceto  (^Atargatis).  As  this 
idol-image  had  the  face  of  a  woman,  and  termi- 
nated below  the  waist  in  the  tail  of  a  fish,  so  the 
statue  of  Dagon,  which  ia  vers.  3,  4,  is  expressly 
represented  as  male,  had  a  human  head  and 
hands,  and  a  fish-body ;  he  is  thus  characterized 
as  a  marine  deity,  the  symbol  of  the  fruitfulness 
which  is  represented  in  the  element  of  water  by 
the  fish,  like  the  Babylonian  'QSamiv.  Comp. 
Movers,  Rdigion  der  Phoniz.  I.  143  sq.,  590  sq.; 
Stark,  Oasa  und  die  phUistdiache  Kuste,  Jena, 
1852,  p.  274  sq.  The  name  is  to  be  derived,  not 
from  fj^  "grain"  (Philo  Bybl.  in  Ens.  Prodp., 
pp.  26,  32,  Boohart,  Hieroz.  T.  381,  Movers  in 
Evang.  1,  10,  Sanchon.,  fragm.  ed.  Orelli,  Ersch, 
Phordz.,  p.  405  6)  with  Bunsen,  Ewald  and  Diestel 
{Jahrb.  fur  deutsche  TheoL,  1860,  p.  726),  according 
to  which  Dagon  was  the  god  of  laud-fruitfulness, 
of  agriculture,  but  from  dag  X^,  "  fish "  (Winer, 
s.  v.).  Compare  Kimchi's  reference  to  an  old 
tradition :  "  It  is  said,  that  Dagon  had  the  form 
of  a  fish  from  the  navel  down,  and  was  therefore 
called  Dagon,  and  the  form  of  a  man  from  the 
navel  up."  Comp.  J.  G.  Miiller  in  Herzog,  iJ.- 
S.  III.  255  sq.  Thenius  and  Keil  recognize  this 
personage  in  a  figure  found  by  Layard  at  Khor- 
sabad,  the  upper  part  of  whose  body  represents  a 
bearded  man,  adorned  with  a  royal  crown,  the 
lower  part  of  the  body  from  the  navel  on  running 
into  the  form  of  a  fish  bent  backwards ;  that  this 
is  a  marine  deity  is  beyond  doubt,  since  he  is 
swimming  in  the  sea  and  surrounded  by  all  sorts 
of  sea-beasts  (Layard,  Nineoe  und  seine  Ueberreste, 
Germ.  ed.  of  Meissner,  p.424sq.  [Nineveh  and  its 
remains]). 

Keil  rightly  remarks :  "  As  this  relief,  accord- 
ing to  Layard,  represents  a  battle  between  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Syrian  coast  and  an  Assyrian 
king,  probably  Sargon,  who  had  a  hard  struggle 
with  the  Philistine  cities,  especially  Ashdod,  it  is 
scarcely  doubtful  that  we  here  have  a  representa- 
tion of  the  Philistine  Dagon"  {Comm.  in  loco).*— 
The  Pliilistines  ascribed  their  victory  over  the 
Israelites  to  Dagon ;  therefore  they  brought  the 
ark  as  votive  offering  to  his  temple,  where,  by  its 
position  near  his  statue,  it  was  to  set  forth  for  the 
Philistines  the  subjection  of  the  God  of  Israel  to 
the  power  of  their  "god"  (ver.  7). — But  the  over- 
throw of  the  image,  and  its  recumbent  portion  on 
its  face  before  the  ark  ( — Theodoret:  they  saw 
their  God  showing  the  form  of  worship,  rijg  irpoa- 
Kwijaea^  iviSernvvvra  to  (tOTi"" — ),  was  to  be  a 
sign  to  them  that  the  God  of  Israel  was  not  the 
conquered,  but  that  before  Him,  who  had  tempo- 
rarily delivered  Israel  into  the  hands  of  their 
enemies,  every  other  power  must  sink  into  the 
dust.  They  set  up  the  statue  again  under  the 
impression  that  the  cause  of  the  overthrow  was 
an  accidental  one.  But  in  the  following  night 
not  only  is  the  prostration  of  the  image  at  the 
feet  of  the  ark  repeated — it  ia  besides  mutilated  ; 
the  head  and  the  hands  are  cut  off  (not  "  broken 
off").    They  did  not  lie  "towards  the  threshold;" 

it  is  true,  this  is  the  proper  meaning  of  vN,  but 
it  also  signifies  rest,  instead  of  movement,  and  is 

*  [Dagon  was  probably  originally  an  old  Babylonian 
fish-deity.— Tr.]. 


'on,"  "at;"  comp. 


1  Sam.  xvii.  3 ;  Deut.  xvL 


6;  1  Kings  viii.  30.'  From  ver.  5  it  is  clear  that 
the  parts  cut  off  lay  m,  the  threshold,   and  this 
was  not  only  destruction,  but  contempt,  since  what 
lies  on  the  threshold  is  exposed  to  be  trodden  on, 
the  extremest  act  of  contempt.     "To  him,"  that 
is,  to  the  whole  represented  in  the  image,  was  left 
only  the  fish-stump,  since  what  was  human  in 
him,   head   and   hands,   was   cut  off.    Kimchi: 
"Only  the  form  of  a  fish  was  left  in  him."    The 
"threshold"  is  without  doubt  the  door-sill  of  the 
chamber  in  which  the  image  stood.    Nothing  is 
said  directly  of  a  divine  miracle.    But  the  matter 
is  so  represented  by  the  narrator  that  we  must 
recognize  a  special  arrangement  of  the  God  of 
Israel  for  the  exhibition  of  the  powerlessness  and 
nothingness  of  the  god  of  the  Philistines. — Ver. 
5  gives  an  account  of  a  ceremonial  custom  derived 
from  this  occurrence:  the  threshold  of  Dagon 
was  not    trodden  on  by  his  priests,  etc.    The 
"  threshold"  of  Dagon,  that  is,  of  the  place  where 
his  statue  was  set  up,  is  distinguished  from  the 
house  of  Dagon,  into  which  they  went.    This 
threshold  was  considered  as  made  especially  holy 
to  Dagon  by  that  occurrence,  because  his  head 
and  hands  had  lain  on  it.     Sept.:  iTrep/Jo/voirff 
iinep^aivovai,  "  they  carefully  step  over  it."  Comp, 
Zeph.  i.  9.    According  to  this  passage  and  ch.  vi. 
2,  there  was  a  special  body  of  priests  for  the  wor- 
ship of  Dagon.    The  word  kohen  {\'i^3)  is  used  in 
the  Old  Testament  also  of  heathen  priests.  Gen. 
xli.   45.     The   formula   "to   this  day"  usually 
indicates  a  long  time  (comp.  vi.  18 ;  xxx.  25 ; 
xxvii.  6;  2  Sam.  iv.  3;  vi.  8;  xviii.  18),  and 
establishes  the  remoteness  of  the  narrator  from 
the  time  of  the  occurrences  described. 

Vers.  6-12.  God's  chastimig  manifestation  of 
power  against  the  Philistine  people  by  plagues  and 
dckness.  Ver.  6.  The  hand  of  the  Lord  is 
here  figuratively  put  for  God's  might  and  power, 
as  it  made  itself  felt  by  the  Philistines  in  the 
infliction  of  grievous  severe  sufferings  as  chastise- 
ment for  the  violation  of  His  honor.  The  suffer- 
ings are  viewed  partly  as  an  oppressive  burden,  in 
which  God's  hand  is  felt  to  ne  heavy  (comp.  v. 
11;  vi.  5;  Ps.  xxxii.  4;  xxxviii.  2;  Job  xxiii. 
2),  partly  as  a  grievous  blow,  in  which  it  is  felt  to 
be  hard  (ver.  7,  comp.  Job  ix.  34). — In  two  ways 
the  hand  of  the  Lord  was  heavy  on  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Ashdod :  1)  it  wasted,  destroyed  them, 
and  2)  it  smote  them  with  boils.  The  one  cala- 
mity fell  on  their  land  (De  Wette:  wasted  their 
land) ;  the  other  was  a  bodily  disease  which  ex- 
tended over  Ashdod  and  all  its  district.  The 
Sept.  adds  to  ver.  6 :  "  and  mice  were  produced 
in  the  land,  and  there  arose  a  great  and  deadly 
confusion  in  the  city;"  but  this  does  not  furnish, 
as  Thenius  maintains,  "the  original,  though 
somewhat  corrupt,  text,  which  contained  this 
statement ;"  rather,  as  a  second  translation  of  this 
ver.  6  has  been  wrongly  inserted  at  the  end  of 
ver.  3  by  a  copyist  of  the  Greek,  so  the  second 
part  of  this  addition  is  taken  word  for  word  from 
ver.  11,  and  the  firat  had  its  origin  in  an  explana- 
tion (in  itself  appropriate  enough)  of  vi.  4  sq. 
For  from  vi.  4,  5,  11,  18,  where,  besides  the  expi- 
atory or  votive  offering  referring  to  the  bodily 
disease,  a  second,  the  golden  mice,  is  expressly 
mentioned,  it  is  clear  that,  in  addition  to  the  cor- 


CHAP.  V.  1-12. 


107 


poral  plague,  another,  a  land-plague,  had  fallen 
on  the  Philistines.  Taking  into  view  the  pas- 
sages in  oh.  vi.  the  words:  "he  destroyed  them" 
(&e  "destruction"  [desolation]  in  Mic.  vi.  13, 
used  of  persons)  denote  a  wasting  of  the  land, 
that  is,  of  the  produce  of  the  fields,  as  the  support 
of  human  life,  by  mice,  "  which  destroy  the  land," 
eh.  vi.  5.  There  is  no  gap  in  the  Heb.  text;  buf 
the  expression  "he  destroyed  them"  is  a  brief 
description  of  the  universal  land-plague,  the  na- 
ture and  cause  of  which  appears  from  the  after 
mention  of  the  votive  and  expiatory  present 
brought  by  the  Philistines.  "The  most  promi- 
nent characteristic  of  the  field-mouse,  especially 
in  southern  countries,  is  its  voracity  and  rapid 
increase.  At  times  these  animals  multiply  with 
frightful  rapidity  and  suddenness,  ravage  the 
fields  far  and  near,  produce  femiue  and  pestilen- 
tial diseases  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  land, 
and  have  not  seldom  forced  whole  nations  to  emi- 
grate" (see  examples,  cited  from  Strabo,  Diodo- 
Tus,  Aelian,  Agatharchides,  and  others,  in  Bo- 
chart,  Hierca.  III.,  cap.  34).  Sommer,  Bibl. 
AbharuU.,  p.  263.  The  ravaging  of  the  land  by 
field-mice  probably  stood  in  causal  connection 
with  the  second  plague,  the  boil-sickness. — And 

he  smote  them  with  ophcdim  (D'Ss;?),  which, 

&om  the  connection,  must  have  been  a  bodily 
disease.  The  points  of  the  word  belong  to  the 
Qeri  tehorim  (D''"in£3),  which  was  substituted  for 
the  Kethib  (and  in  ch.  vi.  4,  5,  has  even  gotten 
into  the  text),  because  the  word,  which  properly 
signifies  "swelling,"  "elevation,"  "hill,"  was 
supposed  to  designate  the  anus,  and  in  its  place 
mwrim,  "posteriora,"  as  a  more  decent  expres- 
sion, was  read.  It  was  thence  rendered:  He 
smote  them  on  the  anus ;"  and  this  view  seemed 
to  be  supported  by  Ps.  Ixxviii.  66,  where,  in  refe- 
rence to  God's  judgment  on  the  PhUistines  after 
the  removal  of  the  ark,  it  is  said :  "  And  he  smote 
his  enemies  ahor"  (linS),  which  was  taken  in 
the  above  sense  particularly  from  the  following 
word  "reproach;"  for  ex.  Vulg. :  "and  he  smote 
his  enemies  in  posteriora;"  Luther:  "in  the  hin- 
der parts"  [so  Eng.  A.  V.].  But  this  rendering 
of  the  Psahn-passage  is  incorrect;  the  proper 
translation  is :  And  he  smote  his  enemies  back, 
and  put  everlasting  reproach  on  them"  (Geiger, 
Hengstenberg,  Hupfeld).  The  above  rendering 
has  occasioned  on  the  part  of  the  expositors  the 
suggestion  of  various  afiections  of  the  hinder  part 
of  the  body;  some  think  of  diarrhoea  (Ewald), 
others  of  tumors,  mariscse,  chancres  (Keil),  others 
of  hemorrhoids  [the  "emerods"  of  Eng.  A.  V.], 
and  the  like.  But,  apart  from  the  fact  that  no 
definite  local  disease  of  the  sort  is  indicated,  the 
verb  (J^^'^  with  3),  as  Thenius  conclusively 
shows,  never  means  "to  strike  on  something" 
(for  ex.,  on  a  part  of  the  body),  but  means  in  this 
connection  "to  strike  mth  something"  (with  a 
disease  or  plague).  According  to  the  radical 
meaning  of  the  word  ophaMm,  we  must  render: 
he  smote  them  with  a.  skin-disease,  which  con- 
sisted in  painful  boils  or  large  swellings,  and  was 
perhaps  caused  by  the  plague  of  field-mice,  which 
Oken  (cited  by  Thenius  in  lorn)  calls  "the  plague 
of  the  fieldi,  often  producing  scarcity,  and  even 
femine."    This  explanation  is  supported  by  Deut. 


xxvui.  27,  where  the  word  in  question  stands 
along  with  the  names  of  two  skin-diseases,  of 
which  one  (['HE')  is  the  Egyptian  leprosy-like 
botch,  and  the  other  (31J  and  D^iri)  "scab  and 
itch."  Only  by  supposing  such  a  plague-like 
disease,  which  became  infectious  on  the  breaking 
out  of  the  boUs  (ver.  9),  can  we  explain  its  imme- 
diate universal  spread  (indicated  by  the  words 
"and  iis  coasts"),  and  its  deadly  effect  (vers.  11, 
12;  vi.  19),  facts  not  explained  by  the  other  sup- 
positions. Comp.  Win.,  Bealw.  II.,  s.  v.  Philister. 
— Ver._7.  In  consequence  of  "its  being  so,"  under 
such  circumstances  ([3  here  as  Gen.  xxv.  22), 
the  people  of  Ashdod  recognised  the  fact  that  the 
power  of  the  God  of  Israel  was  here  manifested 
on  them  and  their  god,  and  resolved  to  get  rid  of 
the  medium  of  this  manifestation,  for  so  they 
regarded  the  ark. — Ver.  8  furnishes  a  contribu- 
tion to  the  history  of  the  political  constitution  of 
the  Philistines.  The  princes  (Q'JID,  seranim)  of 
the  Philistines  are  the  heads  of  the  several  city- 
districts  (Josh.  xiii.  3),  which  formed  a  confede- 
ration, each  one  of  the  five  chief  cities  holding  a 
number  of  places,  "country-cities"  (ISam.xxvii. 
5),  "daughter-cities"  (1  Chron.xviii.l),  asitsspe- 
cial  district.  The  constitution  was  oligarchical,  that 
is,  the  government  was  in  the  hands  of  the  College 
of  princes,  whose  decision  no  individual  could 
oppose,  comp.  xxix.  6-11.  Grotius:  "the  Phil, 
were  under  an  oligarchy."  The  resolve  of  the 
princes  is:  "the  ark  shall  be  carried  to  Oath," 
and  is  forthwith  executed.  According  to  this 
there  was  no  Dagon-temple  in  Gath ;  for  the  pur- 
pose was  to  remove  the  ark  from  the  sanctuary  of 
Dagon,  who,  in  their  opinion,  called  forth  the 
power  of  the  God  of  Israel,  without  being  able  to 
make  stand  against  him.  The  location  of  Gath, 
alsoone  of  the  five  princely  cities — Gitta  (Joseph.), 
Getha  (Sept.),  Getha  (Euseb.) — is  doubtful.  In 
this  passage  (vers.  8-10)  the  connection  points 
merely  to  the  fact  that  it  is  to  be  sought  for  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Ashdod  and  Ekron  •  but  it  does 
not  thence  necessarily  follow  (Ewald)  that  it  lay 
between  these  two.  Jerome's  statements  indicate 
a  location  near  Ashdod  and  near  the  hmits  of 
Judea:  "Gath  is  one  of  the  five  cities  of  Pales- 
tine, near  the  border  of  Judea,  on  the  road  from 
Eleutheropolis  to  Gaza,  and  still  a  very  large  vil- 
lage (on  Micah  i.) ;  Gath  is  near  and  bordering 
on  Ashdod  (on  Jer.  xxv.)."  Comp.  Pressel  in 
Herzog,  B.  E.  s-  v.*    The  Sept.  takes  Gath  as 

subject,  inserts  "to  us"  Cj??  or  'J'yN)  after  Israel, 
and  translates:  "And  the  Gittites  said.  Let  the 
ark  of  God  come  to  us."  But  this  addition  is  un- 
called for.  Thenius  indeed  prefers  this  reading 
on  the  ground  that  such  a  voluntary  offer  to  receive 
the  ark  in  order  to  show  that  the  calamity  was 
merely  accidental,  is  completely  in  accordance 
with  the  whole  narrative;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
we  may  conclude  from  ver.  6  that  they  regarded 


*  [Eusebius  (Onom.)  mentions  two  places  called  Gath, 
one  between  Antipatris  and  Jamnia  (which  cannot  be 
the  place  here  meant),  the  other  five  miles  from  Eleu- 
theropolis (identified  by  Eobinson,  II.  69  sq.,  with  Beit 
Jibrin)  towards  Diospolis.  Mr.  J.  L.  Porter,  Art.  "  Gath," 
in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet,  accordingly  identifies  Gath  with 
the  hill  called  Tell-es-Safieh,  ten  miles  east  of  Ashdod, 
and  about  the  same  distance  south  by  east  of  Ekron. 
— Tb.] 


108 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


as  the  cause  of  the  evil  the  relation  of  the  God  of 
Israel  to  their  god  Dagon,  and  the  object  of  the 
transportation  of  the  ark  was  to  remove  it  from 
the  region  of  Dagon-worship. — Ver.  9.  The  same 
scourge  was  repeated  in  Gath;  the  plague  of  boils 
fell  upon  all,  small  and  great.  Its  painful  and 
dangerous  character  is  here  more  precisely  indi- 
cated by  the  once-occurring  word  (hapaxleg.)  sor 
thar  (■^niy)  which  means,  following  the  corre- 
spoudmg  Arabic  verb  (Niph.  findi,  erumpi),  the 
bursting  of  the  plague-boils.  The  Ace.  great 
consternation"  (HJ  '^^),  giving  a  sensible  repre- 
sentation of  the  direction  and  motion,  in  which  an 
action  reaches  a  definite  aim  or  end,  sets  forth  the 
final  efiect  or  result  in  the  minds  of  the  Philistines 
of  this  new  manifestation  of  Grod's  power;  gene- 
rally, where  the  point  reached  is  to  be  indicated, 

tlie  pref.  "to"  (7)  is  used  (as  in  chap.  iv.  9). 
"The  hand  of  the  Lord  was  on  the  city  unto  great 
consternation."* — Ver.  lOsqq.  Further  removal  of 
the  ark  to  a  third  princely  city,  Ekron,  according 
to  Eobinson  (Pal.  III.  229  sq.  [Amer.  Ed.  II. 
227  sq.])  three  miles  east  of  Jamnia  and  five 
miles  south  of  Bamleh  on  the  site  of  the  present 
village  Akir,  that  is,  in  a  northerly  direction  from 
Gath.  Comp.  Tobler,  3  "Wand.,  53;  Josh.  xiii.  3. 
"Although  first  assigned  to  the  Tribe  of  Judah 
(Josh.  XV.  45),  and  for  a  time  held  by  it  (Judg. 
i.  1 8,  on  which  see  Bertheau),  then  made  over  to 
Dan  (Josh.  xix.  43),  it  could  not  be  retained  per- 
manently by  the  Israelites,  but,  when  the  Philis- 
tines advanced,  fell  again  into  their  hands,  and 
continued  in  their  possession  (Josh.  xv.  11 ;  1  Sam. 
vi.  17  ;  vii.  14)."  Euetschi  in  Herzog  s.  v.  In 
ver.  10  is  related  how  the  inhabitants  of  Ekron, 
when  the  ark  was  brought  to  them,  thinking  of  the 
late  occurrences,  made  complaint  and  protest  against 
its  entrance. — Vers.  11,  12.  The  failure  of  their 
protest  is  here  silently  assumed,  and  the  universal 
prevalence,  and  particularly  the  deadly  effects  of 
the  plague  described.  There  was  every  where  a 
"deadly  consternation,"  that  i«,  a  consternation 
produced  by  the  sudden  death  of  many  persons 
from  the  plague,  which  was  connected  with  the 
boil-sickness.  Observe  the  climax  in  the  triple 
description  of  the  plague;  in  Gath  it  is  severer 
than  m  Ashdod;  in  Ekron  it  has  reached  its 
greatest  height.  The  words  at  the  end  of  the  de- 
scription— And  the  cry  of  the  city  v^ent  up 
to  heaven — assume  that  the  Philistines  saw 
clearly  that  in  this  plague  the  almighty  hand  of 
the  God  of  Israel  was  revealed.  A  second  council 
of  princes,  it  is  expressly  stated  (ver.  11,  begin- 
ning), was  called  to  consult  in  reference  to  the  re- 
storation of  the  ark  to  the  Israelites.  Tlie  proposition 
of  Ekron  (as  yet  undecided  on)  is  indeed  based 
on  the  deadly  effects  of  the  plague  on  its  inhabi- 
tants (ver.  11),  but  at  the  same  time  it  takes  for 
granted  that  the  removal  of  the  ark  to  other  Phi- 
listian  places  would  be  attended  with  the  same  re- 
sults, and  that  the  punishment  of  the  God  of  Israel 
would  of  necessity  continue  so  long  as  the  insult 
offered  Him  by  the  abduction  of  the  ark  was  not 
done  away  with.  [Bii.  Coram,  compares  this 
scourge  in  its  object  and  effects  with  the  plagues 
of  Egypt.  See  Ex.  xii.  33,  and  also  Numb.  xvii. 
12.     With  the  phrase  "went  up  to  heaven"  Bp. 

*  [But  on  the  reading  of  this  verse  see  "  Textual  and 
Grammatical "  note. — Tk.] 


Patrick  compares  the  classical  expressions  (Virg, 
^neid.  II.  223,  338,  488):  Ctamores  simul  horren- 
dos  ad  sidera  toUit;  Sublatus  ad  (sthera  damor; 
Ferit  aurea  sidera  damor. — Tb.] 

HISTORICAL   AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Though  God  brings  the  judgment  on  His 
house  and  people  through  world-powers  without 
His  kingdom  and  hostile  to  His  name,  He  yet 
shows  Himself  towards  these  hostile  powers  a  God 
that  judges  righteously  in  the  punishment  of  the 
evil  they  do  to  the  honor  of  His  name  in  their 
purpose  (though  it  be  by  His  will  or  His  permis- 
sion) to  oppose  His  kingdom  and  hinder  its  coming. 
The  Philistines,  by  His  counsel  and  will  victorious 
over  the  children  of  Israel,  had  with  His  permis- 
sion taken  away  the  sign  of  His  presence  with  His 
people,  and  brought  it  into  the  presence  of  the 
idol,  that  Israel  might  be  right  sorely  humbled 
and  punished ;  yet  they  are  chastised  as  having 
reftised  to  honor  Him  as  the  living  God,  though 
the  manifestation  of  His  might  and  glory  was  set 
before  their  eyes. 

2.  The  downfall  of  the  idol-image  before  the  ark 
and  the  excision  of  its  most  important  parts  (head 
and  hands)  is  not  merely  a  symbol,  but  also_  a 
type*  of  the  truth  which  is  illustrated  in  the  his- 
tory of  God's  kingdom,  even  in  its  gloomiest  pe- 
riods, namely,  that  the  powers  of  the  world  must 
sink  again  into  the  dust  before  His  glory,  after 
they,  in  truth  taken  into  His  service,  have  done 
their  work,  and  that  the  time  appointed  by  Him 
comes,  when  His  enemies  are  made  His  footstool. 
Comp.  the  declarations  in  Ex.  ix.  16  and  xiv.  18  in 
reference  to  Egypt.  "  Where  God  comes  with  His 
ark  and  His  testimony,  there  He  smites  the  idols 
to  the  ground ;  idolatry  must  fall,  where  His  gos- 
pel finds  a  place"  (Berlenb.  Bible). 

3.  The  heavy  pressure  and  the  hard  blows  of 
t\\ekand  of  God,  to  which  repeated  and  significant 
reference  is  made  in  connection  with  the  severed 
hands  of  the  idol-image,  was  intended  not  only  as 
a  deserved  punishment  for  the  Philistines,  but 
also  as  a,  disciplinary  visitation.  All  suffering  is 
punishment,  but  also  (as  a  chastisement  of  God's 
hand)  an  instrument  of  correction;  that  is, under 
suffering  and  affliction,  as  the  outflow  and  result 
of  sin,  man  is  not  merely  to  recognize  the  causal 
connection  between  His  sin  and  the  divine  puni- 
tory justice  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  affliction  on 
the  other,  but  also  to  have  His  eyes  opened  to  the 
purposes  of  God's  holy  love,  wliich  by  adversity 
and  tribulation  will  draw  him  to  itself,  and  hum- 
ble him  under  God's  powerful  hand  to  reverence 
His  name. 


*  [Dr.  Erdmann  here  uses  the  word  type,  not  in  the 
scientific  theological  sense  of  a  fact  of  the  Old  Dispen- 
sation, which  is  intended  to  set  forth  the  corres])onaing 
(spiritually  identical)  fact  of  the  New  Dispensation,  but 
m  the  general  sense  of  a  representative  or  specimen 
fact.  It  is  a  method  of  the  divine  providence  inferred 
from  the  Scripture  and  illustrated  in  history,  rather  than 
a  spiritual  fact  of  God's  spiritual  kingdom  prefigured  by 
an  outward  object  or  fact  in  His  ancient  people  or  ser- 
vice. The  ark  symbolized  God's  presence  in  law  and 
mercy,  but  was  not  in  itself  a  type,  except  as  a  part  of 
the  Tabernacle  which  typified  God's  people.  The  lesson 
from  the  punishment  of  the  Philistines,  then,  is  the 
same  as  that  contained  in  the  slaughter  at  Samson's 
death,  the  plagues  of  Egypt,  the  destruction  of  Babylon 
(Psalm  cxxxvii.  8),  and  other  cases  in  which  God  has 
interfered  to  save  His  cause;  only  here  the  procedure 
is  more  dramatically  striking.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  V.  1-12, 


109 


4.  When  man'e  heart  vnU  not  give  up  its  worth- 
less idols,  though  God's  hand  draws  it  to  Him- 
self by  affliction  and  suffering,  then  the  dLstance 
between  Him  and  the  God  that  offers  to  be  with 
him  becomes  greater  in  prmiortion  to  the  severity 
and  painfulness  of  the  suffering  felt  by  the  soul 
alienated  from  God  and  devoted  to  idolatry.  We 
shall  at  last  desire  to  be  entirely  away  from  God, 
as  the  PliilTstines  at  last  resolved  to  carry  the  ark 
over  the  border,  that  they  might  have  nothing 
more  to  do  with  the  God  of  Israel,  while,  on  the 
contrary,  the  ark  should  have  warned  them  to 
give  glory  to  the  God  of  Israel,  who  had  so  un- 
mistakably and  gloriously  revealed  Himself  to 
them. 

5.  The  cry  that  ascends  to  heaven  over  suffer- 
ings and  afflictions  that  are  the  consequences  of 
wickedness  is  by  no  means  a  sign  that  need  teaches 
prayer;  it  may  be  made  from  a  wholly  heathen 
point  of  view.  The  cry  that  ptnetraies  into  heavenis 

Against  thee  have  I  sinned,"  and  is  the  expression 
of  an  upright,  earnest  penitence  which  is  awakened 
in  the  heart  by  the  chastisement  of  God's  hand. 

6.  The  Philistines  do  not  deride  and  scorn  the 
sanctuary  of  the  Israelites,  but  from  their  stand- 
point show  it  reverence  and  treat  it  with  forbear- 
ance and  awe ;  and  herein  is  exemplified  the  truth 
that  even  the  enemies  of  God's  kingdom  and  the 
opponents  of  the  honor  of  His  name  in  the  affairs 
of  His  kingdom  stand  involuntarily  and  uncon- 
sciously under  the  influence  of  His  power  and 
glory,  and  a  restraining  higher  power  is  near,  from 
which  they  cannot  withdraw.  "  They  cannot  ad- 
vance, whom  the  Lord's  greater  power  restrains. 
The  supreme  controller  of  affairs  so  orders  all 
things  that  the  wicked  are  restrained  by  fear — 
though  their  souls  are  haughty  and  they  swell 
with  pride  and  arrogance ;  and  they  cannot  exe- 
cute what  their  minds  purpose.  For  God  fetters 
and  holds  captive,  as  it  were,  their  hands,  and 
suffers  not  His  glory  to  be  obscured"  (Calvin). 

7.  Often  in  the  history  of  His  kingdom,  amid 
frightful  victories  by  the  hostile  powers  of  the 
world,  God's  hand  seems  bound,  and  His  people 
fall  into  the  deepest  affliction,  so  that  even  the 
most  sacred  possessions  seem  to  have  fallen  into 
the  rapacious  hands  of  the  world,  which  is  con- 
tending against  God  and  His  kingdom ;  yet  even 
then  He  knows  how  to  maintain  His  honor  invio- 
late, and  His  hand  is  yet  free,  and  (as  in  the  his- 
tory of  this  war  between  Israel  and  the  Philis- 
tines) in  secret  makes  the  preparation  for  the  li- 
beration and  redemption  of  His  people,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  sanctuary  and  the  possession  of 
His  kingdom,  while  human  eyes  do  not  see  it,  and 
human  thought  does  not  suspect  it.  The  Lord  is 
miphtu  and  pcmerfid  even  in  the  sorest  defeats  of 
His  kingdom  in  the  battle  with  the  world.  He 
brings  every  thing  to  glorious  accomplishment. 

8.  Calvin:  "The  Philistines  seek  hiding-places 
from  God's  presence.  Let  us  learn  that  the  same 
thing  happens  to  all  God's  enemies  when  they  are 
given  over  to  a  reprobate  mind.  For  though  they 
are  under  the  dominion  of  the  lethargy  of  sin,  yet, 
when  God  urges  them  more  closely,  and  their  own 
conscience  presses  them,  they  seek  hiding-places 
against  the  majesty  of  God,  and  would  save  them- 
selves by  flight." 

9.  [This  chapter,  with  the  following,  strikingly 
illustrates  the  noh-missiouary  character  of  the  Old  I 


Dispensation.  For  centuries  the  Israelites  were 
near  neighbors  of  the  Philistines,  and  had  some 
acquaintance  (apparently  not  much)  with  their 
political  and  religious  institutions.  Yet  the  Phi- 
listines had  at  this  time  only  a  garbled  and  dis- 
torted account  (iv.  8)  of  the  history  of  the  Israel- 
ites, derived  probably  from  tradition,  and  seem- 
ingly no  particular  knowledge  at  all  of  their  re- 
ligion, nor  did  the  Israelites  ever  attempt,  though 
they  were  in  the  times  of  Samson  and  David  in 
close  connection  with  Philistia,  to  carry  thither  a 
knowledge  of  what  they  yet  believed  to  be  the 
only  true  religion.  This  religious  isolation  was 
no  doubt  a  part  of  the  divine  plan  for  the  develop- 
ment of  the  theocratic  kingdom,  guarding  it 
against  the  taint  of  idolatry,  and  permitting  the 
chosen  people  thoroughly  to  apprehend  and  ap- 
propriate the  truth  which  was  then  to  go  from 
them  to  all  the  world.  But  if  we  look  for  the 
natural  causes  which  produced  this  moral  isolation 
in  ancient  times,  we  shall  find  one  in  the  narrow- 
ness of  ancient  civilization,  where  the  absence  of 
means  of  social  and  literary  communication  fos- 
tered mutual  ignorance  and  made  sympathy  al- 
most impossible,  and  another  in  the  pecubarly 
national  local  nature  of  the  religion  of  Israel,  with 
its  central  sanctuary  and  its  whole  system 
grounded  in  the  past  history  of  the  nation,  pre- 
senting thus  great  obstacles  to  a  foreigner  who 
wished  to  become  a  worshipper  of  Jehovah.  These 
might  be  overcome,  as  in  Naaman's  case,  but  it 
was  not  easy  to  throw  off  one's  nationality  (as  was 
necessary  for  the  convert)  either  at  home  or  by 
going  to  live  in  the  land  of  Israel.  AU  this  may 
palliate  the  unbelief  of  the  ancient  heathen  peo- 
ples— palliate,  but  not  excuse  it,  for  Jehovah  re- 
vealed Himself  in  mighty  works  which  ought  to 
have  carried  conviction  (comp.  vi.  6)  and  led  to 
obedience  and  love.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Israelite  ought  to  have  tried  to  bring  the  heathen 
to  the  true  God,  and  indeed  in  the  Pss.  we  find 
exhortations  to  them  to  come  and  acknowledge 
Him.  But  the  Jews,  as  a  nation,  never  freed 
themselves  from  the  narro^vness  to  which  their 
institutions  trained  them. — Tb.] 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

[Henby:  God  will  show  of  how  little  account 
the  ark  of  the  covenant  is,  if  the  covenant  itself 
be  broken  and  neglected ;  even  sacred  signs  are 
not  things  that  either  He  is  tied  to,  or  we  can 
trust  Io.-^Te.] 

Vers.  1-5.  The  ndnous  foUy  of  the  idolatrous 
mind:  1)  It  places  God  beside  the  idols,  as  if  one 
could  serve  two  masters  (vers.  1,  2;  Matt.  vi.  24) ; 
2)  It  does  not  allow  itself  to  be  pointed  to  the 
living  God  by  the  nothingness  of  its  idols  in  con- 
trast with  Him  (ver.  3);  3)  In  spite  of  the  de- 
struction of  its  idols  through  the  power  of  the 
Lord  before  its  eyes,  it  always  sets  up  again  the 
old  idolatrous  service,  and  carries  it  still  further 
(ver.  4) ;  4)  Sinking  from  one  degree  of  supersti- 
tion to  another,  it  gives  itself  up,  and  is  given  up 
by  God  ever  deeper  and  deeper  into  selfish  idola- 
try.— Dagan  before  the  ark,  or  Heathenism  conquered 
at  the  feet  of  the  Uving  Ood:  1)  In  the  domain  of 
its  power,  ita  otm  abode  (vers.  1,  2) ;  2)  Through 
the  secret  denwn^tration  of  the  power  of  the  Lord 
(vers.  3, 4) ;  3)  Amid  the  destruction  of  its  power  and 


no 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


glory  (the /ace  as  a  sign  of  its  worthless  glory  and 
vain  beauty  struck  down  to  the  earth,  the  kead 
also  as  the  seat  of  the  wisdom  which  is  alienated 
from  God  and  opposed  to  God,  the  hands  as  a 
symbol  of  the  powers  of  darkness  which  work 
therein,  cut  off)  (vers.  3-5). — The  fail  of  heathen- 
mn:  1)  It  is  ihrovm  down  before  the  power  of  God 
manifesting  Himself  as  present  in  His  word  (the 
law  and  the  testimony  in  the  ark;  (vers.  1-3) ;  2) 
Its  power  (head  and  hands)  is  broken  and  destroyed 
through  the  secretly  working  power  of  the  Spirit 
of  God  (vers.  3,  4) ;  3)  There  Ls  an  ever  more  and 
more  glorious  revelation  of  the  power  of  God 
which  casts  down  heathenism  in  the  Mght  of  the 
day  of  salvation,  which  overcomes  the  darkness 
of  heathenism. — The  defeat  which  the  kingdom  of 
the  world  suffers  in  its  victory  over  the  kingdom  of 
God:  1)  In  quiet  conceaJment ;  2)  Through  the 
miraculous  action  of  God  ;  3)  In  open  publicity. 

Vers.  6,  7.  Calvin  :  Here  it  is  clearly  shown 
how  great  is  the  stiff-neckedness  of  unbelievers 
in  their  error,  that  when  the  manifest  signs  of  the 
divine  judgments  press  ever  nearer,  and  there  is 
no  more  room  at  all  for  excuses,  and  when  they 
can  no  longer  conceal  their  fear  of  the  judgment 
and  the  power  of  God,  yet  they  do  not  recognize 
their  contumacy,  and  lay  aside  their  hardness  of 
heart,  but  only  seek  hiding-places  and  places  of 
refuge,  in  order  to  withdraw  themselves  as  far  as 
possible  from  the  divine  power  that  it  may  not 
reach  them.  What  sort  of  effect  do  unbelievers 
let  the  experience  and  apprehension  of  the  infi- 
nite power  of  God  produce  in  them  ?  Not  a 
change  of  disposition,  not  a  zealous  striving  after 
the  knowledge  of  the  truth  in  His  word,  and  wil- 
lingness to  give  Him  the  honor  which  belongs 
to  Him,  not  humility  of  heart  in  subjection  to 
the  majesty  of  God,  but  rather  fear  and  terror  at 
His  presence,  and  the  striving  to  fly  as  far  from 
Him  as  possible,  and  to  keep  God  removed  as  far 
as  possible  from  them. — God  avenges  Himself  on 


the  enemies  of  His  people,  in  that,  even  when 
they  have  obtained  a  victory  over  the  people  of 
God,  it  yet  turns  out  worse  for  them  than  for  the 
people  of  God  who  are  defeated,  Job  xx.  5-7. — 
Ckameb  :  God  can  even  with  ease  constrain  His 
enemies  to  confession. 

Ver.  8.  Staeke:  Foolish  men,  to  think  that 
the  almightiness  of  God  can  be  thwarted  by 
change  of  place. — Seb.  Schmidt  :  Against  God 
the  devices  of  men,  even  the  wisest,  avail  nothing. 
[Ver.  9.  "Boils."  There  are  many  other  pas- 
sages in  our  English  version  of  the  Bible  in  which 
an  apparent  indelicacy  is  due  to  erroneous 
translation.^ — Hall:  They  judge  right  of  the 
cause;  what  do  they  resolve  for  the  cure?  .... 
They  should  have  said;  Let  us  cast  out  Dagon, 
that  we  may  pacify  and  retain  the  God  of  Israel ; 
they  determine  to  thrust  out  the  ark  of  God,  that 
they  might  peaceably  enjoy  themselves,  and 
Dagon.— Te.] 

Ver.  10.  God  has  the  hearts  of  all  men  in  His 
hands  (Prov.  xxi.  1),  and  can  speedily  turn  them 
to  change  their  will  and  purposes,  so  as  to  pro- 
mote His  honor  and  the  best  interests  of  the 
Church.— Ver.  12.  Calyist:  "We  should  not  imi- 
tate the  Ekronites,  who  fill  heaven  \vith  their 
cry,  but  with  their  heart  are  far  from  God ;  rather 
should  we,  when  the  ark  of  God  comes  so  near 
us,  come  with  our  heart  to  God.  To  Sim  should 
we  cry,  when  He  comes  in  His  judgments,  and 
beg  Him  for  help  without  complaining,  while  we 
confess  to  Him  our  sins,  and  acknowledge  that 
we  receive  from  Him  righteous  punishment,  and 
that  the  sufferings  which  He  has  inflicted  on  us 
are  wholesome  for  us. — Schliek:  Then  could 
Israel  clearly  see  what  an  almighty  God  they 
had,  stronger  than  the  gods  of  aU  (iie  heathens 
and  that  liiis  strong  God  wished  to  be  their  God, 
and  had  interested  Himself  in  behalf  of  His 
people. 


2.  Restoration  of  the  Ark  with  Expiatory  Gifts.    Chap.  VI.  1-11. 

1  And  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  in  the  country  of  the  Philistines  seven 

2  months.  And  the  Philistines  called  for  [together']  the  priests  and  the  diviners, 
saying,  What  shall  we  do  to  [with]  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ?    Tell  us 

3  wherewith'  we  shall  send  it  to  his  [its]  place.  And  they  said,  If  ye'  send  away  the 
ark  of  the  God  of  Israel,  send  it  not  empty,  but  in  any  wise  [om.  in  any  wise*] 
return  him'  a  trespass-offering ;  then  ye  shall  be  healed,"  and  it  shall  be  known'  to 


TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

^  [Ver.  2.  So  the  verb  is  not  unfrequently  used,  as  in  Josh,  xxiii.  2. — Tb.] 

2  [Ver.  2.  Or,  "how.— Tb.] 

8  [Ver.  3.  The  Pron.  is  not  in  the  present  Heb.  text,  but  is  found  in  7  MSS.,  in  Sei^t.,  Syr.,  Chald.,  Arab.,  and 
apparently  in  Vulg.  It  may  have  fallen  out,  as  Houbigant  suggests,  from  similarity  to  the  following  word 
(HN  Dn5<).  Others  (so  Erdmann)  take  the  construction  as  impersonal,  and  render ;  '*  if  one  sends  back,"  etc. 
— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  3.  This  phrase  in  Eng.  A.  V.  is  intended  to  express  the  Heb.  Inf.  Abs. ;  but  where  the  proper  shade  of 
intensity  or  emphasis  cannot  be  given  in  Eng.,  it  is  better  to  write  the  verb  simply,  and  not  introduce  a  foreign 
substantive  idea. — Tb.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  Some  ancient  vss.  and  modern  expositors  refer  this  to  the  ark,  and  render  "  to  it,"  relying  on  the 
grammatical  connection,  and  on  ver.  9 ;  but  the  Philistines  throughout  seem  to  regard  Sod,  and  not  the  ark,  as 
the  author  of  their  sufferings.  Yet  it  is  possible  that,  even  with  this  view,  their  idolatrous  ideas  might  have  led 
them  to  appease  the  instrument  or  visible  occasion  of  the  divine  infliction.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  VI.  1— Vn.  1,  111 


t 


4  you  why  his  hand  is  not  removed  from  you.  Then  said  they  [And  they  said], 
What  shall  be  [is]  the  trespass-offering  which  we  shall  return  to  him  ?  [Ins.  And] 
they  answered  [said],  Five  golden  emerods  [boils]  and  five  golden  mice,'  according' 
to  the  number  of  the  lords  of  the  Philistines ;  for  one  plague  was  [is]  on  you'"  all 

6  and  on  your  lords.  Wherefore  [And]  ye  shall  make  images  of  your  emerods 
[boils],  and  images  of  yonr  mice  that  mar  [devastate]  the  land ;  and  ye  shall  give 
glory  to  the  God  of  Israel ;  peradventure  he  will  lighten  his  hand  from  off  you, 

6  and  from  off  your  gods,  and  from  off  your  land.  [Ins.  And]  wherefore  then  [om. 
then]  do  [will]  ye  harden  your  hearts,  as  the  Egyptians  and  Pharaoh  hardened 
their  hearts?  [ins.  Did  they  not],  when  he  had  [om.  had"]  wrought  wonderfully 
among  them,  did  they  not  [om.  did  they  not]  let  the  people  go,  and  they  departed  ? 

7  .Now  therefore  [And  now]  make"  a  new  cart,  and  take''  two  milch  kine,  on  which 
there  hath  come  no  yoke,  and  tie  [yoke]  the  kine  to  the  cart,  and  bring  their  calves 

8  home  from  them.  And  take  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  lay  it  upon  the 
cart,  and  put  the  jewels  of  gold  [golden  figures"],  which  ye  return  him'  for  a  tres- 
pass-offering, in  a  [the"]  coffer  by  the  side  thereof,  and  send  it  away,  that  it  may 

9  go.  And  see,  if  it  goeth  [go]  up  by  the  way  of  his  [its]  own  coast  to  Beth-Shemesh, 
then  he  hath  done  us  this  great  evil ;  but  if  not,  then  we  shall  know  that  it  is  not 

10  his  hand  that  smote  us ;  it  was  a  chance  that  happened  to  us.  And  the  men  did 
so,  and  took  two  milch  kine,  and  tied  [yoked]  them  to  the  cart,  and  shut  up  their 

11  calves  at  home ;  And  they  [om.  they]  laid  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  upon  the 
cart,  and  the  coffer  with  [and]  the  mice  of  gold  [golden  mice]  and  the  images  of 
their  emerods  [boils]. ** 


3.  Eeception  and  Quartering  of  the  Ark  in  Israel.    Chap.  VI.  12 — ^VTI.  1. 

12  And  the  kine  took  the  straight  way  [went  straight  forward"]  to  the  way  of  [on 
the  road  to]  Bethshemesh,  and  [om.  and]  went  along  the  highway  [on  one  highway 
they  went],  lowing^'  as  they  went,  and  turned  not  aside  to  the  right  hand  or  to  the 
left ;  and  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  went  after  them  unto  the  border  of  Betbshe- 

•  [Ver.  3.  Erdmann  and  others  take  this  sentence  as  conditional  (which  is  here  possible,  but  somewhat  hard) 
on  the  ground  that  the  priests  are  not  sure  that  the  atonemeni^oflFering  will  be  successful,  but  propose  an  experi- 
ment (as  in  ver.  9).    Yet  in  vers.  5  and  6  they  are  sure,  and  the  experiment  in  ver.  9  seems  an  afterthought. — Tii.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  The  Heb.  text  is  here  supported  by  Syr.,  Arab,  and  Vulg.,  nor  is  there  any  variation  in  the'MSS.  (De 
Eossi) ;  but  Sept.  has  "  expiation  shall  be  made  for  you "  (1333),  and  Ohald.  "  healing  shall  be  granted  you " 
(nn n').  To  the  first  of  these  the  repetition  is  an  objection,  to  the  second  the  order  of  ideas  (healing,  expiation). 
It  does  not  appear  whether  they  are  loose  renderings  of  our  text,  or  represent  a  different  text.— Tk.] 

'  [Ver.  4.  Philippson  renders  "  tumors "  (geschwuMe),  setting  aside  the  supposed  plague  of  field-mice.  See 
Bxeg.  Notes  in  loco.  The  Sept.  here  departs  from  the  Heb.  text  in  the  order  of  statements  and  in  the  number  of 
mice ;  see  the  discussion  in  the  note  on  the  passage. — Tb.] 

•  [Ver.  4.  This  clause  stands  first  in  the  original.— Tb.] 

•»  [Ver.  4.  Heb. ;  "  them  all,"  and  so  Erdmann  and  Philippson.  But  all  the  VSS.  and  10  MSS.  read  "  you," 
which  the  sense  seems  to  require. — Tr.] 

"  [Ver.  B.  The  verb  (SSvnn)  is  Aor.,  rendered  "  wrought "  in  Ex.  x.  2  by  Eng.  A.  V. ;  Sept.  and  Vulg.  render 
freely  "smote;"  but  Syr.  has  "they  mocked  them,  and  did  not  send  them  away,  and  they  went,"  where  the  wrong 
number  of  the  first  vb.  required  the  negation  in  the  second. — Te.] 

"  [Ver.  7.  Or,  "  take  and  prepare  "  (so  Erdmann).    But  the  verb  inp  may  properly  be  taken  as  expletive  or 

pleonastic  here,  as  in  2  Sam.  xviii.  18  (see  Ges.  Lex.  s.  v.),  though  it  must  be  understood  before  the  second  accu- 
sative "  kine."— Tk.] 

"  [Ver.  8.  The  word  'Ss  means  any  instrument  or  implement,  and  is  used  of  utensils,  implements,  armor, 

weapons,  vessels  and  jewels';  here,  however,  it  is  none  of  these,  but  figures,  copies  or  works;  Luther,  bilder, 
Erdmann,  gerathe,  DVAIlloli,  figures,  Cahen.  empreintes,  and  the  other  modern  VSS.,  of  Martin,  Diodati,  D'Almei- 
da,  De  S.  Miguel,  have  "figures;"  only  the  Dutch  has  "jewels,"  Vulg.  vasa,  Sept.  irKeiii).- Tp..] 

"  [Ver.  8.  The  Art.  here  points  out  the  coffer  which  belonged  to  the  cart;  but  as  this  is  not  otherwise  known 
or  mentioned,  the  insertion  or  omission  of  the  Art.  in  Eng.  makes  little  or  no  difference.  The  Al.  Sept.  mserts  a 
neg.  before  the  word  "  put "  in  this  verse,  perhaps  to  avoid  a  supposed  diflSculty  in  the  number  of  golden  mice. 
— TR.J 

"  rVer.  11.  The  Vat.  Sept.  (but  not  AI.)  omits  the  words  "  and  the  images  of  their  boils,"  perhaps  in  order  to 
indicate  that  the  mice  were  not  in  the  argai  or  box,  and  thus  avoid  the  difficulty  above-mentioned  (see  ver.  18). 
Wellhausen,  taking  exception  to  the  inverted  order  here  (mice,  boils),  to  the  word  tehorim,  and  to  the  ambiguity 
of  the  phrase,  omits  all  of  ver.  11  after  "coffer,"  regarding  the  Heb.  as  a  gloss  on  the  already  corrupt  Greek.  But 
this  is  improbable,  and  the  Heb.  is  sustained  by  all  the  VSS.  The  tehorim  is  not  improbably  a  marginal  explana- 
tion of  ophalim  which  has  crept  into  the  text  (so  Geiger  and  Erdmann) ;  but  the  text,  though  not  perfectly  clear, 
must,  on  critical  grounds,  be  retained,  since  there  would  have  been  no  special  reason  why  a  scribe  should  insert 
it,  but  on  the  other  hand  ground  for  its  omission,  as  the  Greek  shows  tampering  with  the  text  to  avoid  a  diffi- 
culty.—Tb.] 

'•  [Ver.  12.  On  the  form  of  the  Heb.  word  see  Erdmann  in  loco.— Th.] 

"  [Ver.  12.  Ges.  Gram.  (Conant's  transl.),  J  76,  Eem.  I.  2.— Tb.] 


112 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


13  mesh.     And  they''  of  Bethahemesh  were  reaping  their  wheat-harvest  in  the  valley ; 

14  and  they  lifted  up  their  eyes,  and  saw  the  ark,  and  rejoiced  to  see"  it.  And  the 
cart  came  into  the  field  of  Joshua  a  Bethshemite  [the  Bethshemeshite],  and  stood 
there,  where  [and  there]  there  was  a  great  stone ;  and  they  clave  the  wood  of  the 

15  cart,  and  oifered  the  kine  a  burnt-offering  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  the 
Levites  took  down  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  the  coffer  that  was  with  it, 
wherein  [ins.  were]  the  jewels  of  gold  [golden  figures]  were  [om.  were],  and  put 
them  on  the  great  stone ;  and  the  men  of  Bethshemesh  offered  burnt-offerings,  and 

16  sacrificed  sacrifices  the  same  day  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  when  [om.  when] 
the  five  lords  of  the  Philistines  had  seen  [saw]  it,  they  [and]  returned  to  Ekron 

17  the  same  day.  And  these  are  the  golden  emer.  ds  [boils]  which  the  Philistines 
returned  for  [as]  a  trespass-offering  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  :  for  Ashdod  one,  for 

18  Gaza  one,  for  Askelon  one,  for  Gath  one,  for  Ekron  one.  And  the  golden  mice 
[ins.  were]  according  to  the  number  of  all  the  cities  of  the  Philistines  belonging  to 
the  five  lords,  both  of  fenced  cities  and  of  country  villages,""  even  unto  the  great 
stone  of  Abel  whereon  they  set  down  the  ark  of  the  Lord,  which  stone  remaineth  unto 
this  day  in  the  field  of  Joshua  the  Bethshemite  [And"'  the  great  stone,  on  which 
they  set  down  the  ark  of  Jehovah,  remaineth  to  this  day  in  the  field  of  Joshua  the 
Bethshemeshite], 

19  And  he  smote  the  men  of  Bethshemesh,  because  they  had  [om.  had]  looked  into 
[at"']  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  even  [and]  he  smote  of  the  people  fifty  thou- 
sand and  three-score  and  ten  men  [70  men,  50,000  men"']  ;  and  the  people  lamented, 
because  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  smitten  [smote]  many  of  [om.  many  of]  the  people 

20  with  a  great  slaughter.  And  the  men  of  JBethshemesh  said.  Who  is  able  to  stand 
before  [ins.  Jehovah],  this  holy  Lord  [om.  Lord]  God?  and  to  whom  shall  he  go 

21  up  from  us  ?  And  they  sent  messengers  to  the  inhabitants  of  Kirjath-jearim,  say- 
ing. The  Philistines  have  brought  again  [back]  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah] ; 
come  ye  down,  and  fetch  it  up  to  you. 

Chap.  VIL  1  And  the  men  of  Kirjath-jearim  came,  and  fetched  up  the  ark  of  the 
Lord  [Jehovah],  and  brought  it  into  the  house  of  Abinadab  in  [on]  the  hill,  and 
sanctified  [consecrated]  Eleazar  his  son  to  keep  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

18  [Ver.  13.  The  Heb.  has  simply  "Bethshemesh,"  the  place  put  for  its  inhabitants. — Tb.] 
»  [Ver.  13.  Sept.:  "to  meet  it"  OnKlpS),  error  of  copyist.— Tb.] 

*>  rVer.  18.  The  first  clause  of  this  verse  (and  along  with  it  Ter.  17)  is  stricken  out  by  Wellhausen  on  the 
Rround  of  its  incompatibility  with  ver.  .s.  The  external  evidence  for  the  clause  is  complete;  on  the  internal  evi- 
dence see  the  Comm.  in  toco  and  Translator's  note. — Tr.} 

"'  ryer.  18.  Or:  "witness  is  the  great  stone,"  etc.,  omitting  the  word  "remaineth;"  so  Erdmann,  see  Comm.  in 
loco.    The  simpler  translation  given  above  is  that  suggested  m  Bib.  Comm.— Tn.] 

22  [Ver.  10.  This  is  the  common  meaning  of  the  verb  (PINT  with  2).— Tb.] 

i»  [Ver.  19.  These  numbers,  though  probably  incorrect,  are  left  in  the  text,  because  no  satisfactory  reading 
has  been  settled  on.    The  clause  should  be  bracketed.    See  discussion  in  Comm.— Te.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

I.  Vera.  1-11.  The  ark  is  sent  back  with  eimiatory 
gifts.  The  designation  of  place:  in  the  field  is 
here  to  be  taken  in  the  wider  sense  of  territory, 
country,  as  in  Buth  i.  2.— The  seven  months, 
during  which  the  ark  was  in  the  country  of  the 
Philistines,  was  a  time  of  uninterrupted  plagues. 
In  addition  to  the  disease  of  boils  came  the  plague 
of  the  devastation  of  the  fields  by  mice.  That  the 
plague  of  mice  was  something  over  and  above  the 
disease  is  plain  from  vers.  5,  11,  18 ;  in  ver.  1  the 
Sept.  adds,  "and  their  land  smarmed  vnth  mice," 
which  the  narrator  has  not  expressly  mentioned. 
Thenius'  supposition  that,  from  similarity  of  final 
syllables  {(D'-),  a  clause  has  fallen  out  of  the  Heb. 
text,  is  too  bold  a  one.  Maurer  remarks  cor- 
rectly: "it  is  generally  agreed  that  the  Hebrew 
writers  not  infrequently  omit  things  essential,  and 
then  afterwards  mention  them  briefly  in  succes- 
sion."— Ver.  2.  After  it  had  been  determined  in 


the  council  of  the  princes  to  send  back  the  ark  to 
the  Israelites,  the  priests  and  soothsayers  are  now  to 
tell  hoiv  it  shall  be  sent  back.  Alongside  of  an 
honorable  priestly  class  appear  here  the  soothsayers 
[diviners]  (that  is,  the  organs  of  the  deity,  who 
reveal  his  counsel  and  wQl  through  the  mantic 
art)  as  authorities,  whose  decision  is  final.  The 
princes  had  to  consider  the  political-national  and 
social  side,  these  the  religious  side  of  the  ques- 
tion.*   Inasmuch  as  it  has  already  been  deter- 

*  [The  word  here  employed  for  "priests"  (kohanim) 
is  the  same  as  that  used  to  designate  the  priests  of  the 
true  God,  the  distinctive  word  for  idol-priests  (kemarim) 
occurring  only  three  times  in  O.  T.,  though  frequent  in 
the  Syriao  and  Chald.  translations.  The  Arabic  here 
renders  "chiefs"  or  "doctors"  (ahbara),  probably  to 
avoid  a  scandalous  application  of  the  sacred  name.  For 
etvmology  of  kohm  see  Ges.,  Thes.,  and  FUrst,  Heb.  Lex. 
-The  word  rendered  "  soothsayer  "  (qosem)  is  probably 
from  a  stem  meaning  "to  divide,  partition,  assign  for- 
tunes," and  seems  to^e  employed  to  denote  divination 
by  processes  such  a%  shaking  arrows,  consulting  tera- 
phim,  inspecting  livers  (Ez.  xxi.  20-28  [21-23]),  perhaps 
differing  thus  from  the  mantic  art  proper,  which  involved 
possession  or  inspiration  by  the  deity  (whieli  two  me. 


CHAP.  VI.  1— vn.  1. 


113 


mined  to  send  the  ark  back,  the  question  "  what 
shall  we  do  in  respect  to  the  ark  of  God?"  is  only 
introductory  to  the  succeeding  question,  "  where- 
mth  or  how  shall  we  send  it  to  its  place  ?"  The 
7133  may  mean  either,  but  the  rendering  "  how, 
in  what  way  "  ( Vulg.  {pwmodo)  is  favored  by  the 
connection,  since  the  priests  would  else  not  have 
answered  that  the  ark  was  not  to  be  sent  back 
without  gifts. — Ver.  3.  We  must  here  not  supply 

the  pronoun  "ye"  to  the  Particip.  (D''nWD),but 
must  render  (as  in  ii.  24)  impersonally* :  "  if  one 
sends,  if  they  send."  The  ark  must  be  restored, 
not  emp%,  but  with  gifts.  These  gifts  are  to  be  an 
asham  (QE'N),  a  debt-offering  or  expiatory  offering; 
the  gift  is  thus  designated,  because  it  is  a  question 
of  the  payment  of  a  debt.f  Satisfaction  must  be 
made  to  the  angered  God  of  the  people  of  Israel 
Ur  t'le  contempt  put  on  Him  by  the  abduction  of 
the  ark.  The  word  "return,  make  compensation" 
(a'E'n)  refers  to  the  unlawful  appropriation  ;  it  is 
a  matter  of  compensation.     Vulg. :    quod  debetis, 

reddiieeipropeceato.  H  ["to  him,"  "to  it"]  is 
to  be  referred  not  to  the  ark  (Sept.),  but  to  God. 
Send  Him  a  "  gift,  by  which  His  anger  shall  be 
appeased,  lest  He  torment  you  more  "  (Cleric). 
According  to  Ex.  xxiii.  15  no  one  was  allowed  to 
appear  empty-handed  (Dj^''?.)  before  God.  Whe- 
ther, as  Clericus  supposes,  this  was  known  to  the 
Philistine  priests,  is  uncertain.  The  words  IK 
IKinri  may  be  taken  either  as  conditional  or  as 
assertory.  The  latter  rendering  "  then  you  shall 
be  healed"  would  suit  the  connection  and  the 
whole  situation,  but  that  these  priests  expressly 
declare  it  to  be  possible  (ver.  9)  that  this  plague 
was  to  be  ascribed  not  to  the  God  of  Israel,  but  to 
a  chance.  The  hypothetical  rendering  is  there- 
fore to  be  preferred,  which  is  grammatically  allow- 
able, though  the  conditional  particle  is  wanting. 
(Comp.  Ew.  Or.,  |  357  b).  We  must  therefore 
translate:  "  and  if  ye  shall  be  healed."^  In  the 
words  "  and  it  shall  be  known  to  you  why  His 
hand  is  not  removed  from  you  "  the  present  tense 
offers  no  difficulty,  the  sense  being:  "you  shall 
then  by  the  cure  leam  why  His  hand  now  smites 
you;  His  hand  is  not  removed  from  you,  because 
the  expiation  for  your  guilt,  which  will  be  fol- 
lowed by  cure,  is  not  yet  made." 

Bnnsen :  "  It  was  a  universal  custom  of  ancient 
nations  to  dedicate  to  the  deity  to  whom  a  sick- 
ness was  ascribed,  or  from  whom  cure  was  desired, 
likenesses  of  the  diseased  parts."     This  was  true 


thods  Oioero  calls  divination  with  and  without  art,  Div. 
1, 18).  The  word  is  used  in  O.  T.  only  of  false  diviners 
(for  wider  use  in  Arabic  see  Freytae,  Ar.  Lex. ».  v.  qasama). 
Comp.  Art.  "  Divination  "  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.  Articles 
"Wahrsager"  and  "Magier"  in  Winer's  Bib.  B.  W.,  and 
Qes.,  Thes.— Te.] 

•  [On  this  see  'Tranalator's  note  in  "  Textual  and  Gram- 
matical."—Tr.] 

t  fThe  word  asMm  rather  means  not  "  debt,"  but  "  of- 
fence "  and  its  "  punishment "  (comp.  Gen.  xxvi.  10 ;  Ps. 
xiv.9;  Isa.  liii.  10,  and  the  Arab,  athama),  and  is  not  re- 
stricted in  the  Mosaic  Law  to  oases  of  restitution  (see 
Lev.  V.  (Eng.  A.  V.  v.— vi.  7),  xiv.  12  j  Nu.  vi.  12).  Here 
it  may  be  used  in  this  latter  sense,  and  is  in  general 
more  appropriate  than  hattath,  since  the  Philistines  can- 
not be  supposed  to  have  the  deeper  conception  of  sin 
involved  in  the  latter  word.  It  is,  of  course,  a  question 
whether  they  employed  this  very  word  asham.— n.'] 


Meal 


t  [Against  this  see  note  under'"  Textual  and  Grammar 
i1."-Tb.] 


also  of  the  cause  of  the  plagues.  The  Philistines 
therefore  (ver.  4  sq.),  when  they  inquired  what 
they  should  send  along  as  trespass  or  expiatory 
offering,  received  the  answer :  "  five  golden  boils 
and  five  golden  mice."  The  number  five  is  ex- 
pressly fixed  on  with  reference  to  the  five  princes 
of  the  Philistines,  who  represent  the  whole  people 
(i3pD  is  Ace.  of  exact  determination  "  according 
to,  in  relation  to,"  with  adverbial  signification. 
Ges.  6r.,  I  118,  3).  The  change  of  person  in  the 
words  "one  plague  is  on  them  all  and  on  ycmr 
princes "  has  occasioned  the  reading  "  ymt  all," 
which  is  for  this  reason  to  be  rejected.*  People 
and  princes  are  here  regarded  as  a  unit,  the  latter 
representing  the  former,  and  therefore  the  number 
of  the  gifts  to  be  offered  for  the  whole  is  deter- 
mined by  the  number  (five)  of  the  princes.  Ver. 
5  makes  in  a  supplementary  way  express  mention 
of  the  devastoMon  which  the  mice  made  in  the  land. 
"  This  plague  is  often  far  greater  in  southern 
lands  than  with  us ;  so  that  the  Egyptians  use  the 
figure  of  a  fieldmouse  to  denote  destruction ;  there 
are  many  examples,  it  is  said,  of  the  whole  har- 
vest in  a  field  having  been  destroyed  by  them  in 
one  night"  (v.  Gerl.).  Comp.  Boch.  Hieroz.  II., 
429  ed.  Eos.;  Plin.  Sist.  NcU._  X.  c.  65.  By  the 
presentation  of  the  likenesses  in  gold  they  were 
to  "give  honor  to  the  God  of  Israel."  These 
words  of  the  Philistine  priests  expla,in  the  expres- 
sion "  pay  or  return  a  trespass-offering."  By  the 
removal  of  the  ark,  the  seat  of  the  glory  of  the 
God  of  Israel,  His  honor  is  violated  ;  hence  the 
punishment  in  this  two-fold  plague ;  by  these  gifts 
they  are  to  attempt  to  make  compensation  for  the 
violation  of  honor,  and  the  wrath  of  the  God  who 
is  wounded  in  His  honor  is  to  be  turned  aside. 
"  By  bringing  precisely  the  inBtmment  of  their 
chastisement  as  a  gift  to  God,  they  confess  that  He 
Himself  has  punished  them,  and  do  homage  to 
His  might,  hoping  therefore  all  the  more  by  pay- 
ing their  debt  to  be  made  or  to  remain  free,"  (v. 
Gerlach).  The  expression  "perhaps  He  will 
lighten  His  hand  from  off  you  "  agrees  with  that 
in  ver.  3,  "if  ye  be  healed,"  and  with  ver.  9. 

[It  is  not  clear  that  the  Philistines  were  visited 
with  a  plague  of  mice.  In  spite  of  Maurer's  remark 
(on  ver.  1)  endorsed  by  Erdmann,  it  is  strange 
that  no  mention  is  made  of  the  mice  in  chap.  v. 
Philippson  (who  translates  akbar  not  "mouse" 
but  "boil")  further  objects  that  the  assumption 
of  a  mouse-plague  different  from  the  boil-disease 
is  incompatible  with  the  assertion  in  ver.  4,  "one 
plague  is  on  you  and  on  your  lords,"  which  sup- 
poses a  bodily  infliction  (on  which,  however,  see 
the  discussion  of  the  Sept.  text  of  vers.  4,  5,  in  note 
to  ver.  18).  Nor  does  the  Heb.  text  expressly 
state  that  there  was  such  a  plague.  In  ver.  5  no- 
thing more  is  necessarily  said  (so  Wellhausen) 
than  that  they  were  exposed  to  land  devastations 
by  mice,  and  that  the  whole  land  had  suflered,  and 
ver.  18  (however  interpreted)  adds  nothing  to  the 
statement  in  ver.  4.  We  may  on  critical  grounds 
keep  the  present  Masoretic  text  (discarding  the 
Sept.  addition  to  ver.  1)  without  finding  in  it  the 
mouse-plague.  On  the  other  hand,  the  figure  of 
a  mouse  was  in  Egypt  a  symbol  of  destruction,  and 
so  might  have  been  chosen  here  as  a  fitting  expia- 


*  [For  defence  of  the  reading  "  you  all "  see  "  Textual 
and  Grammatical "  notes  in  toco.— Tb.] 


114 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


tory  offering.  Possibly,  as  there  was  a  Baal-zebub, 
"lord  of  flies"  (Zeif  ' An6fivmi),  worshipped  at 
Ekron,  so  there  was  a  Baal-akbar,  "  lord  of  mice," 
and  this  animal  may  have  been  connected  with 
religious  worship.— Others  explain  the  figures  of 
the  boils  and  nuce  as  telesms  or  talismans.  So 
Maimonides,  quoted  in  Poole's  Synopsis,  in  which 
are  cited  many  illustrations  of  the  wide  use  of  ta- 
lismans (figures  made  under  planetary  and  astral 
conjunctions  in  the  likeness  of  the  injurious  object 
or  of  the  part  affected)  among  the  ancients  (ex- 
panded by  Kitto,  Daily  Bible  Illust.,  Saul  and 
David,  p.  86  sq.).  But,  supposing  there  was  a 
plague  of  mice,  these  figures  were  prepared,  not 
by  their  own  virtue  to  avert  the  plague  (which  the 
talismans  were  supposed  to  do),  hut  to  appease  the 
wrath  of  the  God  of  Israel.— TR.J.—Lisliten 
from  off  you,  etc.,  is  a  pregnant  expression  for 
"  lighten  and  turn  away  from  you,"  so  that  the 
burden  of  the  punishment  shall  be  removed  from 
you.  In  ver.  6  the  case  of  the  Egyptians  is  re- 
ferred to  in  order  to  strengthen  the  exhortation. 
We  have  already  seen  in  iv.  8  the  mark  of  the 
deep  impression  made  on  the  neighboring  heathen 
nations  by  the  judgments  of  the  God  of  Israel  on 
the  Egyptians.  The  Philistine  priests  see  in  these 
plagues  judgments  like  those  inflicted  on  the 
Egyptians,  and  set  forth  the  universal  and  com- 
prehensive significance  of  this  revelation  of  the 
heavy  hand  of  God  in  the  words  "  on  [rather 
from]  you,  and  your  god  [better,  perhaps,  gods,  as 
in  Eng.  A.  V.],  and  your  land."  They  thus  refer 
this  general  calamity  not  only  to  its  highest  cause 
in  the  God  of  Israel  and  His  violated  honor,  hut 
also  to  its  deepest  ground  in  the  Philistines'  hard- 
ening of  the  heart  against  Him  after  the  manner 
of  Pharaoh  and  the  Egyptians,  and  so  show  exact 
acquaintance  with  the  pragmatism  of  the  history 
of  God's  revelations  towards  E^ypt  and  its  kin^. 
Comp.  Ex.  vii.  13  sqq.  with  viii.  32.  It  is  evi- 
dent from  the  connection  that  the  words  of  the 
priests  are  to  be  referred  only  to  the  obligation  to 
"give  honor  to  the  Grod  of  Israel"  by  expiatory 
presents,  not  to  the  restoration  of  the  ark,  which 
was  already  determined  on.  The  hardening  or 
obduration  of  the  heart  is  the  stubborn  and  per- 
sistent refusal  to  give  to  the  God  of  Israel  His 
due  honor,  after  His  honor  had  been  violated. 
The  word  ''^Jj'nn  ["  wrought "]  points  to  God's 
mighty  deeds  against  Pharaoh  and  the  Egyp- 
tians ;  it  is  found  in  the  same  sense  "  work,  ex- 
ercise power"  ["work  one's  will  on"]  in  Ex- 
X.  2  and  1  Sam.  xxxi.  4.  In  view  of  these  ex- 
hibitions of  God's  power,  they  are  warned  against 
such  a  persistent  stiff-necked  opposition  to  it. 
Ver.  6  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  doubt  expressed 
in  ver.  9,  whether  the  plagues  come  from  the  God 
of  Israel  or  from  a  chance,  since  it  is  (in  ver.  9) 
at  any  rate  regarded  as  possible  that  the  God  of 
Israel  has  thus  exhibited  His  anger.  "  The  mere 
possibility  of  this  makes  it  seem  advisable  to  do 
every  thing  to  appease  the  wrath  of  the  Grod  of 
the  Israelites,  which  the  heathen,  from  their  fear 
of  the  gods,  dreaded  under  the  circumstances  not 
le.ss,  yea,  more  than  the  anger  of  their  own  gods " 
(Keil). 

Vers.  7-9.  The  arrangements  respecting  the  mode 
of  sending  back  the  ark.  In  ver.  7  the  arrangements 
»re  made  for  a  restoration  of  the  ark  worthy  of 


and  proportionate  to  the  honor  of  the  God  of 
Israel.  The  Philistines  are  not,  for  this  purpose, 
to  have  a  new  cart  made,  but,  as  the  preceding 
inp  shows,  to  take*  one  already  made,  in  order 
to  fit  it  up  and  prepare  it  for  this  end ;  this  is 
shown  by  the  ^^^.1  ["and  make"].  A  new  cart 
and  two  hitherto  unyoked  milch  cows  (comp.  Deut. 
xxi.  3)  are  to  carry  back  the  ark  with  the  pre- 
sents; only  what  had  not  been  used,  what  was 
still  undesecrated,  was  an  appropriate  means  tor 
the  honor  destined  to  be  shown  to  the  dreaded 

God  of  Israel.  ''J^.i  properly  the  "rolling 
thing,"  means  the  transport- wagon,  which,  accord- 
ing to  this,  was  in  use  in  PhiBstia,  and  was  usu- 
ally yoked  with  oxen.  The  calves  were  to  be 
taken  along,  but  afterwards  to  be  carried  from  be- 
hind the  drawing  cows,  back  into  the  house — that 
is,  into  the  staU.  In  reference  to  the  cows  the 
Maac.  is  thrice  used  in  ver.  7  for  the  Fem.,  "be- 
cause the  writer  thinks  of  the  cows  as  oxen" 
(Thenius) ;  and  so  in  vers.  10, 12.  In  ver.  8  a  mi- 
nute description  is  given  of  the  manner  of  loading 
the  cart  with  the  ark  and  with  the  coffer  (Ul.^i 
found  only  here  and  vers.  11,  15)  in  which  the 
golden  expiatory  gifts  were  to  be  carried.  "And 
send  ii  away,  that  it  may  go."  From  the  connection 
it  appears  that  the  cart,  with  the  ark,  is  left  to  the 
cows  to  draw ;  the  direction  which  they  take  with- 
out being  led  or  driven  is  decisive  of  the  question 
whether  the  plagues  are  from  the  God  of  Israel 
or  not. 

Ver.  9.  This  is  slated  more  precisely  by  the 
priests.  If  the  cows  went  straight  to  its  (the 
ark's)  territory,  this  would  be  the  sign  that  the 
plagues  were  from  the  Groi  of  Israel ;  if  not,  it 
would  show  that  it  was  only  a  matter  of  chance. 
From  their  stand-point  the  heathen  distinguished 
with  perfect  logical  consistency  between  the  pro- 
vidence of  the  Gtod  of  Israel  and  a  mere  chance. 

"Its  territory  or  coast"  (i ''3J)  is  the  land  of  Is- 
rael as  its  home.  Sethshemesh  is  one  of  the  Is- 
raelitish  priestly  cities  on  the  border  of  Judah  and 
Dan  (Josh.  xxi.  16),  the  nearest  of  them  to  Ekron, 
and  the  nearest  point  of  entrance  from  Philistia 
into  the  hUl-country  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  10,  11). 
The  valley  in  or  on  which  (ver.  13)  it  lay,  was  the 
same  with  the  present  Wady  Surar.  The  present 
Ain  Shems  which  rests  on  it  is  the  ancient  Bethshe- 
mesh.t  S.  Eobinson,  II.  599,  III.  224  sq.  [Amer. 
Ed.  II.  14,  16,  223-225.]  If  this  direction  was 
not  taken  by  the  cows,  that  was  to  be  the  sign  that 
"this  was   a  chance  (H^pn   is  not  adverb,  "by 

»  [Brdmann  translates:  "take  and  make  a  new  cart, 
and  take  two  milch  cows," — on  which  see  note  under 
"  Textual  and  Grammatical." — Tb.] 

t  rRohinaon :  "  Just  on  the  west  of  the  village  (AIn 
ShemsV  on  and  around  the  plateau  of  a  low  swell  be- 
tween the  Surar  on  the  North  and  a  smaller  Wady  on 
the  South,  are  the  manifest  traces  of  an  ancient  site. 
Here  are  the  vestiges  of  a  former  extensive  city,  con- 
sisting of  many  foundations  and  the  remains  of  ancient 
walls  of  hewn  stone.  The  materials  have  indeed  beec 
chiefly  swallowed  up  in  the  probably  repeated  construc- 
tions of  the  modern  village ;  but  enough  yet  remains  to 
make  it  one  of  the  largest  and  most  marked  sites  wmcn 
we  had  any  where  seen.  On  the  north  the  great  Wady 
es-Surar— itself  a  plain — runs  off  first  west  and  then 
north-west  into  the  great  plain;  while  on  the  south  the 
smaller  Wady  comes  down  from  the  south-east,  and 
uniting  with  the  one  down  which  we  had  traveled,  they 
enter  the  Surar  below  the  ruins." — Tb.] 


CHAP.  VI.  1— VII.  1. 


115 


chance"  (Keil),  but  Nom.  of  the  subject;  and 
this  is  no  ground  for  reading  (with  Bottcher) 
n^pD,  "by  chance").  The  meaning  of  the 
priests  was,  that  the  cows,  being  unaccustomed  to 
the  yoke,  and  being,  besides,  milch  cows,  from 
which  their  calves  had  been  separated,  would,  in 
obedience  to  their  natural  impulse,  wish  to  turn 
about  and  go  back  to  their  stall,  unless  a  higher 
power  restrained  them,  and  compelled  them  to 
take  the  road  to  Bethshemesh  and  keep  it.  By 
God's  ordination  this  was  done,  and  so  was  for  the 
Philistines  the  factual  confirmation  given  by  the 
God  of  Israel  of  the  opinion  that  He  had  inflicted 
the  plagues  on  them.  Vers.  10,  11  relate  the 
carrying  out  of  the  arrangements  which  the  priests 
had  made.  The  restoration  is  performed  in  the 
manner  prescribed  by  the  priests. 

II.  Vers.  12-21.  The  ark  is  transported  to  Sethr 
shmesh.  Ver.  12.  They  kept  the  road  exactly- 
lit,  "they  were  straight  on  the  way."*    MesiMah 

(n^DB)  is  a  thrown  up,  raised  way,  a  highway. 
On  one  highway — that  is,  without  going  hither  and 
thither,  as  is  afterwards  added  by  way  of  explana- 
tion, "without  turning  aside  to  the  right  or  to  the 
left."  They  went  going  and  lowing ;  that  is,  con- 
stantly lowing,  because  they  wanted  their  calves; 
yet  they  did  not  turn  about,  but  went  on  in  the 
opposite  direction.  The  Philistine  princes  went 
behind,  not  b^ore  them,  because,  in  accordance 
with  the  suggestion  of  the  priests,  they  had  to  ob- 
serve whither  the  animals  went.  Ver.  13.  Bethr 
shemesh  is  for  "the  inhabitants  of  Bethshemesh." 
Though  it  was  a  priestly  city,  the  inhabitants  of 
Bethshemesh  are  expressly  distinguished  from  the 
Levites.  The  Bethshemeshites,  who  were  reaping 
wheat  in  the  valley  (Wady  Surar),  rejoiced  to  see 
the  long-lost  ark.  [The  wheat  harvest  points  to 
May  or  June  as  the  time  of  the  return  of  the  ark. 
Robinson:  "May  13.  Most  of  the  fields  (near 
Jericho)  were  already  reaped.  Three  days  before 
we  had  left  the  wheat  green  upon  the  fields  around 
Hebron  and  Carmel ;  and  we  afterwards  found  the 
harvest  there  in  a  less  forward  state  on  the  6th  of 
June"  (I.  550,  551).  We  do  not  know  what  spe- 
cies of  wheat  the  ancient  Hebrews  had ;  but  the 
crop  was  the  most  important  one  in  the  country 
(see  1  Kings  v.  11).  Mr.  W.  Houghton  says 
(Smith's  Bib.  Diet.  Art.  "Wheat"):  "There  ap- 
pear to  be  two  or  three  kinds  of  wheat  at  present 
grown  in  Palestine,  the  Tritiewm  mdgare  (yar.  %- 
bemum),  the  T.  spelta,  and  another  variety  of 
bearded  wheat,  which  appears  to  be  the  same  as 
the  Egyptian  kind,  the  T.  compodtwm."  The 
phrase  "they  lifted  up  their  eyes  and  saw,"  being 
the  common  Heb.  formula  for  "looking,"  does  not 
show  that  the  object  looked  at  was  on  a  higher 
elevation  than  the  spectator.  Thus  Stanley's  ar- 
gument (Sin.  and  Pal.,  p.  248)  from  Gen.  xxii.  4 
as  to  the  site  of  "Moriah"  has  no  weight.— Tn.] 
Ver.  14.  The  great  stone  in  the  field  of  theBeth- 
shemeshite  Joshua  was  probablj;  the  occasion  of 
the  cart's  being  stopped  here,  with  the  design  of 
using  the  stone  as  a  sacred  spot  for  the  solemn  re- 
moval of  the  ark  and  the  presents,  as  appears  from 
ver.  15.  The  Levites  are  expressly  mentioned  in 
connection  with  the  setting  the  ark  down  on  the 

*  nntS''  is  for  n  Jit?",  and  the  '  for  r\.    On  this  form 

T    :  -  '  T  :  T  ' 

oomp.  Kw.  §  191  6,  and  Gesen.  §47,  E.  3. 


great  stone,  a  sacred  act  which  pertained  to  them 
alone.  Since  the  ark  betokened  the  presence  of 
the  Lord,  it  could  be  said  that  they,  namely,  the 
Bethshemeshites,  oftered  the  kine  to  the  Lord  by 
using  the  wood  of  the  cart  for  the  burnt-ofiering. 
With  this  they  joined  a  blood-offering.  It  was 
lawful  to  offer  the  sacrifice  here,  because,  wherever 
the  ark  was,  offering  might  be  made.  Though 
the  people  of  Betlishemesh  are  expressly  said  to  be 
the  offerers  [ver.  15],  this  does  not  exclude  the 
co-operation  of  the  priests,  especially  as  Bethshe- 
mesh was  a  priestly  city.  From  the  single  burnt- 
offering  in  ver.  14,  which  was  offered  with  the 
cart  and  the  kine,  the  burnt-offerings  [ver.  15] 
and  the  slain-offerings,  which  were  connected 
with  a  joyful  sacrificial  meal,  are  to  be  distin- 
guished as  a  second  sacrificial  act,  which,  in  its 
first  element  (the  burnt-offering),  set  forth  the  re- 
newed consecration  and  devotion  of  the  whole  life 
to  the  Lord,  and  in  its  second  (the  meal)  expressed 
joyful  thanksgiving  for  the  restoration  of  God's 
enthronement  and  habitation  amid  His  people,  of 
which  they  had  been  so  long  deprived.  Ver.  16. 
The  five  lords  of  the  Philistines  saw  in  this  occur- 
rence, in  accordance  with  the  instruction  of  their 
priests,  a  revelation  of  the  God  of  Israel;  they  re- 
turned to  Ekron  the  same  day. — Vers.  17,  18.  A 
second  enumeration  of  the  expiatory  gifts,  comp. 
ver.  4.  The  statement  here  made  varies  from  that 
of  ver.  4  only  in  the  fact  that,  while  the  priests 
had  advised  the  presentation  of  only  five  golden 
figures  of  mice,  here  a  much  greater  number, 
"according  to  the  number  of  all  the  cities  of  the  Philis- 
tines," are  offered ;  because,  from  the  expression 
"from  the  fenced  dty  to  the  milage  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  low  lamd"  CPSH,  Deut.  iii.  5)  [rather 
"fenced  cities  and  country*  villages"],  which 
shows  that  every  Philistine  locality  was  repre- 
sented in  the  mouse-figures,  we  learn  that  the 
mouse-plague  extended  over  the  whole  country, 
while  the  boil-plague  prevailed  only  in  the  largest 
cities.f  In  the  second  clause,  instead  of  1.^]  ["  and 
unto"]  read  fj?.]  ["and  witness"],  and  instead  of 
SjX  ["Abel"],  we  must,  on  account  of  the  attached 
AcM.  and  the  repeated  reference  to  the  "field  of 
Joshua"  (vers.  14,  16),  read  I^N  ["stone"],  and 
translate:  "and  a  witness  is  the  great  stone  (1.^1  is 
found  in  the  same  sense.  Gen.  xxxi.  52)  ...  to  this 
day."  Kimchi's  explanation  of  '?>?  as  the  name 
[the  Heb.  word  means  "mourning"]  given  to  the 
stone  on  account  of  the  mourning  made  there 

»  [The  word  nn3  is  explained  by  the  Miahna  and 
the  Jews  generally, 'and  by  Geseniiia,  to  mean  "open 
country,"  Ind  this  signification  for  he  adj.  form  m  the 
text  is  required  by  the  contrast  with  "/CTced  cities.  See 
gS  ThS^sv.  The  Arab,  ntem  pharaza  is  "to  separate  "- 
and  the  derived  nouns  have  t^e  »^^^«  "f  '  ,P'»S«°^^^';; 
whence  the  rural  districts  may  have  been  called    plane, 

Troi  the  ™ppo*s"t"i;n''t:^at  there  was  no  mouse-plague, 
thl  mouse^figures  equally  represented  the  whole  coun- 
try. In  this  connection  the  Greek  t«xt  of  vers  *  5  13 
worthy  of  attention.  It  reads :  "  (ver.  4),  five  golden  he- 
d?ls7ophalim.  'boils'),  according  to  the  number  of  the 
lords  oF the  Philistines;  (ver.  6),  and  golden  mice,  like 
the  mice  "  etc;  thus  separating  the  two  statements,  and 
omitting  the  second  number  five.  If  this  reading  were 
Xpted^f  would  relieve  the  Heb  text,  wh/eh  ^n  seve- 
ral  places  in  this  chapter,  shows  traces  of  corruption. 
See  note  under  "Textual  and  Grammatical.'  -Te.] 


116 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


(ver.  19)  ia  a  fanciful  expedient,  which  has  also 
no  support  in  the  context,  since  nothing  is  after- 
wards said  of  a  mourning  at  this  stone. 

Vers.  19-21.  The  ark  in  Beihshemesh.  A  pwn^ 
ishmmt  ia  inflicted  by  God  on  the  Bethshemesh- 
ites  because  they  had  sinned  respecting  the  holiness 
of  God,  which  was  represented  before  their  eyes 
by  the  ark.  Wherein  this  sin  consisted  ia  stated 
in  the  words  "because  they  looked,"  &c. 
('2  1K1  '3),  which  are  to  be  connected  with  the 
question  in  ver.  20.  From  ver.  13  (if  we  retain 
the  text)  it  could  not  have  been  the  mere  looking 
at  the  ark,  which  stood  on  the  cart,  and  was  ne- 
cessarily visible  to  every  body,  but,  as  the  | 
shows,  consisted  only  in  the  manner  of  looking  at 
it.  As  the  unauthorized  touching  (Num.  iv.  15 ; 
2  Sam.  vi.  7),  so  the  profane,  prying,  curious 
looking  at  the  ark,  as  the  .symbol  of  the  holy  God 
who  dwells  amid  His  people,  is  forbidden  on  pain 
of  death.  The  fundamental  passage,  to  which  we 
must  here  go  back,  is  Num.  iv.  20.  The  deepest 
ground  of  the  strict  prohibition  to  touch  and  look 
at  the  ark  lies  in  the  opposition  which  exists  be- 
tween man,  impure  through  sin,  and  the  holy 
God,  which  cannot  be  removed  by  immediate  and 
unmediated  connection  with  God  on  man' s  part,  but 
only  through  the  means  which  God  has  by  special 
revelation  ordained  to  this  end.  Against  The- 
nius,  who  holds  that  this  explanation  cannot  be 
based  on  Num.  iv.  20,  it  is  to  be  remarked  that 
this  passage  speaks  expressly  not  only  of  unau- 
thorized intrusion,  but  also  of  a  similar  looking  at 
the  inner  sanctuary.  There  ia  no  contradiction 
between  this  verse  and  ver.  13,  if  we  regard  the 
Ace.  in  the  latter,  and  the  Prep,  "at"  (3)  here; 
this  difference  in  the  designation  of  the  object  in- 
dicates a  difference  in  this  connection  in  the  see- 
ing. In  Num.  iv.  20  also  the  seeing  ia  more  ex- 
.ictly  defined  by  an  added  word.  Other  explana- 
tions, as :  "  because  they  were  afraid  at  the  ark " 
(Syr.,  Arab.),  or:  "looked  into  it"  (Rabb.),  are 
entirely  untenable.  It  is  true,  however,  that  the 
words  of  the  text  (according  to  which  the  above 
would  be  the  only  tenable  explanation)  present 
great  difSculties,  which  Theniua  expresses  in  the 
remark:  "One  does  not  see  why  'and  he  smote' 
C^^)  ia  repeated,  and  why  we  have  'the  people' 
(Bi)l)  again  after  'the  men  of  Bethshemesh' 
('3^^E?JX3)."  Moreover,  the  following  words  of 
this  verse,  which  give  the  number  of  the  slain, 
undoubtedly  offer  an  incorrect,  or  rather  a  corrupt 
text;  whereby  the  preceding  words  would  be  in- 
volved in  the  corruption.  The  supposition  of  a 
defective  text  being  here  so  natural,  we  should  be 
inclined  to  adopt  (with  Theniua)  the  reading  of 
the  Sept.:  "And  the  children  of  Jechoniah  among 
the  Bethshemeshites  were  not  glad  (chap.  v.  13)  that 
they  saw  the  ark,  and  he  smote  of  them,"  ete.; 
but  that  the  objection  "that  we  elsewhere  find 
nothing  at  all  about  the  race  of  Jechoniah  "  is  by 
no  means  so  unimportant  as  Thenius  thinks  it. 
The  reading  "70  men,  50,000  men"  is  evidently 
corrupt.  If  a  process  of  addition  were  here  in- 
tended, then  "and"  (1)  must  necessarily  stand 
before  the  second  number.  If  a  partition  were 
meant  (70  out  of  50,000  men),  then,  besides  the 
grammatical  difficulty,  there  ia  the  objection  that 
the  city  of  Bethshemesh  (and  it  alone  ia  here 


spoken  of),  could  not  possibly  have  had  so  many 
inhabitants.  The  last  objection  applies  with  stUl 
more  force  to  Ewald's  translation,  "beginning 
with  70  and  increasing  to  50,000  men,"— which 
would  require  us  to  suppose  a  stiU  larger  popula- 
tion. The  words  "50,000  men"  are  wanting  in 
Jos.  {Ani.  6, 1-14),  and  in  some  Heb.  MSS.  (Cod. 
Kenn.  84,  210,  418),  and  are  [to  be  rejected],* 
since  they  give  no  sense,  and  probably  "came 
from  the  margin  into  the  text  as  another  solution 
of  the  numeral  sign  which  stood  there  (in  the 

original  text  etood  S  [70],  while  in  another  J 
[50,000]  was  found)"  (Thenius).— The  ground 
of  the  sudden  death  of  the  70  of  the  race  of 
Jechoniah  is  their  unsympathizing,  and  therefore 
imholy  bearing  towards  the  symbol  of  God'e  pre- 
sence among  His  people,  which  showed  a  mind 
wholly  estranged  from  the  living  God,  a  symp- 
tom of  the  religious-moral  degeneracy,  which 
had  spread  among  the  people,  though  piety  was 
StUl  to  be  found.f 

Ver.  20.  Who  can  stand  before  this  holy  Godf — 
This  question  expresses  their  consciousness  of 
unworthiness,  and  their  fear  of  the  violated  mar 
jesty  of  the  covenant-God  of  Israel.  The  people 
of  Bethshemesh  recognize  in  the  death  of  the  70 
a  judgment  of  God,  in  which  He  punishes  the 
violation  of  His  majesty  and  glory,  and  defends 
His  holiness  in  relation  to  His  people.  God  is 
called  the  holy  in  this  connection,  in  that  He 
guards  and  avenges  His  greatness  and  glory, 
which  He  had  revealed  to  Israel,  when  they  are 
violated  and  dishonored  by  human  sin,  by  un- 
holy, godless  conduct. — From  the  connection  only 

"  God"  can  be  the  Subj.  of  "shaU  go  up"  C^^E). 
The  question  "to  whom  shaM  he  go  up  from  mP' 

*  fThe  words  in  brackets  are  not  in  the  Grerman — 
omitted  probably  by  typographical  error.— Te.] 

f  [On  the  criticism  of  this  verse  see  De  Rossi,  Var. 
Led,,  and  a  good  note  in  Bib.  Comm.  As  to  the  num- 
bers, it  seems  impossible  to  determine  anvthing  with 
certainty,  and  the  conjecture  of  Thenius  (that  we  read 
70,  omitting  the  50,000)  is  as  probable  as  any  other. 
That  the  first  part  of  the  verse  is  corrupt  is  evident 
from  the  variations  in  the  VSS.  and  the  confused  cha- 
racter of  the  Heb.  text  itself.  Two  hints  for  the  recon- 
struction of  the  true  text  appear  to  be  given  us,  one  by 
the  Chald.,  the  other  by  the  Sept.  The  former  reads: 
"  and  He  slew  among  the  men  oi^Bethshemesh,  because 
they  rejoiced  when  they  saw  the  ark,"  etc.  (where  the 
"rejoiced"  is  apparently  taken  from  ver.  13);  the  latter 
reads :  "and  not  pleased  were  the  sons  of  Jechoniah 
among  the  men  of  Bethshemesh,  that  they  saw  the  ark," 
etc.  Combining  these,  we  may  perhaps  infer  1)  that  the 
"rejoice"  or  "pleased"  was  inserted  by  a  translator  or 
copyist,  and  2)  that  a  phrase  of  several  words  preceded 
the  words  "with  the  men  of  Bethshemesh."  The  verse 
then,  may  have  begun  somewhat  so:   niiT'  HN  "IH^l 

O  'ttfjtO,  and  read  "  and  Jehovah  was  angry  with  the 
Bethshemeshites,  because,  etc.,  .  .  .  and  smote  among 
them  "  (reading  Dn3  for  DJ?3).  From  this  the  present 
Heb.  text  might  have  come  by  substituting  V^^  (by 
homceoteleuton  or  otherwise)  for  the  first  words,  and 
omitting  ''  or  rtin',  and  the  Sept.  text  might  be  ex- 
plained as  a  duplet,  in  which  the  ^n^}3^  ^J3  is  a  cor- 
ruption of  the  Heb.,  and  the  "displeased"  taken  from 
the  same  source  as  the  Ohald. — WeUhausen  translates 

the  Sept.  into  Heb.  by  the  words  iri'W'  '33  ^p3  ^\ 

and  adopts  this  as  the  true  text.  But  this  is  not  in 
itself  very  satisfactory  ("and  the  sons  of  Jechoniah 
were  not  guiltless,"  etc.),  and  does  not  answer  the  de- 
mands of  the  VSS.  and  the  context. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  VI.  1— vn.  1, 


117 


refers  then  indeed  to  the  ark,  in  connection  with 
which  the  sin  and  the  punishment  had  occurred, 
and  supposes  that  the  Bethshemeshites  were  un- 
willing to  keep  it  among  them,  from  fear  of  far- 
ther judgments  which  its  stay  might  occasion.  A 
superstitious  idea  here  mingles  with  the  fear  of 
Grod,  since  the  stay  of  the  ark  is  regarded  as  in 
itself  a  cause  of  further  misfortune. 

Ver.  21.  Kirjaihrjearim,  that  is,  "city  of  forests" 
[Forestville,  Woodville],  in  the  tribe-territory 
of  Judah,  belonged  at  an  earlier  period  to  Gibeon 
(Josh.  ix.  17;  xviii.  25,  26;  Ezra  ii.  25;  Neh. 
vii.  29),  and  is  the  present  Kuryet  el  Enab= 
"city  of  wine"  [literally  "grapes"]  (Eob.  U. 
588  sq.  [Amer.  ed.  II.  11],  and  BM.  Forschung. 
205  sq.  [Am.  ed.  III.  157],  Tobler,  Topogr.  II. 
742  sqq.).*  The  embassy  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Kirjath-jearim  had  two  objects:  the  announce- 
ment of  the  return  of  the  ark,  and  the  demand 
that  they  should  take  it.  They  are  silent  as  to 
the  misfortune  which  was  connected  with  its 
restoration,  and  as  to  their  reason  for  not  wishing 
to  keep  it.  Ch.  vii.  1  mentions  the  safe  transpor- 
tation of  the  ark  by  the  Kirjath-jeariwites  to  their 
eiiy.  The  ark  is  placed  in  the  house  of  Abinadab 
rij;2a,  "on  the  hill,"  not  in  "Gibeah"  (Vulg., 
Luther),  as  if  the  latter  were  a  suburb  of  Kirjath- 
jearim.  The  house  of  Abinadab  was  on  a  hill, 
and  for  this  reason  probably  was  chosen  as  the 
resting-place  of  the  ark.  "  They  consecrated  Eleoy 
tar,"  the  son  of  Abinadab,  that  is,  they  chose  and 
appointed  him  as  a  person  consecrated  to  God  for 
this  service :  he  had  to  keep  watch  and  guard  over 
the  ark.  It  is  hence  probable  that  the  ark  found 
shelter  in  the  house  of  a  Lemte.     "Nothing  is 

said  of  Eleazar's  consecration  as  priest He 

was  constituted  not  priest,  but  watchman  at  the 
grave  of  the  ark,  by  its  corpse,  till  its  future  joy- 
ful resurrection "  (Hengst.,  JBeitr.  III.  66  [Con- 
tributions to  Int.  to  O.  T.]).  Why  it  was  not 
carried  back  to  Shiloh,  is  uncertain.  The  reason 
may  be,  that  the  Philistines  after  the  victory  in 
ch.  iv.  had  conquered  Shiloh,  and  now  held  it, 
as  Ewald  {Gesch.  II.  540  [Sist.  of  Isr.])  sup- 
poses ;  though  his  conjecture  that  the  Philistines 
had  destroyed  Shiloh  together  with  the  old  sanc- 
tuary, is  to  be  rejected,  since  it  is  certain  that  the 
Tabernacle  afterwards  moved  from  Shiloh  to 
Nob,  and  thence  to  Oibeon,  and  that  the  worship 
in  connection  with  it  was  maintained  (1  Sam. 
xxi.  6;  1  Kings  iii.  4;  2  Chron.  i.  31.  Or,  it 
may  be  that,  without  a  special  revelation  of  the 
divine  will,  they  were  unwilling  to  carry  the  ark 
back  to  the  place  whence  it  had  been  removed  by 
a  judgment  of  God  in  consequence  of  the  profa^ 
nation  of  the  Sanctuary  by  the  sons  of  Eli  (Keil) ; 
or  simply  that  the  purpose  was  first  and  provi- 
sionally to  carry  it  safely  to  a  large  city  as  far  ofi" 
as  possible,  inasmuch  as,  in  view  of  the  sentence 
of  rejection  which  had  been  parsed  on  Shiloh, 
they  did  not  dare  to  select  on  their  own  authority 

•  [Mr.  Grove  (Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  Art. "  Kirjath-jearim  ") 
suggests  that  the  ancient  sanctity  of  Ki:iiath-jearim  (it 
was  called  Baalah  and  Kirjath-Haal,  and  may  have  been 
a  seat  of  worship  of  tlie  Canaanitisii  deity  Baal)  was  the 
ground  of  the  ark's  being  sent  thither.  He  points  out 
also  a  difficulty  in  its  identification  with  Kuryet  el  Enab 
from  the  distance  (ten  miles  oyer  an  uneyen  country)  be- 
tween it  and  Bethshemesh  (Ain  Shems),  and  further  from 
the  absence  (so  far  as  known)  of  a  hill  corresponding 
to  that  mentioned  in  vii.  1.    But  see  Porter,  p.  270.— TbJ  I 


a  new  place  for  the  Sanctuary  (comp.  Hengst., 
vhi  swp.,  49).  It  was  not  till  David's  time  that 
the  ark  was  carried  hence  to  Jerusalem  (2 
Sam.  vi.). 

HISTOEIOAL   AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Outside  the  sphere  of  His  revelations  in  the 
covenant-people,  the  living  God  has  not  allowed 
the  heathen  nations  to  be  without  positive  testimo- 
nies to  His  glory;  He  has,  by  severe  chastise- 
ments, made  them  feel  His  might  and  power  over 
them,  when  they,  though  they  were  the  instru- 
ments of  His  punitive  justice  on  Israel,  did  vio- 
lence to  His  honor,  and  transgressed  the  limits 
assigned  them. 

2.  The  exact  knowledge  that  the  Philistine 
priests  and  soothsayers  had  of  the  punitive  reve- 
lations of  God  against  the  Egyptians,  and  of  the 
cause  of  them  in  the  fact  that  that  people  har- 
dened^ itself  against  Him,  is  an  eminent  example 
of  His_  government  of  the  world,  which  was 
closely  interwoven  with  the  history  of  revelation 
in  His  kingdom,  and  in  which  He  penetrated 
with  the  beams  of  His  revealed  U^t  the  darkness 
of  heathenism  which  surrounded  His  people,  and 
made  preparation  for  the  revelation  of  uie  new 
covenant,  which  was  to  embrace  the  whole  world. 
They  were  in  such  light  to  seek  the  Lord  in  their 
ways,  if  haply  they  might  feel  after  Him  and  find 
Him  (Acts  xvii.  27). 

3.  The  need  of  empiation,  as  well  as  the  demand 
for  it,  is  deeply  grounded  in  the  relation  of  man 
to  the  holy  God ;  through  sin  against  God's  wiU 
and  ordinances  man  finds  himself  in  custody 
under  His  punitive  justice,  whence  there  is  no 
redemption  except  by  an  expiation,  failing  which 
judgment  is  pronounced  against  him.  All  need 
of  expiation  and  all  means  thereto,  not  only  in 
the  sphere  of  Old  Testament  revelation,  but  also 
in  heathendom,  are  predictions  of  Christ,  who 
made  the  universal  and  all-sufficient  expiation 
for  the  guilt  of  the  world. 

4.  The  enemies  of  God's  kingdom  cannot  and 
are  not  permitted  to  retain  the  possessions  of 
God's  sanctuary  which  they  have  gotten  by  rob- 
bery, but  must  bow  beneath  His  mighty  hand, 
and  give  them  up,  yea,  restore  them  increased  by 
counter-gifts  on  their  part. 

5.  "  Who  can  stand  before  the  Lord,  this  holy 
Godl"  The  more  clearly  God's  holiness  is  seen 
in  the  mirror  of  His  justice,  the  deeper  and  more 
energetic  is  the  feeling  of  sin  and  unworthiness  in 
the  human  heart  before  the  holy  God.  The  depth 
of  the  divine  holiness  becomes  clearest  and  most 
sensible  to  sinful  man  in  those  of  its  manifestations, 
by  which  he  sees  God  as  "  this  holy  God,"  that  is, 
in  the  vigorous  exercise  of  His  holiness,  of  which 
he  has  experience  in  God's  punitive  justice  di- 
rected against  himself.  But  the  deeper  and  more 
thorough  the  knowledge  of  one's  own  sin,  the 
clearer  the  knowledge  of  the  divine  holiness.  Yet, 
to  sinful  men  the  light  of  the  divine  holiness, 
which  is  always  for  him  dulled,  must  not  become 
intolerable,  so  that  he  shall  avoid  God's  face,  and 
abandon  fellowship  with  Him ;  rather  must  sinful 
man  bear  this  light  which  discloses  aU  his  sin  and 
alienation  from  God,  and  seek  to  learn  in  it  the 
ways  of  grace  and  salvation  ( Ps.  li.  5,  6  [4,5]). 
The  contrary  result  of  the  revelation  of  God's  ho- 
liness and  justice  leads  to  a  sundering  of  relations 


118 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  iSAMUEL. 


between  sinful  man  and  Him,  which  by  man's 
fault  makes  of  no  efiect  God's  purposes  of  salvar 
tion. 

6.  "  The  blow  which  fell  on  the  inhabitants  of 
Bethshemesh  in  connection  with  the  arrival  of  the 
ark,  showed  the  people  that  they  were  not  yet 
worthy  of  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  '  I  dwell 
in  your  midst.'  A  condition  of  things  had  come 
about  like  that  in  the  wilderness  after  the  calf- 
worship,  and  in  the  Babylonian  exile.  The  peo- 
ple must  first  become  again  inwardly  God's  people 
before  the  sanctuary  could  be  again  placed  among 
them.  In  what  had  happened  they  saw  God's  fac- 
tual declaration  that  He  wished  to  dwell  no  longer 
in  Shiloh"  (Hengst.  £eitr.  3,  48  sq.  [Conlrib.  to 
Iidrod.']). 

HOMILETICAL   AND    PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  [Henry:  Seven  months  Israel  waa 
punished  with  the  ahsence  of  the  ark,  and  the 
Philistines  punished  with  its  presenoe.  ...  A  me- 
lancholy time  no  doubt  it  was  to  the  pious  in  Is- 
rael— ^particularly  to  Samuel — but  they  had  this 
to  comfort  themselves  with,  as  we  have  in  the  like 
distress,  when  we  are  deprived  of  the  comfort  of 
public  ordinances,  that,  wherever  the  ark  is,  the 
Lord  is  in  Hia  holy  temple,  the  Lord^s  throne  is  in 
heaven,  and  by  faith  and  prayer  we  may  have  ac- 
cess with  boldness  to  Him  there.  We  may  have 
God  nigh  unto  us,  when  the  ark  is  at  a  distance. — 
Tb.].  S.  Schmid:  God  cannot  bear  with  His 
enemies  too  long,  but  knows  how  at  the  right  time 
to  save  His  honor. — Vers.  2,  3.  J.  Lange  :  Bad 
men,  when  they  are  chastised  for  their  sins,  are 
commonly  disposed  not  to  recognize  the  true  cause, 
but  maintain  that  it  all  comes  only  from  chance 
or  from  merely  natural  causes. — Wtjertembbbq 
Biblb:  Even  false  prophets  and  teachers  often 
have  the  gift  of  prophecy :  Num.  xxiv.  2 ;  John 
xi.  50,  51 ;  Matt.  vii.  22,  23.  We  must  therefore 
not  trust  to  outward  gifts. — Tuebingen  Bible  : 
Even  the  heathen  have  recognized  that  the  justice 
of  God  must  be  appeased  if  sin  is  to  be  forgiven. 
— Ver.  6.  Ceamek:  God  is  wonderful,  and  often 


even  speaks  His  word  through  unbelievers  and 
ungodfy  men  (Num.  xxii.  28;.  The  word  of  God 
loses  nothing  in  certainty,  power,  and  worth, 
though  it  is  preached  by  ungodly  men  (Phil.  i. 
15).  [Hail:  Samuel  himself  could  not  have 
spoken  more  divinely  than  these  priests  of  Dagon : 
they  do  not  only  talk  of  giving  glory  to  the  God 
of  Israel,  but  Ml  into  an  holy  and  grave  expos- 
tulation. .  .  .  AH  religions  have  afforded  them 
that  could  speak  well.  These  good  words  left 
them  both  Philistines  and  superstitious. — Te.]. — 
Ver.  7.  S.  Schmid  :  That  the  irrational  brutes 
are  under  God's  providence  and  control,  even  the 
heathen  have  recognized. 

Ver.  9.  Staeke  :  Great  and  wonderful  is  the 
long- suffering  of  God,  that  He  condescends  to  the 
weakness  of  men  and  suffers  Himself  to  be  tempted 
by  them. — S-  Schmid:  That  in  which  men  pre- 
scribe to  God  and  tempt  Him,  carmot  indeed  bind 
God;  but  it  binds  the  men  themselves  in  their 
consciences,  who  prescribe  to  Him. 

Ver.  13.  S.  Schmid:  Even  in  troublous  times 
God  does  not  cease  to  do  good  to  His  people. — 
Ckameb:  When  God  brings  forth  again  the  light 
of  His  word,  it  ought  to  be  recognized  with  the 
highest  thankfulness. — Ver.  14.  Sbb.  Schmid:  It 
is  a  great  favor  when  God  comes  forward  before 
men,  and  voluntarily  appears  among  them. — Ver. 
15.  WuERT.  Bible  :  When,  after  we  have  borne 
trouble  and  need,  God  again  manifests  to  us  His 
favor  and  help,  we  should  not  forget  to  be  thankful. 
— Ver.  19.  Seb.  Schmed  :  An  untimely  and  ven- 
turesome joy  God  can  soon  turn  into  great  sorrow. 
— The  plague  is  fortunate  that  brings  the  impeni- 
tent to  repentance. — Ver.  20.  Berlenb.  Bible: 
When  God  so  to  speak  only  passes  by  us,  through 
some  temporary  ta.ste  of  His  presence,  it  is  a  favor 
which  He  may  also  impart  to  sinners.  But  that 
He  may  make  His  abode  in  us,  as  He  promises  in 
so  many  passages  of  Holy  Scripture,  that  He  may 
be  willing  to  remain  with  us  and  in  us, — ^for  that 
there  is  demanded  great  purity  in  every  respect. — 
S.  Schmid  :  Better  is  quite  too  great  a  fear  of  God 
than  no  fear,  if  only  it  does  not  wholly  take  away 
confidence  in  God's  mercy  (Ps.  cxix.  120). 


SECOND   SECTION. 
The  Reformation  of  Israel  by  Samuel. 

Chap.  VII.  2-17. 
I.  IsraeFs  Repentance  and  Conversion  by  Means  of  Samuel! s  Prophetical  Labors.    Vers.  2-6. 

2  And  it  pame  to  pass,  while  the  ark  abode  in  Kirjathjearim,  that  the  time  was 
long ;  for  it  was  twenty  years.  [And  it  came  to  pass,  after  the  day  when  the  ark 
rested  in  K.,  a  long  time,  even  twenty  years,  elapsed],  and  all  the  house  of  Israel 

3  lamented  after  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ;  And^  Samuel  spake  unto  all  the  house  of  Israel, 
saying,  If  ye  do  return  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  with  all  your  hearts,  then  put  away 


textual  and  geammatical. 


J-  ^^'  •  ^'^'^■^^"n  makes  the  whole  of  ver.  2  protasis,  and  begins  the  apodosis  with  ver.  3,  in  which  the  result 
isnot  materially  different  from  the  translation  Riven  above,  where  the  apodosis  is  made  to  begin  with  "along 
time,    80  as  to  preserve  as  far  as  possible  the  peculiar  Heb.  connection  by  the  conjunction  "and."— Ta.] 


CHAP.  VII.  2-17. 


119 


the  strange  gods  [ins.  from  among  you]  and  [mis.  the]  Ashtaroth'  from  among  you 
[pm.  from  among  you],  and  prepare  [direct']  your  hearts  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 
and  serve  him  only  ;  and  he  will  deliver  you  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Philistines. 

4  Then  the  children  of  Israel  did  put  away  [ins.  the]  Baalim  and  lins.  the]  Ashtaroth, 

5  and  served  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  only.    And  Samuel  said,  Gather  all  Israel  to  Miz- 

6  peh  [Mizpah],  and  I  will  pray  for  you  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  they  ga- 
thered together  to  Mizpeh  [Mizpah],  and  drew  water,  and  poured  it  out  before  the 
Lord  [Jehovah],  and  said  there,*  We  have  sinned  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And 
Samuel  judged  the  children  of  Israel  in  Mizpeh  [Mizpah]. 

»  [Ver.  3.  Syr.  "  fanes."— Tb.] 

«  [Ver.  3.  The  Heb.  word  (rpH)  means  "fix,"  " establish."— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  6.  Syr.  "  because,"  as  if  the  Heb.  were  1t?X,  which  gives  in  some  respects  a  preferable  sense,  but  it  is 
not  externally  supported. — Te.] 

local  "disquietude"  that  is  spoken  of,  not  one 
that  touched  all  the  people.  Eather,  according 
to  Bottcher's  own  remark — that  Jinj,  in  the  first 
place,  expresses  remarkable  breathing  in  general, 
heavy  respiration,  with  sighing  and  lamentation, 
and  hence  nnj  is  used  of  wailing— we  must  ac- 
cept as  Well-grounded  the  translation :  "  And 
sighed  or  lamented  after  the  Lord."  '  (So  nnj  is 
used  in  Mic.  ii.  4 ;  Ez.  xxxii.  18).*  The  matter 
or  the  cause  of  the  lamemiation  is  determined  by 
the  connection  between  these  words  and  the  fol- 
lowing, and  by  the  external  condition  of  Israel 
during  this  period.  In  respect  to  the  latter,  Bott- 
cher  asks :  "  Why  should  the  Israelites  still  mourn 
after  twenty  years  of  immunity  and  quiet  ?  And 
how  could  they  have  lamented  '  after  Jahveh,' 
unless  it  was  that  their  sanctuary  had  to  move 
again  ?"  To  which  we  reply  by  pointing  to  the 
uninterrupted  oppression  of  the  Philistine  domina- 
tion ;  for,  though  the  Philistines  had  brought  the 
ark  numbly  back  (Then.),  there  is  no  conflict  be- 
tween this  and  ver.  3  "  He  will  save  you  from  the 
hand  of  the  Philistines,"  since  according  to  the 
narrative,  the  restoration  of  the  ark  had  a  definite 
religious  ground,  and  noways  involved  the  aban- 
donment of  the  dominion  which  had  been  gained 
anew  over  Israel  by  the  victory  recorded  in  chap, 
iv.  Indeed,  it  is  expressly  assumed  in  ver.  3  that 
this  dominion  had  continued.  It  is,  therefore, 
incorrect  to  suppose  that  the  Israelites  could  have 
had  cause  and  occasion  for  lamentation  only  by  a 
new  loss  of  the  ark.     Their  external  condition 


EXEGETICAL    AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  2-4.  The  penitenMai  return  of  the  peoplefrom 
idolatry  to  the  sole  sendee  of  the  living  Ood.  First, 
as  to  the  union  and  conneelion  of  these  sentences, 
their  close  union  is  so  distinctly  marked  by  the 
five-times  occurring  Waw  ["and"]  that  to  suppose 
(with  Thenius)  a  gap  between  vers.  2  and  3  is 
unwarranted.  And  also  the  connection  of  the 
individual  statements  is  opposed  to  such  a  view. 
In  ver.  2  the  phrase  "  after  or  from  the  day " 
[  Di'D,  Eng.  A.  V.  "while"]  marks  a  termimis  a 
qm,  on  which  follows  the  statement  of  a  period  of 
time,  of  a  condition  of  things  which  lasted  during* 
this  period,  and  of  a  definite /oc<  which  introduced 
a  new  era.  The  point  of  time,  from  which  reck- 
oning is  made,  is  the  day  when  the  ark  rested  at 
Kirjathjearim,  important  enough,  after  its  long 
absence,  to  form  the  beginning  of  a  new  develop- 
ment. The  following  period  of  twenty  years  is 
characterized  as  disproportionally  long  by  the 
added  words  "  and  the  days  grew  many."  [The 
sentence  reads  literally:  "and  it  came  to  pass, 
from  the  resting  of  the  ark  in  K.,  and  the  days 
were  many,  and  they  were  twenty  years"].  This 
is  done  to  set  forth  more  distinctly  the  condition 
of  the  people  during  this  period,  after  the  resto- 
ration of  the  ark.  The  condition  of  "  aU  the  peo- 
ple of  Israel"  is  described  by  the  words  'ii^^l,  etc. 
[Eng.  A.  V.  "  lamented,  ete."]  according  to  the 
inner  side  of  their  life  in  relation  to  God.  The 
meaning  assigned  to  this  verb  ('n3]1)  by  Gesenius 
and  others,  "assembled,"  rests  merely  on  Bux- 
turfs  "congregati  sunt"  (Lex.  Ohald.,  p.  1310), 
which  is  here  and  elsewhere  an  utterly  incorrect 
translation  of  the  Chald.  Eeflexive.  Bottcher 
{JEhreniese  1., -p.  Ill)  translates:  "the  people  of 
Israel  quieted  themselves,  and  (in  quiet  devotion) 
followed  Jahveh,"  and  sees  in  this  the  contrast  to 
the  "  great  disquietude "  mentioned  in  ch.  vi.  19 
sq.  But,  in  the  first  place,  against  this  view  is 
the  phrase  "  after  Jehovah,"  which,  in  this  trans- 
lation, requires  the  arbitrary  insertion  of  another 
verb  "  and  followed,"  without  which  insertion  the 
expression  "  and  quieted  themselves  after  Jeho- 
vah "  gives  no  sense.  Further,  the  reference  to 
vi.  19  sq.  is  irrelevant,  because  there  it  is  only  a 

*  [Or  we  may  just  as  well  understand  the  rejjentance 
to  have  occurred  at  the  md  of  the  period,  the  interme- 
diate time  representing  Samuel's  labors  in  exhortation, 
the  result  of  which  was  the  repentance  and  conversion 
ofthe  people.— Tb.] 


*  [The  word  nnj  is  variously  treated  by  the  ancient 
versions  and  commentators.  The  Greek  renders  eire- 
j3Aei/re  "  looked  to  "  (perhaps  a  loose  rendering,  or  possibly 
they  read  022  [Schleusner]),  and  eireffrpei/ze  "  turned  to  " 
(general  rendering,  or  perhaps  from  nnj),  the  Syr.  has 
medo  "inclined  to,"  and  the  Arab,  aqbala  "approached," 
both  of  which  resemble  the  second  Greek  rendering. 
(It  may  be  noted  that  Heb.  jnj,  the  Niph.  of  which 
would  mean  " were  led"  "turned,"  is  also  used  in  the 
sense  of  "lamenting,"  Nah.  ii:  8).  The  Lat.  "re^uiemt" 
and  the  Lat.  trans!,  or  Targ.  "  quieiifuerunt"  (so  Bottcher) 
suggest  the  stem  nij.  As  to  the  Chald.  rendering  Cnjj 
Bbttcher's  remark  (quoted  and  accepted  by  Theniu.s  and 
Erdmann),  that  Buxtorfs  translation  "assembled"  is 
without  foundation,  seems  somewhat  rash,  for  the  Ithp. 
of  this  verb  is  employed  in  Jer.  iii.  IT  to  render  Niph. 
of  nip,  and  elsewhere  (Jer.  xxx.  21 ;  xxxi.  22)  is  to  be  so 

rendered.  (Levy,  Chald.,  Lex.).  Eashi  explains  the  Heb. 
nn3  as  —  iiyD  "to  draw,"  and  so  explams  the  Chald. , 

but  Abarbanel  renders  the  former  "lament."  It  would 
seem  therefore  that  the  word  was  read  sometimes  with 
n,  sometimes  with  n,  and  that  there  was  a  strong  dis- 

Bosition  to  render  it  by  "  assembled  "  (so  Philippson  and 
lavies);  yet  altogether  it  appears  better  to  say  with 
Maurer  "prior  tignifimtw  (lament)  certiar  esi."— Tb.] 


120 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


under  the  weight  of  the  Philistine  rule  was  cause 
enough  for  sighing  and  lamenting. 

The  tone  and  content  of  the  lamentation  is  more 
precisely  stated  by  the  context.  The  succeeding  ad- 
dress of  Samuel  (ver.  3)  "  if  ye  return"  (properly, 
"  if  ye  are  returning,"  "  are  in  a  state  of  con  version  " ) 
and  the  mention  of  the  sincere  penitence  of  the 
people  (ver.  6),  presuppose  a  very  deep  sorrow  and 
suffering,  in  which  the  foreign  Philistine  rule  was 
felt  to  be  a  judgment  of  God,  there  being  through- 
out the  whole  people  a  tone  of  feeling,  which  led 
them  to  return  humbly  to  God,  and  to  sigh  and 
long  after  Him,  now  that  He  had  turned  away 
from  His  people :  a  return  back  to  the  living  God, 
on  whom  they  had  often  turned  their  back,*  to 
whom,  however,  they  now,  in  consequence  of  His 
continuing  judgments,  again  turned,  just  as,  in 
the  period  of  the  Judges,  return  so  often  alter- 
nated with  apostasy.     The  "  lamenting  after  the 
Lord"  therefore  expresses  the  penitent  disposi- 
tion and  decided  direction  of  the  innermost  life 
of  the  people  to  their  God,  in  which,  with  sorrow 
and  pain  over  tlie  self-incurred  national  misfor- 
tune under  the  rule  of  the  Philistines,  they  seek 
God's  mercy  and  saving  help.  He  having  hitherto 
turned  His  back  on  them,  and  forsaken  them.   The 
image  is  that  of  a  child  that  goes  weeping  after  its 
father  or  mother,  that  it  may  be  relieved  of  what 
hurts  it.     An  allusion  to  such  a  relation  might, 
perhaps  be  found  in  the  expression  "  the  whole 
home  of  Israel."     S.  Schmid :  "  The  phrase  '  la- 
ment after  God '  is  taken  from  human  affairs, 
when  one  follows  another,  and  entreats  him  with 
lamentations  till  he  assents.     An  example  of  this 
is  the  Syrophenician  woman,  Matt,  xv." — After 
the  lapse  of  the  twenty  years  occurred  this  decided 
return  of  the  whole  people  to  their  God.     As,  be- 
sides the  constant  pressure  of  the  Philistine  rule, 
no  special  calamity  is  mentioned,  we  must  suppose 
a  gradual  preparation  for  this  penitential  temper 
of  the  people,  which  now,  after  the  lapse  of  twenty 
years  from  the  return  of  the  ark,  was  become  uni- 
versal.    The  preparation  came  from  within.     By 
what  means  f  by  the  prophetic  labors  of  Samuel, 
from  the'summary  description  of  which,  according 
to  their  intensive  power,  their  extensive  manifestar 
tion,  and  their  results  in  the  whole  nation  (iii.  19- 
21),  we  may  clearly  see,  that  Samuel  without 
ceasing  proclaimed  to  the  people  the  word  of  God. 
And  as  in  ch.  iii.  19  it  is  said  that  "none  of  his 
words  fell  to  the  grouiid,"  we  shall  have  to  recog- 
nize this  penitential  temper  and  this  following 
after  God  with  sighing  and  lamentation  from  the 
consciousness  of  being  foi-saken  and  needing  help, 
as  a  fruit  of  Samuel's  prophetic  labors,  which  were 
directed  to  the  relation  of  the  innermost  life  of 
the  people  to  their  God.     So  by  his  influence  the 
way  was  secretly  and  gradually  paved  for  a  refor- 
mation of  the  religious-moral  life  from  within 
outwards.  Certainly  the  lamentation  of  the  people 
after  the  Lord  was  already  the  turning^oint  to  a 
better  God-ward  direction  of  the  inner  life  (against 
Keil);  the  important  thing  was  only  that  the 
people  should  maintain  this  following  ufleir  Ood, 
should  anew  devote  themselves  in  heaitfirrrUy  and 
decidedly  to  the  living  God,  and  should  give  an 
outward  confirmation  of  their  resolution  by  com- 
pletely breaking  with  idolatry.    This  it  is  to  which 


*  [Germ. :  rllckkehr  zu  . 
gekehrt  AoMe.— Te  ] 


.  Qott,  dem  man  . , .  den  rilcken 


Samuel  will  yet  further  lead  the  people ;  on  this 
it  depended  whether  the  help  of  the  Lord  should 
be  obtained,  and  the  true  covenant-relation  re- 
stored ;  m  this  was  first  thoroughly  completed  the 
reformation  of  the  innermost  life  of  the  people ; 
therefore  the  narrator  describes  this  in  detail  in 
ver.  3  sqq.,  while  he  sets  forth  that  preparation  for 
the  reformation  only  in  its  last  stage  of  develop- 
ment, and  even  then  merely  by  hints. 

In  ver.  3  Samuel's  wm-d  of  exhortation  is  in  the 
first  place  described  as  addressed  to  the  whole  peo- 
ple (comp.  iii.  20) ;  we  see  him  here  in  the  per- 
formance of  his  prophetical  work,  which  embraces 
all  Israel.    The  contend  of  this  word  is  first  a  con- 
ditionally expressed  prdiminari/ :  "If  ye  return  to 
the  Lord  with  all  your  hearts."     I'mo  things  are 
here  assumed  and  recognized  as  facts :    1)  That  a 
conversion  to  God  had  already  taken  place  in  the 
whole  nation,  and  2)  that  this  conversion  was  a 
permanent  condition,  and  that  a  permanent  ten- 
dency towards  God  existed,  as  we  may  see  from 
the  Particip.  "  if  ye  are  turning."     He  thus  points 
back  to  what  is  said  before  of  Israel's  sighing  and 
lamenting  after  the  Lord.    The  phrase  "  with  all 
the  heart "  involves  an  exhortation  to  what  must 
be  inseparably  connected  with  conversion,  if  the 
latter  is  to  be  true  and  thorough,  demands,  that 
is,  an  internalizing  and  deepening  of  what  is  de- 
scribed in  ver.  2  as  lamenting  after  the  Lord,  in 
order  that  the  right  attitude  of  soul  towards  God 
may  exist.  Since  the  heart*  is  the  centre  and  source 
of  all  movements  of  the  inner  life,  as  the  bodily 
heart  is  the  centre  of  the  bloodflow  and  the  life 
thereon  founded,  to  turn  "with  aU  the  heart"  is  so 
to  turn  one's  self  to  God,  from  the  central  innermost 
kernel  of  the  personal  life,  that  is,  of  aU  thinking, 
feeling,  desiring,  willing,  that  the  whole  life  shall 
be  controlled  by  the  fellowship  with  Him.    To 
this  deeply  and  thoroughly  heart-felt  turning, 
conversion  of  the  whole  inner  life  to  the  holy 
God,  must  now  correspond  the  external  confirma- 
tion of  such  a  disposition.     The  demand  is  in 
conformity  with  the  condition:  "Put  away  the 
strange  gods  from  among  you,"  which  is  exactly 
the    same  with   the   demand  that  Jacob  (Gen. 
XXXV.  2)  once  made  of  his  house,  and  Joshua 
(Josh.  xxiv.  23,  comp.  ch.  xiv.)  of  his  people. 
"After  the  return  of  the  ark  an  earnest  longing 
after  the   Lord  arose  among   Israel.      Samuel, 
availing  himself  of  this,  exhorted  them  to  remove 
all  idolatry  from  their  midst"  (Hengst.,  Seiir. 
[Contrib.]  I.  153  sqq.).     The  strange  gods  here 
spoken  of,  and  called  Ashtaroth  and  Baalimf 
(comp.  ver.  4)  are  the  gods  of  the  Philistines, 
whose  worship  had  gained  entrance  during  the 
decline  of  the  theocratic  life  and  of  the  worship 


*  [In  the  Old  Test,  (as  in  the  New)  the  word  "heart" 

(37)  means  not  merely  the  seat  or  faculty  of  feeling,  but 

the  whole  spiritual  incorporeal  nature,  thinking,  feeling, 
willmg.— Te.] 

f  [Baalim  and  Ashtaroth  are  the  plurals  of  Baal  and 
Ashtoreth  (the  plu.  form  signifying  different  deities  of 
the  name,  or  gods  in  general,  or  statues  of  the  gods), 
ancient  deities  of  Babylon  and  Assyria,  and  thence 
adopted  by  the  Canaanitish  nations.  Baal,  Bil,  Bel,  is 
lord'  or  supremo  deity.  Ashtoreth,  Astarte,  Istar, 
was  the  goddess  of  war,  and  probably  also  the  Assyrian 
Venus;  the  origin  of  the  name  is  uncertain  (it  is  TWt 


iiTT^p).    See  nawlinson. 


"Ancient   Monarchies^'  I. 
'  -   A.  T.,"  I 
Eng.  Tr.,  IT, 


Sohrader,  "Die  heilinsc/lriften  u.  das  A.  T."  h,  79  S( 
Bunsen,  "  Egypt's  Place  in  Univ.  Hist.  "  "       ~ 
sq.— Te.] 


138, 


CHAP.  VII.  2-17. 


121 


of  the  living  God,  as  indeed  during  the  whole 
Period  of  the  Judges  the  idol-worship  of  the  hea- 
then nations  was  constantly  forcing  its  way  in, 
wherefore  the  Lord  gave  them  again  and  again 
into  the  hand  of  the  latter  ( Judg.  ii.  11,  13 ;  x. 
6,  7).  The  fellowship  with  the  living  God,  to 
which  conversion  with  all  the  heart  leads,  is  in- 
compatible with  idol-worship,  the  putting  away 
of  which  is  therefore  the  sign  of  an  upright  and 
thorough  conversion.  As  to  the  "from  among 
you,"  comp.  Gen.  xxxv.  2;  Josh.  xxiv.  23. — 
To  this  negative  side  of  the  renovation  of  the  reli- 
gious life  is  to  be  added  the  positive,  which  is 
stated  in  the  following  two-fold  demand.  "Fix 
your  hearts  towards  or  in  trust  in  Ood."  The  fix 
(lyjni)  is  opposed  to  the  wavering,  vacillating 

state  of  mind,  which  may  always  co-exist  with 
sighing  and  lamenting,  and  sets  forth,  as  an  in- 
dispensable condition,  the  energy  of  religious- 
moral  life,  with  which  the  man  who  turns  heartily 
to  God  must  put  away  everything  opposed  to 
God.  The  "  to  Jehovah  "  expresses  the  fact  that 
movement  and  tendency  towards  God  must  be 
the  aim,  as  it  is  the  centre  and  source,  of  the 
whole  inner  life.  In  this  tendency  and  move- 
ment it  is  required  that  there  be  stability,  fixed- 
ness, steadfestness,  proceeding  from  a  heart  which 
is  immovably  and  unshakably  fixed  on  Him 
alone.  Thereby  is  the  second  requirement  &1- 
filled :  serve  Him  only ;  for  the  heart  fixed  firmly 
on  Him  excludes  completely  everything,  conse- 
cration to  which  might  bring  it  into  opposition 
with  God,  and  cause  the  surrender  of  the  whole 
inner  life;  it  attaches  itself  to  God  alone,  and 
excludes  all  other  gods. — The  following  words 
"and  He  will  deliver  you,"  etc.,  suppose  that  the 
hand,  that  is,  the  might  and  power,  of  the  Philis- 
tines was  on  Israel,  and  that  the  foreign  rule 
continued ;  they  contain  the  promise  of  deUver- 
auce  from  the  Philistine  power,  holding  it  out  as 
the  consequence  of  the  previously  described  con- 
version. The  foundation-thought  here  is  this: 
Ee-establish  your  covenant-relation  to  God  by 
honest  and  thorough  conversion,  manifested  by 
the  putting  away  of  all  idol-deities,  and  then 
God  also  wiU  turn  to  you,  so  that  you  shall  no 
longer  have  to  lament  after  Him,  and  will  again 
announce  His  relation  to  you  as  your  covenant- 
God  by  saving  you  from  your  enemies. — Ver.  4 
witnesses  that,  in  these  circumstances  also,  no 
word  of  Samuel  fell  to  the  ground.  Two  things 
are  stated :  the  complete  removal  of  the  worship 
of  the  strange  gods,  and  the  restoration  of  the 
exclusive  worship  of  the  living  God.  On  the 
one  hand,  the  designation  of  the  strange  gods  is 
here  enlarged  (see  ver.  3)  by  the  addition  of 
Baalim  to  Ashtaroth ;  it  is  thus  intimated  that 
there  was  a  aymplete  and  comprehensive  purification 
of  the  religious  life  and  service.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  word  "only"  is  repeated  from  ver.  3, 
and  it  is  thus  expressly  said,  that  the  covenant- 
God  alone  and  exclusively  became  the  object  of 
worship,  while  it  is  at  the  same  time  involved 
that  the  general  service  of  Jehovah  had  not 
ceased,  but  that  the  worship  of  strange  gods  had 
existed  only  ahng  with  Jehovah-worship. 

According  to  the  preceding  explanation  of  the 
section,  vers.  2-4,  its  particular  parts  stand  in  close 
connection  with  one  another,  and  there  is  nothing 
at  all  which  compels  us  to  suppose  either  a  gap 


in  the  narrative,  or  interpola,tions  of  foreign  mat- 
ter, in  order  to  make  a  connection.  The  second 
supposition  is  adopted  by  Ewald,  who  conjectures 
that  vers.  3  and  4  are  interpolated,  assuming 
without  ground  that  they  break  the  connection ; 
the  first  is  adopted  by  Thenius,  who  assumes  a 
gap  between  ver.  2  and  ver.  3,  of  which  he  him- 
self, however,  says,  that  it  is  possibly  as  old  as 
our  Book,  since  it  is  not  filled  up  by  any  of  the 
old  translations.  Since,  now,  he  throws  the  al- 
leged defect  back  on  the  original  authorities 
which  are  here  used,  the  question  is,  whether  his 
grounds  for  its  existence  are  tenable,  apart  from 
the  fact  that  the  context  and  the  narrative  exhi- 
bit no  gap  in  any  essential  point.  When  the 
Philistines  brought  back  the  ark,  their  dominion 
over  Israel,  as  Keil  properly  remarks,  was  not 
thereby  given  up ;  its  continuance  is  assumed  in 
the  words  "He  will  save  you,"  and  did  not  need 
to  be  expressly  mentioned.  As  little  need  was 
there  for  express  mention  of  an  apostasy  to  idola- 
try, when  it  is  stated  that  Samuel  exhorted  them 
to  give  it  up ;  for  in  this  period,  as  in  that  of  the 
Judges,  it  was  a  usual  thing  for  idolatry  to  make 
its  way  into  Israel,  and  besides,  there  had  been 
no  complete  apostasy  from  the  living  God.  On 
the  incorrect  presupposition  that,  in  consequence 
of  the  unmentionea  apostasy,  Israel  had  again 
been  given  into  the  hand  of  the  Philistines,  The- 
nius supposes  that  Samuel,  in  this  time  of  stress, 
had  been  chosen  Judge,  and  that  the  account  of 
this  choice,  which,  however,  is  implied  in  the 
words:  "And  Samuel  judged  Israel  in  Mizpah," 
has  fallen  out.  Against  which  Keil  remarks 
well:  "The  appearance  of  Samuel  as  Shophet 
[Judge]  does  not  imply  that  the  assumption 
of  this  office  must  have  been  before  mentioned. 
In  general  there  was  no  formal  assumption  of  the 
office  of  Judge,  least  of  all  in  the  case  of  Samuel, 
who  had  already  been  recognized  by  all  Israel  as 
an  authenticated  prophet  of  Jehovah  (iii.  19  sqq.)." 
Bunsen :  "  There  is  no  gap  here,  but  a  chronologi- 
cal statement." 

Vers.  5,  6.  The  day  of  peniten.ce  and  prayer  in 
Mizpah  exhibits  the  whole  people  there  assembled 
as  sincerely  penitent,  and  Samuel  as  their  repre- 
sentative with  his  petition  in  the  presence  of  the 
Lord.  The  content  of  these  verses  is  the  carrying 
on  fiirther-of  what  is  related  in  vers.  3-5.  After 
idolatry  has  been  expelled,  and  the  worship  of 
God  alone  restored,  Samuel  takes  another  step 
forward :  he  calls  at  Mizpah  an  assembly  of  the 
whole  people,  through  their  elders  and  represen- 
tatives, for  an  exclusively  religious  purpose; 
they  are  to  declare  and  set  forth  as  a  body  the 
sincere,  hearty  conversion  of  their  individual 
members,  while  he,  Samuel,  as  their  head  chosen 
by  God,  will  perform  the  priestly  function  of 
prayer  for  them  before  the  Lord.  "His  purpose 
in  this,"  as  Keil  well  remarks,  "  could  be  only  to 
bring  the  people  back  to  the  proper  relation  to 
their  God,  and  so  to  pave  the  way  for  their  deli- 
verance from  the  bondage  of  the  Philistines." 
This  assembly  was,  however,  by  no  means  in- 
tended, as  Keil  supposes,  to  make  immediate 
preparation  for  the  war  of  deliverance  against 
the  Philistines.  That  the  people  did  not  regard 
the  assembly  as  a  military  one,  and  that  Samuel 
therefore  had  not  spoken  of  such  a  one,  is  clear 
from  ver.  7,  where  it  is  said,  that  the  children  of 


122 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Israel  were  afraid  of  the  Philistines,  when  they 
heard  that  their  lords  had  marched  forth  to  fight 
with  them.  The  Philistines,  indeed,  thought  the 
assembly  a  military  one,  and  opened  hostilities 
in  the  opinion  that  the  assembly  was  called  to 
make  an  attack  on  them,  so  that  Samuel  was 
compelled  to  consecrate  the  pe.  pie  to  battle 
against  the  Philistines,  though  they  had  been 
called  together  for  a  purely  religious  end  (yer.  8 
sq.),  and  to  go  out  with  them  to  battle  against 
the  Philistines.  The  place  of  assembly  is  Mizpah 
("watch-tower")  in  the  Tribe  of  Benjamin  on  its 
western  border,  north  of  Jerusalem,  and  to  be 
distinguished  from  Mizpeh  in  the  lowland  of 
Judah  (Josh.  xv.  38).  According  to  Robinson, 
Tobler,  v.  d.  Velde,  Furrer,  it  is  the  present 
Neby  SamwU  {"  Prophet  Samuel "),  five  hundred 
feet  above  the  elevated  table-land,  two  thousand, 
four  hundred  and  eighty-four  feet  above  the  level 
of  the  sea,  near  Kamah  and  G-eba  (comp.  1  Kings 
XV.  22 ;  2  Chrou.  xvi.  6),  visible  from  Jerusalem, 
1  Mac.iii.46  {Kariva-v-i  'lepovaa^/i^  "over  against 
Jerusalem,"  comp.  Jos.  Ant.  XI.  8,  5),  aflTord- 
ing  an  extensive  prospect  as  far  as  the  sea  and 
the  transjordanic  mountains.  The  present  place 
is,  however,  neither  the  ancient  Shiloh,  as  some 
hold,  nor  Eamah  of  Samuel,  as  others  suppose. 
The  latter  view,  which  Ewald  also  (Oeseh.  II. 
583)  is  inclined  to  maintain,  has  been  completely 
set  aside  by  Robinson  (II.  356-362  [Amer.  ed. 
I.  458-460]).*  Samuel  chose  this  place  for  the 
assembly  of  the  people,  not,  as  KeU  supposes, 
because,  "being  on  the  western  border  of  the 
mountains,  it  was  the  fittest  place  at  which  to 
begin  the  struggle  against  the  Philistines,"  but 
because  it  was  one  of  the  holy  places  of  the 
land,  and,  being  in  the  middle  of  the  territory 
on  an  extensive  plateau,  and  thus  protected 
against  the  attacks  of  enemies,  was  specially 
suited  for  such  assemblies.  While  Shiloh,  from 
Joshua's  time  on,  was  the  permanent  seat  of  the 
Sanctuary,  the  Tabernacle  remaining  there,  even 
after  the  removal  of  the  ark,  till  its  transference 
to  Nob  (xxi.  6),  there  were,  especially  in  the  cen- 
tral part  of  the  land,  several  other  places,  "  which, 
for  various  reasons,  from  before  or  after  the  time 
of  Moses,  had  a  certain  sanctity,  and  where 
smaller  altars  were  found"  (Ew.  II.  583);  thus 
Shechem  (Josh.  ixiv.  25,  26),  famous  from  the  Pa- 
triarchal time  on  account  of  its  conquest  by  Simeon 
and  Levi,  and  as  the  resting-place  of  Joseph's 
bones  (Gen,  xxxiv.;  xlvii.  l)—Gagal,  sacred  as 


*  [Stanley  (Sm.  and  Pal.,  Cli.  TV.)  identifies  Neby  Sam- 
wil  with  the  "high  place  of  Gibeon "  (1  Kings  iii. 4),  and 
Mizpah  with  Soopas,  which,  he  says,  meets  all  the  re- 
quirements of  the  notices  of  Mizpah,  "the  assemblies 
heW  there  by  Samuel— the  fortification  of  it  by  Asa  with 
the  stones  removed  from  'the  Mount'  of  Benjamin  (1 
Kings  XI.  22)---the  seat  of  the  Chaldean  governor  after 
the  capture  of  Jerusalem  (Jer.  xl.  6)-th6  wailing  place 

R^T,  nw^"?"?®^,^-'^  "J?"-  ;"•  *"!•"  Mr.  Grove  (Smith's 
Bib.  Diet.  Alt.  Mizpah)  also  adopts  this  view,  laying 
stress  on  the  ;c«W..a^Ti  of  1  Mae.  Iii.  4S,  for  which,  hi 
thinks,  Mizpah  13  too  far  from  Jerusalem  (five  miles). 
norPh 'nnLt/"??^  by  Josephus  (B.  J.  2, 19,  4)  as  on  the 
?»  iL^l^'if  Z^  'S^.^''^'  l^"^^  '''adia  therefrom,  and 

fnrm«  tf»  nTl-^  ^f-'^  ^° J"^  "*«   '^™'"i   "dge   which 

SlTo^l  continuation  of  the  Mount  of  Olivls  to  the 
S?=  fi^fw-^^^'iT^^'?!'  ,^''°'"  ^'ii<=h  'he  traveler  gains 
h«Ho  ni  5  "Vl?  ?"'''  ^'"y-"  This  view  seeras^pro- 
p^„l^.=  i  ;  ^^?^,^ih  however,  remarks,  in  a  note  to  Mr. 
?f  ?i^»  ?.^?-'  ""'''  Neby  Samwil  "  is  so  marked  a  feature 
?™*  ;  ^  °*P^'  x*?"*  'f  ""y  very  Justly  be  said  to  con- 
front («aW..a^Ti)  the  observer  as  he  looks  towards  it 
from  Jerusalem."— T».] 


the  first  camping-place  of  the  people  after  the  pas- 
sage of  the  Jordan,  as  the  memorial-spot  of  God's 
saving  help,  and  as  the  place  where  the  old  cove- 
nant-fellowship with  God  was  renewed  by  the  cir- 
cumcision and  passover  which  were  anew  ordained 
by  Joshua  (Josh.  v.  2-12 — especially  15),  and  Be- 
thel, consecrated  as  a  holy  place  by  Jacob,  and 
temporarily  the  seat  of  the  ark  during  the  civil 
war  between  Benjamin  and  the  other  tribes  ( Judg. 
XX.  18,  23,  26;  xxi.  2).  At  that  time  Mizpah— 
which  also  was  one  of  the  holy  places  (Judg.  xi. 
11) — was  the  place  where  Israel  assembled  "unto 
the  Lord"  (Judg.  xx.  1),  to  save  the  honor  of  the 
people  against  the  outrage  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Gibeah,  and  resolved  on  the  war  against  Benjar 
miu.  In  this  place,  consecrated  to  the  worship 
of  God,  called  therefore  in  1  Mace.  iii.  46  an  an- 
cient rdn-of  Trpoaevx^C  ["place  of  prayer"]  for  Is- 
rael, remarkable  by  its  historical  antecedents 
(Judg.  XX.  21),  and  favorably  situated  in  the 
middle  of  the  land,  Samuel  appointed  an  assembly 
of  the  people.  "In  the  wearisome  oppyession  of 
a  trying  time  the  people  gathered  at  last,  like 
frightened  chickens  around  the  hen,  with  more 
and  more  accord  about  Samuel,  in  whom  they 
learned  to  trust;  he  calls  an  assembly  of  the  peo- 
ple, which  willingly  allows  itself  to  be  guided,  in- 
structed, warned  and  directed  by  him"  (Ew.  II. 
510). — The  words  "and  I  will  pray,"  etc.,  exhibit 
the  highest  end  which  Samuel  had  in  calling  this 
assembly:  "I  will  pray  for  you  to  God."  That 
is,  his  purpose  is  to  bring  the  people  back  to  their 
God  and  renew  the  old  covenant-fellowship  with 
him  by  the  intercession  of  prayer,  by  a  priestly  re- 
presentation of  the  people  before  God  by  prayer 
and  intercession.  The  object  of  the  prayer  is  not 
mentioned,  but,  from  the  connection,  can  have 
been  nothing  else  than  the  manifestation  of  the 
divine  grace  and  mercy  in  the  forgiveness  of  sins 
and  the  blotting  out  of  the  guilt  of  sin.  Thenius : 
"For  your  sins  up  to  this  time,  that  they  may  be 
forgiven  you."  That  deliverance  from  the  hand 
of  the  Philistines  was  not,  at  least  not  immediately, 
the  object  of  the  intercession,  is  clear  not  only 
from  the  phrase  "for  you"  (DD"!^3),  since  other- 
wise Samuel  must  have  used  another  expression, 
so  as  to  include  himself,  but  also  from  the  follow- 
ing words,  which  can  be  referred  only  to  the  deep 
consciousness  of  sin  and  of  guilt  which  was 
awakened  in  the  people. — In  ver.  6  the  symbolic 
act  of  drawing  and  pouring  out  water  does  not  set 
forth  the  confirmation  of  an  oath,  as  some  have 
supposed :  "as  the  poured  out  water  cannot  be  ga- 
thered again,  so  our  word  shall  not  be  taken 
back" — for  this  signification  of  the  act  must  in 
that  case  have  been  somehow  intimated  in  the 
narrative;  nor  does  it  appear  from  the  context  that 
an  oath,  and  what  sort  of  a  one,  was  to  be  con- 
firmed. The  water,  drawn  and  poured  out,  can  no 
more  indicate  simply  tears,  as  Grotius  and  others 
think.  Others,  again,  referring  to  chap.  i.  15,  ex- 
plain it  of  prayer  (Clericus:  "to  pour  out  the 
heart  before  God,  i.  e.,  to  pray  to  Him  from  the 
heart,  and  open  the  heart  to  Him");  but  they 
overlook  the  fact  that  then  it  would  have  been 
necessary  to  annex  a  preciser  statement  of  thii 
meaning  to  the  symbolic  use  of  VKiier.  Nor  can 
the  pouring  out  of  water  be  regarded  as  signifying 
purification  from  sin,  or  as  the  sign  of  their  hope 


CHAP.  VII.  2-17. 


123 


that  their  sins  were  now  blotted  out  (so  O.  v.  Ger- 
lach),  since  the  water  is  not  here  designated  at  all 
as  a  means  of  purification,  and  there  is  no  mention 
of  an  act  of  purification.  It  is  rather  a  symbolwal 
ad  of  jpemUence  that  is  here  described.  Water, 
which  18  poured  out  and  disappears,  is  a  frequent 
image  of  the  state  of  dissolution  and  melting  away 
which  characterizes  human  life,  especially  on  ite 
inner  aide,  and  is  used  eometimes  of  particular  as- 
pects of  life,  sometimes  of  the  whole  personality. 
It  is  thus  used  to  set  forth  morai  dissoluteness  and 
ethical  godlessness  in  Gen.  xlix.  4;*  comp.  Jude 
ver.  13.  It  further  denotes  the  destruction,  the  per- 
ishing of  all  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the 
physuxU  life,  Ps.  Iviii.  8;  2  Sam.  xiv.  14;  ajid  of- 
ten also  the  complete  dissolution  and  breaking  up 
of  tlie  psychicalrspiritiuil  life  in  fear  and  spiritless- 
ness.  Josh.  vii.  5,  in  care,  anxiety,  deep  misery, 
Ps.  xxii.  15.  The  latter  application  of  the  image 
is  the  one  here  employed,  and  ^ince  it  is  the  act 
of  pouring  cutwater  "before  the  Lord"  that  is  de- 
scribed) in  the  sense  that  the  people  make  confes- 
nion  and  present  themselves  before  the  Lord  in 
deepest  consciousness  of  their  wretchedness  and  in 
sadness  for  their  sin  and  the  misery  that  flowed 
from  it.  Comp.  Lam.  ii.  19. — That  we  have  to 
regard  the  action  as  symbol  of  the  heart  and  the 
whole  inner  life  poured  out  "before  the  Lord," — 
that  is,  completely  carried  away  and  dissolved  by 
the  feeling  of  guilt  and  consequent  misery, — is 
clear  from  what  follows.  The  fasting  which  was 
performed  the  same  day  is  the  sign  of  the  repent- 
ant, humble  soul,  bowed  down  before  God,  the  ex- 
pression of  grief  in  sincere  penitence,  designated 
in  the  Law  as  "afflicting  the  soul"  (WSJ  T\i})),  and 
ordained,  as  symbol  of  the  humiliation  of  the 
whole  people  in  repentance  and  penitence,  for  the 
festival  of  the  great  Day  of  Atonement,  Lev.  xvi. 
29,  31:  xxiii.  27,  32;  Num.  ixix.  7.  The  word 
D12f  ["fast"],  which  denotes  the  form  of  "weary- 
ing and  chastening  the  soul,"  is  not  found  in  the 
Law,  comp.  Isa.  Iviii.  3  sqq.  The  bodily  deprivar 
tion  which  the  man  imposes  on  himself  expresses 
his  prostration  and  humiliation  of  soul.  To  the 
twofold  confession  of  sin  and  guilt,  thus  set  forth 
in  the  symbolical  act  of  pouring  out  water  and 
fasting,  answers,  as  indication  of  the  contrition 
thus  expressed,  the  verbal  confession:  "We  have 
simmd  against  the  Lord."  The  "there"  (DK')  is  not 
to  be  understood  of  time,  to  which  it  never  refers, 
but  of  the  place,  Mizpah.  The  person  against 
whom  the  sin  is  committed  is  here  introduced  by 

the  Prep.  7  ["to,"  "against,"]  as  in  chap.  ii.  25. 
While  the  two  symbolical  acts  set  forth  their  state 
of  grief  and  suffering  on  account  of  the  disturbance 
through  sin  of  their  relation  to  God,  and  their 
consequent  misery,  these  words  point  not  only  to 
ein  as  the  source  and  object  of  this  prostrate  and 
humbled  feeling,  but  also  to  the  proper  essence  of  sin 
aa  opposition  to  the  holy  will  of  God  as  Lawgiver 
and  Judge  of  His  people.  It  is  a  grand  and 
touching  self-presentation  of  the  whole  people  be- 
fore their  God  in  true,  thorough  penitence  and 
conversion,  which  is  here  (vers.  3-6)  portrayed  in 
its  separate  features.  Samuel's  pcsition  in  this 
picture  exhibits  him  in  his  prophetic  work,  which 


•  [In  Ren.  xlix.  4  the  image  is  the  boiling  up  of  water — 
denoting  rash  and  heedless  passion.— Tn.] 


takes  deep  hold  on  the  whole  people,  and  brings 
them  back  to  the  Lord;  his  words  to  the  people, 
here  reported,  form  the  culmination  of  all  pre- 
ceding announcements  of  God's  word,  and  com- 
plete the  work  of  the  conversion  of  the  people  to 
the  Lord,  with  which  he  had  as  faithful  prophet 
hitherto  occupied  himself.  The  people,  who  re- 
pent before  the  Lord  in  this  powerftilly  moving 
way,  are  the  fruit  of  his  previous  prophetic  work. 
And  Samuel  judged  the  children  of  Israel 
in  Mizpah. — These  words  cannot,  with  KeU,  be 
considered  as  embracing  the  whole  work  just  be- 
fore narrated;  that  is,  as  showing  that  Sa/nmel's 
jvdging  consisted  in  "Samuel's  calling  the  people 
together  to  Mizpah  for  humiliation  before  Jeho- 
vah, effecting  there  by  his  intercession  the  forgive- 
ness of  their  sins,  bringing  back  the  divine  favor, 
and  so  restoring  Israel's  true  relation  to  their 
God."  All  this  belongs  to  Samuel's  work  as  Pro- 
phet of  Israel,  comp.  iv.  1.  Since  the  statement 
"  Samuel  judged  Israel  in  Mizpah"  follows  imme- 
diately on  the  narration  of  the  solemn  act  of  re- 
pentance instituted  by  Samuel,  and  afterwards 
(ver.  15)  his  judicial  work  is  again  mentioned  in 
connection  with  all  that  precedes,  we  must  here 
understand  by  this  "judging"  something  else 
than  those  labors  in  connection  with  the  religious 
relation  of  the  people  to  their  God.  After  Sam  uel 
had  restored  this  last  by  his  prophetic  work,  liis 
succeeding  labors  were  those  not  only  of  a  pro- 
phet, but  also  of  a  judge.  His  judicial  office  is 
here  named  for  the  first  time.  The  connection  in 
which  it  occurs  shows  how  it  proceeded  from  and 
was  founded  on  his  prophetic  office.  It  is  not, 
however,  the  beginning  or  origin  of  this  office 

that  is  here  mentioned,  as  if  the  Verb  W2W\) 
meant  "he  iecame  judge,"  but  Samuel  is  here  set 
before  us  in  the  exercise  of  his  judicial  position. 
It  is  too  narrow  a  view  of  this  to  reotrict  it  to  ju- 
dicial decisions  proper,  or  (as  Thenius  does)  to 
the  punishment  of  individuals  (R.  David:  "he 
punished  every  one  according  to  his  offence"). 
We  must  rather  regard  Samuel's  judging  as  a  di- 
recting and  ordering,  in  accordance  with  the  above 
act  of  repentance,  of  the  inner  affairs  of  the  peo- 
ple, who  were  by  that  religious  act  inwardly  again 
purified.  It  consisted  both  in  the  administration 
of  right  and  justice  according  to  the  law  of  the 
Lord,  and  in  government  proper,  in  the  wise  car- 
rying out  of  measures  that  looked  to  the  good 
of  the  people.  In  their  history  hitherto  the  deli- 
verance of  the  people  from  the  power  of  their  ene- 
mies belonged  also  to  the  judicial  office ;  with  the 
Judges  this,  as  a  judicial  ftmotion,  generally  came 
first,  and  then  followed  the  direction  of  internal 
affairs.  With  Samuel  it  was  the  Reverse.  The 
deliverance  of  the  people  from  the  dominion  of  the 
Philistines  began  under  his  rule  as  Judge,  after 
he  had,  as  Prophet,  brought  them  back  into  their 
right  relation  to  God,  and  ordered  and  purified 
them  in  their  inner  life. 

HISTOEICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 
1.  The  course  of  true  penitence  and  conversion 
consists  in  mumming  after  God,  in  a  sorrowful 
seeking  after  Him,  in  a  complete  devotion  of  the 
heart  to  the  Lord,  which  attests  itself  by  a  decided 
breaking  with  the  power  of  evil,  in  energetic  put- 
ting away  of  everything  opposed  to  Qod,  and  in  hum- 


124 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


ble  subordination  of  the  will  to  the  sole  authority  of 
the  Lord  (vers.  2-4). 

2.  After  the  ark  had  lost  its  significance  a? 
theocratic  centre  of  the  national  life,  and  Shiloh 
had  ceased  to  be  the  central  seat  of  the  national 
sanctuary,  after,  too,  the  priesthood,  with  the  re- 
jection of  the  sanctuary,  had  lost  its  prominent 
middle  place  between  God  and  the  people,  then 
the  prophetic  office,  in  the  person  of  Samuel  filled 
with  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord,  took  this  position,  in 
order  to  restore  the  true  covenant-relation  between 
God  and  the  people.  For  this  it  was  nece-ssary 
that  Israel,  confessing  and  repenting  of  their  sin 
against  the  Lord,  should  return  in  sincere  pe- 
nitence to  their  Gid,  and  put  away  the  abomina- 
tion of  heathendom,  which  they  had  taken  to 
them,  that  Ood  should  turn  again  to  His  people 
with  grace  and  mercy,  and  that  the  whole  national 
life  should  assume  a  completely  new  form  in 
a  righteous  disposition  and  walk,  whereby  God's 
holy  will  would  be  performed.  The  point  of  time 
to  which  we  have  now  come  is  the  great  turning- 
point  between  the  Period  of  the  Judges  which 
was  just  ending  and  the  new  era  of  the  theocracy 
which  was  just  beginning,  when  Samuel  in  a 
threefold  point  of  new  forms  the  centre  of  the  people, 
and  in  his  mediating  position  between  them  and 
their  covenant-God,  becomes  the  instrument  and 
founder  of  a  new  life :  1)  as  Prophet,  in  the  power 
of  God's  Spirit,  by  which  he  was  filled,  he  an- 
nounces to  the  people  the  word  of  the  law,  in 
order  to  lead  them  to  repentance  and  conversion, 
and  to  a  life  again  devoted  to  the  Lord  in  faith- 
fulness and  believing  obedience  ;  2)  he  appears  in 
the  exercise  of  the  priestly  function,  praying  and 
saerificinp,  between  God  and  the  people,  in  order 
to  turn  His  grace  and  mercy  to  the  people,  that 
the  return  of  God  to  His  people  in  the  manifesta- 
tion of  His  help  may  correspond  to  the  return  of 
the  people  to  God ;  3)  as  Judge,  he  governs  and 
directs  the  whole  national  life,  which  was  inwardly 
united  and  bound  fast  together  on  the  basis  of  a 
religious-moral  elevation  and  renewal,  in  order 
that  they  might  be  consecrated  to  the  Lord  in  all 
their  members  and  in  aU  the  afiairs  of  life,  and 
serve  Him  in  right  and  righteousness. — "  Samuel's 
judicial  work  not  only  proceeded  from  the  pro- 
phetical, but  was  constantly  guided  by  it.  For  we 
may  presume  not  only  that  he  gave  legal  decisions 
Mrith  prophetical  wisdom,  but  also  that  in  general 
he  conducted  the  afiairs  of  the  people  as  a  man 
who  had  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord.— Samuel  showed 
himself  here  (vii.  12  sq.)  a  hero  by  the  spiritual 
power  of  faith  and  prayer  (Heb.  xi.  32  sqq.).  This 
latter  may  be  called  an  inreaching  of  his  priestly 
work  into  the  judicial.  For  certainly  it  is  espe- 
cially the  business  of  the  priest  to  pray  for  the 
people."  (Nagelsbach,  Herz.  B.-E.  XIII.  397.) 

3.  The  reality  of  a  thorough  conversion  to  the 
"Lord  with  all  the  heart  must  be  shown  by  an  ear- 
nest and  decided  breaking  with  everything  that 
is  opposed  to  God,  especially  with  everything  to 
which  the  heart  clings  as  its  idol.  The  heart 
miist  not  desire  to  be  divided  between  the  service 
of  idols  and  the  service  of  Ood,  and  cannot  be  di- 
vided between  two  mutually  exclusive  powers. 
"  No  one  can  serve  two  masters,"  Matt.  vi.  24. 
God  the  Master  lays  claim  to  the  whole  heart ; 
He  requires  that  its  service  be  given  to  Sim  alone 
and  exclusively  in  the  obedience  of  faith.    Exdw- 


siveness  in  respect  to  the  living  God,  who  claims 
all  honor  exclusively  for  Himself,  is  of  the  essence 
of  revealed  religion ;  and  in  this  exclusiveuess  is 
grounded  its  universality,  everything  must  serve 
and  be  subject  to  Him  alone. 

4.  The  true  welfare  of  a  peoples  life  is  based  on 
its  proper  attitude  towards  the  living  God.  As 
defection  from  Him  brings  calamity  and  destruc- 
tion on  all  the  inward  and  outward  possessions  of 
the  national  life,  infringement  or  suppression  of 
freedom  by  foreign  power,  disruption  of  unity  by 
strife  and  discord,  so  only  by  return  to  Him  can 
true  inward  freedom  and  elevation  and  true  unity 
be  secured.  And,  when  the  national  life,  in  con- 
sequence of  defection  from  God,  is  covered  with 
moral  abominations,  purification  from  the  defile- 
ment of  sin  must  proceed  from  the  innermost  life 
by  the  complete  and  thorough  conversion  of  the 
hearts  of  individuals  to  the  Lord.  Sanctification, 
purification,  unification  of  the  whole  natumal  life 
to  a  life  consecrated  to  God,  serving  Him  alone, 
happy  under  His  rule  in  His  kingdom,  exists  only 
so  far  as  the  individual  life  has  its  root  in  the 
right  attitude  of  heart  towards  God,  and  there 
stands  firm  and  immovable. 

5.  The  fixed  heart  ("fixing  [Eng.  A.V.  'pre- 
paring ']  the  heart  unto  the  Lord  ")  is,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  attestation  of  the  conversion  and  purifi- 
cation of  the  inner  life,  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  condition,  on  which  alone  the  whole  life  can 
remain  permanently  and  exclusively  in  the  Lord's 
service,  temptations  to  defection  from  Him  be 
victoriously  withstood,  and  idolatry  in  the  lust  of 
the  eyes,  the  lust  of  the  flesh  and  the  pride  of  life 
be  thoroughly  put  away.  The  exhortation  "  con- 
firm, prepare  your  hearts,"  does  not  exclude,  but 
presupposes  the  truth  "it  is  good  that  the  heart 
be  co^rmed  by  grace"  [Heb.  xiii.  9]. 

6.  Samuel's  intercession  for  the  whole  people 
was  a  priestly  act,  whereby  he,  with  the  same  right 
as  Moses,  who  also  was  not  officially  a  priest, 
could  come  into  God's  presence  as  representative 
of  the  people.  "  He,  too,  who  by  His  personal 
dignity  stands  near  to  God,  the  Prophet,  may  thus 
approach  with  intercession  and  expiatory  acts  for 
his  people.  So  Moses,  Ex.  xxxii.  10  sq.,  32 ;  Nu. 
xiv.  12  sqq.  (Lev.  viii.  15, 19,  28).  But  it  pertains 
to  the  office  of  the  priesthood,  and  may  be  done 
by  them,  therefore,  in  the  whole  body  of  their  of- 
ficial acts."     (Schultz.  AlUest.  Theol.,  189  sq.). 

7.  The  confession  We  have  sinned  against  the 
Lord,"  made  by  the  whole  people,  presupposes 
the  correct  knowledge  of  the  essemce  of  sin  as  the 
transgression  of  His  holy  will,  involves  the  ad- 
mission that  they  were  worthy  of  punishment  before 
the  Lord,  to  whom  man  is  bound  by  his  sin  an  a 
debtor,  and  is  the  condition  of  help  and  salvaiion 
from  the  living  God.  As  the  individual  can  re- 
gain his  proper  relation  to  the  Lord  only  by  such 
humble,  sincere,  penitent  confession,  so  for  the 
people  in  general  there  is  no  other  way  out  of  grie- 
vous sin-wrought  corruption  and  self-incurred 
misery  to  a  new  national  life  in  the  fear  of  God 
but  this  way  of  a  common  abasement  before  the 
Lord,  with  refiection  on  their  relation  to  the  holy 
God,  and  the  penitent  confession  "  Against  thee 
have  I  sinned."     Comp.  Ps.  li.  6  [4]. 

8.  Fasting  is  one  of  those  outward  things  which 
are  an  expression  and  therefore  a  symbol  of  the 
sorrowful  spirit  and  humble  disposition  before  the 


CHAP.  VIL  2-17. 


125 


Lord,  like  rending  the  garments,  strewing  ashes 
on  the  head,  and  putting  on  a  coarse  garment 
(comp.  Joel  ii.  12,  13).  Later  this  religious-mo- 
raliy  significant  festing  was  expressed  by  a  word 
(Q?S)  which  indicated  its  form,  namely,  bodily 
privation ;  but  in  the  Law  itself  we  find  only  a 
phrase  which  expresses  its  significance,  namely, 
*'  afflict  the  soul "  (Lev.  xvi.  24,  31 ;  xxiii.  27,  32 ; 
Nu.  xxbc.  7  ;  comp.  Isa.  Iviii.  3  sq. ;  Ps.  xxxv. 
13  sq.). — iejrai  provision  for  fasting  by  the  whole 
people  was  made  only  in  the  single  case  of  the 
Day  of  Atonement,  when  they  were  as  a  body 
thus  to  manifest  the  penitent,  humble  disposition, 
without  which  they  could  not  hope  for  forgiveness 
of  their  sin.  Lev.  xvi.  29.  Elsewhere  &ting  is 
•  merely  allowed  by  Moses. 


HOMILETICAL  AND   PEACTICAL. 

Ver.  3.  Osiandeb:  Those  who  wish  w  be 
shielded  against  misfortune  or  delivered  from 
it,  must  begin,  not  with  weapons  of  warfare,  but 
with  true  repentance,  Jer.  iii.  12. — Cbamek  :  True 
repentance  is  the  best  reformation  in  religious 
matters,  Ezra  ix.  6  sq.;  x.  1  sq. — -Halle  Bib.  : 
Conversion  that  Is  not  with  all  the  heart,  is  only 
a  hateful  hypocrisy,  Deut.  iv.  29. — S.  Schmid: 
Only  that  is  a  true  conversion  which  does  away 
with  all  ungodliness,  and  especially  with  idolatry, 
and  thus  prepares  the  heart  to  serve  God  alone, 
Hos.  vii.  16. — [Hall  :  How  happily  efiectual  is 
a  word  spoken  in  season !  Samuel's  exhortation 
wrought  upon  the  hearts  of  Israel,  and  fetched 
water  out  of  their  eyes,  confessions  and  vows  out 
of  their  lips,  and  their  false  gods  out  of  their 
hands. — Te.] 

[Ver.  4.  "And  served  Jehovah  only."  It  is  a 
mournfully  common  thing  among  those  who  have 
knowledge  of  the  true  God  to  be  striving  to  com- 
bine His  service  with  that  of  idols,  or  of  the 
world.  Not  only  is  it  seen  here,  but  in  Elijah's 
exhortation :  Either  Jehovah  or  Baal,  whichever  is 
Grod,  but  not  first  one  and  then  the  other  (1  Kings 
xviii.  21);   in  our  Lord's  great  word:  "No  man 

can  serve  two  masters Ye  cannot  serve 

God  and  Mammon"  (Matt.  vi.  24);  and  in  that 
of  the  last  surviving  apostle:    "Love  not  the 

world If  any  man  love  the  world,  the  love 

of  the  Father  is  not  in  him"  (1  John  ii.  15). 
Yet  how  many  of  us  to-day  are  endeavoring,  per- 
haps with  painful  earnestness,  to  love  both  the 
Father  and  the  world,  to  serve  both  God  and 
Mammon.    The  many  cases  of  this  sort  do  fer 


more  weaken  our  current  Christianity  than  the 
few  cases  of  gross  vice. — Tb.] 

Vers.  5, 6.  [Henby:  Ministers  should  pray  for 
those  to  whom  they  preach,  that  God  by  His 
grace  would  make  the  preaching  effectual.  And 
when  we  come  together  in  religious  assemblies,  we 
must  remember  that  it  is  as  much  our  business 
there  to  join  in  public  prayers,  as  it  is  to  hear  a 
sermon. — Tb.] — Stabke  :  No  intercession,  not 
even  that  of  Christ  Himself,  can  stand  a  man  in 
stead,  if  he  is  not  truly  penitent. — Legislatures 
and  Congresses,  if  any  thing  good  is  to  be  done  in 
them,  should  be  opened  with  penitence  and 
prayer. — S.  Schmid:  Then  especially  is  it  proper 
to  pray  for  our  neighbor,  when  he  is  so  conducting 
himself  as  to  afford  hope  that,  according  to  the 
divine  plan,  the  prayer  may  be  heard. — If  candid 
confession  of  sin  is  wanting,  the  repentance  is  not 
honest. 

Ver.  2.  I%e  blessing  of  national  mourning  in  a 
time  of  universal  distress :  1)  Penitent  recognition  of 
the  national  sin  which  has  occasioned  the  distress ; 
2)  Painful  experience  of  the  mighty  haTid  of  the 
Lord  which  has  inflicted  it ;  3)  Sorrowful,  penitent 
seeldng  after  the  Lord's  consolation  and  help,  which 
ends  in  finding. 

Ver.  3.  Samuel's  sermon  on  repentance  to  Israel 
when  again  seeking  the  Lord's  face:  1)  The  instruction 
as  to  what  true  repentance  is  (if  ye  return  with  all 
your  hearts );  2)  The  demand  for  that  by  which  this 
repentance  shall  be  really  and  finitfiilly  shown : 
(a)  put  away  the  strange  gods  from  among  you, 
b)  direct  your  hearts  unto  the  Lord,  and  serve  Him 
only) ;  3)  The  promise  of  deliverance  and  help  (and 
He  will  deliver  you). 

Ver.  4.  Proofs  of  genuine  and  hearty  repentance 
by  actions:  1)  By  doing  away  with  all  idolatry  of 
worldly  life ;  2)  By  serving  the  Lord  only  in  a  Ufii 
exclusively  consecrated  to  him. 

Ver.  5.  Intercession  to  the  Lord  for  the  salvation 
of  others:  1)  Its  exercise  unlimited,  the  individual 
as  well  as  the  whole  people  being  its  subject 
(comp.  1  Tim.  ii.  1,  2) ;  2)  Its  answer  conditioned 
by  the  need  of  salvation  and  the  capacity  for  sal- 
vation of  those  for  whom  it  is  made. 

Ver.  6.  The  penitent  confession — "  We  have  sinned 
against  the  Lord:"  1)  Who  has  to  make  it  (the  in- 
dividual, family,  congregation,  school  and  church, 
the  whole  people) ;  2)  How  it  is  to  be  made  (with 
attestation  of  its  truth  and  uprightness  by  deeds 
of  repentance) ;  3)  What  are  its  consequences  (for- 
giveness of  sin,  deliverance  from  the  power  of  the 
wicked  one,  salvation). 


n.  IsraePs  Victory  aver  the  Philistines  under  the  Lead  of  Samud.    Vers.  7-14. 
7      And  vehen  the  Philistines  heard  that  the  children  of  Israel  were  gathered  tog^ 
ther  to  Mizpeh  [Mizpah'],  the  lords  of  the  Philistines  went  up  against  Israel.     And 

TEXTUAL  AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

lIVer.T.  Mizpah  is  written  always  with  the  Art,="  the  watch-tower '/-thesignifioan 
nuing  to  be  felt.    It  is  every  where  Mjzpah,  except  in  Josh.  xvm.  26.    Mizpeh  was  a  town  m  the  plam  oi  juaan. 
-Tk.] 


126 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


8  when  the  children  of  Israel  heard  it,  they  were  afraid  of  the  Philistines.  And  the 
children  of  Israel  said  to  Samuel,  Cease  not  to  cry  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  our 

9  God  for  us,'  that  he  will  save  us  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines.  And  Samuel 
took  a  sucking  lamb,  and  offered  it'  for  a  burnt-offering  wholly  unto  the  Lord 
[Jehovah],  and  Samuel  cried  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  for  Israel,  and  the  Lord 

10  [Jehovah]  heard  [answered]  him.  And  as  Samuel  was  offering  up  the  burnt-offer- 
inc,  the  Philistines  drew  near  to  battle  against  Israel ;  but  [and]  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
ho'vah]  thundered  with  a  great  thunder  [noise]  on  that  day  upon  the  Philistines, 

11  and  discomfited*  them,  and  they  were  smitten  before  Israel.  And  the  men  of  Is- 
rael went  out  of  Mizpeh  [Mizpah],  and  pursued  the  Philistines,  and  smote  them 

12  until  [as  far  as]  they  came  lorn,  they  came]  under  Bethcar.*  Then  [And]  Samuel 
took  a  stone,  and  set  it  between  Mizpeh  [Mizpah]  and  Shen,°  and  called  the  name 
of  it  Eben-ezer,  saying  [and  said].  Hitherto'  hath  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  helped  us.  . 

13  So  [And]  the  Philistines  were  subdued,*  and  they  lorn,  they]  came  no  more  into  the 
coast  of  Israel ;  and  the  hand  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  against  the  Philistines  all 

14  the  days  of  Samuel.  And  the  cities  which  the  Philistines  had  taken  from  Israel 
were  restored  to  Israel,  from  Ekron  even  lom.  even]  unto  Gath;  and  the  coasts 
thereof  did  Israel  deliver'"  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Philistines.  And  there  was 
peace  between  Israel  and  the  Amorites." 

III.   /Summary  Statement  of  SamueHs  Judicial  Work.    Vers.  15-17. 

15,  16  And  Samuel  judged  Israel  all  the  days  of  his  life.  And  he  went  from  year 
to  year"  in  circuit  to  Bethel,  and  Gilgal,  and  Mizpeh  [Mizpah],  and  judged  Israel 

17  in  all  those  places."  And  his  return  was  to  Ramah,"  for  there  was  his  house;  and 
there  he  built  an  altar  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

s  rVer.  8.  Literally :  "  keep  not  silence  from  us,  from  crying,"  e<c.    Comp.  Ps.  xxviii.  1.— Te.] 

s   Ver.  9.  The  Kethib  has  the  shorter  personal  suffix,  the  Qeri  the  longer. — Tb.] 

»    Ver.  10.  DOri'l— Qal  Imparf.  of  DDH  with  pronom.  suffix.— Te.] 

6  [Ver.  11.  For  JBeth-car  Chald.  has  Beth-sharon,  "  house  of  the  plain ;"  and  Syr.  Bethyashan,  "  house  of  age." 
The  second  seems  a  corruption  or  clerical  error ;  the  first  is  apparently  translation  of  Bethcar,  *'  house  of  the 
plain."    Wliether  there  is  here  a  reference  to  the  plain  of  Sharon  is  uncertain. — Ta.] 

«  [Ver.  12.  (Sften,  always  with  the  Art.='Hhe  tooth ;"  that  is,  "  the  crag," — whether  name  of  a  town  or  a  rock  is 
not  clear.    Syr.  has  Yashan,  "ancient,"  and  Sept.  t^s  TraXaias,  both  apparently  reading  ?I2/^  in  the  Heb.,  "old,"— 

from  which,  however,  we  can  hardly  infer  that  Shen  was  an  inhabited  place  (Wellhausen).— Tr.] 
'  [Ver.  12.  Hitherto— that  is,  "up  to  this  time,"  not  "up  to  this  place."— Ta.] 
8  [Ver.  13.  Literally:  "humbled."     Erdraann:  gedemuUiigt. — TeJ 
»  [Ver.  14.  That  is,  of  the  cities  ;  not  (as  Sept.)  of  Israel.— Te.1 

10  fyer.  14.  Syr.  wrongly:  "the  Lord  delivered  Israel,"  etc.  The  reference  here  is  to  Israel's  military  prow- 
ess.—Tr.] 

n[Ver.  14.  Erdmann  has,  by  typographical  error.  Ammonites.— Te.] 

>2  [Ver.  16.  no,  from  [a,  "from,"  and  ''1,  " sufficiency  "—" as  often  as."— Te.] 

i»  [Ver.  17.  Sept.:  "  sacred  places  "—an  exegetical  paraphrase;  or,  they  read  D'E'lpD  instead  of  niDlp!D. 
For  Ramah  Sept.  has  'ApfiaSaiV.    See  on  chap.  i.  1. — Te.J  I  ' 

against  their  oppressors  ;  this  he  does  indeed  in 
quite  a  diiFerent  manner,  not  sword  in  hand,  but 
wielding  the  weapons  of  prayer,  and  gaining  for 
his  people  a  victory,  from  which  dates  the  histoiy 
of  Israel's  deliverance  from  the  hands  of  the  Phi- 
listines.— Ver.  7.  The  Pliilistines  hear  of  the  as- 
sembly  of  the  children  of  Israel.  Either  they  sup- 
posed it  to  be  a  military  one,  knowing  nothing  of 
its  real  end  {Berl.  Bib.),  or  they  well  knew  this 
end,  and  wished  to  surprise  the  Israelites  in  their 
unarmed  condition  (Joseph.).  Their  princes  went 
up,  since  the  assembly  was  held  on  the  high  land, 
and  on  IVIizpah,  which  was  still  higher  than  this. 
— The  following  description  of  the  behaviour  of 
the  children  of  Israel  and  the  conduct  of  Samuel, 
there  being  no  hint  of  arming  against  the  Philis- 
tines, or  of  an  attempt  by  Israel  to  make  a  mili- 
tary movement  against  the  advancing  foe,  shows 
clearly  that  the  Israelites  were  not  in  readiness 
for  such  an  attack,  and  had  made  no  military 
preparations.  Not  the  arms  of  Israel  put  the  Phi- 
listines to  flight,  but  the  prayers  of  Samiid,  and 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CEITICAL. 

Vers.  7-14.  Israels  vietory  over  the  Philistines  un- 
der the  had  of  Samuel. — The  la*t  words  in  ver.  6 
referred  to  Sa,-m\ie]!s  judicial  work  in  IVIizpah,  after 
the  general  assembly  for  repentance  and  prayer 
had  been  held  with  the  whole  people.  The  ex- 
press mention  of  this  judicial  work  at  the  end  of 
the  narrative  in  vers.  2-6  confirms  the  view  (which 
is  besides  suggested  from  the  whole  connection) 
that  this  popular  assembly  was  not  concerned 
with  military  preparations  for  an  attack  on  the 
Philistines,  but  only  with  arranging  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  national  life,  the  religious-moral  and 
civil,  according  to  the  divine  law.  We  have  seen 
how  Samuel  there  acted  at  the  same  time  as  pro- 
phet and  judge,  and  how  the  function  oi priest  con- 
nected itself  immediately  with  that  of  prophet. 
It  now  falls  to  his  lot,  like  the  earlier  judges,  to 
fulfil  his  judicial  mission  against  foreign  enemies 
also,  and  show  himself  the  leader  of  the  people 


CHAP.  Vir.  2-17. 


127 


the  thunders  above  their  heads  manifesting  the 
might  of  the  Lord,  the  terrors  of  which  the  Phi- 
listines had  not  forgotten  since  their  experience 
with  the  ark. — When  the  Israelites  heard  of  the 
advance  of  the  Philistine  princes  with  their  hosts, 
they  were  afraid  of  them.  This  is  inconceivable, 
if  the  assembly  was  held  to  equip  themselves  in- 
wardly and  outwardly  for  the  war  of  freedom 
against  the  Philistines.  In  ver.  8  the  people  press 
Samuel  to  beseech  God  with  wnaeasing  and  insUmt 
crying  for  their  deliverance  out  of  the  hand  of  the 
Philistines.  The  solicitude  corresponds  with  Sa- 
muel's previous  promise  to  pray  to  the  Lord  for 
the  people  in  this  assembly  (ver.  5).  The  object 
of  the  petition,  salvation  out  of  the  hand  of  the 
Philistines,  had  already  been  promised  by  him  on 
the  condition  of  sincere  return  to  the  Lord  (ver. 
3).  Now  the  moment  of  fulfilment  has  come. 
The  condition  is  complied  with,  the  children  of 
Israel  beseech  Samuel:  "cease  not  to  cry  to  the 
Lord,  (mr  God."  They  have  found  their  God 
again,  after  whom  they  had  till  now  sighed  and 
mourned.  Samuel,  having  by  his  intercession 
first  restored  the  covenant-communion  between 
the  penitent  people  and  the  pardoning  God,  now 
intercedes  for  the  deliverance  of  the  people,  and 
thus  performs  the  judicial  act  which,  for  the  ear- 
lier judges,  was  coincident  with  their  entrance 
into  their  office.  Samuel  had  first,  as  prophet 
and  judge,  to  lead  the  people  to  a  thorough  refor- 
mation of  their  inner  life,  before  he  could  begin 
the  work  of  external  deliverance.  He  began  it 
as  judge  and  as  priest  at  the  same  time,  as  is  fur- 
ther related  in  ver.  9.  Samuel  represented  the 
people  in  twofold  priestly  function  before  the  Lord, 
with  offering  and  prayer.  The  offering  consisted 
of  a  young  tender  lamb,  which  was  still  nourished 
with  milk;  though,  according  to  the  Law,  Lev. 
xxii.  27,  it  must  have  been  seven  days  "with  its 

mother."  A  burnt-offering  (nSij^)  is  offered  as 
sign  of  the  complete  consecration  of  the  whole 
man,  here  of  the  whole  people,  to  the  Lord  in  the 
consecration  and  devotion  of  the  whole  life  to 
Him,  as  is  set  forth  by  the  fact  that  the  whole 
animal  (vSH  Lev.  i.  9)  was  burnt  in  the  fire  of 
the  altar,  and  so  ascended  [the  Heb.  word  means 
"that  which  ascends"],  in  distinction  from  the 
offerings  which  were  only  partially  burnt  on  the 
altar.    This  is  expressed  by  the  addition  of  the 

word  "  wholly  "  C^''^^)  which  is  also  used  of  the 
vegetable  and  meat-offerings  which  were  to  be 
wholly  burned  (Lev.  vi.  15).  In  poetic  language 
(Deut.  xxxiii.  10)  it  stands  for  hSi';;,  burnt  offering, 
while  here,  as  in  Ps.  li.  21  [19]  (there  connected  by  1 
"and")  it  is  an  explanatory  addition  to  indicate 
that  the  burnt-offering  is  a  wAoJe-offering,  the  offer- 
ers not  receiving  a  part  of  it,  as  in  the  Shelamim 
[peace-offerings]  or  Zebachim  [slain-offerings]. 
The  idea  of  the  wAo^offering  is  thus  specially  again 
expressed,  because  the  resolution  to  devote  them- 
selves to  the  Lord  fully  and  undividedly,  a  devo- 
tion conditioned  on  the  whole-hearted  conversion 
and  the  purpose  to  serve  the  Lord  alone  (ver.  3  sqq. ) 
is  expressed  by  the  presenta,tion  of  the  burnt-of- 
fering. In  accordance  with  the  people's  demand 
,(ver.  8)  Samuel  combined  with  the  offering  ear- 


nest, instant  proj/er  for  them. — And   the  Iiord 
answered    him,  is  the   declaration  that  the 
prayer  for  help  and  deliverance  was  heard,  comp. 
Ps.  iii.  5;  iv.  2.    [See  also  Ps.  xcix.  6;  Jer.  xv. 
1,  for  the  estimation  in  which  Samuel's  pmer  in 
prater  was  held.— Tr.]  .     The  answer  of  the  Lord 
18  given  in  the  occurrence  related  in  ver.  10  sqq. 
in  the  factual  help  of  the  Lord,  not  merely  in  the 
thunder  (Keil),  though  the  latter  was  the  cause 
of  the'  consternation  and  confusion  of  the  Philis- 
tines.    The  vividness  of  the  description  is  notice- 
able: Samuel  is  engaged  in  offering  the  sacrifice, 
during  which  the  Philistines  approach  nearer  and 
nearer,  Israel  is  waiting  on  Samuel's  prayer  for 
the  Lord's  help,  terrific  peals  of  thunder  follow 
one  after  another,  thereby  the  Philistines  are  con- 
fused and  confounded  (comp.  Jos.  x.  10),  they 
take  to  flight,  their  plan  is  frustrated. — Ver.  11. 
The  men  of  Israel  now  advance  from  Mizpah,  and 
pursue  them  as  far  as  under  Bethcar  =  "  House 
of  the  lamb  or  of  the  meadow,  the  field."    Jos. 
Ani.  VI.,  2,  2 :  Oon-ce.    A  place  called  Corrai  lay 
between  Jericho  and  Bethshean ;  V.  Kaumer  (4 
ed.,  p.  178,  K.  158  sq.)  thinks  that  it  could  not  be 
this  place.     It  remains  at  least  doubtful. — After 
this  victory  was  won,  a  monument  was  set  up  in 
remembrance  of  the  help  of  the  Lord  there  expe- 
rienced.    Samuel  set  a  memorial  stone  between 
Mizpah  and  Shen  {"  Tooth,"  either  a  prominent 
rock-formation  (comp.  ch.  xiv.  4)  or  a  place  situ- 
ated on  a  crag  near  Mizpah).   The  name  Eheneeer 
["stone  of  help"],  which  he  gives  it,  is  at  the 
same  time  explained :  Hitherto  hath  the  Lord 
helped  us. — This  was  the  thanksgiving  in  the 
name  of  the  whole  people  as  answer  to  the  Lord's 
answer,  the  accompanying  explanation  of  the  act 
of  thanks.     The  "  hitherto  "  points  to  the  fact  that 
this  victory  did  not  complete  the  deliverance  from 
the  yoke  of  the  Philistines.     rWellhausen  would 
explain  Ebenezer  as  =  "this  be  witness  (1^1)  that 
Jahveh  hath  helped  us."— Tb.].— Vers.  13,  14, 
state  the  happy  residts  for  Israel  of  this  victory 
over  the  Philistines,  gained  without  arms,  the 
wonderful  gift  of  God's  hand.     First  is  mentioned 
the  humiliation  [Eng.  A.  V.  "  subdued  "]  of  the 
enemy,  in  consequence  of  the  manner  in  which 
this  victory  was  gained.*    It  is  then  declared  that, 
in  consequence  of  this  victory,  the  Philistines 
made  no  more  such  incursions  into  the  coasts  of 
Israel.    The  following  words :  "  and  the  hand  of 
the  Lord  was  against  the  Philistines  all  the  days 
of  Samuel,"  are  improperly  restricted  to  the  period 
of  his  active  judgeship  (Lyra,  Brent,  Nagelsb., 
Herz.  XIII.  403  sq.) ;  since  Samuel,  according  to 
ver.  15,  judged  Israel  all  the  days  of  his  life,  they 
must  be  understood  of  his  whole  life-time.    During 
this  time  the  Philistines  continued  to  occUpy  the 
land  (ix.  16  ;  x.  5  ;  xiii.  5,  13),  though  the  occu- 
pation was  territorially  restricted.     The  continu- 
ance of  the  Philistine  oppression  is  presupposed 
in  these  words  themselves  :  "  the  hand  of  the  Lord 
was  against  the  Philistines,''  comp.  xiv.  52.  After 
the  victory  at  Mizpah  they  could  gain  no  more 

*  [The  word  here  employed  (JT33),  meaning  originally 
"  to  humble,"  is  also  frequently  used  in  the  sense  of 
"  subdue,"  and  it  is  better  so  to  understand  it  here,  and 
not,  as  Erdmann  takes  it,  in  the  sense  of  a  humiliation 
from  their  perception  of  the  miraculous  intervention  of 
God. — In  this  sentence  the  words  "of  the  enemy"  are 
not  in  the  German,  probably  from  typographical  error; 
the  sense  requires  some  such  insertion. — Tb.]. 


128 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


teiritory,  and  in  Israel's  battles  with  them,  how- 
ever much  of  the  land  they  still  held,  the  hand  of 
the  Lord  was  mighty  against  them  so  long  as  Sa- 
muel lived,  therefore  during  Saul's  reign  also, 
since  Samuel  died  only  a  short  time  before  Saul ; 
the  help  of  the  Lord  against  these  mightiest  foes 
of  the  land  continued  during  Samuel's  life-time. 
See  Introduction,  p.  9  pq.  Thus  is  intimated  the 
mediating  position  which  Samuel  in  this  respect 
also  assumed  between  God  and  the  people  of  Is- 
rael as  their  representative  and  intercessor. 

Ver.  14.  A  further  consequence  of  the  YictoTy  was 
the  regaining  of  the  cities  which  belonged  to  the 
land  of  Israel  with  the  territories  appertaining  to 
them,  lying  on  the  Philistine  frontier  from  Ekron 
to  Gath.  These  two  cities  are  not  included,  but 
indicate  on  the  Philistine  side  the  direction  and 
limits  of  the  space  in  which  the  Israelites  regained 
the  lost  cities  and  territories.  The  sense  is :  "  Is- 
rael Tccovered  their  cities  which  lay  on  the  Phi- 
listine borders,  reckoning  those  borders  from 
Ekron  to  Gath"  (Seb.  Schmid).  Finally,  a  cou- 
sequence-of  the  abasement  of  the  Philistines  was 
the  peace  between  Israel  and  the  Amorites.  These 
"  are  mentioned  here,  because  they  were  in  the 
region  in  question  next  to  the  Philistines  the 
mightiest  enemies  of  Israel,  comp.  Josh.  x. ;  Judg. 
i.  34  sqq."  (Thenius).  According  to  the  latter 
passage  (Judg.  i.  34)  they  "  especially  forced  the 
Danites  back  out  of  the  plain  into  the  mountains" 
(Keil).* 

Vers.  15-17.  Summary  view  of  Samuel's 
judicial  work.  Ver.  15  gives  the  duration  of  hia 
office ;  that  the  latter  dates  from  the  day  of  Miz- 
pah  (Keil)  is  by  no  means  certain;  but  its  pre- 
cise commencement  is  not  stated.  All  the  days 
of  his  life  denotes  the  period  up  to  his  death. 
His  sons  were  his  assistants  up  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  kingdom.  During  Saul's  government 
he  kept  unchanged  the  position  of  a  prophet, 
who  employed  the  authority  of  the  divine  will 
for  the  dii-ection  of  the  national  life,  the  media- 
ting priestly  position  between  God  and  the  peo- 
ple ;  but  he  also,  as  last  Judge,  held  in  his  hands 
the  highest  control  of  the  theocracy  and  tho 
kingdom. 

Ver.  16  sqq.  ITie  way  in  which  he  fulfilled  the 
dnties  of  the  office.  He  went  round  every  year, 
holding  court  at  three  places :  Bethel,  Gilgal  and 
Mizpah.  These  were  at  the  same  time  holy 
places,  in  which  Jehovah  was  worshiped,  where 
therefore  the  people  could  be  more  easily  brouglit 
together  in  large  assemblies,  and  those  who  de- 
sired legal  decisions  could  more  easily  meet 
Samuel.  Ewald's  supposition  that  Samuel  visited 
one  of  these  places  at  each  of  the  great  annual 
feasts  is  properly  objected  to  by  Thenius,  with 
the  remark  "  that  at  that  time  there  was  hardly 
a  regular  feast."  The  question  whether  this 
OUgM  was  the  old  place  in  the  Jordan-valley 
between  the  Jordan  and  Jericho  (Josh.  iv.  19), 
or  the  one  southwest  of  Shiloh  near  the  Jerusa- 

V,  t  J'^!?f  "*™^  "Amorite  "  is  given  to  various  tribes  on 
Dotli  Bides  of  tile  Jordan,  and  either  the  race  wa.s  a 
widely  extended  one,  or  the  name  is  sometimes  u.sed  in 
a  general  way  for  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine.  The 
word  is  now  generally  held  to  mean  "  mountaineers  " 
(Num.  xiii.  29),  and  is  by  some  supposed  to  be  a  local, 
rather  than  a  tribal  designation,  but  in  Judg.  i.  34  the 
Amorites  seem  to  be  dwellers  in  the  plain.  Apparently 
they  had  been  at  war  with  the  Israelites  before  Samuel's 
victory.— Tk.] 


lem-road,  now  Jiljilia  (Dent.  xi.  38 ;  1  Kings  ii. 
1),  must  be  decided  in  favor  of  the  former,  for 
the  reason  that  Samuel  would  certainly  choose 
for  such  assemblies  the  place  which  was  conse- 
crated by  its  historical  association  and  its  reli- 
gious importance.  The  order  of  the  names  here 
does  not  warrant  us  in  deciding  (Keil)  in  favor 

of  the  other,  the  northern  GilgaL— 'Bn-Ss  m 
[Eng.  A.  v.:  "in  all  those  places"]  must  be 
taken  as  local  Accus.,  and  nj<  as  Ace.  particle. 
It  cannot  here  mean  "near;''  "it  is  used  indeed 
to  express  the  proximity  of  one  place  to  aimther 
(Judg.  iv.  11 ;  1  Kings  ix.  20),  and  still  oftener 
of  things  or  persons  to  persons,  but  not  that  things 
or  persons  are  dose  by  places,  for  which  we  iind 
only  ^y,  or  3  (Josh.  xxiv.  26 ;  Judg.  xviii.  3) " 
(Bottcher). — Ver.  17.  From  his  circuits  Samuel 
returned  always  to  Bamah.  Here  was  his  perma^ 
nent  resiidence  as  householder.  In  respect  to  his 
work  there,  we  have  two  brief  statements:  1)  he 
acted  as  judge,  when  he  was  not  absent  on  his 
circuit.  (On  DSE?,  Ew.,  Gr.,  ?  138  a:  "the  a 
of  the  Perf.  becomes  a  only  in  pause,  except  once 
in  1  Sam.  vii.  17.")  His  judicial  labors  were 
therefore  uninterrupted.  2)  There  he  built  an 
altar  to  the  Lord. — The  priesthood  had  de- 
clined, the  central  sanctuary  was  broken  up; 
instead  of  the  local  and  the  institutional-personal 
uniting  point  in  the  high-priest,  Samuel  forma 
from  now  on  for  the  religious  life  and  service 
also  of  Israel  the  personal  centre  consecrated  by 
Q^d's  choice  and  guidance.  His  priestly  work 
continues  along  with  his  judicial,  both  embraced 
and  supported  by  the  prophetical.  Besides  the 
already-existing  holy  places,  where  prayer  and 
sacrifice  were  offered  to  God,  he  makes  his  resi- 
dence a  place  of  worship.  The  directum  and  fw- 
therarux  of  matters  of  religious  life  and  worship 
is  in  his  hands.  Having  effected  a  thorough 
reformation  of  the  deep-sunken  theocratic  life  on 
the  basis  of  the  renewed  relation  between  God 
and  the  people,  he  now  proceeds  vigorously, 
as  judge,  priest  and  prophet,  to  build  it  up  and 
finish  it  on  this  foundation. 

HISTOBICAL  AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  On  the  significance  of  the  burnt-offering  as  a 
whole  offering,  see  on  ver.  8.  It  is  the  saenficium 
latreuiicum  [latreutic  sacrifice,  or  sacrifice  of  ser- 
vice], since,  by  the  complete  consecration  of  the 
animal,  it  denotes,  for  the  individual  and  the 
nation,  the  complete  consecration  and  devotion 
of  the  whole  life  to  the  Lord.  The  bumt^offering 
has  a  propitiatory  significance  for  the  offerer  in  a 
general  way  (not,  however,  in  respect  to  particu- 
lar offences  which  require  special  expiation),  on 
which  see  Oehler  in  Herz.,  B.  E.  X.  635.  The 
fresh,  tender,  sucking  lamb,  which  was  used  in 
the  offering  at  Mizpah,  was  intended,  perhaps,  to 
set  forth  how  the  people,  new-born  by  their  con- 
version, should,  in  the  first  freshness  of  their  new 
life,  dedicate  themselves  wholly  and  undividedly 
to  the  Lord,  to  be  His  property  and  serve  Him. 
The  conjunction  of  the  burnt-offering  with  prayer 
is  founded  on  the  fact,  that  both  express  the  .same 
disposition  of  complete  consecration  of  the  heart  to 
God. 


CHAP.  VII.  2-17. 


129 


2.  The  aaerifieud  semee,  together  with  prayer, 
was  conducted  for  the  whole  people  by  Samuel 
(as  formerly  by  Moses,  Ex.  xvii.  9;  xxxii.  25 
sqq.),  though  he  was  simply  a  Levite,  and  not  a 
priest ;  for  he  acted  as  mediator  between  God  and 
His  people  by  virtue  of  His  prophetical  character 
and  work  alone.  He  therefore  filled  the  office 
of  priest  in  an  extraordinary  way,  sentence  of 
rejection  having  been  passed  on  its  legal  incum- 
bents. On  Samuel's  further  priestly  work  in 
oflering  sacrifices  at  the  holy  places  of  the  land, 
comp.  ix.  12 ;  x.  8 ;  xi.  15 ;  xiii.  8  sqq.;  xvi.  2 
sqq.  Samuel  exercised  the  priestly  mnction  of 
prayer  and  intercession  elsewhere,  xii.  16  sqq.; 
XV.  11,  35. 

3.  In  the  period  of  the  Judges  the  prophetic 
work  was  completely  (with  the  single  exception 
of  Deborah,  Judg.  iv.  4  sqq.)  separate  from  the 
jiidmcd,  and  the  former  was  as  good  as  absorbed 
m  the  latter ;  both  are  again  united  in  the  person 
of  Samuel,  in  that  he  thus  shows  how  the  external 
guidance  of  the  covenant-people  can  and  ought 
to  rest  essentially  only  on  an  internal,  religious-le- 
gal foundation.  "As  he  is  thus  the  founder  of  the 
kingdom  in  its  genuine  theocratic  form,  so  is  his 
priestly  work  also  the  preparation  for  the  flour- 
ishing condition  to  which  the  cultus  attained  in 
the  Davidic-Solomonic  period ;  it  was  necessary 
to  break  with  the  law-opposing  priesthood  of  Eli 
and  his  race,  in  order  that  the  establishment  of  a 
true  priesthood,  as  it  was  new-formed  under 
David  and  Solomon,  might  become  possible" 
fHavem.,  Vorlea.  uber  bibl.  Theol.).  The  basis  for 
this  was  given  in  the  Law  itself  by  its  teaching 
of  the  ideal  priesthood,  which  was  to  find  its 
realization  in  the  whole  people,  comp.  Ex.  xix. 
6:  "Ye  shall  be  to  me  a  kingdom  of  priests." 
Like  Moses,  who  during  the  seven  days  of  the 
consecration  of  the  ordinary  priests,  acted  as 
priest  (Lev.  viii.),  and  with  priestly  petition  in- 
terceded for  the  people  with  the  Lord  (Ex.  xvii.; 
xxxii.  31,  32;  Ps.  cvi.  23),  so  Samuel  also,  on 
the  ground  of  this  ideal  priesthood,  whose  essen- 
tial elements  were  sincere  union  and  communion 
with  God,  the  might  of  faith,  and  the  gift  of  the 
Holy  Spirit  and  the  power  of  prayer,  had  the 
divinely-given  right,  under  existing  circum- 
stances, when  the  institution  of  the  priesthood 
had  sunk  and  left  a  terrible  gap,  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  the  ordinary  priesthood  in  sacrifice  and 
pra;j^or;  and  the  first  exercise  of  this  priestly 
calling,  to  represent  the  people  before  God  with 
intercession  and  prayer,  was  at  the  request  of  the 
people  themselves  who  through  him  had  been 
tamed  to  God.  See  the  two-fold  testimony  of 
the  Scripture  to  Samuel's  power  in  prayer,  Ps. 
xcix.  6;  Jer.  xv.  1,  find  comp.  Sir.  xlyi.  IQsqcj. 
As  to  his  subsequent  praying,  see  viii.  6;  xii. 
16-23;  XV.  18. 

4.  The  monument  between  Mizpah  and  Shen 
represents  an  important  epoch  in  the  history  of 
Samuel.  What  he,  and  through  him  the  Lord, 
had  hitherto  done  for  Israel  stamped  him  as  the 
great  reformer  of  the  Theocracy,  and  secured  the 
restoration  of  a  united  national  and  theocratic 
life  in  its  fundamental  characteristics,  and  on  the 
most  essential  foundations.  The  victory  over 
the  Philistines  supplied  the  capstone.  In  all 
that  happened  up  to  this  victory  and  the  conse- 
(lUent  freer  position  of  the  people  over  against 

9 


the  world  without,  he  recognizes  the  Lord's  help, 
setting  forth  this  recognition  in  the  humble 
acknowledgment  "  hitherto,"  etc.,  while  he  at  the 
same  time  points  to  the  future,  and  shows  the 
need  tor  funher  help  from  the  Lord  in  respect  to 
what  is  still  to  be  done.  The  stone  Ebenezer  is 
a  monument  of  those  revelations  of  the  might 
and  the  grace  of  the  living  God,  occasioned  by 
sin  and  penitence,  wandering  and  return,  which 
are  the  impelling  power  in  the  whole  political 
history  of  the  Old  Covenant. 

[Wordsworth:  What  a  contrast  between  the 
event  now  recorded  at  Ebenezer,  and  that  recorded 
as  having  occurred  a  few  years  before  at  the  same 
place  (1  Sam.  iv.  1)  I  At  that  time  Israel  had 
the  ark  with  them,  the  visible  feign  of  God's  pre- 
sence ;  but  the  Lord  Himself  had  forsaken  them 
on  account  of  their  sins ;  .  .  .  .  the  priests  were 
slain,  and  the  ark  was  taken.  Now  they  have 
not  the  ark,  but  they  have  repented  of  their  sins, 
and  Samuel  is  with  them,  and  the  Lord  hearkens 
to  His  prayers,  and  the  Philistines  are  smitten. 
....  Hence  it  appears  that  outward  ordinances 
are  of  no  avail  without  holiness,  and  that  God 
can  raise  up  Samuels,  and  endue  them  with  ex- 
traordinary graces,  and  enable  them  to  do  great 
acts,  and  give  comfort  and  victory  to  the  Church 
of  God  by  their  means. — Tb.] 

5.  On  the  total  significance  of  Samuel's  posi- 
tion and  work  at  this  epoch  of  the  development 
of  the  Old  Testament  history,  see  the  remarks  in 
the  preceding  exegetical  elucidations. 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  7-14.  Need  teaches  to  pray:    1)    Whomf 

Only  him  who  (a)  lets  himself  be  drawn  by  need 

j  with  penitent  heart  and  believing  mind  unto  God, 

I  in  order  to  seek  help  from  Him,  and  (b)  despairs 

I  of  helping  himself  by  his  own  power,  and  relies 

1  only  on  God's  hand  ;  2)  Rowf   (a)  heartily,   (b) 

unceasingly;  3)  With  what  restiMf  (a)  God  hears, 

(b)  God  delivers  from  the  need. 

[Ver.  7.  Henry:  1)  How  evil  sometimes 
seems  to  come  out  of  good.  The  religious  meet- 
ing of  the  Israelites  at  Mizpah  brought  trouble 
upon  them  from  the  Philistines,  which,  perhaps, 
tempted  them  to  wish  they  had  staid  at  home.  .  .  . 
So  when  sinners  begin  to  repent  and  reform,  they 
must  expect  that  Satan  will  muster  all  his  force 
against  them.  2)  How  good  is  at  length  brought 
out  of  that  evil.  Israel  could  never  be  threatened 
more  seasonably  than  at  this  time,  when  they  were 
repenting  and  praying  .  .  .  bad  policy  for  the  Phi- 
listines to  make  war  upon  Israel  at  a  time  when 
they  were  making  their  peace  with  God.  .  .  .  Thus 
He  makes  man's  wrath  to  praise  Him. — Te.] 

Vers.  8-10.  The  power  of  believing  prayer  in 
threatening  peril:  1)  As  an  earnest  pressmg  to  the 
heart  of  God  in  view  of  the  greatness  of  the  peril ; 
2)  As  a  constant  supplication  for  His  help  in  view 
of  the  tardiness  of  help  in  the  midst  of  peril ;  3) 
As  a  perfect  self-devotion  to  the  Lord  in  view  of 
the  ever-increasing  peril. 

Vers.  7-12.  The  life  of  prayer  in  communion  with 
God:  1)  Calling  on  the  Lord;  2)  Answer  from 
the  Lord ;  3)  Thanksgiving  to  the  Lord. 

[Ver.  9.  ("  And  Samuel  cried  .  .  .  and  the  Lord 
answered  him").  SamueVs  pcmer  in  frrayer.  1) 
Asking    such    great    things;     2)   Answered    so 


130 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


promptly.  Note  that  Samuel  was  himself  the 
child  of  prayer.  Also  that  "  the  forty  years'  do- 
mination of  the  Pliilistines  over  Israel  (Judg. 
xiii.  1)  conld  not  be  overthrown  by  the  superna- 
tural strength  of  Samson,  but  was  terminated  by 
the  prayers  of  Samuel  "  (Wordsworth).  As  Abra- 
ham was  the  great  pattern  of  faith  and  Job  of 
patience,  so  Samuel  appears  to  have  been  always 
afterwards  regarded  as  a  grand  example  of  power 
in  prayer,  Ps.  xcix.  6 ;  Jer.  xv.  1. — Tr.] 

Ver.  12.  Tlie  cry,  Ebeneser,  Hitherto  hath  the 
Lord  hdpedv^,  a  cry  1)  Of  thankful  recollection  of 
past  experiences  of  the  Lord's  help  (hitherto!); 

2)  Of  humble  testimony  before  the  Lord,  that  no- 
thing has  been  done  by  our  power,  and  that  His 
help  alone  has  maintained  and  preserved  our  life ; 

3)  Of  confident  hope,  in  view  of  further  need  of 
help  to  the  same  end. 


"  Here  I  raise  my  Ebenezer, 

Hither  by  Tliy  help  I'm  come ; 
Aud  I  hope,  by  Thy  good  pleasure, 
Safely  to  arrive  at  home." 

[These  well-known  lines  are  given  as  equiva- 
lent to  a  German  hymn  which  Erdmann  refers  to 
but  does  not  quote. — Te.] 

\_Samuel  a  pattern  to  religious  Reformers:  (1) 
In  early  life,  amid  evils  he  could  not  cure,  he  yet 
gained  the  confidence  of  all  (chap.  iii.  19-21 ;  iv. 
1 ;  xii.  2-4).  (2)  After  long  waiting  he  saw  and 
seized  the  opportunity  of  effecting  a  reformation 
(vii.  2,  3).  (3)  He  put  the  inward  first,  but  in- 
sisted also  on  outward  reform  (vers.  3, 4).  (4)  He 
did  not  rely  on  preaching  alone,  but  was  much  in 
prayer  (vers.  5,  8,  9).  (5)  He  gave  all  the  glory 
to  God  (ver.  12).  (6)  He  strove  by  wise  and 
faithful  administration  to  make  the  reformation 
permanent. — Te.] 


SECOND  PART.    SAUL. 

chs.  vni.-xxxi. 


FIRST  DIVISION. 

ESTABLISHMENT  BY  SAMUEL  OF  THE  ISEAELITTSH  KINGDOM 
UNDER  THE  RULE  OF  SAUL.    Chaps.  VIH.— XH. 


FIRST  SECTION. 

The  Preparations.     Chaptebs  VHI.  IX. 

I.    The  Persistent  Desire  of  the  People  after  a  King  conveyed  through  their  Elders  to  Samuel. 

Chap.  VIII.  1-22. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Samuel  was  old,  that  he  made  his  sons  judges   over 

2  Israel.     Now  [And]  the  name  of  bis  first-born  was  Joel,'  and  the  name  of  his  [the] 

3  second  Abiah'' ;  they  were  judges  in  Beersheba.  And  his  sons  walked  not  in  his 
ways,  but  turned  aside  after  lucre,'  and  took  bribes,  and  perverted  judgment. 

4  Then  [And]  all  the  elders  of  Israel  gathered  themselves  together,  and  came  to 

5  Samuel  to  Ramah,  And  said  unto  him,  Behold,  thou  art  old,  and  thy  sons  walk 

6  not  in  thy  ways  ;  now  make  us  a  king  to  judge  us  like  all  the  nations.  But  [And] 
the  thing  displeased  Samuel  when  they  said,  Give  us  a  king  to  judge  us.     And  Sa- 

7  muel  prayed  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Samuel, 
Hearken  unto  the  voice  of  the  people  in  all  that  they  say  unto  thee ;  for  they  have 
not  rejected  thee,*  but  they  have  rejected  me,  that  I  should  not  reign  over  them. 

8  According  to  all  the  works  which  they  have  done  since  the  day  that  I  brought  them 
up  out  of  Egypt  even  unto  this  day,  wherewith  they  have  forsaken  [forsaMng]'  me 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.2.  Thatis"JehoTahi8God"— the  onlyGod('V  =  'in'' — in' — in' forniri',  Jahveh),aname  borne  by 

several  persons  in  O.  T.,  and  said  bv  Sohrader  to  occur  on  the  Assyr.  inscriptions  ns  name  of  a  king  of  Hamath, 
Jalu,  borrowed,  no  doubt,  from  the  Israelites.— Ta.] 

2  [Ver.  2.  That  is,  "  my  father  (or,  simply,  father)  is  Jah,  Jahu,  Jahveh,  Jehovah."    The  word  IHJE'D  means 

the  "  second,"  not  of  Samuel,  but  of  Joel.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  j;S3  is  sometimes  "profit"  in  general,  aa  in  Gen.  xxxvii.  26,  but  usually  "unjust  gain,"  as  here. 
The  Targ.  renders  "  mamon  (mammon)  of  deceit,"  see  Luke  xvi.  9.  In  Talmud  and  Targ.  mammon  means  "  mo- 
ney," "  riches,"  and  Augustine  ( Quxst.  Evan.  34)  says  that  it  was  the  Punic  word  for  "  money."  It  is  not  found  in 
Heb.,  and  its  origin  is  obscure.— vTb.] 

*  [Ver.  7.  Better :  "  not  thee  have  they  rejected,  but  me  have,  etc.'" — Tb.1 

'  f  Ver.  8.  Literally :  "  according  to  all  .  .  .  they  have  done  ...  and  have  forsaken  mo  and  served,  e«c."  The 
1  consec,  according  to  Heb.  usage,  introduce.s  an  appositional  explanatory  phrase,  properly  rendered  by  Eng. 
partioip.    On  the  Sept.  insertion  of  "  to  me  "  after  "  have  done,"  see  Exeg.  Notes  in  loco. — Tu.] 


CHAP.  Vni.  1-22. 


131 


and  served  [serving]  other  gods,  so  do  they  also  [om.  also]  unto  thee  lins.  also]. 
9  Now  therefore  [And  now]  hearken  unto  their  voice;  howbeit  [om.   howbeit]  yet 
protest  solemnly  unto  [solemnly  warn]'  them,  and  show  them  the  manner'  of  the 
king  that  shall  reign  over  them. 

10  And  Samuel  told  all  the  words  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  to  th-^  people  that  asked 

11  of  him  a  king.  And  he  said,  This  will  be  the  manner  of  the  king  that  shall  reign 
over  you  :  He  will  take  your  sons,  and  appoint  them  for  himself,  for  his  chariots, 
and  to  be  his  horsemen  [put  them  in  his  chariot  and  on  his  horses'],  and  some  [they] 

12  shall  run  before  his  chariots  [chariot].  And  he  will  appoint*  him  captains  over 
thousands  and  captains  over  fifties,  and  loill  set  them  [some  he  will  sef]  to  ear  [plough] 
his  ground,  and  to  reap  his  harvest,  and  to  make  his  instruments  of  war  and  [ins. 

13  the]  instruments  [equipment]  of  his  chariots.  And  he  will  take  your  daughters  to 
be  confectionaries  [perifumers],'"  and  to  be  [om.  to  be]  cooks,  and  to  be  [pm.  to  be] 

14  bakers.     And  he  will  take  your  fields,  and  your  vineyards,  and  your  oliveyards, 

15  efoen  [pm.  even]  the  best  of  them,  and  give  them  to  his  servants.  And  he  will  take 
the  tenth  of  your  seed,  and  of  your  vineyards,  and  give  to  hie  ofiScers,  and  to  his 

16  servants.     And  he  will  take  your  men-servants,  and  your  maid-servants,  and  your 

17  goodliest  young  men  [oxen],"  and  your  asses,  and  put  them  to  his  work.    He  will 

18  take  the  ten*h  of  your  sheep ;  and  ye  shall  be  his  servants.  And  ye  shall  cry  out 
in  that  day  because  of  your  king  which  [whom]  ye  shall  have  chosen  you,  and  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  will  not  hear  you  in  that  day. 

19  Nevertheless  [And]  the  people  refused  to  obey  [hearken  to]  the  voice  of  Samuel. 

20  And  they  said.  Nay,  but  we  will  have  a  king  over  us  ;  That  [And]  we  also  may 
[will]  be  like  all  the  nations,  and  that  [rnn.  that]  our  king  may  [shall]  judge  us, 

21  and  go  out  before  us,  and  fight  our  battles.  And  Samuel  heard  all  the  words  of 
the  people,  and  he  rehears'=d  them  in  the  ears  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].     And  the 

22  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  to  Samuel,  Hearken  unto  their  voice,  and  make  them  a  king. 
And  Samuel  said  unto  the  men  of  Israel,  Go  ye  every  man  unto  his  city. 

•  [Ver.  9.  ^X  is  restrictive-adversative,  "yet,"  "nevertheless;"  '3  is  the  subsL  conjunct,  "that,"  introducing 

the  following  afHrmation.  The  verb  means  literally  "  testify  to  them,"  the  word  "  solemnly"  well  expresses  the 
force  of  the  Inf.  Abs.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  0.  t3i3tyD  is  "judgment,"  then  "law,"  then  "right,  privilege,"  but  also  "  manner,"  and  this  last  is  pre- 
T  :    • 
ferable  here,  because  Samuel  states  what  the  king  will  do,  not  what  he  will  have  the  right  to  do.    His  "  manner  " 
will  be  the  "  law  "  as  determined  by  himself. — Tr.] 

*  ("Ver.  11.  The  word  signifies  either  "horses"  or  "horsemen;"  the  former  better  suits  construction  and 
context.— Te.] 

»  [Ver.  12.  Lit.  "  and  to  appoint,"  Inf.  dependent  on  the  verb  "  take  "  in  ver.  11.  The  vss.  vary  greatly  in  the 
designation  of  the  oflRcers  here  mentioned,  and  some  critics  would  read  (with  Sept.)  "  hundreds "  instead  of 
"fifties,"  as  being  the  more  usual  and  natural.  This  is,  however,  a  ground  of  objection  to  the  change  (from  the 
harder  to  the  easier),  and  there  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  abandoning  the  Heb.  text, — Te.] 

!<*  [Ver.  13.  The  word  np"l  is  used  to  express  the  preparing  of  fragrant  ointments  (Ex.  xxx.  22-35),  and  the 

noun  is  hf-re  best  rendered  "  ointment-makers,"  so  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Erdmann,  Philippson,  and  others.  The  Syriac 
renders  "  weavers  "  (websters)  as  if  it  read  Dp"!,  and  the  Chald.  has  the  general  designation  "  servants  "  (comp. 

Arab,  raqaha,  "  provide  for  ").  The  Heb.  text  is  to  be  maintained.  The  Eng.  word  "  confectionary  "  (—confectioner) 
formerly  included  the  making  of  ointments  and  .spiced  preparations,  see  Ex.  xxx.  S.'i,  Eng.  A.  V.,  but  would  now 
convey  an  incorrect  idea  here. — Ta.l 

^1  [Ver.  16.  The  reading  "  oxen     instead  of  "  young  men  "  (Tp3  for  in3)  seems  required  by  context,  and  fa 

given  by  Sept.,  and  adopted  by  Erdmann  and  others.  Maurer  admits  the  bearing  of  the  context,  but  keeps  the 
text  on  the  ground  of  the  D'3i!3 ;  but  2113  is  applied  to  oxen  in  Gen.  xli.  26,  and  to  flesh  of  beasts  in  Ez.  xxiv.  4 
(in  ver.  5  Ezek.  uses  Tn3  of  the  flock),  and  may  oe  here  understood  of  oxen. — Te.} 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

_  Vers.  1-3.  Samuers  sons,  Joel  and  Abiah,  asso- 
ciated with  him  as  judges  over  Israel. — The  rea- 
son  here  given,  why  Samuel  made  his  two  sons 
judges,  is  his  age,  for  which  his  work,  aa  sketched 
in  vii.  15-17,  had  become  too  hard.  Thetwo 
sons,  Joel  and  Abiah,  are  also  mentioned  in  1 
Chr.  vi.  13  [Eng.  A.  V.  ver.  28],  where,  however, 
in  the  masorotic  text,  the  name  of  the  first  has 
fallen  out.*     [These  names  may  be  taken  as  indi- 

•  [The  Vashni  in  1  Chr.  vi.  13  (2S)  is  the  same  word  as 
that  rendered  "  second  "  in  this  passage. — Te.] 


caions  of  the  father's  pious  feeling.  The  first, 
Joel,  "  Jehovah  is  God,"  was,  not  improbably,  a 
protest  against  the  idolatry  of  the  Israelites.  He- 
brew names  thus  frequently  serve  as  historical 
finger-signs,  pointing  out  prevailing  tendencies  or 
modes  of  feeling  at  certain  times.  Comp.  Ichabod 
(1  Sam.  iv.  21,  22),  Saul's  'sons  ]\Ieribbaal  (Me- 
phibosheth)  and  Ishbaal  (Ishbosheth),  David's 
sons  (2  Sam.  iii.  2-5),  IManasseh  the  King,  Ma- 
lachi.  The  name  of  Samuel's  second  son,  Abiah, 
"  Jehovah  is  father,"  expresses  trust  in  the  father- 
hood of  God,  an  idea  which  hardly  appears  in  O. 
T.  except  in  proper  names.  "  It  records,  doubt- 
less, the  fervent  aspiration  of  him  who  first  de- 


132 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


vised  it  as  a  name,  and,  we  may  hope,  of  many 
who  subsequently  adopted  it,  after  that  endearing 
and  intimate  relationship  between  God  and  the 
soul  of  man,  which  is  truly  expressed  by  the 
words  'father'  and  'child.'  It  may  be  accepted 
as  proof  that  believers  in  ancient  days,  though 
they  had  not  possession  of  the  perfect  knowledge 
of  '  the  mystery  of  God  and  of  the  Father  and  of 
Christ,'  or  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Ghost, 
nevertheless  'received  the  Spirit  of  adoption,' 
that  God  'sent  forth  the  Spirit  of  His  Son  into 
their  hearts,  whereby  they  cried,  Abba,  Father'  " 
(Wilkinson,  Personal  Names  in  the  Bible,  page 
169  sq.). — Ta.].— They  acted  as  judges  in  Beer- 
sheba,  "  Well  of  the  seven  (that  is,  lambs),  or  of 
the  oath"  (Gen.  xxi.  28-33),  the  spot  consecrated 
by  the  Patriarchal  history  (Gen.  xxii.  19;  xxvi. 
28 ;  xxviii.  10),  in  the  extreme  south  of  the  coun- 
try, on  the  border  of  Edom,  now  Bir-es-seba 
["Well  of  the  seven,  or  of  the  lion"]  (Robins.  I. 
337  [Amer.  Ed.  I.,  204 sq.]).*  Josephus  (Ant. 
VI.,  8,  2)  adds,  "in  Bethel"  after  "judges,"  thus 
intimating  that  one  son  acted  in  the  North,  the 
other  in  the  South,  both  together  comprising  the 
whole  country  in  their  judicial  work,  according 
to  which  Samuel  had  wholly  retired ;  but  against 
this  is  the  previous  statement  that  Samuel  exer- 
cised his  office  "  all  the  days  of  his  life,"  and  there- 
fore his  sons  could  only  have  been  appointed  by 
him  assistants  in  the  performance  of  duties  wliich 
his  old  age  rendered  too  arduous  for  him.  Ewald's 
opinion  that  this  addition  of  Josephus  "  suits 
so  well,"  that  "he  must  have  gotten  it  from  a  still 
better  account  in  the  histories  of  the  Kings,"  is 
a  mere  surmise,  over  against  which  we  may  put 
with  equal  right  the  opinion  that  Josephus  was 
indebted  for  this  addition  (Nagelsb.)  to  his  "very 
lively  fancy"  (Then.),  and  that  the  Masoretic 
text  fits  in  so  well  with  the  whole  historical  situa- 
tion, that  the  integrity  of  the  passage  cannot  be 
aasailed.  Since,  on  the  one  hand,  our  attention 
is  directed  to  Samuel's  age,f  which  compelled 
him  to  make  his  sons  judges,  while  yet  he  did 
not  lay  down  his  office,  ana,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  desire  after  a  firm  and  energetic  royal  power 
was  based  on  the  dangerous  condition  of  the 
country  by  reason  of  forei^  enemies,  it  appears 
that  Samuel,  in  order  to  lighten  the  burden,  set 
his  sons  as  judges  in  a  part  of  the  land,  and  in 
the  part  which  occasioned  the  greatest  difficulties 
and  exertions,  that  is,  the  southern.  Ver.  3 
affirms  that  this  measure  was  a  failure.  In  con- 
sequence of  the  division  of  the  judicial  power 
between  the  father  and  the  sons,  the  authority  of 
the  office  was  so  debased  in  the  eyes  of  the  people 
by  the  crimes  of  the  latter,  as  the  sacerdotal  cfig- 
nity  was  by  the  sons  of  Eli,  that  the  desire  for  a 
higher  authority  to  guide  the  people  found  utter- 

*  TBeej'sheba  fa  mere  watering-place  in  the  Patriarchal 
time)  was  probably  at  this  time  a  place  of  some  impor- 
tance from  the  trade  between  Ecypt  and  Asia.  It  was 
re-settled  after  the  exile,  was  a  largo  village  with  a  Ro- 
man garrison  in  Jerome's  time,  and  now  exhibits  only 
scattered  ruina.  Two  large,  and  five  small  wells  are 
still  to  be  seen.  The  name  does  not  occur  in  the  New 
Test.    See  Robins,  ubi  sup.,  Smitli's  Bib.  IHct.,  s.  v. — Tr.] 

t  [If  Samuel  was  born  B.  C.  114G,  he  would  bo  sixty 
years  old  at  the  third  battle  of  Ebenezer,  1086,  and  now, 
say  ten  years  later,  seventy  years  old.  This  would 
leave  twenty  years  for  Saul's  reign  up  to  B.  C.  1056, 
when  David  was  made  king  in  Hebron. — But  it  is  possi- 
ble that  these  dates  may  have  to  be  put  forward  some 
years.— T».]  . 


ance.— They  took  bribes  and  perverted 
judgment. — They  thus  transgressed  the  law  of 
the  Lord  (Ex.  xxiii.  6,  8;  comp.  Dent.  xvi.  19), 
and  destroyed  the  foundation  of  the  judicial  office 
as  the  office  for  the  administration  of  right  and 
justice.  Their  official  unfaithfulness  is  contrasted 
with  theii  father's  wcdk:  they  walked  not  in 
his  ways. — This  fact  or  judgment  alone  is  given, 
and  Samuel  is  not,  like  Eli,  charged  with  the 
blame  of  his  sons'  misconduct.  The  words: 
they  inclined  or  turned  aside  (namely, 
from  the  ways  of  their  father*)  after  lucre, 
exhibit  the  roots  of  their  wicked  official  procedure 
in  a  mind  directed  to  gain.  Luther  gives  the 
correct  sense:  "they  turned  aside  to  cocetous- 
ness." 

Vers.  4r-9.  I%e  demand  for  a  king — vers.  4,  5, 
how  it  was  made,  ver.  6,  how  it  was  received  by 
Samuel  and  carried  before  the  Lord,  vers.  7-9, 
how  he,  and  through  him  the  people,  was  in- 
structed concerning  it  by  the  Lord. 

Vers.  4,  5.  "All  the  elders  of  Israel"  assemble 
in  Ramah,  Samuel's  judicial  seat.  Thus  the 
whole  nation  is  in  motion  against  the  existing 
condition  of  things;  it  appears  before  Samuel 
officially  and  formally  in  the  body  of  its  repre- 
sentatives. Two  things  they  adduce  as  ground  of 
the  demand  which  they  wish  to  make :  1 )  Sam- 
uel's age,  that  is,  the  lack  of  vigor  and  energy  in 
the  government,  which,  with  his  advancing  age, 
made  itself  perceptible  to  the  whole  nation,  and 
was  not  supplied  by  the  assistance  of  his  sons, 
which  he  had  for  that  reason  (ver.  1 )  called  in ; 
2)  the  evil  walk,  the  misgovemment  of  his  sons, 
the  moral  and  legal  depravation  which  they  pro- 
duced. The  demand  is:  Make  us  a  king  (Acta 
xiii.  21) ;  and  two  things  are  added:  1)  in  refer- 
ence to  his  judicial  work:  he  was  to  judge;  the 
royal  office  was  to  take  the  place  of  the  judicial, 
and  so  the  meaning  of  the  demand  is  a  complete 
abrogation  of  the  hitherto  existing  form  of  go- 
vernment under  judges;  2)  in  reference  to  the 
royal-monarchical  constitution  of  the  surrounding 
nations:  the  Israelitish  constitution  is  to  be  like 
that  (3).  After  the  words  "as  all  the  nations," 
we  must  supply  "have  such  a  one."  Israel  will 
not  be  behind  other  nations  in  respect  to  the 
splendor  and  power  of  royal  rule.  "The  accord- 
ance of  the  last  words:  "like  all  the  nations" 
with  Dent.  xvii.  14  is  to  be  noted. — In  ver.  6  two 
things  are  said  of  Samuefs  conduct  in  reference  to 
this  demand.  First,  that  he  received  it  with  dis- 
pleasure {i>y.l,  properly:  "the  thing  was  evil  in 
the  eyes  of  Samuel").  But  the  cause  of  his  dis- 
pleasure is  expressly  said  to  be,  that  they  made 
the  demand:  "Give  us  a  king  to  judge  us."  He 
did  not,  therefore,  take  it  amiss  that  they  blamed 
the  wrong-doing  of  his  sons,  nor  that  they  referred 
to  his  age,  and  thus  intimated  that  he  was  no 
longer  able  to  bear  the  whole  burden  of  the  office, 
while  his  sons  did  evilly.  What  displeased  him 
was  the  expression  of  desire  for  a  king  as  ruler. 
How  far  and  why  this  demand  was  the  occasion 
of  his  displeasure  appears  from  the  connection. 
From  the  Words  of  Samuel  (xii.  12)  we  see  1) 
that  the  people,  pressed  anew  by  the  Ammonites, 
denaanded  a  king  who  should  give  them  the  pro- 
tection against  enemies,  which  was  not  expected 


'  [Or,  from  the  ways  of  truth.— Te.] 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-22. 


133 


from  the  aging  Samuel ;  2)  that,  in  this  demand, 
they  left  out  of  view  the  kingdom  of  God  in  their 
midst,  turned  away  their  heart  from  the  God 
who  had  hitherto  as  their  almighty  king  so  often 
saved  them  from  the  power  of  the  enemy,  and 
put  their  trust  in  an  external,  visible  kingdom 
as  means  of  safety  and  protection  against  their 
enemies,  over  against  the  invisible  royal  rule  of 
their  God,  whose  instrument,  Samuel,  they  re- 
jected.    The  same  thing  is  expressed  in  the 
words  of  Samuel,  ch.  x.  18, 19.     In  both  passages, 
however,  Samuel's  discourse  is  an  echo  of  the 
word  of  God  Himself,  imparted  to  him  in  an- 
swer to  the  question  which  he  had  asked  God  in 
prayer.    This,  namely,  is  the  second  important 
factor  in  Samuel's  procedure:  He   prayed  to 
the  Lord.     Deeply  moved  by  the  sin  wliich,  in 
this  demand,  the  people  committed  against  the 
Lord  as  their  king  (and  this  was  the  real  occa- 
sion of  his  displeasure  and  unwillingness  in  refe- 
rence to  the  desired  revolution  in  the  political 
constitution,  which  was  connected  with  the  rejec- 
tion of  himself  as  representative  and  instrument 
of  the  divine  government),  he  carried  the  whole 
matter  before  the  Lord  in  prayer,  and,  in  this 
important  crisis  also  of  the  history  of  his  people, 
who  would  no  longer  be  guided  by  him,  showed 
himself  the  humble,  consecrated  man  and  hero 
of  prayer. — In  vers.  7-9  we  have  the  declaration, 
in  which  the  Lord  instructs  Samuel  as  to  the 
question  of  his  prayer,  and  at  the  same  time  de- 
cide) on  the  demand  of  the  people.     Prayer  was 
the  best  means  by  which  Samuel  could  learn  the 
purpose  and  will  of  God  in  reference  to  this  de- 
mand of  the  nation.    The  words :  Hearken  to 
the  voice  of  the  people,  express  the  divine 
fulfillment  of  the  people's  request.     Here  a  dis- 
crepancy might  be  supposed  to  exist  between  this 
statement  and  Samuel's  reception  of  the  request 
in  ver.  6.    But  the  appearance  of  such  a  discre- 
pancy vanishes  before  the  following  considera- 
tions.   An  earthly-human  kingdom  could  not  at 
aU,  merely  as  such,  stand  in  opposition  with  the 
revealed  theocratic  relation  of  the  covenant-God 
with  His  people,  in  which  the  latter  (Ex.  xix.  5 
sq.)  were  to  be  His  property  and  a  "kingdom" 
of  priests,  and  He  was  to  be  their  king  (comp. 
Ex.  XV.  18 :  "  Jehovah  is  king  forever,"  with  Ps. 
xliv.  5;  Ixviii.  25;  Ixxiv.  12;  x.  IG).     For,  if 
hitherto  under  the  Theocracy  chosen  instruments 
of  the  Lord,  like  Moses,  Joshua  and  the  Judges, 
were  the  leaders  of  the  people,  governing  them 
b^  His  law,  in  His  name  and  according  to  His 
will,  then  also  a  leader  and  governor  of  the  peo- 
ple, depending  solely  on  God's  will,  governing 
solely  in  His  name,  and  devoted  to  His  law, 
intended  and  desiring  to  be  nothing  but  the 
instrument  of  the  invisible  king  in  respect  to 
His  people,  might  rule  over  them  with  the  power 
and  dignity  of  a  king.     A  king,  as  God's  instru- 
ment, chosen  by  God  the  royal  ruler  of  His  peo- 
ple out  of  their  midst,   could  no  more  stand 
opposed  to  the  fandamental  idea  of  the  theocracy, 
than  all  the  former  great  leaders  and  guides  of 
the  people,  who  were  chosen  by  Him  for  the 
realization  of  His  will.     This  conception  of  the 
absolute  dependence  of  an  earthly-human  king- 
dom in  Israel  on  the  invisible  King  of  the  nation 
is  expressed  in  the  so-called  law  of  the  king  in 
Deut.  xvii.  l.t-20.     As  to  the  theocratioal  idea 


of  a  king,  comp.  Gen.  xvii.  6,  16;  xxxv.  11; 
Num.  xxiv.  17.  There  is  little  occasion  to  sup- 
pose a  contradiction  between  this  idea  of  a  theo- 
cratically-conditioned  Israeli tish  kingdom  and 
the  Theocracy  in  Israel,  when  we  consider  the 
need  of  a  unifying  power  for  the  whole  national 
life  within  and  without,  as  in  Gideon's  time  against 
the  Midianites  (Judg.  viii.  22,  23),  and  now,  in 
the  time  of  the  aged  Samuel,  both  against  the 
arbitrary  rule  and  legal  disorder  of  his  sons,  and 
against  the  Ammonites  (xii.  12)  and  the  Philis- 
tines (ix.  16).  If  Israel's  desire  for  a  king  had 
been  in  itself  opposed  to  the  theocratic  principle, 
Samuel  would  not  have  carried  the  matter  to  the 
Lord  in  prayer,  but  would  have  given  a  decided 
refusal  to  the  Elders,  and  the  divine  decision 
would  not  have  been :  "  Hearken  to  the  voice  of 
the  people,  make  them  a  king"  (ver.  22).  But 
the  reason  of  Samuel's  necessary  displeasure  at 
this  desire  clearly  appears  from  the  judgment 
passed  on  it  in  the  divine  response:  they  have 
not  rejected  thee ;  but  they  have  rejected 
me,  that  I  should  not  reign  over  them. — 
In  their  request  for  a  king,  they  did  not  assume 
the  attitude  of  heart  and  of  mind  to  the  Lord, 
which  was  proper  for  them  as  His  people,  towards 
Him  as  their  sole  and  exclusive  ruler.  They  put 
out  of  sight  the  divine  rule,  to  which,  in  view  of 
its  mighty  deeds  in  their  history,  they  ought  to 
have  trusted  implicitly,  that  it  would  extend  to 
them  the  oft-verified  protection  against  external 
enemies  and  maladministration  of  the  office  of 
Judge;  this  protection  they  expect  from  the 
earthly-human  kingly  rule,  instead  of  from  God  ; 
instead  of  crying  to  God  to  give  them  a  ruler 
according  to  His  will,  they  demand  from  Samuel 
that  si  king  be  made  according  to  their  will  and 
pleasure;  instead  of  their  holy  civil  constitution 
under  the  royal  rule  of  their  covenant-God,  they 
desire  a  constitution  under  a  visible  kingdom, 
as  they  see  it  in  the  heathen  nations.  This  was 
a  denial  of  that  highest  truth  which  Gideon  once 
(Judg.  viii.  23),  in  declining  the  royal  authority 
offered  him,  held  up  before  the  people :  "The  Lord 
is  your  king."  In  rejecting  Samuel's  government, 
they  rejected  the  rule  of  God,  and,  straying  from 
the  foundation  of  covenant-revelation  to  the  stand- 
point of  the  heathen  nations,  they  put  themselves 
in  opposition  to  the  royal  majesty  of  God  revealed 
among  them,  and  to  the  high  calling  which  they 
had  to  maintain  and  fulfil  in  fidelity  and  obedience 
towards  the  holy  and  almighty  God  as  their  king 
and  ruler.  In  ver.  8  is  shown  how  this  disposi- 
tion and  conduct  had  been  exhibited  in  the 
history  of  the  people  from  God's  first  great 
royal  deed,  the  deliverance  out  of  Egypt,  till  now, 
and  how  this  new  demand  addressed  to  Samuel 
was  only  the  old  sin  showing  itself,  the  faithless 
and  apostate  disposition  which  had  exhibited  it- 
self again  and  again  up  to  this  time.  "With 
such  a  disposition  the  desire  for  a  kingdom  was  a 
despising  and  rejecting  of  Jehovah's  kingdom, 
and  no  better  than  forsaking  Jehovah  to  serve 
other  gods"  (Keil,  in  loco).  (It  is  not  necessary 
to  insert  a  Pron.  "to  me"  after  "theyhave 
done"  (Thenius),  since  this  is  involved  in  the 
following  words:  "they  have  forsaken  me  ). 
In  ver.  9  Samuel  is  again  expressly  instructed  to 
yield  to  the  desire  of  the  people ;  but  there  is 
added  the  twofold  injunction:  1)  bear  witness  against 


134 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


them,  that  is,  attest  and  set  before  them  their  sin 
and  gailt  against  me,  and  2)  announce  to  them 
what  kind  of  right  tlie  king,  who  according  to  their 
desire  shall  rule  over  them  like  the  kings  of  the 
heathen  nations,  will  claim  in  the  exercise  of  un- 
limited and  arbitrary  power,  after  the  manner  of 
those  rulers.  By  the  first  the  people  are  to  be 
made  to  see  how,  in  the  disposition  of  heart  in 
which  they  demand  a  king,  they  stand  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  absolute,  holy  royal  rule  of  their 
God,  and  to  their  own  theocratic  calling.  The 
fulfilment  of  the  people's  desire  after  a  king  which 
had  its  root  in  an  apostate  and  carnally  proud 
temper,  is  in  accordance  with  the  same  funda- 
mental law  of  the  Old  Covenant,  by  which  the 
holy  God,  on  the  one  hand,  judges  Israel's  sin  as 
a  contradiction  of  His  holy  will,  but  at  the  same 
time,  on  the  other  hand,  uses  it  as  a  means  for  the 
realization  of  the  ends  of  His  kingdom,  as  an  oc- 
casion for  a  new  development  of  His  revealed 
glory.  The  other  injunction,  to  set  before  the 
people  the  right  [or,  manner]  of  the  king  they 
demanded,  is  intended  to  exhibit  to  them  the  hu- 
man kingdom  apart  from  the  divine  rule,  as  it 
exists  among  the  other  nations,  with  all  its  usual 
and  established  despotism,  as  the  source  of  great 
misfortune  and  shameful  servitude,  in  contrast 
with  the  freedom  and  happiness  offered  to  the 
people  under  the  despised  Theocracy.  Comp. 
ver.  18. 

Vers.  10-18.  The  right  of  the  king. 

Ver.  10.  And  Samuel  told  all  the  words 
of  the  Lord  to  the  people. — This  declaration 
of  Samuel  was  therefore  essentially  an  exhorta- 
tion to  repentance,  which  set  before  the  people 
that,  by  their  desire  for  a  king,  they  had  princi- 
pially  rejected  God's  sole  rule  over  them.  Clericus : 
'  Therefore  God  declares  that  He  was  despised 
by  the  Israelites,  inasmuch  as  they  were  not  con- 
tent with  the  theocracy,  which  had  heretofore  ex- 
isted."—The  misApoi  (HfE'p,  "right,"  "manner") 
is  here  what  pertains  to  the  king  in  the  mainte- 
nance of  courtly  state,  and  what  he  claims  from 
his  subjects,  according  to  the  custom  of  heathen 
rulers  and  to  kingly  usage ;  for  it  was  with  their 
eyes  on  the  kings  of  other  nations  that  the  people 
had  demanded  a  king.  Joseph. :  ra  vrnpi  roii  pa- 
aMo;  kadfisva,  morem,  regis  et  agendi  rationem 
I"  the  manner  of  the  king"].  Maurer:  id  guod 
rex  suo  arbitrio  vivens  impune  faciei  ["what  the 
king,  following  his  own  will,  would  do  with  im- 
punity"]. Clericus:  "It  signifies  the  manner 
of  his  life  (ii.13;  Gen.  xl.  13;  Judg.  xiii.  12),— 
not  legal  right  (J«s),  for  several  unjust  things 
are  afterwards  mentioned,  such  as  were  practiced 
by  the  neighboring  kings,  whom  in  fact  the  He- 
brew kings  afterwards  imitated."  Sept.  SiKaiaua 
["legal  right  or  ordinance"].  The  words:  he 
will  take  your  sons  .  .  .  his  chariot,  present 
a  single  comprehensive  statement  of  the  employ- 
ment of  the  young  men  of  the  people  in  the  royal 
court.  The  first  sing,  of  the  text  "  in  his  chariot " 
is  to  be  retained  (against  Then.,  who,  after  Sept., 
Chald.,  and  Syr.,  reads  the  Plu.,  and  refers  it  to 
war-chariots),  and  the  chariot  is  in  both  cases  to 
be  understood  as  the  court  and  state-chariot,  the 
service  of  which  is  described  in  accordance  with 
the  actual  manner  of  oriental  courts.  In  this 
there  were  1)  Chariot-drivers,  who  are  referred  to 


in  the  words  "he  will  put  them  in  his  chariot,-" 
2)  Eiders,  indicated  by  the  phrase  "  on  his  horses  " 
(t?"li3  is  here  "  saddle-horse,"  as  in  1  Kings  v.  6 
[Eng.  A.  V.  iv.  26*]) — "  he  will  put  them  on  his 
saddle-horses,"  and  3)  Runners  — "  and  they  will 
run  before  his  chariot."     It  is  a  description  of  the 
usual  royal  equipage  of  chariots  and  horses.  Comp. 
1  Kings  V.  6  [iv.  26],  2  Sam.  xv.  1.— Ver.  12  re- 
fers partly  to  military  service,  partly  to  agricuUurai 
service.     "And  to  set"  f  depends  on   "he  will 
take;"  the  twice-used  1/   ["for  himself"]  indi- 
cates his  purely  selfish  aim.    The  "  captains  over  ' 
thousands  and  fifties"!  represent  the  whole  army 
in  all  its  grades  between  these  highest  and  lowest 
positions.     For  the  charge  of  the  "captain  over 
fifty"  comp.  2  Kings  i.  9-14.— AU  the  tiliage  of 
the  royal  possessions  must  be  performed  by  them ; 
it  is  described  by  its  beginning  and  end  (plough- 
ing and  reaping).     To  this  is  added  the  work  of 
the  royal  artificers  for  war  and  peace. — Ver.  13. 
The  daughters  of  the  people  will  be  employed  in 
the  service  of  the  royal  household.  [Women  were, 
in  ancient  times,  cooks,  bakers,  and  preparers  of 
ointments  and  spices.     This  last  work  embraced 
the  preparation  of  highly-seasoned  food,  meats 
and  drinks,  and  of  perfumed  oils  for  anointing 
the  body.     The  household  of  oriental  princes  is 
even  now  organized  on  a  gigantic  scale,  and  there 
are  indications  that  a  similar  luxury  was  prac- 
ticed by  the  nations  who  lived  about  the  Israel- 
ites.   AU  this,  as  well  as  the  use  of  horses  and 
chariots,  though  not  absolutely  forbidden  in  the 
Law,  was  contrary  to  its  spirit. — Tn.].  Vers.  14 
sqq.  describe  the  arbitrary  dealing  of  the  king  with 
the  property  of  the  people  in  order  to  enrich  his 
courtiers.  □'"ID  is  properly  "  a  eunuch,"  then  any 
court-officer.— Vers.  16  sqq.  The  king  will  use  the 
serving-classes  also,   men-servants,   maid-seroam, 
and  cattle,  for  himself,  and  will  take  the  tenth  of 
the  small  cattle  [sheep,  etc.'].    For  "young men" 
(inj)  we  must  read  "cattle"  (1p3)  with  Sept. 
(ri  ^ovKdha),  since  the  young  men  are  already 
included  in  the  sons  in  ver.  11  [and  the  men- 
servants  in  ver.  16. — Tb.],  and  here  both  the  jux- 
taposition of  servants  and  animals  and  the  corres- 
pondence between  the  two  clauses,  men,  maids — 
oxen,  asses  (comp.  Ex.  xx.  17)  would  be  de.stroyed 
by  this  inappropriate  word.   Small  cattle  are  here 
named  in  addition  to  large  cattle,  to  show  how 
completely  the  king  would  claim  their  property 
for  his  own  uses. — And  you  shall  be  his  ser- 
vants.    These  words  include  all  that  is  said  be- 
fore ;  the  loss  of  political  and  soaicd  freedom  is  con- 
nected with  the  kingdom  which  the  people  de- 
mand "  as  among  the  heathen  nations."    Thus 
the  folly  of  their  reference  to  the  example  of 
other  nations  is  held  up  before  them  in  contrast 
with  the  freedom  and  blessing,  which  they  en- 
joyed under  the  rule  of  their  invisible  king,  the 
living  God. — Ver.  18.   Their  painful  condition 
under  such  a  government  will  be  matter  of  un- 
availing lamentation  before  the  Lord.    '■'3  'JflyO 
is  not  "because  of  your  king,"  but  properly  "from 
your  king,"  that  is.  to  the  Lord.    It  is  herein 


*  [Eng.  A.  V.  has  here,  not  ao  well,  "  horsemen."— Tb.] 
t  [This  ia  the  literal  translation.    Eng.  A.  V.,glveB  the 

sense  more  freely. — Tr.'j 
X  [On  the  variations  in  the  vsa.  as  to  these  numbers, 

see  *'  Text,  and  Gram."  in  loco. — Ta.] 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-22. 


135 


Muted  that  they  will  wish  to  be  delivered  from 
the  oppressive  royal  government.  But  the  Lord 
will  continue  to  shut  His  ears.  Clerieus :  "  God 
will  not  for  your  sake  cliange  the  government  of 
a  master  into  the  free  commonwealth  which  you 
have  hitherto  enjoyed.  The  yoke  once  assumed 
you  must  bear  forever."  The  evil  which  their 
own  sin  has  brought  on  them  they  must  bear — so 
divine  justice  ordains. 

Vers.  19-22.  The  result  of  the  transactions  be- 
tween Samuel  and  the  people. — Vers.  19,  20. 
The  reply  of  the  people  (through  the  elders). 
They  "refused  to  hearken  to  Samuel's  voice." 
The  voice  or  address  of  Samuel  contained  enough 
to  detach  the  people  from  their  desire.  Instead 
of  this  there  follows,  with  a  decided  "no,"*  the 
repetition  of  the  demand:  "There  shall  be  a 
king  over  us."  The  dehortatory  description  of 
the  royal  privilege  and  custom  among  the  sur- 
rounding nations  is  met  with  the  declaration: 
"And  we  also  will  be  as  all  the  nations."  In 
this  there  is  an  ignoring  and  denying  the  lofty 
position  which  God  the  Lord  had  given  His  peo- 
ple above  all  nations  by  choosing  them  aa  His 
people,  and  establishing  His  royal  rule  among 
them.  The  demand  for  a  kingdom  like  that  of 
other  nations  was  an  act  of  sin  against  the  Lord, 
who  wished  to  be  sole  king  over  His  people,  and 
had  sufficiently  revealed  Himself  as  such  in  their 
former  history.  "Judging"  and  "leading  in  war" 
are  summarily  mentioned  as  representing  the 
duties  of  the  king  to  be  chosen.  Without  and 
within,  in  war  and  in  peace,  he  was  to  be  leader 
and  governor  of  the  people. — Ver.  21  sqq.  Samuel!  s 
intermediation.  As  mediator  between  God  and 
the  people  he  had  hitherto  striven  with  God  in 
prayer,  and  with  the  elders  of  the  people  in  ear- 
nest dealings  and  warnings  concerning  this  im- 
portant and  eventftil  question.  We  see  him 
wrestling  anew  with  God  in  prayer;  again  he 
carries  before  the  Lord  in  prayer  the  whole  mat- 
ter, as  it  now  stands  after  the  unsuccessful  dealing 
with  the  people.  God's  answer  is:  Make  them 
a  king.  The  demand,  made  in  sin,  from  a  dis- 
position not  well-pleasing  to  God,  is  fulfilled. 
The  element  of  sin  and  error  must,  in  the  history 
of  the  kingdom  of  God,  aid  in  the  preparation 
and  realization  of  the  divine  plans  and  ends. 
Samuel  dismisses  the  men  of  Israel  to  their 
homes.  We  must  here  read  between  the  lines, 
that  Samuel  communicated  the  divine  decision 
to  the  people,  and,  dismissing  the  elders  of  the 
people,  took  into  consideration,  in  accordance 
with  the  Lord's  command,  the  necessary  steps  for 
the  election  of  a  king.  Following  the  sense, 
Josephus  adds  to  the  words  of  dismissal  the  fol- 
lowing: "And  I  will  send  for  you  at  the  proper 
time,  when  I  learn  from  the  Lord  whom  he  will 
give  you  as  king"  [Ant.  VI.  3,  6]. 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 
1.  The  demand  for  a  human  kingdom  like  the 
kingdom  in  other  nations,  and  its  fulfilment,  is 
one  of  the  most  important  turning-points  in  the 
development  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  under  the 
Old  Covenant.  Historically  occasioned  by  constant 
danger  from  without,  against  which  there  was  no 
one  sufficient  leader,  and  by  the  arbitrary  ajud  il- 

•  On  the  doubling  of  the  S  in  nh  see  Ew.  Gr.,  ?  91  d. 


legal  procedure  of  the  judges,  it  was  more  deeply 
grounded  in  the  need  (felt  by  the  people  and  sup- 
ported by  public  opinion)  of  a  sole,  continuous, 
and  externally  and  internally  firm  and  energetic 
rule.  And  this  rule,  even  if  it  took  the  shape  of 
royalty,  needed  not  to  be  in  conflict  with  the  mo- 
narchical rule  of  God  over  His  people  (Ex.  xix. 
Ssq.;  Judg.  viii.  23;  1  Sam.  xii.  12);  for  1)  the' 
human  king,  if  his  relation  to  God's  kingdom 
were  rightly  apprehended,  need  be  nothing  more 
than  the  instrument  and  representative  of  the 
theocratic  kingdom;  2)  from  the  Patriarchal  time 
on,  through  the  Mosaic  period  and  that  of  the 
Judges  till  now,  there  had  been  defined  hopes  of 
and  allusions  to  the  rise  of  a  mighty  and  glorious 
kingdom  within  the  nation  under  the  lead  of  the 
Divine  Spirit  Himself  (Gen.  xvii.  6,  16;  xxxv. 
11;  Numb.  xxiv.  17;  comp.  Deut.  xvii.  14-20; 
Judg.  viii.  23,  ix.  22;  1  Sam.  ii.  10,  iii.  35) ;  and 
3)  the  existing  government  was  no  longer  able  to 
perform  the  duties  incumbent  on  it.  Ew.  Oesch. 
[History  of  Israel,  2,  606  sq.] :  "As,  then,  even 
under  Samuel,  in  his  latter  years,  the  judicial  of- 
fice showed  itself  without  and  within  too  weak  and 
unable  to  give  permanent  security,  the  time  was 
at  last  come  when  the  people  must  either  submit 
to  a  more  perfect  human  government,  or  perish 
irretrievably."  The  unfavorable  decision  on  the 
demand  given  nevertheless  by  Samuel  and  in  the 
divine  declaration,  refers  to  the  sinful  disposition 
of  mind  out  of  which  the  demand  sprang — a  disj 
position  not  trusting  unconditionally  in  God's 
power,  anticipating  the  plans  of  His  wisdom  and 
His  chosen  time,  controlled  by  vain  and  proud 
desire  to  imitate  the  royal  magnificences  of  the 
heathen  peoples.  "In  this  there  was  a  two-fold 
ungodly  element.  1)  They  desired  a  king  instead 
of  the  God-established  and  nobly  attested  Judge 

Samuel The  scheme  is  characterized  as  an 

injustice  against  Samuel,  and  therefore  a  sin  against 
the  Lord,  who  sent  him,  vers.  7,  8.  2)  At  the 
bottom  of  the  people's  desire  for  a  king  lay  the 
delusion,  that  God  was  powerless  to  help  them, 
that  the  reason  of  their  subjection  was  not  their 
sin,  but  a  fault  in  the  constitution,  that  the  king- 
dom would  be  an  aid  in  addition  to  God.  This 
point  of  view  appears  oftener  in  the  narrative  than 
the  first.  Is.  x.  18,  19;  xii.  The  kingdom  de- 
sired in  Buch  a  mind  was  not  a  form  of  God's 
kingdom  in  accordance  with  revelation,  but  op- 
posed to  His  kingdom."  (Hcngst.  Seit.  3,  p.  256 
sq.)  Calvin:  "They  ought  to  have  waited  pa- 
tiently for  the  time  predetermined  by  God,  and 
not  have  given  place  to  their  own  designs  and 
methods  apart  from  God's  word.  They  ought 
not,  therefore,  to  have  anticipated  God's  purpose, 
but  ought  to  have  waited  till  the  Lord  Himself 
should  show  by  indubitable  signs  that  the  foreor- 
dained time  had  come,  and  should  direct  their 
counsels.  Moreover,  though  they  recognized 
Samuel  as  a  prophet,  they  not  ordy  did  not  inquire 
of  him  whether  they  were  to  have  a  king  or  not, 
but  wanted  him  to  aid  in  carrying  out  their  de- 
sign. They  do  not  think  of  invoking  God;  they 
demand  that  a  king  be  given  them ;  they  adduce 
the  customs  and  institutions  of  other  nations." 
Nevertheless,  Samuel  yields  to  the  desire  of  the 
people,  "  because  he  knows  that  now  Goc^s  time 
has  come ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  does  all  that 
he  can  to  bring  the  people  to  a  consciousness  of 


136 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


their  Bin."  (Hengst.  i5.  258.)  The  fulfilment  of  the 
demand  for  a  human  kingdom  is  distinctly  granted 
by  God,  because,  though  as  a  human  factor  in  the 
movement  it  is  rooted  in  sin,  yet,  foreseen  by 
God,  it  fits  into  His  plan,  and  is  to  be  the  means 
of  elevating  and  confirming  the  Theocracy  in  His 
people,  and  of  laying  the  foimdation  for  the  fur- 
ther development  of  the  nation's  history,  till  the 
preparation  should  be  complete  for  salvation  in 
the  person  of  Him,  of  whom  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
in  David  was  to  be  the  prefiguration  and  type. 
"  Herein  the  law,  which  runs  through  the  whole 
history  of  the  development  of  revelation,  repeats 
itself:  by  the  guilt  of  the  covenant-people  God's 
arrangements  for  salvation  reach  a  point  where 
they  no  longer  serve ;  then  their  guilt  is  revealed 
most  strongly  in  open  disobedience  to  God ;  but, 
in  permitting  what  the  people  sinfully  wish,  God 
grasps  the  reins  and  directs  events  to  a  point,  of 
which  the  people  in  their  sinful  blindness  had 
thought  nothing,  so  that  He  only  the  more  glori- 
fies Himself  by  the  elevation  of  ilis  revelation  to 
a  higher  place."  (O.  v.  Gerlach.) 

2.  We  are  not  to  think  of  the  relation  between 
the  theocracy  and  the  kingdom  established  through 
Samuel,  as  if  the  latter  were  an  addition  to  the 
former  "  to  aid  it  in  accomplL'ihing  its  task,  and 
to  supply  what  was  lacking  to  the  times,"  as  if  a 
"mixed  constitution  and  rule"  had  arisen,  and 
"out  of  a  divine  government"  had  come  a  "royal- 
divine  government,"  a  Basileo-Theocracy.     Ew. 

Gesch.  [Hist.']  3, 8.  This  conception  of  a  co-ordi- 
nate relation  does  not  agree  with  the  governing 
principle  of  the  theocracy,  that  God  is  and  re- 
mains king  of  His  people,  that  God's  law  and 
truth  is  the  authority  to  which  the  kingdom  must 
unconditionally  submit,  in  dependence  on  which 
it  is  to  govern  as  visible  instrument  of  the  theo- 
cracy in  the  name  and  place  of  the  invisible  king. 
The  rejection  of  Saul,  who  would  not  pay  uncon- 
ditional obedience  to  God's  rule,  and  the  divine 
recognition  of  David's  government  as  one  which 
was  thoroughly  in  unison  with  the  rule  of  Israel's 
true  king,  their  God  and  Lord,  and  which  conti- 
nued to  prepare  the  way  for  its  realization  in  the 
people,  laying  the  historical  basis  for  the  future 
manifestation  of  the  Messianic  kingdom,  confirm 
the  view  that  the  relation  of  the  Israelitish  king- 
dom to  the  Theocracy  (as  Samuel,  under  God's 
direction,  foundedit)  was  one  of  unconditional  sub- 
ordination; it  was  to  be  the  instrument  of  the  latter. 
The  statement  that  there  was  an  encroachment  on 
the  pure  Theocracy  in  the  fact "  that  Jehovah  could 
no  longer  be  the  sole  Lawgiver,  that  the  earthly 
king  must  execute  his  will  with  unrestrained  au- 
thority" (Diestel,  Jahrb.fur  deutsche  Theol.,  1863, 
p.  554)  rests  on  an  incorrect  presupposition,  since, 
aceordingto  the  principle  of  the  'Theocracy,  even 
the  established  monarchy  was  expressly  sutject  to 
the  legislative  authority  of  the  covenant-God,  and 
both  king  and  people  must  unconditionally  con- 
form their  will  to  the  will  and  law  of  God. 

3.  This  history  of  the  people's  desire  for  a  king 
and  its  fulfilment  by  God  exhibits  the  relation  of 
the  divine  will  to  the  human  will,  when  the  latter 
stands  sinfully  opposed  to  the  former.  God  never 
destroys  the  freedom  of  the  human  will.  He 
leaves  it  to  its  free  self-determination,  but  when 
it  has  turned  away  from  His  will,  seeks  to  bring 
it  back  by  the  revelation  in  His  word.     If  this 


does  not  succeed,  human  perversity  must  never- 
theless minister  to  the  realization  of  the  plans  of 
His  kingdom  and  salvation,  and  also,  in  its  evil 
consequences,  bring  punishment,  according  to  His 
righteous  law,  on  the  sin  which  man  thus  freely 
commits. 

4.  Samuel  appears,  in  this  crisis  of  Old  Testa- 
ment history,  among  the  men  of  God  whom  the 
Bible  represents  as  heroes  in  prayer,  as  Abraham, 
Moses,  Joshua,  David,  Elijah.  Speaking  to  the 
people,  he  represented  God  as  his  prophet;  pray- 
ing to  God,  he  represented  the  people  as  their 
priestly  mediator.  Comp.  Schroring,  Samvd  als  i 
Beter  ("Samuel  as  a  praying  man"),  in  the 
Zeitschr.  filr  Ivih.  Theol.  u  Krit.,  1856,  p.  414  sq. 

5.  [The  relation  between  this  narrative  of  the 
demand  for  a  king  and  the  "  law  of  the  king " 
Deut.  xvii.  14-20,  requires  a  brief  notice,  it 
seems  strange  that  Samuel,  if  he  was  acquainted 
with  this  law,  makes  no  mention  of  it.  There  is 
no  diflSculty  in  his  characterization  of  the  demand 
as  a  rejection  of  the  divine  rule  over  them  (Jeho- 
vah Himself  (vers.  7,  8)  does  the  same  thing),  for 
the  sin  was  in  their  feeling  and  purpose,  not  in 
the  demand  per  se,  as  Dr.  Erdmann  well  brings 
out ;  and  Samuel  might  have  so  spoken,  if  he  had 
known  that  the  Law  contemplated  the  possibility 
of  a  regal  government.  The  real  difficulty  lies  in 
the  fact  that  the  narrative  in  1  Sam.  viii. — xii. 
seems  to  be  unconscious  of  thelawin  Deuteronomy. 
Allowing  much,  it  might  be  said,  for  the  simple, 
unscientific,  historical  method  of  the  times,  in 
which  quotations  are  rare,  and  things  omitted 
which  are  commonly  known,  it  would  yet  seem 
that  there  should  be  in  the  addresses  of  the  people, 
of  Samuel,  and  of  Jehovah,  some  recognition  of 
the  fact  that  this  was  a  thing  which  did  not  make 
its  first  appearance  now,  and  some  reference  to  the 
obligations  imposed  on  the  king  in  the  Mosaic 
Law.  But,  is  there  no  recognition  in  the  later 
transaction  of  the  earlier  law  ?  If  we  compare  the 
two,  we  shrill  find  the  relation  between  them  to  be 
the  following:  the  form  of  demand  in  Deut.  xvii. 
14  is  given  almost  verbatim  in  1  Sam.  viii.  5,  but 
the  former  adds  "about  me,"  while  the  latter  adds 
the  ground  of  the  desire,  "  that  he  may  be  judicial 
and  military  head;"  for  choice  by  Jehovah  in 
Deut.  (ver.  15),  we  have  choice  by  the  people  in 
1  Sam.  (ver.  18) ;  and  by  Jehovah  (x.  24) ;  the  refe- 
rence to  horses  is  nearly  the  same  in  form  in  both, 
but  in  tone  quite  diiferent,  Deut.  ver.  16 ;  1  Sam. 
viii.  1 1 ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  mention  of  re- 
turning to  Egypt,  of  wives,  silver  and  gold,  and 
the  study  of  the  law  (Deut.  vers.  17-20)  is  not  found 
in  Samuel.  It  will  be  seen  from  this  comparison, 
and  still  more  from  a  comparison  of  tlie  whole 
tone  and  drift  in  the  two,  that  the  act  described 
here  was  probably  performed  without  reference  to 
the  statute  in  Deut.;  that  tlie  desire  of  the  people 
was  a  natural,  historical  growth,  and  the  course 
of  events  wa.s  determined  by  the  circumstances  of 
the  time.  So  in  the  history  of  Gideon  we  see  a 
similar  unconsciousness  of  the  Deuteronomic  sta- 
tute (though  there  is  recognition  of  the  theocracy), 
and  a  similar  determination  of  action  by  existing 
circumstances.  Where,  then,  was  the  Mosaic  law 
all  this  time?  and  was  Samuel  ignorant  of  it? 
The  answer  to  these  questions  seems  to  be  sug- 
gested by  the  statement  in  1  Sam.  x.  25,  in  which 
there  are  three  distinct  affirmations:  1)  "that  Sa- 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-22. 


137 


muel  told  the  peoi)le  the  law  or  manner  of  the 
kingdom,  which  is  plainly  different  from  the  law 
of  the  king  in  ch^.  viii.,  and  is  most  naturally  to 
be  identified  with  Deut.  xvii.  14-17 ;  2)  that  he 
wrote  this  law  in  a  book ;  and  3)  that  he  put  it 
somewhere  in  safe  keeping.  It  seems  probable, 
therefore,  that  we  have  here  the  political  adoption 
of  the  essence  of  the  Mosaic  "law  of  the  king" 
(which,  in  its  prohibition  of  a  return  to  Egypt,  for 
example,  has  the  stamp  of  Mosaic  times).  The 
law  had  been  announced  by  Moses,  transmitted 
through  the  priests,  and  was  known  to  Samuel 
(though  perhaps  not  generally  known  among  the 
people).  But  it  was  a  permission  of  royalty 
merely,  not  an  injunction,  and  its  existence  did 
not  diminish  the  people's  sin  of  superficial,  nnspi- 
ritual  longing  for  outward  guidance,  nor  prove  at 
first  to  Samuel  that  the  time  for  its  application 
had  come.  He  therefore  says  nothing  about  it. 
But  when  the  transaction  is  concluded,  the  king 
actually  chosen,  then  he  announces  the  law,  and 
with  obvious  propriety  commits  it  in  its  constitu- 
tional form  to  writing,  and  deposits  it  before  Je- 
hovah as  a  part  of  the  theocratic  constitution. 
Thus  the  history  seems  to  become  natural  and  in- 
telligible when  regarded  as  exhibiting  Samuel's 
doubts  as  to  whether  the  proper  time  had  come  for 
the  historical  realization  of  what  Moses  puts  merely 
as  a  possibility.  Apparently  Samuel  was  not  in 
sympathy  with  the  movement,  and  seems  to  have 
felt  after  this  that  he  had  outlived  his  time. — Tb.] 

HOMILETICAL   AND    PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-3.  Stakke  :  Even  good  intentions  do 
not  always  turn  out  well,  but  often  fall  through. 
— Upright  parents  cannot  always  be  blamed  for 
it,  if  their  children  turn  out  badly. — Avarice  is  a 
root  of  all  evils,  1  Tim.  vi.  9,  10 ;  earnestly  to 
avoid  it  is  a  great  part  of  the  wisdom  of  the 
righteous.— Calvin  :  Parents  should  feel  the 
duty  laid  upon  them,  amid  great  anxiety  and 
sorrow,  to  pray  to  God  for  the  prosperity  of  their 
children,  and  with  earnest  admonitions  diligently 
to  hold  them  to  the  task  of  making  their  life  holy. 
They  should  earnestly  beg  God  to  lead  and 
govern  by  His  Holy  Spirit  the  children  whom 
He  has  given  them,  and  to  let  the  mercy  which 
has  been  their  own  portion  pass  over  to  their 
children  also,  and  to  grant  them  the  gift  of  per- 
severance and  constancy.  For  if  so  holy  and 
exalted  a  prophet  was  not  spared  the  having  such 
wicked  and  corrupt  sons,  how  will  it  be  with 
those  who  are  far  removed  from  his  piety. 

Vers.  4-6.  Stakke:  Even  good  things  may 
sometimes  be  ill  desired.  A  pious  government 
is  greatly  pained  when  it  traces  among  its  subjects 
nothing  but  mere  ingratitude. — Ceameb  :  When 
something  disagreeable  and  repugnant  befalls  us, 
we  can  better  bring  it  home  to  no  one  than  to 
God ;  for  He  consoles  the  lowly,  2  Cor.  vii.  6. — 
Calvin  :  We  ought,  when  anything  is  done  or 
said  against  the  honor  of  God,  to  be  aroused  and 
zealous,  but  not  to  suffer  ourselves  to  be  provoked 


when  in  regard  to  ourselves  or  ours  an  injustice 
is  done  us. 

Vers.  7-9.  Stabke:  What  is  done  to  servants 
of  God,  God  accepts  as  done  to  Himself,  Acts  ix. 
5. — Berleb.  Bible:  God  hears  in  manifold 
ways  when  we  cry  to  Him  for  human  guidance, 
and  then  we  imagine  we  have  obtained  a  great 
favor.  But  what  a  great  misfortune  it  is  when 
one  draws  himself  off  from  the  richly  instructive 
guidance  of  the  Lord,  to  allow  Himself  to  be  led 
by  creatures  which  withdraw  us  from  the  gui- 
dance of  God  I  Then  from  freemen,  which  we 
formerly  were,  we  become  mere  bondmen,  and 
can  also  rightly  say,  if  onlj^  we  are  so  happy  as 
to  forsake  the  human  guidance:  "O  Lord  our 
God,  other  lords  beside  thee  have  had  dominion 
over  us;  but  by  thee  only  will  we  make  mention 
of  thy  name"  (Isa.  xxvi.  13).  An  upright  guide 
like  Samuel  does  not  appropriate  to  himself  the 
souls  of  men,  but  guides  them  to  God,  and  serves 
only  the  purpose  of  bringing  them  to  Him. — 
WuEETEMB.  Bible:  Old  sins  are  not  forgotten 
with  God,  if  they  are  all  the  time  kept  up,  and 
not  repented  of  (Ex.  xxxii.  34). — Schmid:  The 
fountain  of  all  sins  is  in  not  fearing  God ;  and  he 
who  fears  not  to  sin  against  God,  also  fears  not  to 
sin  against  men. — Ver.  9.  Schmid:  If  God  has 
cn-use  enough  to  punish,  yet  out  of  His  long-suf- 
fering He  will  also  have  cause  enough  merely  to 
chide  and  admonish  (Hos.  xi.  8,  9). 

Vers.  15,  16.  Beeleb.  Bible:  If  we  owe  so 
much  to  the  earthly  king,  what  do  we  not  owe  to 
the  heavenly  king?  O  Thou  King  of  Glory,  do 
but  come  and  reign  over  us  1  Let  Thy  kingdom 
come  to  us !  Lift  up  your  heads,  ye  everlasting 
doors,  and  the  King  of  Glory  shall  come  in. — 
[Ver.  18.  Ories  thai  will  not  be  heard:  1)  Self-will 
often  brings  us  into  distress.  2)  This  distress 
makes  us  cry  to  the  Lord.  3)  Such  cries  the 
Lord  does  not  promise  to  hear. — Te.] — Ver.  19. 
Schmid:  Among  wretched  men  there  is  no  con- 
stancy save  in  wickedness  (Isa.  v.  18). — Calvin  : 
AVe  learn  here  how  God,  according  to  His  right- 
eous judgment,  blinds  men  and  gives  them  up  to 
error,  when  they  persistently  go  after  their  fool- 
ish and  perverse  desires.  'Therefore  we  ought  to 
learn  from  this  example  to  be  wise,  that  when  we 
are  entangled  in  sore  temptations,  we  may  not 
give  too  much  room  to  our  own  plans  and  thoughts, 
as  if  they  rested  on  a  firm  foundation  and  were 
wholesome.  We  will  beg  God  to  rule  us  by  His 
Spirit,  and  not  to  give  us  over  to  ourselves,  and 
not  even  in  the  least  to  suffer  us  to  depart  from 
His  Word,  but  rather  work  in  us  that  that  Word 
may  maintain  its  dominion  over  us,  and  we  may 
rejoice  in  its  guidance. — Ver.  21.  Staeke:  A 
Christian  should  bewail  and  tell  his  need  to  no 
one  rather  than  to  the  faithful  God,  and  learn 
from  Him  how  he  shall  rightly  behave  himself. — 
Ver.  22.  S.  Schmid:  God's  forbearance  should 
not  confirm  men  in  wickedness,  as  if  it  were  well 
done,  but  should  lead  them  to  repentance,  that 
thev  may  at  last  recognize  their  unrighteousness 
(Ps".  I.  21). 


138  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


II.  Samud  meets  Satd  and  Learns  that  he  is  Destined  by  God  to  be  King  meir  Israd. 
Chaptee  IX.  1-27. 

1  Now  [Aitd]  there  was  a  man  of  Benjamin,  whose  name  was  Kish,  the  son  of 
Abiel,  the  son  of  Zeror,  the  son  of  Bechorath,  the  son  of  Aphiah/  [ins.  the  son  of ^ 

2  a  Benjamite,  a  mighty  man  of  power.'  And  he  had  a  son  whose  name  was  Saul,  a 
choice  young  man  and  a  goodly  [young  and  goodly*]  ;  and  there  was  not  among 
the  children  of  Israel  a  goodlier  person  than  he ;  from  the  shoulders  and  upward 
he  was  higher  than  any  of  the  people. 

3  And  the  asses"  of  Kish,  Saul's  father,  were  lost.     And  Kish  said  to  Saul,  his 

4  son,  Take  now  one  of  the  servants  with  thee,  and  arise,  go  seek  the  asses.  And  he 
passed  through'  mount  Ephraim  [the  hill-country  of  Ephraim],  and  passed  through 
the  land  of  Shalisha,  but  [and]  they  found  them  not,  then  [and]  they  passed  through 
the  land  of'Shalim  [Shaalim],  and  there  they  were  not,  and  he  passed  through  the 

5  land  of  the  Benjamites,' but  [and]  they  fouud  them  not.  And  [oin  and]  when 
they°  were  come  to  the  land  of  Zuph,  Saul  said  to  his  servant  that  was  with  him. 
Come  and  let  us  return,  lest  my  father  leave  caring  for  the  asses  and  take  thought 

6  for  [be  anxious  ab  )nt°]  us.  And  he  said  unto  [to]  him.  Behold,  now,  there  is  in 
this  city  a  man  of  God,'"  and  he  is  an  honorable"  man  [the  man  is  honorable]  ;  all 
that  he  saith  cometh  surely  to  pass ;  now  let  us  go  thither ;  perad venture  he  can 

7  [will]  show  us  our  way  that  we  should  go"  Then  said  Saul  [And  Saul  said]  to  his  ser- 
vant, But,  [And]  behold,  if  we  go,  what  shall  we  bring  the  man?  for  the  bread  is  spent 
in  our  vessels,  and  there  is  not  a  present  to  bring  to  the  man  of  God  ;  what  have 

8  we  ?  And  the  servant  answered  Saul  again  and  said.  Behold,  I  have  here  at  hand 
the  fourth  part  of  a  shekel  of  sil  ^er,  that  will  I  give  [and  I"  will  give  it]  to  the 

9  man  of  God  to  tell  [that  he  may  show]  us  our  way.  (Beforetime  in  Israel,  when  a 
man  went  to  inquire  of  God,  thus  he  spake.  Come  and  let  us  go  to  the  seer ;  for  he 

10  that  is  now"  called  a  prophet  was  beforetime  called  a  seer.)  Then  said  Saul  [And 
Saul  said]  to  his  servant.  Well  said ;  come,  let  us  go.  So  [And]  they  went  unto 
the  city  where  the  man  of  God  was. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  rVer.  1.  These  names  are  given  differently  in  tlie  Sept.    See  Exegesis,  in  loco.—Ts..'] 

'  [Ver.  1.  Tliis  plirase  is  a  somewiiat  strange  one.  Tiie  word  "  son  "  Is  found  in  Heh.  Gr.,  Lat.,  Chald.,  omitted 
in  Syr.,  Arab.,  and  is  probably  a  part  of  the  text ;  but  it  is  strange  that  it  is  not  followed  by  a  propeV  name,  and 
suggests  an  omission  or  error  in  the  following  words,  which,  however,  cannot  now  be  determined.  Before  the 
first  "Benjamin"  Wellhausen  suggests  the  insertion  of  "Gibeah  of." — Te.] 

'  [Ver.  1.  By  Erdmann  and  others  rendered  "  wealth,"  but  not  so  well.    See  Exposition.— Tk.] 
4  I  Ver.  2.  The  word  nn3  is  often  used  of  youth  merely,  so  that  the  rendering :  "  choice  young  man "  (Erd- 
mann, auserlesen),  is  hardly  warranted.    But,  as  it  seems  to  differ  from  "lj;j  (which  is  the  word  here  used  of  the 

servant)  in  designating  the  vigorous  time  of  youth,  the  phrase  might  be  translated:  "in  the  prime  of  youth  and 
goodly."— Te.] 

6  [Ver.  3.  Properly  "  she-asses." — Te.] 

•  [Ver.  4.  Or:  "he  passed  over  into,"  and  so  in  the  other  cases.- Tk.] 
j  »  ^''-  *•  '  The  land  of  Jemini  or  the  Jeminites,"  no  doubt  for  "  Benjaminites,"  the  compound  being  resolved. 

■  ii!  '-Ymo  ^'  V^-^  remarkable  variation  of  grammatical  Number  here  and  in  ver.  4  has  produced  various  readings 
in  the  VSS.  and  in  a  few  MSS.  The  Sept.  and  Vulg.  write  plural  throughout,  while  Chald.,  Syr.  and  Arab,  make 
all  the  verba  passed  through  "  Sing.,  both  apparently  assimilations  for  the  sake  of  simplicity.  The  harder  read- 
ing of  the  Heb.  is  better  retained.— Te.] 

»  (Ver. 6.  The  English  phrase:  "take  thought  for"  (as  in  Matt.  vi.  34),  has  now  lost  its  sense  of  trouble  and 
anxiety.— Tb.] 

10  [Ver.  6.  Elohim,  without  the  Art.,  but  here  evidently  for  the  true  God  of  Israel.  On  the  supposed  difference 
between  the  arthrous  and  anarthrous  use  of  the  word,  see  Quarry  on  Genesis,  and  Bib.  Comm.  in  loeo.—Ts.A 

12  fu®"''  ?■  ^''°P®'''y'  "  honored,"  "  esteemed."— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  6.  Perhaps,  better :  "  on  which  we  are  going,"  or :  "in  respect  to  which  we  are  going."    To"goaway" 

is  usually  "jIT  l^n,  and  1"nn  S;;  is  "  on  the  side  of  the  way ;"  in  any  ease,  however,  the  verb  (which  is  a 

Perf.)  is  better  taken  as  Pros,  or  Put.,  and  not  as  Past,  as  Erdmann  renders.    The  VSS.  also  translate  it  past. 

ra.J 

18  [Ver.  8.  Sept.:  "thou  ehalt  give,"  which  Wellhausen  prefers;  Chald.,  Syr.,  Vulg.,  Arab.-  "we  will  give.'' 
These  are  probably  variations  for  the  sake  of  propriety.- Te.) 

"  [Ver.  9.  Sept. :  "  for  the  people  (□  wn  for  OVT])  formerly  called  the  prophet  the  seer,"  an  obvious  and  un- 
fortunate misreading. — Te.J  r     r  , 


CHAP.  IX.  1.-27.  139 


11  And  [pm.  and]  as  they  went  up  [were  going  up"]  the  hill  to  [on  which  was"] 
the  city,  they  found  [came  upon]  young  maidens  going  out  to  draw  water,  and  said 

12  unto  them,  Is  the  seer  here?  And  they  answered  them  and  said.  He  is;  behold, 
he  is  before  you  [thee] ;  make  haste,"  now,  for  he  came  to-day"  to  the  city,  for 

13  there  is  a  sacrifice  of  the  people  to-day  in  [on]  the  high  place ;  As  soon  as  ye  be 
come  into  the  city,  ye  shall  straightway  find  him,  before  he  go  up  to  the  high  place 
to  eat ;  for  the  people  will  not  eat  until  he  come,  because  he  doth  bless  the  sacrifice ; 
and  [pm.  and]  afterwards  they  eat  that  be  bidden.     Now  therefore  [And  now]  get 

14  you  up,  for  [ins.  he'*],  about  this  time  ye  shall  find  him.  And  they  went  up  into 
[to]  the  city ;  and  [om.  and]  when  they  were  come  [As  they  were  going]  into  the 
city,  behold,  Samuel  came  out  [was  coming  out]  against  [towards]  them,  for  [om. 

15  for]  to  go  up  to  the  high  place.     Now  [And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  told  Samuel ' 

16  in  his  ear  [had  informed  Samuel"]  a  day  before  Saul  came,  saying,  To-morruw, 
about  this  time  [About  this  time  to-morrow]  I  will  send  thee  a  man  out  of  the  land 
of  Benjamin,  and  thou  shalt  anoint  him  to  be  captain  [prince]  over  my  people 
Israel,  that  he  may  [and  he  shall]  save  my  people  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philis- 
tines ;  for  I  have  looked  upon  my  people,*"  because  their  cry  is  come  unto  me. 

17  And  when  [om.  when]  Samuel  saw  iSaul,  [ins.  and]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto 
[answered]  him.  Behold  the  man  whom  I  spake  to  thee  of!  this  same  [the  man  of 
whom  I  said  to  thee,  he]  shall  reign  over  my  people. 

18  Then  [And]  Saul  drew  near  to  Samuel  in  the  gate,"  and  said,  Tell  me,  I  pray 

19  thee,  where  the  seer's  house  is.  And  Samuel  answered  Saul,  and  said,  I  am  the 
seer ;  go  up  before  me  unto  the  high  place,  for  [and]  ye  shall  eat  with  me  to-day, 
and  to-morrow  I  will  let  thee  go,  and  will  tell  thee  all  that  is  in  thine  heart  [and  I 

20  will  let  thee  go  in  the  morning,  and  all  that  is  in  thy  heart  I  will  tell  thee].  And 
as  for  thine  asses,  that  were  lost  three  days  ago,  set  not  thy  mind  on  them ;  for  they 
are  found.  And  on  whom  is  all  the  desire  of  Israel  [And  to  whom  belongs  all 
that  is  desirable^^  in  Israel]  ?  is  it  not  on  [does  it  not  belong  to]  thee,  and  on  [to] 

21  all  thy  father's  house?  And  Saul  answered  and  said.  Am  not  I  a  Benjamite,  of 
the  smallest  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  ?  and  my  family  the  least  of  all  the  families  of 
the  tribe'^  of  Benjamin  ?  [ins.  and]  wherefore  then  [om.  then]  speakest  thou  so  to 

22  me?  And  Samuel  took  Saul  and  his  servant,  and  brought  them  into  the  parlor 
[eating-room],  and  made  them  sit  in  the  chiefest  place  among  [and  gave  them  a 
place  at  the  head  of]  them  that  were  bidden,  which  [and  they]  were  about  thirty" 

23  persons.     And  Samuel  said  unto  [to]  the  cook.  Bring  the  portion  which  I  gave 

24  thee,  of  which  I  said  unto  thee.  Set  it  by  thee.  And  the  cook  took  up  the  shoulder, 
and  that  which  was  upon  it,  and  set  it  before  Saul,  and  Samuel  [om.  Samuel, 
ins.  he'^]  said,  Behold  that  which  is  left !  set  it  before  thee  [what  was  reserved  is 

»  [Ver.  11.  A  peculiar  construction  (nSH  with  Partcp.),  which  occurs  no  less  than  six  times  in  this  chapter. 

Ta.] 

M  [Ver.  11.  Literally:  "the  ascent  of  the  city."— Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  12.  Sept. :  "  Behold,  he  is  before  you,  now  on  account  of  the  day  he  is  come  to  the  city."  They  there- 
fore attached  the  first  letter  of  nno  to  the  preceding  word,  and  omitted  the  rest,  and  instead  of  Di»n  '3  read 
D'l'n3  as  in  the  latter  partxjf  the'Verse.    Wellhausen  urges  the  adoption  of  this  second  reading  on  the  ground 

that'we  thus  avoid  the  statement  that  Samuel  had  that  very  day  oome  to  the  9^^/ jT°";.f>'°^^x  ^'^,"=ij  ?« «"« l^; 
onnsiBtent  with  vers  23  24  and  savs  that  the  "  hasten  "  of  the  maidens  is  unintelligible,  based,  as  it  is,  on  tiie 
Sthl'  Samuel  had  j^st  come.  The  "  for,"  however  must  not  be  pressed ;  it  -^Pft ''^'^duces^toe  expla^^^^^^^ 
of  the  eaimr  maidens  and  such  usaee  is  frequent  in  Heb.    The  other  variation  of  the  Sept.  commenas  itseii  as 
SitollS  aroropdite:  "hfhas '^^^^  the  city."    The  Sing,  of  the  ^ddr«s«  i°  v-^L^  "^f  3^°*  KusI 

us;  the  maidens  direct  their  discourse  chiefly  to  Saul,  who  was  evidently  the  master  (the  Midrash  says,  because 
they  were  attracted  by  his  beauty).— Tb.] 

18  [Ver.  13.  The  Heb.  inserts  an  emphatic  Accus.,  which  It  is  desirable  to  retain  in  the  translation,  Eng.  idiom, 
however,  requiring  the  Nom. — Tb.] 

>»  rver  15   Literally:  "uncovered  the  ear  of  Samuel,"  made  a  disclosure  to  him.— Tb.] 

»  rvpr  IK  Sent  •  -'the  affliction  of  my  people,"  a  natural  but  unnecessary  insertion.— 1E.J  ...,,„  „„„ 

a  [vlf;  Is  Instead  of  "gate"  n^ty),'^lept^aid  one  MS.  of  De  Eossi  read  "city"  (1';;),  which  suits  the  con- 
nection  better.— Te.]  ,  _   ,  ,,1  ^„„^ti, 

2  [Ver.  20.  So  all  ancient  VSS.  and  modem  interpreters ;  Philippson,  munscherwwerth,  Brdmann,  begehrer^erth, 
C&hen,  objet  deeirabie. — Te.]  ,        ...      .  .  ^ .       „j„, 

»  [Ver.  21.  In  the  Heb.  "  tribes,"  which  is  generally  regarded  as  an  error  of  copyist,  though  it  might  be  under- 
stood as  referring  to  families,  see  Num.  iv.  18;  Judg.  xx.  12.— Te.] 

»  [Ver.  22.  Sept.  has  70,  instead  of  30.— Te.]  . 

25  IVer  94  The  subiect  of  the  verb  may  be  Samuel  or  the  cook,  and,  on  grammatical  grounds,  is  more  proba- 
bly thi  Mter  into^'hofe  moUh  thfwords'^may  be  very  well  put,  the  "since  I  said"  below  not  being  m  the  Heb. 
text.    Erdmann  holds  a  different  opinion ;  see  Exposition,  m  loco.— la.} 


140 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


set^  before  thee]  ;  and  [om.  and]  eat,  for  unto  this  time  hath  it  been  kept  for  thee 
since  I  said  «  I  have  invited  the  people.     So  [And]  8aul  did  eat  with  bamuel  that 

25  *And  when  they  were  come  [And  they  came]  down  from  the  high  place  unto  [to] 
the  city  Samuel  torn.  Samuel,  im.  and  he]  communed  [spake]  with  baul  upon  the 

26  top  of  the  house  [the  roof].  And  they  arose  early ;;»  and  it  came  to  paas  about 
the  spring  of  the  day  [at  day-dawn]  that  Samuel  called  Ima.  to]  Saul  to  [on]  the 
top  of  thi  house  [roof],  saying,  Up  [Rise],  that  I  may  [and  I  will]  send  thee  away. 
And  Saul  arose,  and  they  went  out  both  of  them,  he  and  bamuel,  abroad  [on  the 

27  street].  And  [om.  and]  as  they  were  going  down  to  the  end  of  the  city,  bamuel 
said  to  Saul,  Bid  the  servant  pass  on  before  us  (and  he  passed  ou»;  but  [and] 
stand  thou  still  a  while,  that  I  may  [and  I  will]  show  [tell]  thee  the  word  oi 
God. 

«  fVer.  24.  This  w.ord  (D'ty)  is  taken  by  the  ancient  VSS.  and  Eng.  A.  V.  as  Impv.,  but  better,  with  Erdmann, 

27  rvBr  21  On  the  text  of  this  obscure  passage  see  Exposition  irt  toco. — Ta.]  .      .,      „. 

I   Verie'  The  Septtext  of  vers  26,  2b^  commends  iteelt  by  its  simplicity  and  conoinnity:  "into  the  city, 
and  they  s^ead  (a  be<J)  for  Saul  on  the  ^of,  and  he  lay  down.    And  it  oame  to  pass,    eU.    See  discussion  in  Ex- 

'^""'^"l  y'ct.^:^  This  remark'is  lacking  in  Sept.  Vat.  (but  not  Alex.),  Syr.  and  Arab.,  and  is  probably  a  gloss.  The 
Syriao  (aa  Weilhausen  points  out)  adis  a  similar  remark  at  end  of  ver  3 :  "__and  Saul  arose  and  departed,  and  took 
with  him  one  of  the  servants,  and  departed  to  seek  the  asses  ot  his  father.  — iE.J 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1,  2.  Saul's/am%  and  person. — The  state- 
ment that  Kish  was  the  son  of  Abiel  is  opposed  to 
that  of  1  Chr.  viii.  33  ;  Lx.  39,  according  to  which 
Ner  was  the  father  of  Kiah,  but  agrees  with  1 
Sam.  xiv.  51,  according  to  which  Ner  was  the 
father  of  Abner  and  the  son  of  Abiel,  and  there- 
fore the  brother  of  Kish.     This  difference  is  not 
to  be  set  aside  by  the  arbitrary  assumption  that 
Ner  in  Chron.  is  not  the  father,  but  the  grand- 
father, or  a  still  remoter  ancestor  of  Kish  (Keil), 
but  the  statement  in  Chron  is  to  be  corrected  by 
this  and  xiv.  51.     [Keil's  supposition  of  an  omit- 
ted name  in  the  list  is  scarcely  "  arbitrary,"  since 
such  omissions  are  elsewhere  found  in  genealo- 
gical records.    To  construct  Saul's  genealogy  it  is 
natural  to  compare  the  various  statements  in  the 
Scriptures,  and  attempt  to  make  them  accord. 
Bringing  together  Gen.  xlvi.  2 ;  1  Sam.  ix.  1 ;  xiv. 
51 ;  1  Chr.  vii.  6-8;  viii.  29-33;  ix.  35-39,  the 
following  line  maybe  made  out:     1.  Benjamin. 
2.  Becher.  3.  Aphiah — perhaps  same  with  Abiah. 
4.  Bechorath.     5.  Zeror  or  Zur.     6.  Abiel  or  Je- 
hiel.    7.  Ner.    8.  Kish.    9.  Saul,  in  which,  how- 
ever, some  links  may  be  omitted,  as  Matri,  men- 
tioned 1  Sam.  chap.  x.  21.     Abner  is  thus  Saul's 
uncle,  as  in  xiv.  50.    If  Ehud  in  1  Chr.  vii.  10  be 
the  judge  of  that  name  (.ludg.  iii.),  he  was  not  of 
the  same  family  with  Saul.     In  1  Chr.  ix.  35  Je- 
hiel,  the  ancestor  of  Saul,  is  said  to  have  been  the 
father,  that  is,  the  first  settler  of  Gibeon;  but  it  is 
uncertain  how  far  back  we  have  to  put  him.   The 
name   "Saul"   was  borne  by  others,   see  Gen. 
xxxvi.  37,  38,  xlvi.  10;  1  Chr.  vi.  24;  Acts  vii. 
58.      See  Bih.  Diets.,  s.  v.   Ner  and  Saul,   and 
Comms.   on   "Chronicles."  —  Tb.].     The  phrase 

h]n  ni'3J  [Eng.  A.V.  "a  mighty  man  of  power"] 
here  means  a  rich  well-to-do  man  (Ges.,  De  Wette) 
and  not  as  in  xvi.  18,  a  strong,  valiant  man  (Vul- 
gate, Cler.,  Then.) ;  for  it  undoubtedly  refers  to 
Kish,  who  is,  indeed,  "  not  represented  in  the  his- 
tory as  spedcdly  wealthy "  (Then.),  but  is  all  the 


more  distinctly  described  as  in  easy  circumstances 
and  prosperous.  It  is  intended  to  state  that  Saul 
came  from  a  substantial  family.  This  accords 
much  better  with  the  connection  than  the  repre- 
sentation of  him  as  a  man  of  vigor  and  strength 
by  the  statement  that  his  father  was  a  valiant  man. 
— The  genealogical  statement  about  Saul's  descent 
is  followed  (ver.  2)  by  a  short  description  of  his 
person.  The  name  Savi  means  the  "  asked " 
(comp.  Gen.  xlvi.  10) ;  "it  occurs  frequently,  and 
was,  probably,  usually  the  name  of  the  desired 
(asked)  first-bom"  (Then.).  Saul  was  a  choice 
and  handsome  man.  ^^^3  is  to  be  rendered  electus 

T 

(Vulg.),*  not  only  because  he  had  a  grown  son 
(xiii.  1-3),  but  also  because  it  is  expressly  said 
(x.  24)  that  the  Lord  elected  and  cho.se  him,  be- 
cause his  like  was  not  to  be  found  in  all  the  peo- 
ple, that  is,  in  respect  to  his  distinguished  personal 
appearance;  in  spite  of  the  first-mentioned  fact, 
he  might  else  still  have  ranked  as  a  young  man. 
He  excelled  all  other  Israelites  both  in  warlike 
beauty  and  in  height,  according  to  the  vivid  de- 
scription "  from  the  shoulder  upward  ;"  his  per- 
son was  in  keeping  with  the  lofty  position  to 
which,  as  ruler  over  Israel,  he  was  chosen  by  God, 
as  is  expressly  said  in  x.  24.f 

Vers.  3-10.  The  occasion  of  SaitTs  meeting  vdlh 
Samuel:  The  loss  of  and  search  for  the  asses  of 
Kish. — Ver.  3.  Kish's  preparations  for  recovering 
the  lost  asses  show  him  to  be  a  substantial  and 
propertied  man.  His  command  to  his  son  "  take 
a  servant,  ai-ise,  go,  seek,"  gives  a  vivid  de.scrip- 
tion  of  what  occurred.  Vers.  4  sqq.  contain  a  simi- 
larly fresh  and  animated  description  of  Saul's 
wandering  search  with  his  servant.  The  mention 
of  the  hill-country  of  JEphraim  first  as  scene  of  the 
search  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  these  hills 
stretched  from  the  north  down  into  the  territory 
of  Benjamin,  and  Qibeah,  Saul's  home  and  start- 


*  [The  rendering  "in  the  prime  of  youth"  (which 
might  be  forty  years)  suits  the  first  of  these  two  facts, 
and  the  second  cannot  be  pressed,  because  the  word  is 
often  used  where  this  fact  does  not  exist.  See  Text, 
and  Gram. — Te.] 

t  [On  the  ancient  regard  for  physical  greatness,  see 
Synopsis  Orit;  Kitto,  Daily  Bib.  III. — Ta.] 


CHAP.  IX.  1-27. 


141 


ing-point  (comp.  x.  26;  xi.  4;  xv.  34;  xxiii.  19; 
xxvi.  1)  lay  on  their  slope.  The  land  of  ShaUsha, 
which  they  next  traversed,  probably  takes  its  name 

from  E'^K'  ["three"],  because  there  three  val- 
leys united  in  one,  or  one  divided  into  three  = 
ThreelarCd  (see  Then,  in  Kauffer's  Stud.  d.  siwhs. 
GeisU.  XL,  142) ;  it  is  the  region  in  which,  accord- 
ing to  2  Kings  iv.  42,  Baalshalisha  lay  [15  miles 
north  of  Diospolis  or  Lydda. — Tb.].  Thereupon 
they  traversed  the  land  of  Shaalim,  according  to 

Then.,  "  perhaps  a  very  deep  valley  (comp.  ^iiv 

'  the  hollow  of  the  hand,'  and    'J'K'p  '  a  hollow  or 
narrow  way'"),  probably  the  region  which  lay 
eastward  from  Shaliaha,  where  on  the  maps  of 
Kobinson  and  Vandevelde  the  Beni  Mussah  and 
'Beai  Salem  are  marked  (comp.  Keilim  loco).*  The 
next  statement  that  they  traversed  the  land  of 
Benjamin,  indicates  that  from  Shaalim  they  go 
from  north-east  to  south-west.    Thence  they  came 
into  the  land  of  Zuph,  which,  as  Keil  supposes, 
lay  on  the  south-west  of  the  tribe-terrifory  of  Ben- 
jamin, since  "  Saul  and  his  follower  on  the  return 
home  pass  first  (x.  2)  by  the  tomb  of  Rachel,  and 
then  come  to  the  border  of  Benjamin." — [Kitto 
remarks  that  Saul's  tender  regard  for  his  father's 
feelings  (ver.  5)  is  a  favorable  indication  of  cha- 
racter.—Tb.]. — Ver.  6.  The  servant  prevents  Saul 
from  returning  home  immediately,  pointing  out 
to  him  the  city  before  him  standing  on  an  emi- 
nence, where  they  would  find  the  man  of  God, 
who  would  perhaps  tell  them  how  they  might  at- 
tain the  object  of  their  search.     The  uxxy,  on  which 
they  came,f  is  the  way  on  which  they  now  are, 
that  they  may  find  what  they  are  seeking ;  the 
seer  will  now  perhaps  tell  them  the  direction  in 
which  they  must  go  on  this  way,  in  order  to  find 
the  asses.    From  the  connection  of  the  whole  his- 
tory of  Samuel  the  city  can  be  no  other  than  his 
residence,  Ramathaim  (or,  Eamah)  Zophim  (ch. 
i.  1),  that  is,  in  the  district  of  Zuph,  in  the  Tribe 
of  Benjamin  (Josh,  xviii.  25).     Keil  is  wrong  in 
pressing  against  this  general  assumption  the  fact 
that  the  servant  does  not  say  "  here  dwells,"  but 
"here  is"  a  man  of  God,  which  is  plainly  far- 
fetched.   Equally  forced  is  his  explanation  of  the 
answer  of  the  maidens  (ver.  12) :    "  He  came  to- 
day to  the  city,  for  there  is  a  great  sacrifice  of  the 
people  on  the  high-place,"  from  which  he  infers 
that  the  seer's  house  was  not  in  the  city,  but  that 
he  had  only  come  thither  to  the  sacrificial  feast ; 
their  answer  rather  confirms  the  former  view, 
since  the  question  "is  the  seer  heref"  referred  to 
the  city,  while  the  place  of  offering  was  on  the 
eminence  behind  the  city,  where  Samuel  in  those 
days  worked  and  dwelt.     Samuel  has  his  rm- 
denm  in  this  city  (comp.  ver.  25  with  ver.  18) ; 
Keil's  supposition  of  a  temporary  residence,  which 
he  occupied  during  his  presence  at  the  festival,  is 
wholly  untenable.     As  Samuel  had  built  an  altar 
to  the  Lord  at  Eamah  (vii.  17),  it  is  more  natural 
to  think  of  this  residence  of  Samuel  than  of  any 
other  place,  the  name  of  which  would  no  doubt 
otherwise  have  been  given.     Finally,  it  is  to  be 
added  that  Samuel  is  known  to  the  servant,  and 


•  [Others  render  "  jackal-land,"  and  rpfer  to  Shual  (I 
Sam.  xiii.  17),  orShaalbim  ( Jiidg.  i.  86)  in  the  territory  of 
Dan.    The  geography  is  altogether  uncertain.— Tb.T 

t  [On  the  rendering  see  Textual  and  Grammat.— Tb.] 


the  latter  knows  that  he  is  here.     On  the  other 
supposition,  how  should  he  know  that  Samuel 
was  here  precisely  at  this  time,  if  it  was  not  his 
residence  ?     [These  arguments  are  replied  to  in 
various  ways  by  expositors  who  hold  that  this 
city  was  not  Eamah.     But  Erdmann  is  undoubt- 
edly right  in  saying  that  the  impression  made  by 
this  narrative  is  that  it  was  Samuel's  residence  to 
which  Saul  came.     The  difficulty  lies  in  recon- 
ciling this  statement  with  the  itinerary  in  ch.  x. 
2-5.     See  the  exposition  and  translators  note  on 
ch.  i.  1.     As  Eadiel's  tomb  was  near  Bethlehem, 
and  Saul  was  going  towards  Bethel,  one  would 
suppose  the  city  in  ch.  ix.  to  be  south  or  south- 
west from  Bethlehem,  that  is,  not  in  the  territory 
of  Benjamin  at  all.    And  if  it  was  not  Eamah  it 
is  impossible  to  say  what  it  was. — It  is  worthy  of 
note  that  Saul  seems  to  know  nothing  about  Sa- 
muel; it  is  the  servant  that  knows  and  does  every- 
thing.    Saul  rather  appears  as  a  simple-minded 
rustic  youth,  who  has  rayely  left  his  pastoral  oc- 
cupations, and  knows  little  of  the  political  and 
religious  elements  of  the  time. — Tk.].— From  this 
passage  it  appears  (comp.  ver.  9)  that  the  earliest 
prophets  were  consulted  by  the  people  about  or- 
dinaiy  matters  of  life,  of  which  they  were  looked 
on  as  having  superior  knowledge.    It  is,  however, 
undetermined,  whether  Samuel  would  have  an- 
swered the  question  about  the  asses,  if  the  loss  of 
and  search  for  them  had  not  been,  according  to 
the  revelation  made  him  from  above,  the  divinely- 
appointed  means  for  bringing  him  into  connection 
with  the  person  of  the  designated  king. 

Vers.  7,  8.  Those  who  went  to  question  the 
prophets  carried  them  presents  (comp.  1  Kings 
xiv.  3).  These  are  in  the  first  place  to  be  re- 
garded as  hcmorary  gifts,  intended  to  show  respect. 
But  this  does  not  exclude  the  supposition  that 
they  depended  for  support  on  these  voluntary 
gifts  offered  in  return  for  information  desired. 
Saul  fears  that  he  has  no  gift  worthy  of  the  man, 
but  the  servant,  who  is  drawn  to  the  life,  is  ready 
with  the  reply:  "There  is  in  my  hand  (I  have 
here  ai  hand)  the  fourth  of  a  shekel  of  silver" 
(called  SMZ  ("I)  by  the  later  Jews,  see  Targ.  Jon. 
in  loc).  The  silver  shekel  and  its  parts  (i,  i,  i), 
are  not  pieces  weighed  in  transference,  but  already 
of  determined  weight  and  value,  coins  "  current 
with  the  merchant"  (Gen.  xxiii.  16),  which  wore 
"  counted."  The  Shekel  was  in  German  money 
about  26  silbergroschen,  the  (Quarter,  therefore 
about  6i  silbergroschen.  [There  is  no  means  of 
determining  precisely  the  value  of  the  shekel  in 
Samuel's  time.  In  our  Lord's  time  a  stater  == 
shekel  seems  to  have  been  about  70  cents  United 
States  currency,  and  a  quarter  about  18  (equiva- 
lent perhaps  to  two  dollars  now).  A  German 
Silbergroschen  is  about  2J  cents  m  our  currency 
There  is  no  evidence  that  coined  money  existed 
in  Israel  before  the  captivity,  and  the  first  native 
coins  were  probably  struck  some  centuries  after 
the  Eetum.-TB.].  The  Preterites  give  an  admi- 
rably true  picture  of  the  animated  manner  of  the 

servant,  who  is  intent  only  on  the  ?^}^<'\°l^^^" 
search,andwillinglymakesthesax;rificeofthemo- 

ney  for  the  asses.-Ver.  9.  "The  man"  {W  NH)  is 
the  indef.  subject  (Germ,  man  [Eng.  om]),  though 
the^rt.  makes  theindividual  personality  morepro- 
minent.  Ew.  Or.  ?  294  d.  An  express  difference  is 
made  here  between  the  ancient  designation  ot  the 


142 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


prophet  iJoeA  (HXT),  for  which  later  in  the  solemn, 
poetic  language  the  Bynonymous  Chozeh  (Htn 
"gazer")  was  used,  and  the  term  in  use  in  the 
author's  time  NaM  (S<'?J).  The  former  (Eoeh, 
seer),  pointa  only  to  the  form  in  which  "the  in- 
sight "  into  what  was  hidden  came  to  them,  the 
latter  (Nabi),  on  the  contrary,  "  to  the  source  of 
the  divinatory  insight,  to  ttod"  (Tholuck,  Die 
Propheten,  p.  21).  The  remark  in  ver.  9  belongs 
according  to  its  content  to  ver.  11. 

[Note  on  Boeh. — The  statement  in  ver.  9  has 
special  interest  in  connection  with  the  history  of 
prophetic  work  in  Israel.  The  three  terms  named 
above  have  each  its  peculiar  meaning  and  its 
special  use,  though  to  a  certain  extent  employed 
interchangeably.  Besides  in  this  chapter,  Moeh 
occurs  three  times  of  Samuel  (1  Chron.  ix.  22; 
xxvi.  28;  xxix.  29),  twice  of  Hanani  (2  Chron. 
xvi.  9,  10),  once  with  a  general  application  (Isa. 
XXX.  10),  and  once  apparently  of  Zadok  the 
priest  in  a  passage  (2  Sam.  xv.  27)  where  the 
text  is  somewhat  involved  in  suspicion;  it  is 
used,  that  is,  c.  B.  C.  1100-700.  Chozeh  is  found 
in  2  Sam.,  in  the  prophets,  and  in  Chron.,  about 
B.  C.  800^00.  Nahi  occurs  from  Gen.  to  Mai., 
in  nearly  every  book  of  the  Old  Testament.  As 
to  the  meaning,  Nabi  is  clearly  one  who  speaks 
for  God  (see  the  general  meaning  in  Ex.  vii.  1), 
announcing  or  representing  His  will  by  His  com- 
mand. Odozeh,  the  "  gazer,"  is  one  who  sees 
visions  of  God ;  the  verb,  where  it  means  "  be- 
hold," is  used  only  in  poetry,  and  always  of 
divine  visions,  and;  the  noun  was  employed  as 
synonymous  with  Nabi,  meaning  prophet  in  the 
foUest  sense.  So,  too,  Boeh  the  "seer,"  in  the 
one  passage  (Lsa.  xxx.  10)  where  it  occurs  with  a 
general  application,  is  used  as  synonymous  with 
Chozeh,  while  our  verse  here  affirms  the  substan- 
tial identity  of  Roeh  and  Nabi.  But,  as  the 
Nabi  always  claims  inspiration,  whether  he  be 
true  or  false,  we  must  regard  the  Roeh  also  as  an 
inspired  person.  Dr.  R.  Payne  Smith  {"Pro- 
phecy a  prep,  for  Christ,"  Lect.  II.)  holds  that  the 
Roeh  was  simply  a  man  of  acute  understanding, 
uninspired,  to  whom  the  people  were  in  the  habit 
of  resorting  for  advice  in  difficult  matters.  He 
bases  liis  view  chiefly  on  this  chapter,  and  espe- 
cially on  the  Sept.  reading  of  ver.  9 :  "  the  peopl-e 
called  Eoeh  him,"  etc.,  a  reading  which  can 
hardly  be  sustained ;  and,  for  the  reasons  given 
above,  it  seems  necessary  to  regard  the  Roeh  as 
inspired.  The  change  of  name  from  Roeh  to 
Nabi  and  Chozeh  had  its  ground  probably  in  the 
development  of  the  religiois  constitution.  Up 
to  some  time  before  the  author  of  "Samuel" 
wrote,  the  non-sacerdotal,  non-Levitical  religious 
teacher  was  one  distinguished  by  seeing  visions, 
or  by  seeing  into  the  will  of  God.  This  ia  God's 
definition  of  the  prophet  in  Num.  xii.  6;  it  is 
involved  in  1  Sam.  iii.  1,  15,  and  in  the  visions 
of  the  patriarchs.  The  Law  of  Moses  was  the 
complete  and  sufficient  guide  for  life  and  worship, 
and  it  was  only  in  special  individual  matters  that 
the  divine  direction  was  given,  and  then  it  was 
through  the  medium  of  a  vision.  He  who  saw 
the  vision  was  a  Roeh,  and  it  was  natural  enough 
that  he  should  be  consulted  by  the  people  about 
many  matters.  But  in  process  of  time  the  mecha- 
nicalness  and  deadness  to  which  the  legal  ritual 


constantly  tended  called  forth  an  order  of  men  who 
expounded  and  enforced  the  spirituality  of  the 
Law,  speaking  as  God  bade  them,  speaking  for 
God,  entering  as  a  prominent  element  into  the 
religious  life  of  the  nation.  He  who  thus  spake 
was  a  NaM,  and,  as  he  too  might  have  visions, 
he  was  sometimes  called  Chozeh  "the"  gazer" 
(the  verb  n?n  is  not  necessarily  always  to  "gaze'' 
as  Dr.  Smith  maintains  {vhi  sup.),  as,  for  ex.,  in 
Prov.  xxii.  29,  but  is  the  poetic  conception  "be- 
hold" as  distinguished  from  "see,"  though  in  the 
visional  use  it  is  appropriately  rendered  "gaze"). 
As  this  speaker  for  God  gradually  took  the  place 
of  the  old  seer  of  visions,  the  word  Nabi  replaced 
Roeh  in  popular  usage.  It  seems  that  the  change 
began  in  or  about  Samuel's  time,  and  was  com- 
pleted about  three  centuries  later,  Roeh  still 
maintaining  itself  in  the  language,,  though  rarely 
used.  On  the  other  hand,  Nabi  may  have  been 
used  infrequently  in  early  times,  in  reference  to 
Abraham  and  Moses,  and  have  become  afterwards 
the  common  term,  or  the  occurrence  of  the  word 
in  the  Pentateuch  may  be  the  transference  of  a 
late  word  to  earlier  scenes.— Ta.] 
Vers.  11-14.   The  anrumncemeat  of  the  "Seer" 

fO""!^  iTBT],  Just  as  they  were  going  up  .  .  .  them 
(nsni);  the  Partcp.  with  preceding  subject  de- 
notes a  circumstance  or  fact,  synchronously  with 
which  or  at  the  occurrence  of  which  another  fact 
or  circumstance  takes  place,  which  is  introduced 
by  1  before  the  subject  (Ew.,  dr.,  I  341  d).  A 
similar  construction  with  HDni  •  •  •  HDn  follows  in 
ver.  14  and  ver.  27). — The  word  "here"  (H^J)  re- 
fers to  the  city,  which  was  on  an  eminence,  since  they 
met  the  water-drawers  as  they  were  goiTig  vp-  The 
answer  of  the  maidens  (ver.  12)  "before  thee"  is  a 
"  direction  to  go  simply  straightforward"  (Bunsen). 
Here  too  the  description  is  very  lively,  answering 
perfectly  to  the  peculiarities  of  the  persons.  "  He 
came  into  the  city  "  presupposes  either  that  his 
residence  was  without  it,  or  that  he  had  been  ab- 
sent from  it  some  time  (Then.).  The  "  heighi" 
on  which  the  oiTering  took  place  must  be  distin- 
guished from  the  hdc/ht  on  which  the  city  stood. 
The  name  Ramathaim*  [=  the  two  Ramahs,  or 
heights]  refers  to  those  two  heights.  The  Samah, 
high-place  (comp.  Mic.  iii.  12,  where  it  is  synor 
nymous  with  "^f}  "mountain,"  and  Mic.  i.  3,  4; 
Jer.  xxvi.  18  with  Am.  iv.  1)  is  the  sacred  place 
of  sacrifice  on  the  mountain  which  rose  still  higher 
than  the  city  (comp.  ver.  11  with  vers.  13,  25,  27). 
Of  such  "  Bamoth,"  holy  places  on  heights,  where 
the  people  assembled  for  sacrifice  and  prayer, 
there  were  several  during  the  unquiet  times  of  the 
Judges,  especially  after  the  central  Sanctuary  at 
Shiloh  ceased  to  exist,  till  the  building  of  the 
Temple  (comp.  vii.  9 ;  x.  8 ;  xiii.  8  sq. ;  xvi.  2, 
3;  1  Kings  iii.  2  sq.),  as  indeed  the  Patriarchs 
sacrificed  on  high  places  (Gen.  xii.  8).  It  was  not 
till  after  the  building  of  the  Temple  that  the  high- 
place-worship,  which  easily  degenerated  into  idol- 
atry (wherefore  the  Law  forbade  sacrifice  except 
in  Jehovah's  dwelling,  the  Sanctuary)  was  com- 
pletely done  away  witn  (2  Kings  xxiii.  4-23). — 
In  ver.  13  ]3  corresponds  to  ^,  both  expressing 
identity  of  time,  or  the  concurrence  of  the  acts  of 

*  [As  to  the  city  sue  Exposition  on  ver.  6  and  Trans- 
lator's note. — Ta.j 


CHAP.  IX.  1-27, 


143 


coming  and  finding  =  "  as  .  .  .  .  forthwith,"  or 
"when  ■  ■  ■■  straightway."  Ew.  Cfram.  §  360  b. 
— The  seer  is  just  going  to  a  sacrificial  meal  on 
the  high-place.  The  "  people  "  await  him  there. 
A  large  assembly  is  therefore  gathered  to-day  on 
the  high-place  for  a  thank-ofiering.  Y).?.  here  = 
fvlloyeij',  evxapioTciv  ["bless,"  "give  thanks"]. 
The  "him"  is  repeated  in  this  animated  discourse, 
because  the  somewhat  garrulous  and  circumstan- 
tial women  wish  to  bring  the  chief  person  promi- 
nently before  the  inquirer.*  "  I%ey  that  are  bid- 
den" are  those  whom  Samuel  had  invited  to  this 
sacrificial  meal,  comp.  ver.  24. — Ver.  14.  The 
course  of  events  now,  according  to  the  very  pre- 
cise and  detailed  account  of  the  narrator,  is  as 
follows :  First  Saul  and  his  servant  go  up  to  the 
city.  Pursuant  to  the  directions  of  the  maidens 
they  pass  quickly  in.  The  curt,  rapid  character 
of  the  narration  corresponds  to  the  movement. 
Next,  they  are  already  in  the  midst  of  the  city, 
when,  this  is  the  third,  fact,  Samuel,  going  out  of 
the  city,  meets  them ;  they  meet  in  the  middle  of 
the  city,  he  going  outward  toward  the  high-place, 
they  going  inward.  That  they  had  gone  through 
the  gate  was  a  matter  of  course  and  did  not  require 
mention.  And  the  statement  of  ver.  18:  "  And 
Saul  drew  near  to  Samuel  in  the  midst  of  the  gaie," 
or,  stepped  up  to  him,  the  fourth  fact,  need  not 
be  regarded  as  contradictory  to  the  preceding  state- 
ment :  "  in  the  midst  of  the  city ;"  for,  from  these 
two  statements  it  is  clear  that  Saul  did  not  go  up 
to  Samuel  as  soon  as  he  met  him,  as  appears  also 
bora  ver.  17,  where  it  is  expressly  said  what  in- 
tervened: Samuel  saw  Saul,  and  received  firom 
God  the  disclosure  that  this  was  the  man  in  refe- 
rence to  whom  He  had  before  made  a  revelation 
to  him.  We  must  therefore  suppose  a  pause  be- 
tween the  meeting  in  the  city  and  the  talk  in  the 
gate,  during  which  Saul  followed  Samuel  till  he 
approached  him  in  the  gate.  Thus  there  is  no 
need  for  the  conjecture  that  the  verse  read  origi- 
nally "gate"  instead  of  "city"  (Then.),  nor  the 
supposition  that  the  narrator  was  guilty  of  care- 
lessness (Eeuss),  nor  the  artificial,  unclear  expla- 
nation that  the  words  mean  "  to  go  into  the  city, 
enter,  and  the  entrance  was  through  the  gate " 
(Keil).  Ewald's  remark  that,  since  Eamah,  Sa- 
muel's city,  was  certainly  not  large,  "  in  the  midst 
of  the  city"  (ver.  4)  is  not  very  different  from 
"  in  the  midst  of  the  gate  "  (ver.  18),  comes  in  ex- 
cellently, in  the  sense  that  the  distance  between 
the  middle  of  the  city  and  the  middle  of  the  gate 
was  small,  to  explain  satisfactorily  why  Saul,  after 
the  meeting  in  the  city,  did  not  approach  Samuel 
to  speak  to  him  till  he  was  in  the  middle  of  the 
gate.  Further  it  is  to  be  noted  that  conversation 
and  consultation  were  usually  held  "in  the  gate," 
not  on  the  street,  and  the  pause  which  Saul's  ques- 
tion supposes  Samuel  to  have  made  could  pro- 
perly occur  only  in  the  place  set  aside  for  public 
mterviews. 

Vers.  15-17.  The  revelation  which  Samuel  re- 
ceived the  day  before  Saul's  arrival,  that  a  man 
of  Benjamin  would  come  to  him,  whom  he  was  to 
anoint  prince  over  Israel,  was  psychologically 
based  on  his  constant  prayerful  expectant  reflec- 
tion as  to  how  God  would  establish  the  monarchy 
promised  to  the  people.  "To  uncover  the _  ear" 
when  said  of  God,  signifies,  as  in  2  Sam,  vii.  27, 

*  [On  this  verse  see  "  Text,  and  Grammat."— Ta.] 


the  divine  Spirif  s  announcement  to  the  human 
spirit,  the  inbreathing  of  divine  thoughts  from 
above  through  the  word. — I  will  send  to  thee, 
(ver.  16) :  The  "  I  wiU  send  "  sets  forth  the  divine 
providence,  which  so  guides  the  ways  of  Saul,  the 
chosen  king,  that  he  must  come  to  Samuel,  the 
head  of  Israel  and  mediator  between  God  and  his 
people.  Clericus  :  "  I  will  take  care  that  he  come 
to  thee.  For  Saul  was  ignorant  of  the  whole  mat- 
ter, and,  while  vainly  seeking  asses,  found  an  un- 
expected kingdom."  The  future  king  came  from 
the  moat  viarUke  tribe,  and  this  revelation  to  Sa- 
muel declares  that  his  mission  wa-s  a  warlike  one, 
the  deliverance,  namely,  of  Israel  from  the  domi- 
nation of  the  Philistines.  Israel's  victory  over 
the  Philistines  (vii.  13)  was  not  followed  by  a 
complete  liberation  of  land  and  people  from  these 
enemies;  rather  the  words:  "The  hand  of  the 
Lord  was  against  the  Philistines  all  the  days  of 
Samuel "  point  to  repeated  successful  battles 
against  them.  It  was  these  that  Saul  fought,  and 
Samuel  survived  during  the  greater  part  of  his 
reign.  Comp.  the  remarks  on  vii.  13.  "  I  have 
looked  upon  my  people"  means  not  "I  have  had 
regai-d  to  their  prayers''  (Cleric),  but,  as  in  Ex. 
ii.  25,  in  reference  to  the  Egyptian  bondage,  which 
was  the  type  of  every  oppression  of  Israel  by  ex- 
ternal means,  that  God,  ever  present  to  help  His 
people,  had  a  compassionate  knowledge  of  their 
needs  and  misery.  The  insertion  of  the  Sept.  of 
the  words  "affliction  of,"  before  "my  people,"  is 
a  correct  explanation,  but  not  necessary  as  a  part 
of  the  original  text;  for  the  following  words: 
"their  cry  is  come  to  me"  explain  sufficiently  in 
what  sense  God's  seeing,  to  which  the  hearing  of 
the  people's  cry  corresponds,  is  to  be  understood. 
— Ver.  17.  At  the  moment  when  Samuel  saw 
Saul,  he  received  by  divine  revelation  the  inward 
assurance  that  this  man  was  the  king  chosen  by 
God.  The  phrase  "  answered"  refers  to  the  question 
which  Samuel  internally  asked  God  when  he  saw 
Saul,  whether  this  was  the  Benjamite  of  whom  he 
had  been  divinely  told  the  day  before.    The  word 

"bind,  restrain"  ('^'fjt'l)  characterizes  his  govern- 
ment as  a  sharp  and  strict  one,  as  a  coercere  impe- 
rio.  To  this  mental  experience  of  Samuel's  cor- 
responded the  short  interval  between  his  passage 
to  the  gate  and  Saul's  approach  to  him  in  the  gate 
with  the  question  about  the  seer. 

Vers.  18-27.  Said  Samuels  guest,  and  the  loi- 
ter's  talk  with  him.  Vers.  18  takes  up  the  thread 
from  ver.  14,  after  the  parenthesis,  ver.  17.  In 
reply  to  Saul's  question  as  to  the  seer's  house, 
Samuel  announces  himself  (ver.  19)  as  the  "seer." 
The  direction:  "go  up  before  me"  is  a  mark  of 
respect  like  the  invitation  to  take  the  chief  place 
(ver  22),  and  the  selection  of  the  best  portion  at 
the  meal  (ver.  24).  Ye  shall  eat  with  me  to- 
day includes  the  servant,  while  the  courtesy  could 
only  be  meant  for  Saul  as  the  master.  All  that 
is  in  thy  heart  I  will  tell  thee— not;  what- 
soever thou  shalt  desire"  (Cleric.)  in  reference  to 
the  object  of  his  coming;  for  in  respect  to  the 
asses  he  gives  him  information  immediately  (ver. 
20),  but  Samuel  will  reveal  to  him  his  innermost 
thoughts  (Bunsen).  He  speaks  to  him  as  prophet, 
and  prepares  him  for  what  he  has  to  communicate 
to  him  as  prophet.  Thenius'  reference  °\  J^^ 
words  to  what  Saul  does  in  chap,  xiii,,  as  if  he 


144 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


had  "  long  had  it  in  mind,"  seems  too  particular 
for  the  general  connection  here.  The  reference 
is  rather  to  the  powers  and  impulses  of  an  aspi- 
ring soul,  which  lay  latent  in  Saul,  and  fitted 
him  for  his  destined  calling,  as  well  as  to  his  sin- 
ful nature,  which,  by  opposing  God,  might  prove 
a  hindrance.  In  ver.  20  Samuel  says  two  things, 
by  which  he  showed  Saul  that  he  was  a  prophet. 
First,  he  announces  to  him  that  the  ground  of 
anxiety  for  the  asses  is  already  removed. — 
Which  were  lost  to-day  three  days,  that 
is,  "to-day  is  the  third  day,"  day  before  yester- 
day, see  Ew.,  Gr.,  J  287,  k  [Ges.,  Gr.,  J  118,  2]. 
— Set  not  thy  mind  on  them  stands  over 
against  the  preceding  "what  is  in  thy  heart." 
From  now  on  his  heart  is  to  claim  and  accom- 
plish sometliing  higher.  To  this  Samuel's  second 
expression  refers,  which  hints  indistinctly  at  the 
great  and  noble  destiny  to  which  God  has  elected 
him,  in  order  to  awaken  and  call  out  what  was 

hidden  in  his  heart.  All  the  desire  ("  mDIT/S). 
omnis  cupiditas,  omne  desiderium  Israelis,  but  in 
the  objective  sense :  everything  worthy  of  desire, 
valuable,  optima  qtuzque  (Vulg.).  This  signifies, 
in  contrast  with  the  sought  and  found  asses,  that 
noblest  possession,  which  pertained  to  all  Israel, 
and  was  destined  for  him  and  his  father's  house, 
was  to  be  his,  unsought  and  undesired :  the  royal 
dignity.  Samuel  "  draws  him  away  from  caring 
about  the  asses,  and  first  lifts  him  up  to  high 
thoughts  and  hopes"  (O.  v.  Gerlach).  Samuel's 
obscure,  enigmatic  words  only  give  him  a  glimpse 
of  something  great  and  lofty  pertaining  to  him- 
self and  his  house,  and  give  occasion  (ver.  21)  to 
a  disdamatory  reply,  which  exhibits  that  which  is 
now  in  his  heart,  namely,  humility  and  modesty. 
The  supposition  that  Saul  "  well  understood  that 
Samuel  spoke  of  the  honor  of  the  kingdom" 
(Dachsel)  does  not  accord  with  the  purposely 
general  and  indefinite  character  of  Samuel's 
words.  It  is  without  support  from  the  connec- 
tion and  inconsistent  with  x.  20,  21,  to  explain 
Saul's  answer — that  the  best  thing  in  Israel  coulil 
not  belong  to  him  and  his  house,  because  his 
tribe  was  the  smallest  in  Israel,  and  his  family 
the  least  in  this  tribe — in  reference  to  his  later 
very  different  bearing,  as  "  pretended  modesty  " 
(Then.).  Saul  came  only  afterwards  to  be  untrue 
to  this  disposition  of  mind,  which  was  the  condi- 
tion of  his  election.  (Instead  of  the  obviously 
erroneous  plural,  ''B32',  "tribes,"  read  sing., 
"tribe").  The  warlike  tribe  of  Benjamin,  one 
of  the  smallest  already  in  the  census  of  Num.  i. 
36  sq.,  had  been  reduced  by  the  frightful  execu- 
tion recorded  in  Judg.  xx.  20  to  an  inconsidera- 
ble power.  The  consciousness  of  this  fact  is 
expressed  in  Saul's  words.  Loolcing  at  his  tribe 
and  family,  he  will  not  presume  to  claim  so  high 
a  consideration  as  the  seer  has  intimated.  Samuel 
makes  him  no  answer.  "He  wishes  to  awaken 
in  him  astonishment,  expectation,  hope "  (O.  v. 
Gerlach). — Vers.  22-24  now  relate  how  Samuel 
entertains  him  as  aw  honored  guest  at  the  satxifidrd 
meal. — Ver.  22.  A  select  number  of  thirty  men 
of  note  were  invited  to  this  festival,  and  had  taken 

their  places  in  the  room  (HSB'"?)  provided  for 
the  purpose.  The  uppermost  place,  as  the  place 
of  honor,  is  assigned  to  Saul  and  his  companion. 


All  the  people  could  not  be  in  the  room,  but  held 
the  feast  in  the  open  air.  Samuel  (ver.  23)  orders 
the  reserved  piece  of  the  meat,  as  the  best,  to  be 
set  before  them.  This  is  more  exactly  described 
in  ver.  24  as  the  thigh  or  shoulder,  and  "what 

was  ore  it"  [attached  to  it]  {^yyT},  Art.  with 
Kel.  force),  not  "what  was  over  it,"  the  broth 
with  which  the  meat  was  eaten  (Maur.).  That 
which  was  attached  to  it  was  the  best  of  the  flesh 
of  the  offered  animals ;  whether  the  fet  on  it,  not 
used  in  the  offering,  or  the  flesh  near  the  shoulder, 
cannot  be  determined ;  it  could  not  be  the  kid- 
neys (Then.,  Bunsen),  for  they,  with  the  attached 

f^t  (iH!?.?.  '^^?5))  ■w^ere  burned  in  the  slain-offer- 
ing  (Lev.  iii.  4).  It  was  probably  the  W(//i(*  leg, 
which  Samuel,  as  priest,  had  ordered  to  be  re- 
served; for  it  belonged  to  the  priest,  according 
to  the  Law,  Lev.  vii.  32  sqq. — "The  resemblance 
to  Gen.  xlii.  34  is  rather  from  the  facts  them- 
selves, not  from  an  imitation  of  one  passage  by 
the  other."  Ew.  Gesch.  III.  29,  Eem.  3.— The  mi- 
nute description  of  the  cook's  procedure  is  worthy 
of  note :  "  and  the  cook  took  up,"  etc.,  correspond- 
ing to  the  precise  account  of  Samuel's  conduct  as 
host.  The  insertion  of  "  Samuel  to  Saul "  (Sept.), 
or  "Samuel"  (Vulg.),  after  "and  he  said,"  is  not 
necessary  (Then.),  for,  considering  ver.  23  and 
the  first  sentence  of  ver.  24  as  a  parenthesis  (like 
verf!.  15-17),  the  "and  he  said"  continues  the 
principal  matter,  the  speech  of  Samuel.  The 
following  words  so  obviously  suit  Samuel  and  not 
the  cook,  that  a  misunderstanding  was  impossi- 
ble.f  Here  also  the  translation  of  the  Sept.  ia 
explicative.  D'B'  [Eng.  A.  V.  "set"]  is  not 
Imper.,  but  Pas.  Partcp.  (as  in  Obad.  4 ;  Num. 
xxiv.  21).  For  the  construction  see  Ew.,  Gr.,  I 
149  sq.,  Bottcher,  Neue  jEhrenUse  in  loco.  As  to 
the  occurrence,  the  latter  properly  remarks  that 
Saul  could  not  be  bidden  to  do  what  the  cook  had 
already  just  done  (Dt!"'1).  Render:  "behold, 
the  reserved  piece  is  set  before  thee."  The  fol- 
lowing words,  in  which  Samuel  invites  Saul  to 
eat,  present  great  difiiculties  in  the  text. — [The 
literal  rendering  is:  "eat,  for  at  (or  unto)  the 
time  (or  festival)  it  was  preserved  for  thee,  say- 
ing (this  is  the  word  which  makes  the  grammati- 
cal difficulty),  the  people  I  have  invited." — Tr.] 
The  translation :  "  for  it  is  kept  for  thee  for  the 
time  when  I  said,  I  have  invited  the  people,"  is 
unclear  (De  Wette,  Kcil),  and  labors  under  the 

rendering  "when  I  said"  for  "iDNT  ["saying"]. 
Thenius  (following  the  Sept.,  and  reading  ns^;/ 
for  iDX*?,  ■  and  Xr^^p^  for  'J?^";p  renders: 
"  it  has  been  kept  for  thee  for  a  sign  with  (or,  in 
reference  to)  the  people  (namely,  that  thou  from 
now  on  will  be  the  first),  fall  to  (that  is,  begin) ;" 
against  which  Bottcher  shows  that  l.t'lD  cannot 
mean  sign,  and  that  this  conjectured  text  is  unte- 
nable (p.  114  in  loco).  But  Bottcher's  own  view 
is  equally  untenable:  he  holds  that  an  Accus. 
Pron.  has  fallen  out  (for  'riNlp  stood  originally 


*  [Others  suppose  that  it  was  not  the  right  phoulder, 
beeause  Samuel  was  not  a  priest. — Tr.1 

t  (Others  think  it  equally  clear  that  these  words  were 
spoken  by  the  cook.— Tk. 


CHAP.  IX.  1-27. 


145 


1]'n~  or  I'iH"),  and  renders:  "eat,  for  to  the  end 
(or  for  the  time)  it  has  been  kept  for  thee,  that 
the  people  might  say  (think),  I  have  invited  thee 
{or  him)."  But  the  people  knew  without  this 
that  he  had  invited  this  guest;  no  special  indica- 
tion of  the  invitation  was  needed,  and  the  reserved 
portion  would  rather  suggest  a  reference  to  the 
distinction  thus  conferred  on  Saul,  as  Thenius 
rightly  remarks.  Thenius  further  supposes  that 
the  original  reading  may  have  been  "invited 
him"  ('nsip),  and  renders:  "to  this  end  it  is 
kept  for  thee,  in  order  (thereby)  to  say,  the  peo- 
ple have  invited  him,"  that  is,  he  came  in  accor- 
dance with  the  general  desire  as  honored  ^est, 
as  chief  person.  But  for  this  sense  there  is  no 
historical  authority;  for  the  reservation  of  the 
portion  of  honor  had  nothing  to  do  with  an  invi- 
tation of  Saul  by  the  people,  and  this  invitation 
was  infact  given  by  Samuel  alone.  Ewald  {ubi  sup., 
p.  29,  Eem.  3)*  renders:  "for  a  sign  that  thou  wast 
invited  before  the  rest  of  the  people  (ver.  22),  or 
that  thou  art  marked  out  from  the  rest  of  the 
people,"  which  gives  no  clear  sense.  Bunsen  re- 
tains the  masoretic  text,  and  translates:  "the 
chief  portion  was  kept  for  thee  to  this  time ;  the 
meal  was  in  fact  arranged  in  honor  of  thee,  as 
chief  person,  though  I  said,  the  people  of  the 
place  shall  be  guests,"  but  himself  admits  that 
this  is  somewhat  forced.     "Though  I  said"  is 

still  less  possible  as  translation  of  ""3^7  than 
"  when  I  said."  All  the  difficulties  centre  in  this 
word.  If  a  corruption  of  the  text  is  to  be  sup- 
posed, it  seems  best  to  adopt  Hang's  reading  (see 
in  Bunsen)  12'Sl,  and  translate:  "it  was  kept 
for  thee  for  the  feast,  or  festive  gathering,  to  which 
I  invited  the  people."  Luther:  "for  it  was  re- 
served for  thee  just  at  this  time  when  I  invited 
the  people."  The  sense  of  Samuel's  words  is,  that 
he  knew  by  divine  revelation  (vers.  15, 16)  that  he 
would  come.  He  sees  a  divine  providence  in 
Saul's  coming  just  at  this  time.  In  accordance 
with  the  intimation  which  he  had  received  from 
above,  he  showed  honor  not  merely  to  the  guest 
as  such,  but  to  him  whom  God  had  chosen  king 
of  Israel,  for  such  Samuel  by  the  divine  instruc- 
tion had  recognized  him  to  be  (ver.  17).  [As  it 
stands,  the  Heb.  of  this  clause  does  not  admit  of 
translation,  the  vss.  do  not  suggest  a  satisfactory 
reading  (Chald.  follows  Heb.  literally,  and  Syr. 
omits  the  words  "  saying,  I  have  invited  the  peo- 
ple"), and  the  emendations  proposed  are  all  un- 
satisfactory. Yet  the  purpose  seems  clearly  to  be 
to  inform  Saul  that  this  was  not  a  chance-piece 
that  was  offered  him,  but  one  that  had  been 
set  aside  for  him  when  the  feast  was  prepared. 
This  at  once  showed  the  intention  to  confer  honor 
on  Saul,  and  exhibited  the  prophetic  foresight  of 
Samuel. — Tb.].  i 

Vers.  25-27.  Samuels  secret  conversation  vnth 
Saul.  This  took  place,  according  to  the  narra- 
tive, on  two  occasions,  and  its  purpose  was,  as  the 
context  shows,  to  prepare  Saul  for  the  important 
announcement  that  God  had  chosen  him  to  be 
king,  and  for  its  confirmation  by  the  act  of 
anomting.  Ver.  25.  After  the  return  from  the 
feast  on  the  height,  Samuel  receives  Saul  into  his 

*rnNip  own  ixe'd  '3  or  mip--TK.i 

T     tI         -tt         t  :    •        ■  T  :  -I 

10 


house.     He  spoke  ^rith  Saul  on  the  roof. — 

There  is  no  ground  for  adopting  (with  Then,  and 

Ew.)  the  text  of  the  Sept.:*  "and  they  prepared  (in- 
def.  subj.)  Saul  a  bed  on  the  roof,  and  he  lay  down." 
To  tlie  Heb.  text  (which  is  supported  by  Chald.,  Syr. 
Arab.,  and  Jerome)  the  Vulgate  makes  an  addi- 
tion "probably  from  the  Itala"  (Keil):  "Saul 
spread  a  bed  on  the  roof  and  slept."  This  is  a 
circumstantial  description  of  what  was  self-evident 
from  the  connection  (see  ver.  26).  Our  text,  on  the 
contrary,  furnishes  simply  the  fact,  the  mention 
of  which  is  of  great  importance  for  the  pragmatical 
connection  of  the  events  related.  The  unmen- 
tioned  subject-matter  of  the  talk  is  not  the  election 
of  Saul  to  be  king  (according  to  ver.  27).  The- 
nius, wrongly  assuming  this  to  be  the  subject- 
matter,  regards  this  talk  as  premature.  Samuel 
prepared  Saul  for  the  important  communication 
which  he  had  to  make  to  him,  having  already  be- 
fore the  feast  given  him  an  indefinite  hint  (ver.  20) 
of  the  honor  that  awaited  him.  This  conver- 
sation (ver.  25)  is  the  connecting  link  between  that 
on  the  height  and  the  communication  which 
Samuel  made  to  Saul  the  following  morning.  The 
flat  roof,  arranged  so  that  stay  on  it  was  safe  (Deut. 
xxii.  8),  was  the  place  to  which  people  withdrew 
for  quiet  contemplation,  prayer,  undisturbed  con- 
versation and  rest,  and  where  also  a  gues(>cham- 
ber  was  arranged,  the  place  of  honor  of  the  house, 
comp.  1  Kings  xvii.  19  with  2  Kings  iv.  10.  There 
Saul  slept  (ver.  26).  The  conversation  which 
Samuel  there  held  with  Saul,  probably  at  the 
close  of  the  day,  referred,  as  Otto  von  Gerlach 
well  remarks,  "not  to  the  royal  dignity,  but 
surely  to  the  deep  religious  and  political  de- 
cline of  the  people  of  God,  the  opposition  of  the 
heathen,  the  causes  of  the  impotency  to  oppose 
these  enemies,  the  necessity  of  a  religious  change 
in  the  people,  and  of  a  leader  thoroughly  obedient 
to  the  Lord."— Ver.  26.  And  they  arose  early 
— each  from  his  bed.  What  follows  is  a  different 
thing  from  this — for  the  words:  And  when  the 
morning  da'wned,  etc.  state  not  the  rising  from 
sleep,  but  the  getting  up  and  getting  read,y  to  de- 
part: they  are  neither  an  exacter  definition  of 
"and  they  rose  early,"  as  Keil  thinks,  who  ren- 
ders: "And  they  arose  early  in  the  morning — 
namely,  at  day-dawn,"  nor  is  it  a  "singular  mode 
of  narration"  (as  Thenius  says)  to  write  first 
"they  arose  early,"  and  then  "when  the  day 
dawned,"  as  if  we  could  not  suppose  that  they 
rose  before  the  dawn,  especially  after  so  exciting 
a  conversation  the  preceding  evening  and  night, 
and  as  if  Samuel's  call  to  Saul,  "rise,"  were  not 
more  naturally  to  be  understood  of  preparation 
for  the  journey  than  of  rising  from  sleep.  That 
they  are  to  be  so  taken  is  evident  from  the  following 
words,  "that  I  may  send  thee  away,"  from  Samuel's 
calling  to  Saul  up  on  the  roof,  and  from  the  words, 
"and  he  arose,  and  they  both  went  out"  (on  the 
street).!     [In  spite  of  Dr.  Erdmann's  ingenious 


*   Writing   '^^mb    n3"l'l    instead   of  lan*!.  and 

closing  ver.  25  with  aSB''!  [instead  of  TODE?'}  ia  ver. 

2fi— Th.1 
t    There  is  no  need  to  substitute  the  Qeri  TMiT\  fur 

the  Kethib  nJJ-  B6ttoher :  "  The  Accusative-vowel  a, 
like  the  ease-vowel  i,  is  often  without  any  literal  sign  " 
[ntater  leotioms\. 


H6 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


defence  of  the  Heb.  text,  the  reading  of  the  Sept. 
l;a.s  much  to  recommend  it.  It  accords  better 
with  tlie  character  of  Hebrew  historical  narra- 
tion (which  delights  in  detailing  self-evident  cir- 
cumstances), agrees  better  with  the  simple,  ob- 
jective nature  of  the  transaction  between  Samuel 
and  Saul  (a  protracted  political  and  religious 
conversation  between  the  two  men  hardly  suits 
Saul's  character,  as  far  as  we  know  it),  and  re- 
moves the  somewhat  difficult  necessity  of  sup- 
posing that  they  rose  before  the  dawn.  (If  this 
had  occurred,  the  Heb.  would  hardly  have  failed 
to  mention  it ;  nor  is  it  quite  natural  to  think  of 
the  rustic  youth  Saul,  wearied  with  the  walk  and 
the  ceremony  of  the  day,  as  so  excited  by  a  gene- 
ral conversation  (in  which,  according  to  Erdmann 
and  ver.  27,  nothing  was  said  of  his  elevation  to 
the  throne)  as  to  be  unable  to  sleep  his  accustomed 
time,  and  so  rising  before  the  dawn — some  time 
before,  it  would  seem — and  remaining  on  the 
roof  till  he  is  called,  how  employed,  it  is  not  said). 
On  the  other  hand,  the  reading  of  the  Sept.  gives 
a  simple  and  natural  narrative:  "and  a  bed  was 
ppread  for  Saul  on  the  roof,  and  he  lay  down,  and 
it  came  to  pass  when  the  moi'ning  dawned,"  etc.; 
and  whatever  conversation  was  proper  under  the 
circumstances  may  be  understood.  Throughout 
the  narrative  is  occupied  with  objective  facts,  and 
not  with  interior  psychological  descriptions,  as  we 
should  expect  in  a  modein  work.  Thus  not  a 
word  is  said  of  Samuel's  labors  among  the  people 
preceding  the  great  popular  movement  in  chap, 
vii.;  nor  is  he  elsewhere  ever  said  to  have  had 
priv.ate  conversations  with  his  sons,  with  Saul,  or 
with  David.  He  may  have  had  these,  but  it  is 
not  the  manner  of  the  narrative  to  mention  them. 
— Tr.] — Ver.  27.  As  a  mark  of  honor,  Samuel 
accompanies  Saul,  and,  when  they  reached  the 
extremity  of  the  city,  directs  him  to  send  the  ser- 
vant on,  in  order  tliat  he  might  be  alone  with 
him,  and  impart  to  him  in  confidential  conversa- 
tion what  the  Lord  had  revealed  concerning  his 
appointment  to  be  king  of  Israel.  That  I  may 
show  thee  the  word  of  God. — Up  to  this 
time  he  had  .said  nothing  to  him  of  his  choice 
as  king.  The  declaration  "I  will  show  thee"  is 
not  to  be  understood  (with  Dachsel)  as  the  "fac- 
tual fulfilment "  of  that  word,  but  as  the  introduc- 
tion and  announcement  of  its  content.  It  is  not 
related  what  Samuel  said  to  Saul,  since  that  is 
evident  from  the  immediately  following  fact,  the 
anointing  of  Saul.  The  whole  ninth  chapter  sets 
forth  the  preparation  of  Saul  for  this  communica- 
tion and  anointing,  which  were  at  first  meant  for 
him  alone,  and  confirmed  to  him  his  call  to  be  king 
of  Israel.  In  regard  to  the  preceding  conversa- 
tions, Calvin  remarks:  God  is  said  to  have  in- 
structed Saul  in  good  time,  so  that  when  he  came 
to  the  throne  he  might  not  be  ignorant  of  his  du- 
ties, but  yet  to  have  trained  him  gradually,  and 
indeed  (a  point  worthy  of  attention)  not  openly, 
but,  as  it  were,  in  secret." 

HI8T0KICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  preparations  (in  ch.  ix.)  for  carrying  out 
the  divine  decision  in  reference  to  the  kingdom  of 
Israel  to  be  established  exhibit  the  pro])heHe  office, 
represented  by  Samuel,  as  here  also  tlie  immediate 
organ  of  Ood,  to  execute  God's  positive  command : 


"make  them  a  king."  In  Samuel's  person  and 
in  his  conduct  and  discourse  towards  Saul  is  con- 
centrated the  combination  of  two  factors:  divine 
revelation,  which  lays  hold  immediately  of  the 
general  history  of  Israel  as  well  a.s  of  the  little  af- 
fairs of  an  unknown  family,  and  the  earthly-hu- 
man factor,  which  shows  itself  in  apparently  acci- 
dental and  trivial  occurrences;  but  at  the  same 
time  is  exhibited  the  absolute  control  of  the  divine 
providence,  which,  independently  of  human- 
earthly  views  and  relations,  employing  apparently 
unimportant  human  accidents  and  trivial  occui- 
rences,  yet,  to  secure  the  highest  ends  of  God's 
kingdom,  advances  firmly  and  securely,  though 
by  circuitous  ways,  to  the  appointed  goal.  And 
this  goal  is  the  realization  of  the  theocracy  in  a 
new  form,  in  the  form  of  the  kingdom,  which  was 
based  on  the  essential  character  of  the  theocracy 
and  the  character  of  the  times,  though  it  was  sin- 
fully demanded  by  the  people  out  of  envy  of  the 
splendor  of  royalty  among  the  heathen,  and  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  invisible  glory  of  Jehovah's 
kingdom. 

2.  The  choice  of  Saul  to  be  king,  and  the  cir- 
cumstances which  prepared  the  way  for  his  con- 
secration and  anointing,  as  well  as  his  meeting 
with  Samuel,  constitute  a  divine  act  which  enters 
immediately  into  the  history  of  Israel,  in  which 
we  must  recognize:  1)  The  condescension  of  God, 
both  to  human  weakness  and  sin  (which,  as  in 
the  sinful  longing  after  a  king,  must  subserve  the 
plans  of  His  providence),  and  also  to  the  seemingly 
smallest  and  most  unimportant  events  of  humau 
life,  wliich,  as  here  the  lost  asses  and  Saul's  search 
after  them,  must  be  the  foil  to  set  ofi'  His  provi- 
dential government  and  the  accomplishment  of 
His  purposes.  "Without  meaning  to  set  forth  a 
mechanical  theory  of  inspiration,  we  may  exclaim 
with  Hamann:  "How  has  God  the  Holy  Ghost 
stooped,  to  become  a  historian  of  the  smallest, 
most  contemptible  affairs  on  earth,  in  order  to  re- 
veal to  man,  in  his  own  language,  in  his  own  bu- 
siness, in  his  own  ways,  the  purposes,  the  secrets, 
and  the  ways  of  the  Deity !"  2)  The  independence 
of  earthly  and  human  relations  in  God's  counsel 
and  deed,  shown  in  the  fact  that  not  a  notable 
man  of  a  prominent  family  was  chosen  for  this 
high  calling,  but  an  unknown  man,  "from  the 
smallest  family  of  the  smallest  of  the  tribes"  (ix. 
21)  without  His  knowledge  or  desire.  3)  Ood's 
free  grace  is  not  conditioned  on  human  conduct. 
Calvin:  "Only  by  a  special  exhibition  of  divine 
grace_  did  Saul  come  to  this  high  dignity.  By 
choosing  him  from  the  smallest  and  most  insigni- 
ficant tribe,  God  purposed  to  glorify  His  grace, 
and  exclude  all.  appearance  of  human  cooperatim." 
Ewald:  "Qualified  for  the  royal  office,  he  does 
not  seek  to  obtain  it;  for  a  great  good,  gained  by 
artfiil  effort  of  one-sided  human  grasping,  can  ne- 
ver become  a  true  one.  And  so  it  is  a  charming  his- 
tory— how  Saul,  sent  to  seek  the  lost  as-ses,  aSer  a 
long  and  vain  search,  comes,  on  the  third  day,  al- 
most against  his  will,  to  Samuel,  whom  he  scarcely 
knew,  to  ask  him  about  them,  and  instead  of  them 
to  receive  from  him  a  kingdom.  For  He,  who 
purposes  just  at  this  time  to  establish  the  kingdom 
in  Israel,  has  already  chosen  him  before  he  knows 
it."_  {Oesch.  III.  27,  28.)  4)  The  wisdom  of  the 
divine  providence,  which  so  guides  and  orders 
what  seems  to  be  accidental  and  trivial,  that  it  is 


CHAP.  IX.  1.-27. 


147 


subservient  to  His  ends,  and  procures  their  accom- 
plishment. Calvin:  "What  seems  to  our  reason 
accident,  God  makes  into  a  sign  that  the  seemingly 
fortuitous  is  to  be  referred  to  the  admirable  plans 
of  His  providence,  and  is  ruled  and  guided  by 
God's  hand,  though  against  this  our  thoughts 
protest.  Saxil  wanders  uncertainly  around,  and 
thinks  only  how  he  shall  find  the  asses;  mean- 
time, Divine  Providence,  which  had  already  deter- 
mined and  revealed  to  Samuel  his  lot,, does  not 
sleep.  So  all  these  incidents  and  wanderings  were 
only  preparations  and  mediate  causes  by  which 
God  accomplished  His  design  concerning  Saul. 
By  God's  ordainment  the  asses  were  lost,  that 
Saul,  in  seeking  them,  might  find  Samuel ;  God 
guided  the  tongue  of  his  father  when  He  com- 
manded him  to  go  in  search  of  the  asses ;  it  was 
God's  providence  that  directed  the  steps  of  Saul 
and  his  servants,  as  they  went  from  one  place  to 
another,  in  order  to  bring  them  to  Samuel." 

3.  The  conditions  under  which  alone  the  theo- 
cratic king  as  such  could  hold  and  exercise  his  of- 
fice in  Israel,  as  typically  set  forth  in  Saul's  ele- 
vation to  the  throne,  were:  1)  natural,  in  respect 
to  his  person,  which  must  be  such,  in  body  and 
soul,  as  worthily  to  sustain  the  royal  ofiice;  2) 
swpefmaiwal,  namely,  divine  choice  and  equipment; 
"to  the  man,  feeble  in  himself,  the  grace  and  pre- 
destination of  God  comes  to  help  him  with  its 
complete  strength  for  this  highest  of  all  callings, 
to  complete  him,  with  the  required  divine  power 
and  holy  consecration  of  mind,  into  that  for  which 
he  was  naturally  endowed"  (Ewald);  Z)  hisiori- 
cai,  confirmatory  signs;  these  are  partly  signs 
given  by  God  in  definite  occurrences,  which  attest 
the  royal  call  to  the  people,  partly  the  man's  own 
deeds,  which  accord  with  and  confirm  the  royal 
call ;  4)  ethical,  absolute  dependence  on  the  divine 
will  in  all  thought,  word  and  action;  the  king 
must  "  never  forget  the  beginning  from  which  he 
sprang,  and  so  must  always  remember  that  ano- 
ther, the  Eternal  King,  is  still  above  him, — and 
that  any  earthly  king  can  be  a  king  after  the  heart 
of  the  King  of  all  kings  only  so  far  a.s  he  works 
together  mth  God,  and  therefore  with  all  spiritual 
truths."  (Ew.  Oesch.  III.  25.)  To  this  fourth 
condition  Samuel's  words  referred :  "All  that  is 
in  thy  heart  I  will  show  thee."   See  Exposition. 

4.  The  account  of  Samuel's  conduct  in  this  stadium 
of  the  preparation  for  the  establishment  of  the  king- 
dom in  the  person  of  Saul  characterizes  the  pro- 
phet: 1)  in  his  position  towards  God  in  respect  to 
this  beginning  of  a  new  phase  of  development  of 
the  theocracy :  by  direct  enlightenment  of  the  di- 
vine Spirit  it  is  revealed  to  him  that  the  king  of 
Israel  has  already  been  chosen  by  God  (vers.  15, 
16),  who  is  chosen  (ver.  17),  and  what  he  has  to 
announce  to  him  in  God's  name  (ver.  27)_;  2)  in 
his  conduct  as  organ  of  Ood  towards  the  designated 
king,  Saul,  and  in  him  towards  the  kingdom:  he 
gradually  prepares  his  mind  for  the  revelation 
concerning  his  future  calling  which  he  has_  to 
make  to  him  in  God's  name ;  through  the  divine 
enlightenment  he  is  able  not  only  toinstruct  him 
as  to  his  lofty  mission  and  position  in  Israel,  but 
also,  by  means  of  his  intensified  presaging-faculty, 
to  deliver  him  from  the  lower  earthly  care  which 
filled  his  heart;  this  declaration  about  the  reco- 
vered asses  is  not  merely  an  example  "of  acci- 
dental predictions,  where  the  presaging-faculty, 


disjoined  from  its  ethical  aim,  becomes  subservient 
to  the  subjective  interest"  (Tholuck,  Die  Prophe- 
ten,  2d  ed.,  p.  14),  but  is  an  element  in  the  whole 
organism  of  this  first  prophetic  history  of  the  Old 
Testament — an  element  which  is  determined  by 
the  divine  purpose  in  Samuel's  communication  to 
Saul  respecting  "the  most  precious  in  Israel" 
which  was  to  be  his ;  by  this  communication 
Saul's  soul  was  to  be  lifted  up  into  the  presence 
of  his  God,  that  in  His  light  he  might  see  the 
glory  of  his  theocratic  calling ;  to  lead  him  to  this 
point,  Samuel  must  free  his  soul  from  the  burden 
of  care  for  the  beasts,  and  release  him  from  his 
duty  in  respect  to  them ;  the  certainty  that  the 
asses  were  found  (divinely  revealed  to  Samuel) 
gave  Saul  the  inward  freeness  and  receptivity 
which  he  needed  in  order  to  advance  step  by  step 
to  the  height  to  which  Samuel's  words  (ver.  27) 
lead.  Thus  this  prophetic  prediction  concerning 
something  altogether  external  and  trivial  has  in 
this  conneclion  a  high  ethical  and  psychological 
importance,  and  is  subservient  to  the  objective 
theocratic  interest.  It  belonged  to  the  pedagogic 
momenta  in  the  conduct  of  the  prophet  towards 
the  future  king,  among  which  also  we  must  reckon 
that  which  is  indicated  in  the  words;  "All  that 
is  in  thy  heart  I  will  show  thee."  Samuel 
searched  into  Saul's  inner  being  in  its  good  and 
bad  sides. 

HOMII^ETICAL   AND   PEACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  OsiANDBB:  That  which  is  despised  be- 
fore the  world,  God  chooses  and  brings  forward,  1 
Cor.  i.  26  sq. — Ver.  3  sq.  Ceamee  :  God  makes  in 
His  great  matters  an  insignificant  beginning. — 
Ver.  4.  Calvin:  How  wonderful  are  the  ways 
of  God's  wisdom,  which  lie  far  remote  from  hu- 
man expectation.  We  see  here  how  winding  go 
the  ways  of  God,  so  that  it  seems  as  if  there  were 
only  an  uncertain  swaying  to  and  fro ;  but  yet  with 
Him  there  is  always  a  clear  light  away  into  the 
infinite,  and  what  proceeds  from  Him  is  never 
confused  and  fortuitous.  We  draw  from  this  the 
wholesome  lesson  that  God  leads  us  by  His  hand 
like  blind  men,  and  that  we  should  ascribe  nothing 
to  our  own  prudence  and  exertion  when  any  thing 
great  becomes  our  portion.  Our  thoughts  were 
not  only  far  removed  from  that  which  finally  hap- 
pens, but  exactly  opposed  to  it. — Ver.  6.  Stakke: 
Man's  doing  is  not  in  his  own  power,  and  no  one 
can  mark  out  his  own  going. — Even  insignificant 
people  can  often  give  wholesome  counsels,  2  Kings 
V.  13;  vii.  13.  [The  servant  teaching  the  mas- 
ter. In  like  manner  many  an  eminent  minister 
has  learned  true  religion  from  some  servant  or 
humble  acquaintance.  The  lowly  are  often  un- 
consciously training  others  for  lofty  station. — Te.] 
— Ver.  9.  Ckamee:  Teachers  are  seers,  for  through 
preaching  they  open  our  eyes,  t6  give  us  the  light 
of  the  knowledge  of  the  glory  of  God,  2  Cor.  iv.  6. 
— S.  ScHMiD :  Even  the  meeting  of  men,  whether 
for  good  or  evil,  is  not  a  matter  of  chance,  but  is 
directed  by  divine  Providence,  Acts  viii.  29  sq. 
[Vers.  3-8.  Matt.  Henry:  Here  is:  I.  A  great 
man  rising  from  small  beginnings.  II.  A  great 
event  rising  from  small  occurrences.  "  Peradven- 
ture  he  can  sho'r  us."  To  make  prophecy,  the 
glory  of  Israel,  serve  so  mean  a  turn  as  this,  dis- 
covered too  plainly  what  manner  of  spirit  they 
were  of.     Note,  most  people  would  rather  be  told 


148 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


their  fortune  than  told  their  duty ;  how  to  be  rich 
than  how  to  be  saved.  If  it  were  the  business  of 
the  men  of  God  to  direct  for  the  recovery  of  lost 
asses,  they  would  be  consulted  much  more  than 
they  are,  now  that  it  is  their  business  to  direct  for 
the  recovery  of  lost  souls. — Tk.] 

Vers.  1-14.  J.  Disselhopp  :  The  first  test  to 
which  God  subjects  His  servant.  It  embraces 
two  main  points:  1)  Whether  with  certain  natu- 
ral talents  and  advantages  which  God  has  given 
him  he  will  in  humility  and  quiet  obedience  do 
the  work  enjoined  upon  him;  2)  Whether  when 
his  work  proves  useless  he  will  seek  help  from  the 
seer  of  God. — The  Most  High  God  appoints  a 
testing  for  His  servant  Saul ;  and  so  whoever  is 
summoned  to  the  service  of  God  knows  that  for 
him  also  there  must  be  a  testing. — "Seek  the 
asses,"  said  Kish  to  his  son  Saul.  "And  he 
went !" — went  silently,  joyously,  humbly,  obe- 
diently, faithfully,  to  the  work  which  was  en- 
joined upon  him,  from  Ephraim  to  Shalisha — 
unwearied,  unreluctant,  without  grumbling,  al- 
though it  was  a  work  in  which  no  greater  credit 
was  to  be  won  than  that  of  fidelity  in  trifles. — Out 
of  such  people  God  can  make  something. — Go, 
friend,  if  you  wish  to  be  the  Lord's  servant,  even 
tliough  you  should  have  to  walk  in  unknown 
ways.  Saul  did  not  shrink  from  them. — Ver.  5. 
Why  VMS  SauHs  labor  in  vainf  He  had  to  find  the 
seer,  the  man  experienced  in  the  ways  of  God. 
The  vain  seeking,  the  servant  who  first  spoke  of 
the  seer,  the  maidens  who  showed  the  way,  all 
must  contribute  towards  bringing  Saul  to  seek 
help  in  the  revelation  of  God.  If  now  it  should 
occur  to  thee  also  that  every  thing  here  miscar- 
ries, that  you  are  nothing,  and  you  already  feel 
like  saying  to  your  heart,  "Come,  let  us  go  home 
again,"  then  to  thee  also  there  will  doubtless  some 
one  cry  out,  "Well,  to  revelation,  that  you  may 
know  the  wonderful  ways  of  God,  on  which  God 
leads  His  saints."-^Wait  not  till  God  Himself 
steps  into  thy  way.  Even  to  Saul  God  did  not 
Himself  apeak.  A  8erv.ant  began  it;  maidens 
drawingwater  showed  the  way.  See  how  smoothly 
and  simply  God  causes  all  that  to  occur,  as  it 
were,  without  noise  and  uproar.  The  God  of  the 
lowly  and  quiet  chooses  also  for  his  feet  quiet, 
lowly,  shady  ways.  [Vers.  1-10.  The  youth  of 
Saul:  1)  He  was  reared  in  good  circumstances 
(ver.  1) ;  2)  He  was  remarkable  for  his  great  sta- 
ture and  manly  beauty  (ver.  2 ;  x.  24) ;  3)  A  quiet 
rustic,  little  acquainted  with  matters  away  from 
home  (ver.  6) ;  4)  Tenderly  considerate  of  his  fa- 
ther's feelings  (ver.  5) ;  5)  Ready  to  take  advice 
(ver.  10)  (Hall  :  The  chief  praise  is  to  be  able 
to  give  good  advice ;  the  next  is  to  take  it) ;  6) 
Very  modest  and  courteous  (ver.  21).  With 
these  pleasing  traits  might  be  compared  the  cha- 
racter corrupted  in  his  later  years  by  unbelieving 
disobedience  towards  God,  by  jealousy,  by  the 
exercise  of  despotic  power,  etc.,  and  at  every  point 
there  would  be  useful  lessons. — Tr.] 

Ver.  16.  Stabke  :  Even  those  things  which 
arise  from  the  free  will  of  man,  and  appear  as  if 
they  happened  by  chance,  lie  under  the  secret 
providence  and  government  of  God.  Well  is  it 
then  for  those  who  in  faith  and  tranquillity  give 
themselves  up  to  God's  guidance  (Ps.  cxzxiz.  5). 


— Hall:  The  eye  of  God's  providence  .sees  not 
only  all  our  deeds,  but  also  all  our  movements ; 
we  can  go  nowhere  without  Him ;  He  numbers 
all  our  steps  (Psa.  cxxxix.  1  sq.). — [Vers.  11-17. 
The  supernatural  cooperating  with  the  natural. 
Saul,  by  natural  means,  through  the  control  of 
Providence,  is  brought  to  Samuel,  who  has  been 
swpemaiwraUy  prepared  to  receive  and  instruct 
him.  So  now  the  teachings  of  Providence  unite 
with  the  teachings  of  revelation  and  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  to  show  men  their  duty  and  their  destiny. 
— Tr.] — Ver.  21.  Cramer  :  Humility  is  a  beau- 
tiful virtue ;  and  he  whom  God  exalts  to  honors 
should  think  often  of  the  dust  in  which  he  before 
lay,  and  from  which  he  has  been  exalted  (Psalm 
cxiii.  7,  8).  [Hall  :  How  kindly  doth  Samuel 
entertain  and  invite  Saul,  yet  it  was  he  only  that 
should  receive  wrong  by  the  future  royally  of  Saul. 
Who  would  not  have  looked  that  aged  Samuel 
should  have  emulated  rather  the  glory  of  his 
young  rival,  and  have  looked  churlishly  upon 
the  man  that  should  rob  him  of  his  authority? 
— Tr.] 

Berleb.  Bible  :  When  God  has  chosen  a  man 
to  help  others,  and  he  rightly  knows  himself,  no- 
thing causes  him  such  wonder  and  amazement  as 
a  revelation  of  God's  purpose  concerning  him. 
This  distrust,  however,  does  not  put  an  end  to  his 
obedience  to  the  will  of  God.  For  the  more  a 
man  is  convinced  of  his  own  nothingness,  so  much 
the  more  is  he  also  convinced  of  the  power  of  God, 
as  the  One  who  makes  every  thing  out  of  nothing. 
— Vers.  26,  27.  Saul  must  wait  patiently  tUl  God 
should  bring  him  out  of  concealment  and  make 
it  manifest  who  he  was.  So  should  we  also,  if 
God  has  lent  us  gifts  and  wishes  them  to  remain 
concealed  with  us,  not  be  displeased  at  the  feet 
that  they  are  not  recognized,  and  that  we  get  no 
recognition  and  admiration  for  them,  but  quietly 
wait  until  the  Lord  Himself,  as  it  seemeth  Him 
good,  carries  further  the  matter  He  has  begun,  and 
Himself  secures  for  it  recompense  and  recognition. 
— Thus  God  often  deals  wonderfully  with  us,  when 
He  so  tests  our  humility  and  modesty,  and  so 
leads  us  on  His  ways,  that  our  reason  cannot  com- 
prehend them.  The  beginnings  of  His  matters  are 
often  so  insignificant  and  little,  that  outwardly 
nothing  appears  but  great  weakness,  and  abso- 
lutely nothing  great  and  wonderful  comes  for- 
ward, in  order  that  we  may  learn  to  hope  againai 
hope. 

Vers.  15-27  sq.  Disselhopp:  The  call  to  tht 
service  of  God.  The  history  of  Saul's  call  brings 
before  our  eyes  three  points:  1)  What  an  abundant 
blessing  there  is  for  obedience — the  call  to  the 
service  of  God;  2)  What  a  great  danger  lies  hid 
in  this  blessing — idle  self-exaltation  because  of 
this  call ;  3)  To  what  a  blessed  stillness  the  dan- 
ger leads  wlien  overcome — to  preparation  for  the 
calling.  [Contrast  Saul  the  king  and  Saul  the 
apostle.  Wordsworth:  Saul  me  king  is  our 
warning ;  Saul  the  apostle  is  our  example.  The 
former  shows  how  wretched  man  is  if  he  labors 
for  his  own  glory,  and  if  he  is  without  God's 
grace ;  the  latter,  how  blessed  he  is  if  he  relies  on 
God's  grace,  and  lives  and  dies  for  His  glory. — 
Good  trains  of  thought  for  sermons  are  indicated 
above  in  Historical  and  Theological,  No.  2 
and  No.  3.— Tr.] 


CHAP.  X.  1-27.  149 


SECOND   SECTION. 

Saul's  Introduction  into  the  Royal  OfQce. 

Chapter  X.  1-27. 
I.  Savl  anointed  by  Samuel.    Ver.  1. 

1  Then  [And]  Samuel  took  a  vial  of  oil,  and  poured'  it  upon  his  head,  and  kissed 
him,  and  said,  Is  it  not'  because  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  anointed  thee  to  be  cap- 
tain [prince]  over  his  inheritance  ? 

II.  ITie  SigTtx  of  the  Divine  Oimfirmation  given  to  Saul.    Vers.  2-16.  c 

2  When  thou  art  departed  [goest]  from  me  to-day,  then  [pm.  then]  thou  shalt 
[wilt]  find  two  men  by  Rachel's  sepulchre  in  the  border  of  Benjamin  at  Zelzah ; 
and  they  will  say  unto  [to]  thee,  The  asses  which  thou  wentest  to  seek  are  found  ; 
and  lo,  thy  father  hath  left  the  care'  of  the  asses,  and  Eorroweth  for  you,  saying, 

•  3  What  shall  I  do  for  ray  son?  Then  [And]  thou  shalt  go  on  forward  from  thence, 
and  thou  shalt  come  to  the  plain  [oak]*  of  Tabor,  and  there  [ins.  three  men]  shall 
meet  thee  three  men  [om.  three  men]  going  up  to  God  to  Bethel,  one  carrying  three 
kids,  and  another  carrying  three*  loaves  of  bread,  and  another  carrying  a  bottle  of 

4  wine.     And  they  will  salute  thee,°  and  give  thee  two  loaves  of  bread,  which  thou 

5  shalt  receive  of  their  hands.  After  that  thou  shalt  [wilt]  come  to  the  hill  of  God,' 
where  is  the  garrison  of  the  Philistines  f  and  it  shall  come  to  pass,  when  thou  art 
come  thither  to  the  city,  that  thou  shalt  [wilt]  meet  a  company  of  prophets'  coming 
down  from  the  high  place,  with  [ins.  and  before  them,  om.  with]  a  psaltery  and  a 
tabret  and  a  pipe  and  a  harp  before  them  [om.  before  them],  and  they  shall  pro- 

6  phesy  [prophesying]  ;  And  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will  come  upon  thee, 
and  thou  shalt  [wilt]  prophesy  with  them,  and  shalt  [wilt]  be  turned  into  another 

7  man.  And  let  it  be  lorn,  let  it  be],  when  these  signs  are  come  unto  thee,  that  [om. 
that]  thou  do  [do  thou]  as  occasion  serve  tbee  [what  thy  hand  findeth]  ;  for  God'" 

8  is  with  thee.  And  thou  shalt  go"  down  before  me  to  Gilgal,  and  behold,  I  will 
come  down  unto  thee,  to  offer  burnt-offerings,  and  to  sacrifice  sacrifices  of  peace- 
offerings  ;  seven  days  shalt  thou  tarry  till  I  come  to  thee,  and  show  thee  what 
thou  shalt  do. 

9  And  it  was  so  [came  to  pass]  that,  when  he  had  turned  his  back  to  go  from  Samuel, 
God  gave  him  another  heart ;  and  all  these  signs  came  to  pass  that  day.    And 

TEXTUAL  AND   GKAMMATICAli. 
1  [Ver.  1.  p5f  Qal.  Impf.  of  pSV— Tb.] 

'  [Ver.  1.  On  the  Sept.  insertion  here  see  Expos.— Tk.] 
8  [Ver.  2.  Lit.  "  hath  put  aside  the  affair."— Te.] 

4  [Ver.  S.  tl^K,  rendered  "  oak"  by  all  the  ancient  versions  except  Chald.  The  Eng.  A.  V.  always  translates 
it  "plain"  (though  it  gives  the  similar  words  hSn,  V^K  I'lbs  always  by  "oak"  or  some  other  name  of  a  tree), 

apparently  following  Targ.,  Haschi,  Kimehi.    The"origin>f  this  Jewish  .gendering  is  perhaps  to  b^^ 
cSnneeted  with  the^Syrilc-otee-^" places  abounding  in  gardons"-a  "plain     or    palace  aboundm    in  trees 
being  regarded  as  more  appropriate  tLn  an  "  oak."    Others  make  it  here  a  proper  name  Elon-Tabor.-Ta.] 

6  [Ver.  3.  Noie  the  forni  of^the  Heb.  numeral,  masc.  though  the  subst.  is  fem.  (Wellh.).-TB.] 

«|Ver.  4.  Lit.  "ask  after  thy  peace  (or  welfare)."--TB.]      ,  „    _    , 

«^fve«°y\rs,frri^g^"d«  r/ i^ls^^^^ 

(Gibeah)  is  a  proper  name  elsewhere  in  this  chapter  (vers.  10,  .ib).— iE.J 

»  [vS:?-  The  cia1d?'?eTd^rsf4h?wU''oi  Jehovah  "-an  appellation  which  is  usually  compared  with  the 
^°^?  LVer*'  E?toann  miki  this  a  general  relative  clause :  "and  when  thou  goest."  See  his  discussion  in  th. 
Expos,  and  In  trod.— Tb.] 


150  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

10  when  they  came  thither  to  the  hill  [to  Gibeah],"  behold  a  company  of  prophet? 
met  him,  and  the  Spirit  of  God  came  upon  him,  and  he  prophesied  among  them. 

11  And  it  came  to  j^ass,  whtn  all  that  knew  him  beforetime  saw  that  behold  [and  be- 
hold] he  prophesied  among  the  prophets,"  then  the  people  said  one  to  another, 
What  is  this  that  is  come  [What  has  hajipened]  uuto  [to]  the  son  of  Kish  ?    Is 

12  Saul  also  among  the  prophets  ?  And  one  of  the  same  place  answered  and  said,  But 
[And]  who  is  their'*  father  ?     Therefore  it  became  a  proverb,  Is  Saul  also  among 

13  the  prophets?     And  when  he  had  made  an  end  of  prophesying,  he  came  to  the 

14  high  place.'^  And  Saul's  uncle  said  unto  [to]  him  and  to  his  servant.  Whither 
went  ye  ?     And  he  said,  To  seek  the  asses ;  aud  when  we  saw  that  they  were  no 

15  where,'*  we  came  [went]  to  Samuel.     And  Saul's  uncle  said.  Tell  me,  I  pray  thee, 

16  what  Samuel  said  unto  [to]  you.  And  Saul  said  unto  [to]  his  uncle,  He  told  us 
plainly  [om.  plainly]"  that  the  asses  were  found.  But  of  the  matter  of  the  king- 
dom, whereof  Samuel  spake,  he  told  him  not. 

III.  The  Clioice  by  Lot.    Vera.  17-21. 

17  And  Sftaiuel  called  the  people  together  unto  the  Lord  [to  Jehovah]  to  Mizpeh 

18  [Mizpah].  And  [ins.  he]  said  unto  [to]  the  children  of  Israel,  Thus  saith  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  God  of  Israel,  I  brought  up  Israel  out  of  Egypt,  and  delivered  you  out 
of  the  hand  of  the  Egyptians,'*  and  out  of  the  hand  of  all  [ins.  the]  kingdoms  mid 

19  of  them  [otn.  and  of  them]  that  oppressed'^  you.  And  ye  have  this  day  rejected 
your  God,  who  himself  saved  you  out  of  all  your  adversities  and  your  tribulations,, 
and  ye  [om.  ye]  have  said  unto  him  [om.  unto  him],  Nay  [Nay],'"  but  [ins.  a  king 
thou  shalt]  set  a  king  [om.  a  king]  over  us.     Now,  therefore  [And  now],  present 

20  yourselves  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  by  your  tribes  and  by  your  thousands.  And 
when  [om.  when]  Samuel  had  [om.  had]  caused  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  to  come 

21  near,  [ins.  and]  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  was  taken.  [Ins.  And]  When  [om.  when] 
he  had  [om,.  had]  caused  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  to  come  near  by  Iheir  families  [ww. 
and]  the  family  of  Matri  [the  Matrites]  was  taken.^'  And  Saul,  the  son  of  Kish, 
was  taken ;  and  when  [om.  when]  they  sought  him,  [ins.  and]  he  could  not  be 
found. 

IV.  Tlie  Installation  into  tlie  Boyal  Office.    Proclamation.     Greeting.     Royal  Right.    Return  to  Quid 

Life.    Vers.  22-27. 

22  Therefore  [And]  they  inquired  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  further,  if  the  mka  should 
[would]  yet  come  thither.^^     And  the  Lord  answered  [Jehovah  said].  Behold,  he 

23  hath  hid  himself  [is  hidden]  among  the  stuff  [baggage].  And  they  ran  and  fetched 
him  thence ;  and  when  [om.  when]  he  stood^'  among  the  people  [ins.  and]  he  was 

24  higher  than  any  of  the  people  from  his  shoulders  and  upward.  And  Samuel  said 
to  all  the  people.  See  ye  him  whom  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  chosen,  that  there  is 

12  [Ver.  10.  The  place  here  mentioned  is  almost  certainly  Glbeah,  SauFs  place  of  residence,  and  may  or  may 
not  be  the  same  with  the  "  hill  of  God  "  in  ver.  5.— Tb.] 

18  [Ver.  11.  Erdmann  takes  this  clause  to  be  a  quotation,  but  the  Heb.  does  not  fayor  this.  Here  the  verb 
rendered  "  prophesy  "  is  Niphal,  while  in  vers.  10,  5,  6  it  is  Hithpael.  According  to  Dr.  R.  Payne  Smith,  the  for- 
mer mdioates  truo  prophetical  utterance,  the  latter  merely  acting  the  part  ofa  prophet  (Bampton  Lectures  for 
18G9,  pp.  S3-58);  but  this  distinction  must  not  be  pressed  too'far.— Tn.] 

u  [Ver  12.  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab,  have  "  his  father;"  see  Erdmann's  discussion  in  Expos.  Chald  has  "their  mas- 
ter (Rab),"— Tr.] 

]l  fl'^'"-  P-  -fS,^  " '''?''  P''*"'^ "  (naD)  Wellhausen  would  read  unnecessarily  "  house  "  (nn'3).— Te.] 
w  I  Ver.  14.  'That  they  were  not"  (comp.  Gen.  xlii.  36);  that  is,  nor  to  be  found.— Te.1 
"  [Ver.  16.  The  Inf.  Absol.,  for  which  this  adverb  is  too  definite.— Tk.] 

[Ver.  18.  Sept:  "The  hand  of  Pharaoh,  king  of  Egypt."— a  variation  for  the  sake  of  distinctness  oraoon- 
racy.— Tk.] 
J'  f^®'''  ^^'  (^o'^^tructio  ad  sensvm:  the  kingdoms  representing  their  inhabitants.    The  Partep.  is  made  maac. 

»  [Ver.  19.  The  text  has  iS,  "  to  him,"  and  so  Erdmann  reads.  Sept.,  Vnlg.,  Syr.,  Arab,  read  S'S.  "  nay,"— and 
this  IS  required  by  the  following  '3.  Eng.  A.  V.  reads  "to  him,"  and  then  inserts  the  "nay,"— thus  combining 
the  two  readings.  So.  too.  the  Chiild.,  which,  however,  here  paraphrases:  instead  of  "rejected  God,"  it  has  "re- 
jected the  service  ol  God"  (to  avuid  apparent  irreverence),  and  makes  the  people  say:  "  We  are  not  saved,  but 
tnou  shalt  sot,"  etc.—Tx.] 

21  [Ver.  21.  On  the  insertion  of  the  Sept.:  "and  they  cause  the  family  of  Mattari  to  come  near  by  individuals," 
see  Erdmann  in  the  Expos.— Tr.] 

22  [Ver.  22.  The  Heb.  reads  literally:  '■  has  any  other  man  come  hither?"  and  so  Erdmann  translates;  but  it 
was  unnecessary  to  ask  Jehovah  tliis,  nor  does  Jehovah's  answer  correspond  to  it.  The  Syr.,  conforming  the 
question  to  the  answer,  reads  "  where  is  this  man?"  which,  however,  cannot  be  gotten  from  the  Heb.  The  Eng. 
A.  V.  represents  the  text  of  tho  Sept.  and  Vulg.,  the  word  "man"  having  the  Article,  and  this  reading  is  approved 
by  Thenius,  Bib.  Co-mni..  and  others,  and  opposed  by  ICeil  and  Erdmann.    See  the  Expos.— Te.1 

28  [Ver.  23.  Lit.  "placed  or  presented  himself"— Tb.J 


CHAP.  X.  1-27. 


151 


none  like  him  among  all  the  ptople?     And  all  the  people  shouted,  and  said,  God 
save  [Long  live]^*  the  king. 

25  And  8amuel  told  the  people  the  manner^'  of  the  kingdom,  and  wrote  it  in  a  book,"' 
and  laid  it  up  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah].     And  Samuel  sent  all  the  people  awaj', 

26  every  man  to  his  house.     And  Saul  also  went  home  to  Gibeah ;  and  there  W'  nt 

27  with  him  a  band  of  men,''"  whose  hearts  God  had  touched.  But  [And]  the  children 
of  Belial  [certain  wicked  men]  said.  How  shall  this  man  save  us  ?  And  they  de- 
spised him,  and  brought  him  no  presents.  But  he  held  his  peace  [And  he  was  as 
liough  he  were  deaf  ].^' 

a  [Ver.  24.  Lit.  "  may  the  king  live."— Tb.1 

S6  [Ver.  25.  DStSO  is  rendered  by  Erdmann  "right  or  privilege"  (rechf);  see  on  viii.  11.    The  Heb.  Art.  in 
IjJDn  ("the  book")  is  correctly  represented  in  Eng.  by  the  ludef.  Art.,  since  the  defining  circumstances  are 

left  wholly  unmentioned. — Tr.] 

*  [Ver.  26.  Erdmann:  "the-band  of  valiant  (or  honest,  braver  manner)  men."    Philippson:  die  tapferen,  "the 

valiant  men."    Cahen :  les  gens  de  guerre,  "  the  men  of  war."    The  Heb.  word  (TriH)  is  a  military  one,  "  the  host." 

But  it  can  hardly  mean  that  the  army  went  with  Saul,  and  so  the  Vulg.  renders  "  a  part  of  the  army."  The  Chald. 
paraphrase  does  not  help  us :  "apart  of  the  people  who  feared  sin;"  the  Syriac  renders  literally  by  the  same 
word  as  the  Heb.  The  Sept.  reading,  "  sons  oi  might,"  that  is,  "  the  better  class  of  men,"  "  the  men  of  houor  and 
reputation,"  is  more  satisfactory,  on  which  see  Expos. — Te.1 

K  [Yer.  27.  Heb.  "  as  a  deaf  man,"  or,  "  as  one  that  did  not  observe."     The  Eng.  A.  V.  omits  the  particle 
"as."— Te.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CEITICAL. 

I.  Ver.  1.  27ie  anainting.  It  is  performed  with- 
out witnesses  in  secret  (ix.  27),  and  is  the  factual 
confirmation  to  Saul  of  what  Samuel  had  before 
told  him  in  God's  name  of  his  call  to  the  king- 
dom. The  mal  C^S,  from  nj3,  "  to  drop,  flow," 
in  Pi.  only  Ez.  xlvii.  2)  is  a  narrow-necked  vessel, 
from  which  the  oil  flowed  in  drops.  The  oil,  we 
must  suppose,  was  not  of  the  ordinary  sort,  but 
the  holy  auointing-oil  (Ex.  xxix.  7,  xxx.  23-33, 
xxvii.  29)  which,  according  to  the  Law,  was  used 
in  the  consecration  of  the  sacred  vessels  and  the 
priests.  To  this  refers  the  expression  "  the  vial  of 
oil ;"  and  it  is  supported  by  the  analogy  of  the 
priest's  consecration  with  the  consecrated  oil  (Lev. 
viii.  12),  which,  according  to  Ex.  xxx.  31,  was  to 
be  a  holy  oil  throughout  all  generations,  and  by 
the  use  here  and  2  Kings  ix.  3  of  the  word  'p?^'- 
which  is  proper  to  the  anointing  of  the  high-priest. 
Besides,  on  account  of  the  significance  of  the  oil 
of  priestly  consecration,  Samuel  would  have  used 
no  other  in  the  consecration  of  the  sacred  person 
of  the  theocratic  king.  Anointing  as  a  solemn 
usage  in  the  consearation  of  a  king  is  referred  to  as 
early  as  Judg.  ix.  8,  15,  and,  besides  Saul  here,  is 
expressly  mentioned  as  performed  on  other  kings, 
on  David  (xvi.  3;  2  Sam.  ii.  4;  v.  3),  Absalom  (2 
Sam.  xix.  11),  Solomon  (1  Kings  i.  39),  Joash  (2 
Kings  xi.  12),  Jehoahaz  (2  Kings  xxiii.  30),  and 
Jehu  (2  Kings  ix.  3).  In  case  of  regular  succes- 
sion the  anointing  was  supposed  to  continue  its 
efiect  [that  is,  the  regular  successor  needed  no  new 
anointing — such  is  the  view  of  the  Eabbis — Tk.]  ; 
whence  is  explained  the  fact  that  only  the  above  | 
kings  are  mentioned  as  having  been  anointed 
[they  being  all  founders  of  d3masties,  or  irregu- 
larly advanced  to  the  throne — Tk.]  (Oehl.,  Herz. 
^.-S.  VIII.  10.sq.).  On  account  of  this  anoint- 
ing the  theocratic  king  was  called  "the  Anointed 
of  the  Lord."  Whence  we  see  the  general  signifi- 
cance of  the  act :  The  Anointed  was  consecrated, 
sanctified  to  God ;  by  the  anointing  the  king  is 
holy  and  unassailable  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  7 ;  xxvi.  9 ; 
2  Sam.  xix.  22).     It  signifies,  however,  further  in 


especial  the  equipment  with  the  powers  and  gifts 
of  the  &yi,rit  of  God  and  the  blessing  of  the  salva- 
tion which  is  bestowed  in  them  (comp.  xvi.  13).  In 
accordance  with  the  significance  of  the  act  of 
anointing  it  is  narrated  in  vers.  9,  10  how  the 
Spirit  of  God  came  upon  Saul.  While  the  anoint- 
ing thus  set  forth  the  divine  consecration  from 
above,  the  kiss,  which  Samuel  then  gave  Saul,  was 
the  sign  of  the  human  recognition  of  his  royal  dig- 
nity, the  expression  of  reverence  and  homage,  as 
in  Ps.  ii.  12.  The  kiss,  seldom  on  the  mouth, 
generally  on  the  hand,  knee,  or  garment  [among 
modern  Beduins  on  the  forehead — Tb.],  has  al- 
ways been  in  the  East  the  universal  sign  of  subor- 
dination and  subjection,  and  is  so  yet,  as  also 
among  the  Slavic  nations.  The  kissing  of  idols 
(their  feet)  is  mentioned  as  a  religious  usage  ( 1 
Kings  xix.  18 ;  Hos.  xiii.  2;  Job  xxxi.  27).  The 
word  with  which  Samuel  turns  to  Saul  after  the 
anointing:  Is  it  not  that  the  Lord  hath 
anointed  thee  ?  is  witness  and  confirmation  to 
him  that  Samuel  is  only  the  instrument  in  God's 
hand  in  the  consecration,  that  it  is  God's  act. 

(The  Ni^n,  with  the  following  '3,  signifies  "  yea, 
surely."  Clericus:  an  interrogation,  instead  of  an 
affirmation").  Prince  over  his  inheritance. 
TJJ,  "leader,  prince."  "Sis  inheritance"  is  Israel, 
not  only  because  of  the  great  deliverance  out  of 
Egypt,  beut.  iv.  20  (Keil),  but  also  on  the  ground 
of  the  divine  choice  of  Israel  out  of  the  mass  of  the 
heathen  nations  to  be  His  oiro  people  (Ex.  xix.  5). 
The  Sept.  rendering  in  vers.  1,  2  is  as  follows : 
"haih  not  the  Lord  anointed  tliee  ruler  over  his 
people,  over  Israel?  And  thou  shalt  rule  over 
the  people  of  the  Lord,  and  thou  shalt  save  them 
out  of  the  hand  of  their  enemies.  And  this  be 
to  thee  the  sign  tliat  the  Lord  hath  anointed^ thee 
ruler  over  his  inheritance."   This  last  clause  "that 

inheritance"  is  the  literal  translation  of 

the  Maaoretic  text.  The  Vulg.  has  these  words 
in  the  first  sentence:  "behold,  the  Lord  hath 
anointed  thee  prince  over  his  inheritance ;"  then 
follows  the  addition :  "  and  thou  shalt  deliver  his 
people  out  of  the  hands  of  their  enemies  round 
about.    And  this  is  the  sign  to  thee  that  the  Lord 


152 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


hath  anointed  thee  prince."  These  words  of  the 
Sept.  and  Vulg.  are,  however,  not  (with  Then.)  to 
be  used  to  fill  up  a  supposed  gap  in  the  text:  We 
are  rather  to  adopt  Keil's  remark  that  the  Alex, 
text  is  merely  a  gloss  from  ix.  16,  17,  introduced 
because  the  translator  did  not  understand  the  "is 
it  not  that  ?",  and  especially  because  he  did  not 
see  how  Samuel  could  speak  to  Saul  of  signs  [ver. 
7]  without  having  before  announced  them  as  such. 
The  gloss  assumes  that  Samuel  wished  merely  to 
give  Saul  a  sign  that  the  Lord  had  anointed  him 
prince.  On  the  contrary,  as  Keil  points  out, 
Samuel  gave  Saul  not  a  sign  (ay/ielov,  niX),  but 
three  signs,  and  declares  (ver.  7)  their  purpose  to 
be,  that,  on  their  occurrence,  Saul  should  know 
what  he  had  to  do,  Jehovah  being  with  him. 

II.  Vers.  2-16.  The  divine  signs.  Three  signs 
are  given  Saul  by  Samuel  in  his  capacity  of  pro- 
phet, as  a  confirmation  to  him  that  he  is  now,  accord- 
ing to  the  divine  consecration,  also  really  the  king 
of  Israel,  and  under  the  immeiiiate  guidance  of  the 
Lord  (vers.  2;  3,  4;  5,  6). 

The  first  sign,  ver.  2 :  The  meeting  with  two  men 
of  his  native  place,  who  will  inform  him  that  tlie 
iisses  are  found,  and  his  father  anxious  about  him. 
According  to  these  words,  the  sepulchre  of  Bachel 
must  have  been  not  far  from  Ramah,  whence  Saul 
started.  With  this  agrees  Jer.  xxxi.  15 :  "a  voice 
is  heard  in  Ramah, — Rachd  weeping  for  her  chil- 
dren." The  declaration  in  Matt.  ii.  18,  that  the 
mourning  of  the  women  of  Bethlehem  for  their 
slaughtered  children  is  the  fulfilment  of  this  word  of 
Jeremiah,  does  not  affirm  or  suppose  that  Rachel's 
grave  was  near  Bethlehem,  and  therefore  far  from 
Ramah  south  of  Jerusalem,  for  it  is  not  a  local, 
but  a  personal-real  similarity,  namely,  between 
the  mournings  in  the  two  cases,  that  is  intended 
to  be  set  forth.  According  to  our  passage,  Rachel's 
grave  must  have  been  north  of  Jerusalem  on  the 
road  between  Ramah  and  Gibeah ;  and  thus  the 
view  prevalent  since  the  Middle  Ages,  that  Ra- 
chel's tomb  was  mcar  Bethlehem,,  and  somewhat 
north  of  it,  is  shown  to  be  incorrect.  In  support 
of  this  view  are  cited  the  passages  Gen.  xxxv.  16- 
20  and  xlviii.  7,  where  Rachel's  sepulchre  is  said 
to  have  been  a  kibrah  of  land  "  as  one  goes  to 
Ephrah,"  and  "  on  the  road  to  Ephrah,"  and  in  re- 
spect to  Ephrah  the  explanation  is  added :  "  which 
is  now  called  Bethlehem"  (comp.  1  Sam.  xvii. 
12 ;  Mic.  V.  2 ) ;  but  these  indefinite  expressions 
(kihrah  is  merely  tract,  see  2  Kings  v.  19  sq.)  may,  | 
as  Winer  correctly  remarks  (Bibl.  R.-W.  s.  v. 
Rachel,  II.,  299),  be  so  understood  as  to  extend  to 
Ramah.  So  Ewald :  "  Here,  as  in  Genesis,  we 
may  very  well  understand  the  northern  boundary 
of  Benjamin,  beginning  somewhat  southeast  from 
Bam-allah"  (III.  31,  Rem.).  If,  however,  in  Gene- 
sis Rachel's  grave  be  taken  to  be  (as  the  narrator 
intends)  not  far  from  Ephrah,  then,  on  account  of 
the  indubitable  proximity  of  the  grave  to  Ramah, 
this  Ephrah  cannot  be  the  Bethlehem  which  lay 
in  Judah  six  Roman  miles  south  of  Jerusalem, 
and  the  explanatory  remark,  "  which  is  now  called 
Bethlehem,"  must  be  regarded  as  a  late,  erroneous 
addition.  Ephrah  is,  then,  to  be  looked  on  as  an 
otherwise  unknown  place,  in  the  region  in  which 
Bethel,  Ramah  and  Gibeah  lay,  perhaps  the  same 
with  the  city  Ephraim,  named  in  connection  with 
Betliel  in  2  Chron.  xiii.  19  (Qeri  p.lS^  Ephrain, 


Kethib  [naj;  Ephron)  and  Jos.  B.  J.  4,  9.  9,  and 
mentioned  in  Jno.  xi.  54,  according  to  Jerome 
twenty  Roman  miles  (Onom.  s.  v.  Ephron)  north 
of  Jerusalem  (comp.  Josh.  xv.  9),  named  Ephron, 
according  to  von  Raumer's  conjecture  (p.  216  A. 
235  e)  identical  with  Ophrah  (comp.  1  Sam.  xiii. 
17).*  On  this  supposition  the  grave  of  Rachel  was, 
according  to  Graf,  "  very  near  Rama  ( 1  Sam.  x.  2), 
at  the  intersection  of  the  road  from  Bethel  to  the 
neighboring  Ephrah  (2  Sam.  xiii.  23 ;  2  Ghron. 
xiii.  19 ;  see  Then,  and  Bertheau  in  loco,;  Gen. 
xxxv.  16  sq.;  xlviii.  7),  and  the  road  from  Ramah 
to  Gibeah"  {Der  Proph.  Jer.,  p.  384,  and  S^.  u. 
Krii.  1854,  p.  868,  on  the  site  of  Bethel  and  Ra- 
mah). On  the  border  of  Benjamin.  This 
agrees  with  the  supposition  that  Rachel's  grave 
was  near  Bethel  (so  Kurtz,  Gesch.  d.  A.  B.  I.,  270 
[Hist,  of  the  Old  Covenant]},  which  was  on  the 
border  between  Ephraim  and  Henjamin.  At 
Zelzah.  This  word  must  at  an  early  time  have 
been  uncertain,  to  judge  from  the  variations  of 
the  versions  (Sept. :  av<)pag  d'/Anfiinov^  /isydAa, 
whence  Ewald  renders  "in  great  haste,"  and 
Vulg.:  in  mei-idie).  If  we  do  not  regard  it  as  an 
unknown  place,  we  may  adopt  Thenius"  conjecture, 

that  the  original  text  was :  "at  Zela"  {'i^]>^'^2,  3 
with  n  local) ;  Zela  was  the  place  of  the  sepulchre 
of  Saul's  father  (2  Sam.  xxi.  14). — The  statement 
of  the  two  men  that  the  asses  were  found  was  not 
only  to  be  to  Saul  a  confirmation  of  Samuel's  pro- 
phetic declarations,  but  also  to  detach  his  thought.^ 
from  lower  earthly  things,  and  direct  his  inner 
life  to  the  higher  calling,  to  which  he  had  been 
privately  elected  and  consecrated.  Ewald:  "Thus 
happily  disappears  the  burden  of  former  lower 
cares,  because  henceforth  something  more  im- 
portant is  to  be  thought  of  and  cared  for"  (III.  31). 
Vers.  3,  4.  The  second  sign.  Three  men  on  the 
way  to  the  holy  place  at  Bethel,  to  sacrifice  there, 
will  bestow  on  him  two  loaves  of  bread  from  their 
sacrificial  gifts.  The  direction  of  the  road,  and 
the  whole  geographical  situation  here  correspond 
very  well  with  the  statement  in  Genesis  xxxv.  8 

as  to  the  oak  {\'^^,  AUon)  near  which,  "beneath 
Bethel,"  Deborah,  the  nurse  of  Rebekah,  was 
buried,  and  with  the  statement  in  Judg.  iv.  5, 
that  Deborah  dispensed  judgment  "  between  Ra- 
mah and  Belhd  in  Mount  Ephraim"  under  the 
palm-tree  of  Deborah.  It  is  therefore  a  natural 
supposition  (Then.)  that,  by  error  of  hearing.  Ta- 
bor was  written  instead  of  Deborah.  But  this  hy- 
pothesis is  somewhat  bold,  and  against  it  is  the 
fact  that  all  the  ancient  translations  have  "Tabor!' 
That  this  is  "  certainly  a  mere  dialectic  variation 
of  Deborah"  (Ew.  III.,  31  Rem.  2)  is  an  equally 
bold  opinion.  Besides,  Judg.  iv.  5  speaks  of 
"  the  palm-tree  of  Deborah,"  named,  according  to 
the  narrator,  from  the  Judge  Deborah,  and  known 
in  his  time,  therefore,  to  be  distinguished  from 
the  oak  of  Deborah,  the  nurse  of  Rebekah,  Gen. 
xxxv.  8.  The  place  of  the  terebinth  of  Tabor, 
therefore,  otherwise  unknown,  must  be  in  any 
case  on  the  road  to  Bethel,  not  far  from  Ramah. 
The  three  men  are  "  going  up  to  Ood  to  Bethd." 
The  things  that  they  carry  (three  kids,  three 

*  (This  is  to  cut  the  knot  rather  than  to  solve  the 
Keo^rapliical  difficulties  connected  with  Saul's  journey. 
See  1. 1  and  ix.  6,  Expos,  and  Translator's  notes.— Ti.] 


CHAP.  X.  1-27. 


153 


loaves  of  bread,  and  a  vessel  of  wine)  show  that 
their  purpose  is  to  make  an  offering  to  God  in 
Bethel.  Bethel  had  been  a  consecrated  place  for 
the  worship  of  God  since  the  days  of  the  Patri- 
archs, in  conseq  uenee  of  the  revelations  which  He 
had  made  to  Abraham  and  Jacob;  as  to  the  former 
see  Gen.  xii.  8 ;  xiii.  3,  4,  as  to  the  latter  Gen. 
xxviii.  18;  xix.  35;  vi.  7,  14,  15.  In  Bethel, 
therefore,  there  was  an  altar ;  it  was  one  of  the 
places  where  the  people  sacrificed  to  the  Lord, 
and  where  Samuel  at  this  time  held  court.  The 
"  ashing  after  welfare"  signifies  iriendly  saiutation 
(1  Sam.  xvii.  22;  2  Kings  x.  13;  Ex.  xviii.  7; 
Judg.  xviii.  15).  The  men  will  give  him,  an  un- 
known person,  two  of  their  loaves.  Tliis  divinely- 
ordained  occurrence  betokens  the  homage,  which 
by  the  presentation  of  gifts  pertains  to  him  as  the 
king  of  the  people.  "And  that  this  surprising 
prelude  to  all  future  royal  gifts  is  taken  from  bread 
of  offering  points  to  the  fact,  that  in  future  some 
of  the  wealth  of  the  land,  which  has  hitherto  gone 
undivided  to  the  Sanctuary,  will  go  to  the  king." 
(Ew.,  Oeseh.  III.,  32  [fljlsf.  of  IsraeV]). 

Vers.  5, 6.  The  third  sign.  Going  thence  to  Gibeah 
he  will  meet  a  company  of  prophets,  will,  under  the 
influence  of  prophetic  inspiration,  also  prophesy, 
and  be  changed  into  another  man.  Oibeah  HorElo- 
him  is  in  the  immediate  context  distinguished  from 
the  "city."  What  city  is  here  meant  is  clear  from 
the  fact  that  all  the  people  know  him  (ver.  lOsqq.) ; 
it  can,  therefore,  only  be  Oibeah  of  Benjamin, 
Saul's  native  city.  The  "  Gibeah  of  Ood"  is  thus, 
and  especially  because  of  the  definition  "  of  God," 
to  be  taken  not  as  a  proper  name,  but  as  an  ap- 
pellative, "  the  hill  of  God,"  that  is,  the  height, 
Bamah  [high-place]  near  the  city,  which  was  used 
as  a  place  of  sacrifice,  and  after  which  the  city  was 
called ;  afterwards,  when  Saul  made  it  his  royal 
residence,  it  was  called  Gibeah  of  Saul  (xi.  4 ;  xv. 
34;  2  Sam.  xxi.  6).  According  to  Josephus  (B. 
J.  5,  2.  1)  it  was  one  hour  [somewhat  more  than 
two  Eug.  miles;  according  to  Mr.  Grove,  in 
Smith's  Diet,  of  Bih.,  four  miles— Te.]  on  the  di- 
rect road  north  from  Jerusalem,  and,  as  appears 
from  what  follows,  was  probably  the  seat  of  a  com- 
munity of  prophets,  and,  on  that  account,  perhaps 
specially  distinguished,  along  with  Bethel,  among 
the  sacrificial  places.  The '3  'JSJ  ["garrison"  in 
Eng.  A.  v.]  are  the  military  posts  or  camps  esta- 
blished by  the  Philistines  to  keep  the  country 
under  their  sway,  even  though  there  were  no  more 
devastating  incursions  (see  on  vii.  14).  For  a 
similar  procedure  see  2  Sam.  viii.  6,  14.  The 
substitution  of  the  Sing.  (3'SJ)  for  the  Plu.  is  sup- 
ported by  the  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Arab. ;_  but  it  is 
going  too  far  to  suppose,  on  the  authority^  of  the 
Sept.,  that  here,  as  well  as  in  xiii.  3,  4,  this  Sing, 
denotes  a  piUar  set  up  by  the  Philistines  as  a  sign 
of  their  authority  (Then,  and  Bottcher)*.  Ewald's 
opinion  [Geseh.  III., 43)  that  it  refers  to  an  ofiicer 
who  collected  the  tribute,  is  still  less  probable. 
Instead  of  a  monument,  we  must  regard  it, 
according  to  xiii.  3,  4,   and  as  in  2  Sam.  viii. 

*  On  TI'I  Battoher  remarks :  "  as  Jussive  it  can  only 
mean  'and  be  it  —  and  when,'  so  that  ftJ^JiJI  belongs  to 
the  protasis,  and  the  apodosis  begins  with  iin/^)  [ver. 
61."  So  I  Kings  xIt.  5,  where  TTV  "  aud  be  it "  =  "  even 
if." 


6,  14,  as  a  military  colony  stationed  there. — 
A  company  of  propAete  {'?J!],  "cord,  line,"  then 
like  our  "band,  company").  From  this  de- 
scription, and  ti-om  the  fact  that  they  approach 
with  music,  it  appears  that  they  formed  a  society, 
an  organwed  company.  That  they  descended  from 
the  Bamah  [high-place]  is  no  proof  that  they 
dwelt  on  it,  against  which  is  the  fact  that  the  Ba- 
mah was  especially  consecrated  to  the  service  of 
Jehovah,  and  for  this  reason  was  called  the  "  hill 
of  God,"  not  "because  it  was  the  abode  of  men  of 
God"  (Cleric).  Since  it  is  clear,  from  what  fol- 
lows, that  this  was  a  private  solemn  procession,  it  is 
probable  that  their  residence  was  not  far  ofl)  most 
likely  in  the  city  of  Gibeah,  whence  they  may 
have  proceeded  to  the  sacrifice  and  prayer  on  the 
high-place.  This  company  of  prophets  belongs, 
no  doubt,  to  the  so-called  Schools  of  the  PrcfpheU, 
which,  however,  would  be  better  named  prophetic 
Unions.  They  were  founded  by  Samuel,  and  were 
under  his  direction,  comp.  xix.  20.  The  origin 
of  these  unions  lies  in  the  tendency  to  associaiion 
given  by  the  Spirit  of  God  and  by  the  new  life 
which  Samuel  awakened,  and  their  aim  was  to 
cherish  and  develop  prophetic  inspiration  and  the 
new  life  of  faith  by  common  holy  exercises.  In 
our  passage  we  must  distinguish  the  following 
facts:  1)  The  descent  from  the  high-place  in  this 
solemn  procession  suggests  that  they  had  gathered 
there  for  common  religious  exercises,  sacrifice, 
and  prayer.  2)  The  music  which  went  before 
them  shows  that,  in  these  societies,  religious  feeling 
was  nourished  and  heightened  by  sacred  music, 
though  music  was  also  elsewhere  cultivated.  The 
four  instruments  which  accompanied  them  indicate 
the  rich  variety  and  advanced  culture  of  the  music 
of  that  day.  The  psaltery  {'??.,  nebel)  is  a  cithern- 
like  stringed  instrument,  which,  according  to  Je- 
rome, Isidorus  and  Cassiodorus,  had  the  form  of 
an  inverted  Delta,  and,  according  to  Ps.  xxxiii. 
2 ;  cxliv.  9,  had  ten  strings  (Jos.  Ant.  1,  10  says 
twelve  strings),  called  by  the  Greeks  vaji\a,  nahKr 
•um,  psalterium;  it  was  commonly  used,  as  here,  in 
sacred  songs  of  praise  (1  Kings  x.  12 ;  1  Chron.  xv. 
16),  but  also  on  secular  festive  occasions  (2  Chron. 
XX.  28).  The  kinnor  ("11^3  [Eng.  A.  V.  harp]) 
was  another  stringed  instrument,  apparently  dif- 
ferent from  our  harp  (Luther),  since  it  was  played 
on  in  walking  (comp.  2Sam.vi.5),  rather  a  sort  of 
guitar,  and  with  the  nebel  indicates  complete  string 
music  (Psalm  Ixxi.  22;  cviii.  3  [2]  ;  cl.  3).  Ac- 
cording to  Josephus  (Ant.  7,  12,  3)  the  kinnor 
was  struck  with  the  plectrum,  the  nablium  with 
the  finger.  But  David  played  the  kinnor  (-^vi. 
23 ;  xviii.  10 ;  xix.  9)  with  the  hand.  The  tahret 
(pin,  toph)  is  the  hand-drum,  the  tambourine; 
used 'by  Miriam,  Ex.  xv.  20.  The  fourth  instru- 
ment is  the  flute  (V^n),  which  was  made  of  reed, 
wood,  or  horn,  and  was  a  favorite  instrument  in 
festive  and  mournful  music.  3)  The  emphasis 
rests  on  the  words  "  and  they  were  propliesying ;" 
they  were  in  a  condition  of  ecstatic  mspiration,  in 
which,  singing  or  speaking,  with  accompaniment 
of  music,  they  gave  expression  to  the  overflowing 
feeling  with  which  their  hearts  were  filled  from 
above' by  the  controlling  Spirit.  Cleric:  "they 
will  sing  songs,  which  assuredly  were  composed 
to  the  honor  of  God."     The  strains  of  the  music 


154 


THE  FlliST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


were  intended  not  only  to  awaken  the  heart  to  in- 
spired praise  of  God,  or  to  intensify  the  religious 
inspiration,  but  also  to  regulate  the  feeling.  Ac- 
cording to  Pindar,  it  was  "peacefully  to  bring 
law  into  the  heart"  that  Apollo  invented  the 
cithern,  which  was  played  in  the  Delphic  Apollo- 
worship  (O.  Miiller,  Dorier  I.,  346  [Borians']). 
There  was  a  similar  outflow  of  religious  inspira- 
tion to  the  praise  of  God  in  the  case  of  the  seventy 
elders.  Num.  xi.  25.— Ver.  6.  Saul  will  not  be 
able  to  withstand  the  mighty  influence  of  tliis 
sight.  Three  things  will  happen  to  him:  1)  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lard,  a  divine  power  external  to  him- 
self, will  "coine  upon  him;"  that  is,  suddeidy,  im- 
mediately take  possession  of  his  soul.  The  words 
"Spirit  of  Jehovah"  exclude  every  earthly,  in- 
ternal ease  of  inspiration.  It  is,  however,  in  this 
presupposed  that  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  must  de- 
scend to  produce  this  excitation  aiid  elevation, 
and  does  not  dwell  continually  in  him ;  2)  he  will 
prophesy.  (On  the  form  fl'^jrin  see  Ew.  ?  198, 6.) 
He  will,  therefore,  have  a  part  in  the  religious 
inspiration  and  the  prophetic  utterance  of  the 
prophets.  It  is  taken  for  granted  that  the  fire  of 
inspiration  ^vill  pass  immediately  from  them  to 
him ;  3)  he  will  be  turned  into  another  rnan.  The 
change  relates  to  the  inner  life,  which  is  renewed 
by  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  consists  in  the  sanctifi- 
cation  of  heart  and  subordination  of  tlie  will  to 
the  hiw  of  the  Lord  which  the  Spirit  works.  The 
prophecy  [of  Samuel],  therefore,  is:  Thou  wilt, 
through  the  Spirit  of  God  which  shall  come  upon 
thee,  not  only  prophesy  in  inspired  words,  but  also 
experience  a  change  of  the  inner  man,  as  accords 
with  thy  divine  call  to  be  king. 

Ver.  7.  The  general  significance  of  the  occurrence 
of  these  signs.  'When  these  signs  come  to 
thee  (read  nrS'JJn,  Ps.  xlv.  16,  "when  all  this 
happens  to  thee"),  do  what  thy  hand  findeth — 
the  same  formula  in  xxv.  8  and  .Judg.  ix.  33,  not, 
what  thou  likest,  what  seems  most  proper,  "  what 
seems  good  to  thee,"  (Cler.),  but,  what  presents 
itself,  "  that  to  which  this  action  leads,"  (Ew.  IIL, 
41),  do  what  circumstances  suggest;  for  God  is 
■with  thee,  "thou  needst  not  consult  any  one, 
for  God  will  second  thy  counsels"  (Cler.).  These 
signs  are  to  signify  to  him  that,  so  surely  as  they 
happen  to  him  will  he  happily,  with  God's  help, 
carry  out  his  undertakings. — These  words  refer  to 
Saul's  immediate  task  in  his  royal  calling  (of 
which  these  God-given  signs  were  to  assure  him), 
namely,  the  deliverance  of  the  people  from  tlie 
oppression  of  the  Philistines. 

Yer.  8.  Saul  next  receives  from  the  prophet  a 
command  in  God's  name,  which  limits  the  unre- 
stricted royal  authority  conferred  on  him  under 
support  of  God ;  he  is  forbidden,  in  the  exercise  of 
the  royal  office,  to  perform  independently  priestly 
functions.  Gilgal,  situated  between  the  Jordan 
and  Jericho,  formerly  the  camp  of  She  people 
after  the  crossing  of  the  Jordan,  where  were  under- 
taken the  wars  against  the  Canaanites  for  the  con- 
quest of  the  land,  tlie  central  point  of  Israel  con- 
secrated by  the  tabernacle  and  the  sacrificial  wor- 
ship (Josh,  v.)  was  now  "  one  of  the  holiest  places 
in  Israel,  and  the  true  middle-point  of  the  whole 
people, — because  the  control  of  the  Philistines 
extended  so  far  westward  [eastward?]  that  the  I 
centre  of  gravity  of  the  realm  was  necessarily  | 


pushed  back  to  the  bank  of  the  Jordan  "  (Ew.  III., 
42).    Hither  must  Saul  as  king  betake  himself; 
when  he  would  enter  on  the  deliverance  of  Israel 
from  the  dominion  of  the  Philistines.     "This 
place  seems  to  have  been  chosen,  because  it  was 
remotest  from  the    Philistine    border"    (Cler.). 
"  There  the  people  assembled  in  general  political 
questions,  and  thence,  after  sacrifice  and  prayer, 
marched  armed  to  war.     Here,  then,  especially, 
in  the  nature  of  the  case,  would  the  mutual  rela- 
tion of  the  two  independent  powers  of  the  realm 
come  into  question,  be  announced,  and  somehow 
permanently  decided"  (Ew.  as  above).     Samuel, 
therefore,  bids  Saul  wait  seven  days,  when  he 
goes  to  Gilgal,  in  order  that  he,  Samuel,  may 
direct  the  sacrifice,  and  impart  to  him  the  Lord's 
commands  as  to  what  he  shall  do.    Saul  is  not  to 
make  the  oiFering  in  his  own  power — this  pertains 
only  to  Samuel  as  priestly  mediator  between  God 
and  the  people — nor  is  he  to  undertake  indepen- 
dently anything  in  connection  with  the  past  strug- 
gle for  freedom,  but  he  must  await  the  instruc- 
tions which  the  prophet  is  to  give  him.    The  king 
must  act  only  in  dependence  on  the  invisible 
King  of  his  people.     See  further,  on  ver.  8  and 
its  relation  to  xiii.  8,  the  Introduction,  pp.  11, 12. 
Vers.  9-12.   2'he  oceun-ence  of  the  signs  announced 
to  Said.     Ver.  9  refers  to  the  fulfilment  of  the  last, 
most  important  element  of  the  third  prophecy 
(ver.  6) :  the  change  into  another  man.     Not  only 
the  fact  of  this  renewal,  but  also  its  innermost 
source  is   indicated  in  the  words :   God  gave 
[lit.  turned,  changed]  him  another  heart,  two 
assertions  being  involved  in  this  pregnant  phrase: 
God  turned  him  about,  and  gave  him  another 
heart.     His  departure  from  Samuel  and  turning 
to  go  back  home,  and  his  conversion  are  expressed, 
not  without  design,  by  the  same  word  turn;  for 
the  place,  from  which  he  turned,  was  the  means 
of  this  conversion ;  Samuel's  person  and  word  was 
the  instrument  bj'  which  Go"d  began  in  him  the 
process  of  inward  renewal ;  the  vSpirit  of  God,  that 
wrought  and  completed  it,  came  in  part  mediately 
through  Samuel,  in  part  immediately  to  his  heart 
from  above.    According  to  the  Biblical  represen- 
tation the  heart  denotes  the  centre  of  the  whole 
inward  life,  the  uniting-point  of  all  the  elements  of 
the  inner  man.     The  thorough  and  complete  change 
to  another  man  can  proceed  only  from  the  heart, 
which  alone  God  in  His  judgments  on  man  looks 
at  (xvi.  7).     The  essential  element,  therefgre,  in 
the  renewal  of  the  heart  is  not  only  the  production 
of  a,  as  it  were,  new,  hitherto  latent  side  of  his 
spiritual  being — this  is  only  its  symptom — but  in 
a  real  religious-ethical  change  and  renewal  of  the 
innermost  foundation  of  life.    In  this  all  special 
revelations  of  the  divine  spirit  and  will  to  Saul 
must  culminate ;  all  that  has  happened  from  eh. 
ix.  on  tends  to  this  highest  and  innermost  end,  to 
the  proper  establishment  of  this  religious-ethical 
relation  of  the  innermost  foundation  of  life  to  God, 
as  the  most  essential  condition  of  an  administrar 
tion  of  the  theocratic  office  which  should  be  well- 
pleasing  to  God. — And  all  those  signs  came 
to  pass  that  day.     From  Ramah  Saul  could 
easily  come  to  Oibeah  the  same  day  through  the 
stations  indicated.     It  is  not  mentioned  in  what 
order  the  signs  occurred,  but  it  is  first  mmmairih 
stated  that  they  were  all  fulfilled,  and  then  related 
how  the  third  happened.  If  the  summary  statement 


CHAP.  X.  1-27. 


155 


did  not  precede,  and  the  third  sign  were  related 
immediately,  one  might  suppose  with  Thenius 
"a  possible  omission  by  the  redactor;"  but,  the 
context  of  vers.  2-4  being  thus  [summarily]  dis- 
patched, the  narrator  hastens  to  the  third  sign  as 
the  most  important,  in  order  to  show  how  and 
under  what  circumstances  it  occurred,  after  having 
made  the  remark,  which  was  sufficient  for  his 
purpose,  that  the  first  and  second  had  been  fulfilled 
according  to  Samuel's  words.  It  is  worthy  of 
note  that  none  of  the  ancient  translators  has  at- 
tempted to  fill  out  the  supposed  gap.  Thenius 
adopts  the  reading  of  the  Sept.  "from  thence" 
(/cai  ipx^Tai  jkeiWev),  from  which  he  infers  the  pre- 
vious mention  of  another  place;  but  even  this 
reading  would  not  prove  an  omission,  but  would 
refer,  to  the  place  where  Saul  separated  from 
Samuel,  the  journey  being  thus  summarily  de- 
scribed with  omission  of  two  stations.  Further, 
the  words  "  from  thence "  would  be  quite  super- 
fluous.—The  m  of  the  text  [Eng.  A.  V.  "thi- 
ther"] is  not  to  be  translated  whither  (Bunsen: 
to  Gibeah),  but  expresses  local  rest :  "  they  come 
there  to  Gibeah." — The  mention  of  the  third  sign 
only  (there  being  nothing  in  narrative  or  lan- 
guage, as  shown  above,  to  necessitate  the  assump- 
tion of  a  historical  or  auctorial  gap)  is  not  to  give 
importance  to  Gibeah,  Saul's  home  (Keil) ;  rather 
this  sign  was  the  most  important  for  Saul's  inner 
life,  and  for  that  on  which  depended  the  right 
exercise  of  the  theocratic  royal  office,  namely, 
the  new  heart  and  life  called  forth  by  the  pro- 
phetic spirit,  and  it  stands  in  causal  connection 
with  the  preceding  testimony  (which  is  the  prin- 
cipal thing)  to  the  actual  renewal  of  Saul's  heart, 
narrating  how  Saul  was  equipped  with  the  Spirit 
of  the  Lord,  and  filled  with  the  prophetic  Spirit, 
which  changed  his  heart. — Ver.  10.  From  the 
local  statements  here  made,  it  is  tolerably  clear 
that  this  company  of  prophets  dwelt  in  Chbeah. 
In  order  to  understand  the  effect  of  their  appear- 
ance on  Saul,  we  must  think  of  it  as  it  is  described 
in  ver.  5.  Suddenly,  unannounced,  overpoweringly 
the  Spirit  comes  upon  him,  "faMs  upon"  him. 
Involuntarily,  therefore,  he  is  seized  Iby  it,  and 
drawn  along  into  the  lofty  inspiration  of  the 
prophets.  By  the  influence  of  the  Lord's  Spirit, 
wliich  Saul  has  hitherto  experienced  through 
Samuel,  he  is  made  capable  of  receiving  the  full- 
ness of  the  prophetical  Spirit,  and  of  this  sudden 
seizure  by  the  prophetic  inspiration,  which  thus 
manifested  itself  in  music  and  song.  He  pro- 
phesied, that  is,  he  united  in  their  inspired 
song,  or  in  the  discourse  in  which  their  new  life 
poured  itself  forth — in  their  midst,  he  attached 
himself  to  them,  joined  their  solemn  procession ; 
meeting  leads  to  uniting  (the  phrase,  "in  the 
midst,"  answers  to  the  "towards  him"). — Ver. 
11.  Before  time  [lit.  "from  yesterday  and 
the  day  before,"  and  so  Erdmann  has  it. — Tb.]. 
This  universal  previous  acquaintance  with  Saul 
and  the  talk  of  the  people  among  themselves  is 
proof  that  he  was  here  at  home.  The  surprise 
produced  by  Saul's  participation  in  the  prophetic 
utterance  is  described  with  incomparable  fidelity 
and  liveliness.  The  two  questions,  which  testify 
to  surprise  and  amazement,  presuppose  two  things : 
1)  the  power  and  significance  of  the  prophetic 
community  in  the  public  opinion,  and  2)  the  fact 


that  Saul's  life  had  hitherto  been  far  therefrom, 
that  it  had  not  been  in  harmony,  either  externally 
or  internally,  with  this  society ;  we  see  him  sud- 
denly introduced  into  a  sphere  which  had  hitherto 
been  outwardly  and  inwardly  strange  to  him. 
Clericus :  "  This  seems  to  show  that  Saul  had  led  a 
life  very  different  from  those  who  associated  with 
the  prophets." — Ver.  12.  To  the  questions:  "What 
has  happened  to  the  sore  of  Kish?  Is  Saul  also 
among  the  prophets  ?"  answer  is  given  by  "  a  man 
from  there"  (from  Gibeah)  in  a  counter-question, 
which,  by  its  form  (the  "who  is  their  father?" 
referring  to  the  "  son  of  Kish"),  ingeniously  and 
decisively  repels  the  false  conception  of  the  na- 
ture of  this  prophetic  inspiration  which  lay  in 
these  questions.  The  explanation:  "who  is  their 
president  f  has  no  support  in  the  connection,  and 
no  bearing  on  the  matter.  The  Sept.  has  "who 
is  i^is  father  ?"  (adding  also  [Alex.]:  "is  it  not 
Kish  ?" ) :  but  this  is  arbitrary  and  obviously 
adopted  to  get  rid  of  the  difficulty  in  the  text. 
And  to  suppose  that  the  words :  "  Who  is  their 
father  ?  Is  it  not  Kish  ?"  indicate  that  recognition 
as  a  prophet  was  denied  Saul  because  of  his  de- 
scent from  BO  insignificant  a  man  as  Kish  (Then.), 
or  that  they  merely  express  the  surprise  of  the 
people  (Ew.),  would  introduce  an  intolerable 
tautology  into  the  lively,  pregnant  description. 
As  a  simple  question,  these  words  would  mean 
nothing  in  the  mouth  of  the  man  of  Gibeah,  who 
necessarily  knew  the  answer,  and  could  learn  it 
from  the  connection  in  which  the  question  was 
asked.  The  question  "  who  is  then  their  father  ?" 
rather  refers  to  the  prophets,  in  whose  midst  was 
even  now  the  object  of  the  question  of  surprise: 
Is  the  son  of  Kish  a  prophet  ?  As  Bunsen  rightly 
remarks,  the  their  is  to  be  emphasized:  "And 
who  is  their  father?"  We  may  suppose  (in  ac- 
cordance with  the  situation)  that  the  words  were 
accompanied  by  an  indicative  gesture,  and  with 
Oehler  {Herz.  B.  £.  Xll.  612)  explain:  "liave 
these  then  the  prophetic  spirit  by  a  privilege  of 
birth  ?"  Bodily  paternity  is  here  of  no  import- 
ance ;  the  son  of  Kish  may  as  well  be  a  prophet 
as  these  sons  of  fathers,  who  are  wholly  unknown 
to  us,  or  of  whom  we  should  not,  according  to 
human  reckoning,  suppose  that  their  sons  would 
be  filled  with  the  prophetic  Spirit.  So  Bunsen's 
admirable  explanation:  "The  speaker  declares, 
against  the  contemptuous  remark  about  the  son 
of  Kish,  that  the  prophets  too  owed  their  gift  to 
no  peculiarly  lofty  lineage.  Saul  also  might, 
therefore,  receive  this  gift,  as  a  gift  from  God, 
not  as  a,  patrimony."  In  this  counter-question 
lies  this  truth :  the  impartation  of  the  prophetic 
Spirit,  as  of  its  gifts  and  powers,  pertains  to  the 
free,  gracious  will  of  God,  and  is  altogether  inde- 
pendent of  natural-human  relations.  The  ex- 
pression of  surprise  at  the  unexpected  change  in 
Saul  gives  occasion  to  the  proverb:  Is  Saul 
also  among  the  prophets  ?  According  to  its 
origin  here  given,  this  proverb  does  not  merely 
express  surprise  at  the  sudden  unexpected  tran- 
sition of  a  man  to  another  calling  in  life  (Then., 
Cler.;  " another  manner  of  life"),  or  to  a  high 
and  honorable  position  (Miinster).  The  personal 
and  moral  qualities  of  Saul,  perhaps  the  religious- 
moral  character  of  his  family,  or  at  lea,st  the 
mean  opinion  that  was  entertained  of  Saul's 
qualities  and  capacities,  intellectually,  religiously 


156 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


and  morally,  formed  the  ground  of  surprise  at 
hie  sudden  assumption  of  the  prophetic  character. 
The  proverb,  therefore,  expresses  astonishment 
at  the  unexpected  appearance  of  a  high  spiritual 
endowment,  and,  still  more,  of  a  liigh  religious- 
moral  tone  of  life  and  soul,  which  has  hitherto 
been  foreign  to,  even  (as  it  seems)  opposed  to,  the 
person  in  question. 

Vers.  13-16.  Afamil/y-gcene:  Said  and  his  uncle. 
Ver.  13.  The  cessation  of  the  prophesying  was  the 
result  either  of  a  sudden  removal  of  the  ecstatic 
inspiration  which  had  come  suddenly  on  him,  or 
of  a  separation  from  the  prophesying  company. 
Saul  came  to  the  Bamah  [high-place].  Instead 
of  Bamah  (HDD),  Then,  (so  Ew.)  reads  after  the 
Sept.  "to  Gibeah"  (elf  rbv  j3ovv6v,  n;OJ3).  But 
this  reading  came  from  the  supposed  inability  to 
reconcile  Saul's  going  up  to  the  high-place  with 
the  prophetic  company's  coming  dmm  thence, 
and  Saul's  return  to  his  family  in  ver.  14,  nor 
did  it  seem  clear^  why  Saul  went  up  thither. 
The  last  objection  is  removed  by  the  simple  sug- 
gestion, that  Saul  went  up  tliither  to  pray  and 
sacrifice  in  the  holy  place  after  his  great  expe- 
riences of  the  divine  favor  and  goodness,  and  so 
after  his  return  home  first  to  give  God  the  glory 
before  he  returned  to  his  family-life.  He  joined 
the  descending  company  of  prophets  in  their 
solemn  procession;  but  when  his  participation 
in  the  utterances  of  the  prophetic  inspiration  was 
over,  his  look  rested  on  the  sacred  height,  whence 
the  men  had  descended,  and  the  impulse  of  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  forced  him  up  thither,  that, 
after  the  extraordinary  offering  he  had  made 
with  the  prophets,  he  might  make  the  ordinary 
ofiering,  and  engage  in  worship.  This  was  the 
aim,  suggested  by  the  connection  of  the  whole 
history,  of  his  ascent  to  the  high-place. — Ver.  14. 
The  uncle  of  Saul,  here  spoken  of,  was  Ner  (xiv. 
51),  who,  like  Kish  (ix.  1),  was  a  son  of  Ahicl, 
not  Abner,  as  Ewald,  with  Josephus,  supposes. 
Either  Saul's  relations  went  up  with  him  to  the 
high-place,  and  the  conversation  with  the  uncle 
occurred  there,  or  (as  is  natural  in  a  summary 
statement,  like  this),  we  must  suppose  that  Saul 
came  down  to  his  family.  According  to  the  nar- 
rative the  former  explanation  is  preferable.  In 
the  question  and  answer  between  Saul  and  his 
uncle,  the  history  of  the  search  after  the  asses  is 
briefly  recapitulated,  vers.  14-16.  Saul's  laconic 
answer  to  the  question  of  his  uncle,  who  very 
properly  speaks  of  so  important  a  domestic  mat- 
ter, shows  that  his  heart  is  fixed  on  higher  things 
than  the  asses  of  his  father.  To  the  curious  and 
at  the  same  time  inquisitorial  question :  What 
said  Samuel  to  you?  which  shows  what 
importance  was  attached  to  knowing  the  man's 
words  exactly  and  fully,  Saul  answers  shortly 
and  to  the  point:  He  said  that  they  -were 
found.  Thus  the  uncle,  to  whom  this  fact  was 
long  since  known,  was  disposed  of,  and  the  long 
conversation  he  had  laid  out  sharply  broken  off; 
thus  Saul  had  done  his  duty  to  family-afiairs. 
The  further  express  statement  that  he  said  nothing 
to  his  uncle  of  the  kingdom,  of  which  Samuel  had 
spoken  to  him,  is  to  be  referred,  not  to  Saul's 
unassuming  humility  (Keil),  or  modesty  (Ewald), 
or  prudence  (Then).,  or  apprehension  of  his  un- 
cle's incredulity  and  envy,  but  to  the  fact  that 
Samuel,  by  his  manner  of  imparting  the  divine 


revelation,  had  clearly  and  expressly  given  him 
to  understand  (ix.  25-27)  that  it  was  meant  in 
the  first  instance  for  him  alone,  and  that  it  was 
not  the  divine  will  that  he  should  share  it  with 
others.  The  public  presentation  of  Saul  as  the 
king  of  Israel,  whom  Ood  had  chosen,  was  to  take 
place  only  at  the  time  appointed  by  God  through 
Samuel,  and  at  the  place  which  the  prophet 
should  determine.  Saul  may  have  thought,  too, 
that  his  uncle's  ears  were  not  entitled  to  be  the 
first  recipients  of  so  holy  a  message,  he  having 
got  his  rights  on  the  question  concerning  the 


III.  The  choice  of  Saul  by  lot  as  public  confirma- 
tion of  the  divine  election  already  made  in  secret. 
Vers.  17-21. 

Ver.  17.  The  popular  assembly,  called  by  Sar 
muel  at  Mizpah,  because  this  sacred  place  was 
connected  in  the  people's  minds  with  the  memory 
of  the  great  victory,  ch.  vii.,  was  intended,  as  is 
shown  by  the  expression  "  to  Jehovah  "  (see  vii. 
5),  solemnly  to  confirm  and  ratify  the  divine 
choice  of  Saul  to  be  king  of  Israel,  and  to  conse- 
crate him  to  this  oflice.  Nagelsbach  (Herz.  B.-E., 
XIII.  401),  referring  to  ver.  8,  objecte  that  the 
next  meeting  was  not  in  Gilgal,  but  in  Mizpah, 
and  that,  according  to  xi.  14,  Saul  goes  to  GJgal 
not  before  but  vdth  Samuel,  and  there  could,  there- 
fore, be  no  que-stion  of  waiting  for  him.  'The  ob- 
jection is,  however,  set  aside  by  the  remark  that 
these  two  meetings  in  Mizpah  and  Gilgal  have 
nothing  to  do  with  vers.  7,  8,  but  are  designed,  as 
is  expressly  said,  to  announce  Saul  as  the  cho.sen 
of  the  Lord,  and  again  to  confirm  him  as  king 
(ver.  24  and  xi.  14),  in  order  that,  as  universally 
recognized  king,  lie  might,  from  Oilgal,  that  ancient 
classic  ground,  take  in  hand  the  great  work  of  deli- 
vering Israel  from  the  Philistines,  which,  as  his  prir 
mary  task,  lay  ready  to  his  hand  (ver.  7 :  "  what- 
ever thy  hand  findeth"). 

Vers.  18,  19.  Samiiel's  introductory  discourse. 
The  "  thus  saith  the  Lord,"  answers  to  the  "  to  the 
Lord  "  of  ver.  17.  The  people  were  called  to  as- 
semble before  the  Lord  to  hear  His  word  through 
the  mouth  of  Samuel,  as  the  latter  had  received 
it  directly  fi'om  the  Lord.  Samuel's  discourse 
first  sets  before  the  people  in  curt,  vigorous  phrase 
the  royal  deeds  of  might  which  God  the  Lord  had 
done  for  them  :  the  conduction  from  Egypt,  the  de- 
liverance out  of  the  hand  of  the  Egyptians  (immedi- 
ately after  the  exodus)  and  the  deliverance  out  of 
the  hand  of  all  the  kingdoms  which  had  oppressed 
them.  Cleric. :  "  The  history  of  which  last  deli- 
verances is  contained  in  the  Book  of  Judges."  * 
This  third  period  of  the  history  embraces  the  whole 
time  from  the  conquest  of  Canaan  to  the  present, 
including  the  victory  at  Mizpah  (vii.  5),  of  which 
the  stone  before  their  eyes  bore  witness.  The  re- 
ference to  the  kingdoms,  from  which  God  had  de- 
livered Israel  is  noteworthy,  because,  after  the 
pattern  of  these  very  kingdoms,  the  Israelites 
wished  to  have  a  king  and  an  outward  kingdom. 
There  is  in  this  a  factual  irony.^ — Ver.  19.  The 
second  part  of  the  discourse :  the  charge  of  ingratir 
tvde  and  unfaithfulness,  expressed  in  the  demand 

*  The  maso.  Partcp.  D'Sribn  ["which  oppressed"] 
forms  with  the  fem.  subst.'  O'lDSoBn  ["the  king- 
doms"] a  mnstructio  ad  sensum,  the  warriors  of  the 
heathen  nations  being  had  in  mind. 


CHAP.  X.  1-27. 


157 


of  a  king.  Their  fault  consisted  not  in  the  sim- 
ple desire  for  a  king,  but  in  the  fact  that,  forget- 
ting God's  royal  achievements,  they  wished  to 
have  a  visible  mighty  king  like  the  heathen  na- 
tions, and,  not  seeking  help  from  oppressive  ene- 
mies from  the  Lord,  they  desired  a  human  king 
along  with  God,  or  instead  of  their  invisible  King 
as  helper  out  of  all  need  and  oppression.— It  is  to 
be  noted  that  the  "  and  ye  "  at  the  beginning  of 
the  second  part  [ver.  19]  answers  to  the  "  I"  at 
the  beginning  of  the  first  part  [ver.  18],  marking 
emphatically  the  contrast  between  the  Lord's 
powerful  help  and  the  people's  sinful  conduct  in 
this  question  of  a  king. — The  contempt  or  r^edion 
of  Jehovah  (oomp.  Expos,  on  viii.  7  sq.)  consisted, 
in  respect  to  God  s  gracious  and  mighty  deliver- 
ances, in  the  demand :  set  «  king  over  us.* 
After  this  sharp  rebuke,  in  which  (aa  before 
in  chap,  viii.)  the  full  significance  of  their  de- 
sire from  the  religious-ethical  point  of  view  is 
held  up  before  the  people,  follows  thirdly  the  fac- 
tual granting  of  the  desire,  according  to  the  di- 
vine command,  viii.  22,  by  ordering  a  choice  by 
the  sacred  lot.  The  "  and  now,"  in  respect  to  the 
"  I — ye  "  contrasted  above,  marks  a,  division  in 
the  address.  The  manner  of  choice  is  enjoined 
with  precision  by  Samuel.  They  are  to  appear 
"  before  Jehovah ;"  this  refers  not  merely  to  the 
conception  of  God  as  everywhere  present  (Cleric. : 
"  when  invoked,  He  was  present  with  the  assem- 
bly"), but  also  to  the  holy  place  in  which  the 
Lord's  altar  was  erected  (vii.  9).  They  were  to 
appear  by  tribes  and  thousands,  the  latter  here 
meaning  the  same  thing  as  families  (niniJE'p). 
To  facilitate  legal  transactions  Moses  had  divided 
the  people  into  thousands,  hundreds,  etc.,  and  ap- 
pointed captains  over  all  these  divisions  (Ex. 
xviii.  25).  This  division  probably  followed  as' 
closely  as  possible  the  natural  one,  and  so  the 
designation  thousands  was  used  as  synonymous 
with  families  (Num.  i.  16  ;  x.  4 ;  Josh.  xxii.  14, 
etc.),  because  the  number  of  heads  of  houses  in  the 
several  families  of  a  tribe  might  easily  reach  a 
thousand  (comp.  ver.  21). — Ver.  20  sq.  Execution 
and  r^mlt  of  this  mode  of  election.  The  repre- 
sentatives of  the  tribes  being  called,  the  lot  fell  on 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  (properly  the  tribe  "  was 
taken").  How  the  lots  were  cast  is  not  said; 
commonly  it  was  by  throwing  tablets  (Josh,  xviii. 
6,  8  ;  Jon.  i.  7 ;  Ezek.  xxiv.  7  j,  but  sometimes  by 
drawing  from  a  vessel  (Num.  xxxiii.  54;  Lev.  vi. 
9).  The  latter  seems  to  have  been  the  method 
here  employed.  There  is  not  the  slightest  ground 
for  connecting  this  with  the  lot  of  the  high-priestly 
Urim  and  Thummim  (Vaihinger  in  Herz.  B.-E. 
IV.  85).— Ver.  21.  When  the  families  of  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  were  called,  the  lot  fell  on  the  family 
of  Mairi,^  an  otherwise  unknown  name  (Ew.  IIL 
33  conjectures  that  it  is  corrupted  from  Sikrif). 
In  the  families  the  lot  was  usually  so  conducted 
that  the  kmses  (D'fla)  were  next  called  (Josh.  vii. 
14),  then  from  the  patrcece  or  father-house  (3X~n'3) 

*   The  ''2  is  "  naed  to  introduce  direct  discourse,  even 

in  a  contradictory  clause,  like  our  '  no,-but.'  as  in  Kuth 

i.  10"  (Keil).    It  is  ther^ore  not  necessary  to  read  Kl 

with  the  ancient  vers,  for  17,  which  reading  is  obviously 
imitated  from  viii.  19  and  xii.  12. 
t  [Properly :  Matrite."  and  Bikrites.— Te.] 


thus  chosen  the  individual  heads  of  families 
(D'^iaj)  came  forward,  that  the  femUy  and  the 
individual  chosen  by  the  Lord  might  be  indicated 
(see  Keil  in  loco,  Hem.  1).  Here  the  description 
of  the  election  is  abridged,  the  last  steps  being 
passed  over  (comp.  what  is  said  above  on  the 
three  signs).  The  result  is  given  at  once :  And 
Saul  was  taken.  The  insertion  of  the  Sept. 
"  and  they  present  the  family  of  Matri  by  men  " 
is  to  be  regarded  (with  Keil,  against  Then.)  as 
an  interpretation  of  the  Alexandrian  translators. 
According  to  the  order  above-stated  (from  Josh, 
vii.  14)  it  fills  out  the  supposed  gap  in  the  text 
not  completely,  but  only  partially  and  errone- 
ously.— They  sought  Saul,  but  found  him 
not.  The  ground  was  his  diflSdence  and  shyness 
in  respect  to  appearing  publicly  before  the  whole 
people.  Nagelsbach  rightljr  remarks  (Herz., 
"fSmd,"  p.  433),  that  his  hidmg  behind  the  bag- 
gage during  the  election  is  not  m  conflict  with  the 
account  of  his  change  of  mind.  "At  so  decisive 
a  moment,  which  turns  the  eyes  of  all  on  one  with 
the  most  diverse  feelings,  the  heart  of  the  most 
courageous  man  may  well  beat."  The  situation, 
along  with  an  element  bordering  on  the  comic, 
has  a  serious  significance  and  a  deep  psychologi- 
cal truth. 

IV.  SavZ  declared  king ;  the  partial  homage. 
Vers.  22-27. 

Ver.  22.  Inquiry  of  the  Lord  and  divine  answer 
in  respect  to  the  failure  to  find  Saul.  To  inquire 
of  the  Lord  (xxii.  10;  xxiii.  9  sq. ;  xxviii.6; 
XXX.  7  sq. ;  2  Sam.  ii.  1 ;  Num.  xxvii.  21 ;  Judg. 
i.  1 ;  XX.  27)  is  to  ask  for  the  divine  decision  in 
individual  matters  of  private  or  (as  here)  public 
importance  for  the  theocratic  congregation,  by 
Urim  and  Thummim.  [For  a  case  of  personal  in- 
quiry in  premosaic  times,  see  Gen.  xxv.  22. — 
Te.].  Though  the  latter  is  not  here  expressly 
mentioned,  its  presence  must  be  a-ssumed  accord- 
ing to  Ex.  xxviii.  30,  it  being  inseparably  con- 
nected with  the  high-priestly  Ephod,  in  the  Cho- 
shen  of  which  (breastplate  with  twelve  precious 
stones  and  the  name  of  the  twelve  tribes)  it  was 
placed.  The  inquiry  of  Jehovah  by  this  means 
was,  it  is  true,  according  to  Ex.  xxviii.  and  Num. 
xxvii.,  to  be  made  by  the  high-priest.  We  can- 
not, however,  suppose  that  this  was  done  here,  for 
the  high-priest's  oflice  was  vacant ;  some  other, 
not  Samuel,  who  presided  over  the  assembly  and 
the  election,  but  a  priest,  in  the  high-priestly 
robes,  conducted  the  solemn  inquiry,  which  was 
exclusively  the  privilege  of  the  priests.  It  must 
be  looked  on  as  a  different  act  from  the  preceding 
casting  of  lots. — The  question  was  :  Has  any 
one  else  come  hither  ?  that  is,  besides  those 
here  present,  among  whom  Saul  was  nottobefound. 
The  "one"  (lit.  "man")  refers  to  the  owe  who 
could  not  be  found  ;  the  oracle  is  to  give  informar 
tion  as  to  his  presence  or  absence.  The  Sept.  and 
Vulg.  have :  "  will  the  man  yet  come  hither  ?" 
and  Then,  alters  the  text  accordingly,  against 
which  Keil  rightly  remarks  :  "  it  was  unnecessary 
to  inquire  of  God  whether  Saul  would  yet  come ; 
he  might  have  been  sent  for  without  more  ado." 
— The  answer  is :  Behold,  he  is  there,  hid 
among  the  baggage.  The  Pron.  "  he  "  (S^H)  does 
not  require  a  preceding  "  iAe  mow  "  (Then.),  but 
relates  to  the  person  referred  to  in,  or  giving  oo- 


158 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


casion  to  the  question,  and  to  whom  the  procedure 
referred.  "Stuff"  [cmevri,  vasa),  baggage,  which 
must  have  been  exteasive  in  such  an  assembly. 
As  Saul  had  the  assurance  that  he  was  the  king 
chosen  by  God,  his  behavior  here  could  not  sig- 
nify that  he  wished  to  evade  the  acceptance  of 
the  kingdom,  but  must  be  referred  to  overpower- 
ing diffidence,  in  view  of  the  grand  preparations 
of  the  election  and  the  divine  decision  which  had 
laid  so  mighty  a  grasp  on  his  life,  and  to  "  anx- 
ious consideration  of  the  awfully  important  con- 
fequences  of  his  appearance"  (Ew.). — With  this 
view  the  remark  of  Clericus  may  be  considered  to 
accord :  "  Saul,  informed  beforehand  by  Samuel  of 
what  would  be  done,  seems  to  have  hidden  himself, 
that  he  might  not  appear  to  have  solicited  the  royal 
dignity,  and  to  have  come  to  Mizpah  to  gain  the 
popular  vote  for  himself." — In  the  beginning  of 
ver.  23  the  three  consecutive  verbs  give  a  quick 
and  lively  coloring  to  the  whole  process  of  fetch- 
ing Saul  from  his  purposely  sought-out  hiding- 
place.  His  magnificent  stature  (ix.  2),  as  outward- 
physical  qualification  for  the  kingdom,  very  im- 
posing to  the  people,  is  here  again  expressly 
mentioned  [dSo^  a^iov  rvpavvidoc,  Eurip.  in  Gro- 
ti',15).  In  accordance  with  the  people's  receptivity 
for  so  imposing  and  kingly  an  appearance,  Samuel 
closes  the  solemn  election  with  the  words  (ver. 
24):  See  ye  him  whom  the  Lord  has  cho- 
seu?  by  which  he  expressly  declares  the  election 
by  lot  to  be  a  confirmation  of  the  previous  divine 
choice,  and  completes  the  formal  presentation  of 
Saul  as  tlie  divinely-appointed  kmg,  and  then 
adds  as  proof:  For  there  is  none  like  him  in 
all  the  people.  There  are  two  factors  which, 
according  to  this  account,  co-operated  to  call  forth 
the  people's  cry  of  salutation  and  homage :  May 
the  king  live"!  The  testimony  of  Samuel:  "This 
is  the  king  clio^en  by  the  Lord,"  granted  in  spite 
of  tlie  fact  that  their  demand,  proceeding  from  a 
vain,  hauglity,  and  unfaithful  mind,  was  not  well- 
pleasing  to  liim,  and  the  immediate  imp}-cs.^inn 
made  by  Saul's  person,  which  was  in  keeping  with 
the  kingly  dignity. 

Ver.  25.  The  manner  of  the  kingdom. 
Samuel  is  said  to  have  done  three  things  in  con- 
nection with  this  constitution :  1 )  he  set  it  before 
the  people ;  2)  he  wrote  it  in  a  book  ;  3)  he  laid 
it  up  before  the  Lord. — The  "  Zaw  of  the  kingdom," 
which  Samuel  presented  to  the  people,  is,'  as  ap- 
pears from  the  context,  one  which  has  not  yet 
been  wrillen.  It  is  to  be  distinguLshed  from  the 
"  manner  of  the  king"  ( viii.  11  sqq. )  in  which  Samuel 
Bet_  before  the  people  the  usurpation  of  an  unre- 
stricted arbitrary  rule,  such  as  existed  among  the 
heathen  nations  whose  monarchical  constitution 
Israel  envied.  In  content  it  was  no  doubt  essen- 
tially the  same  with  the  law  of  the  king  in  Deut. 
xvii.  14-20,  especially  vers.  19,  20,  and  therefore 
related  to  the  divinely  established  rights  and  du- 
ties of  the  theocratic  king,  tlie  fulfilnient  of  which 
the  people  were  authorized  to  demand  from  him. 
God's  purpose  is  to  rule  the  people  through  Him 
a.s  His  organ.  The  "  right  [or  manner]  of  the 
kingdom'  is  therefore,  this  being  its  theocr.atic 
ground  and  aim,  not  a  capitulation  (Michaelis) 
between  the  king  (that  is,  here  Samuel)  and  the 
people  or  the  first  example  of  a  constitutional 
monarchy  (Then.) ;  for  the  restraints,  which  are 


here  set  on  the  kingly  power,  are  not  imposed  by 
the  demands  of  the  people,  or  by  a  partition  of 
power  between  king  and  people,  and  not  by  a  con- 
tract or  agreement  between  the  two  as  parties,  but 
are  given  in  the  divine  Law,  in  the  already  exist- 
ing theocratic  right  of  the  theocracy,  in  which  the 
absolute  monarchy  of  the  divine  will  is  to  rule 
and  reign  over  king  and  people,  both  together. — 
Samuel  wrote  this  law  of  the  kingdom  in  a  book. 
We  find  here  the  first  trace,  aiSer  the  written 
records  of  Moses,  of  writing  among  the  prophets, 
long  before  the  literary  activity  to  which  we  owe 
what  we  now  have,  and  essentially  also  the  -spoken 
prophecies  with  the  historical  notices  pertaining 
to  them — the  beginning  of  a  literature,  which  was 
exclusively  irl  the  service  of  the  theocratic  spirit, 
and,  when  it  appeared  soon  after  this  in  the  so- 
called  Schools  of  the  Prophets,  made  its  first  task 
the  theocratic  writing  of  historj'. — He  laid  it  up 
before   the    Lord.     Where  and  how?     The 
supposition  that  it  was  deposited  in  the  Tabernacle 
at  Shiloh  contradicts  the  context,  from  which  it 
appears  that  the  deposition  was  made  in  the  place 
where  the  announcement  took  place.    The  ex- 
pression "before  the  Lord"  leaves  the  manner 
undetermined,  and  indicates  merely  the  solemn 
and  formal  deposition  and  preservation  of  the  wri- 
ting, as  sacred  original  documentary  record  of  the 
establishment  and  regulation  of  the  theocratic 
kingdom,  in  a  safe  place  before  the  Lord,  whose 
presence  was  symbolically  represented  partly  by 
the  holy  priestly  vestment,  partly  by  the  altar  to 
which  the  people  approached,  and  in  connection 
therewith  had  here  its  local  representation  even 
without  tabernacle  and  ark,  though  we  know  not 
in  what  manner. — Notwithstanding  this  public 
and  solemn  investment  of  Saul  with  the  royal  dig- 
nity and  authority,  Samuel  continues  to  be  the 
highest  director  of  the  affairs  of  the  people;  the 
now   established   kingdom  retires  passively  into  the 
background  before  Samuel's  Prophetic- Jvdiaial  Of- 
fice, which  retains    its  full  activity  and  authoriiy. 
This  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  it  is  not  Saul, 
but  Samuel  that  finally  dismisses  the  people,  an 
act  which  involves  the  formal  closing  by  him  of 
the  assembly. 

Vers.  26,  27.  SauVs  behavior  after  his  installa- 
tion as  Icing,  and  the  behavior  of  the  people  towards 
him.  And  Saul  also  went  home  to  Gibeah. 
Clericus  hence  infers  that  the  Philistines  had  no 
military  post  at  Gibeah,  since  they  would  not 
have  permitted  Israel  to  have  a  king  in  opposi- 
tion to  their  authority ;  but  the  objection  vanishes 
when  we  reflect  that,  the  Philistines  being  few  in 
number  and  at  a  distance  from  the  place  of  elec- 
tion, the  meaning  of  the  event  might  easily  have 
been  concealed  from  them,  at  least  for  the  short 
time  till  the  battle  of  ch.  xi.  during  which  Saul 
remained  quietly  at  home,  especially  as  such 
great  religious  assemblies  at  Samuel's  instance 
were  not  infrequent  and  could  not  appear  strange 
to  the  Philistines,  and  Saul  had  returned  to  his 
ordinary  occvipations  in  the  field. — The  cmdiuet 
of  the  people  towards  Saul  as  king  is  twofold.  On 
one  side  he  receives  friendly  recognition  with 
willingness  to  serve  him  [and  there  ■went  with 
him  the  company  of  valiant  men].  The 
Sept.  and  Then,  read;  "There  went  sons  of 
strength,  whose  hearts  God  had  touched,  with 
Saul;"  but  this  is  suspicious  as  being  apparently 


CHAP.  X.  1-27. 


159 


a  conformity  to  the  following  "  sons  of  wickedness," 
interpreting  the  somewhat  strange  word  "valiant 
company"  ( /'D)  by  the  ordinary  periphrasis 
"sons  of  strength"  (Vn^M),  as  in  1  Kings  i.  52. 
The  word  ( /'H)  is  found  alone  with  similar  mean- 
ing "host"  (in  Pharaoh's  retinue)  in  Ex.  xiv. 
28 ;  here  it  means  "  valiant  company,"  but  with 
allusion  to  the  "power"  which  Saul  as  king 
might  build  up  from  such  valiant  men  as  those 
who  now  formed  the  escort  of  honor.  Whose 
hearts  God  had  touched;  that  is,  to  show 
themselves  so  faithful  and  willing  in  service  and 
obedience.  This  faithfulness  and  willingness  to 
serve,  shown  in  their  escorting  Saul,  sprang  from 
their  hearts,  the  deepest  base  and  centre  of  their 
inner  life ;  but  it  was  in  this  case  an  effect  of  the 
immediate  influence  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  who 
sanctifies  and  rules  the  heart  even  in  respect  to 
moral  deportment  towards  His  constituted  authori- 
ties. But  not  irresistibly.  In  ver.  27  we  find  an 
organized  opposition  to  God's  established  king- 
dom, whose  representative  Saul  was.  Whether 
envy  and  jealousy  produced  it  (Then.)  is  not  said. 
The  opposition  are  called  "worthless  people" 
(S^^Sa  \33).  They  are  people  who  1)  haughtily 
and  contemptuously  nullified  beforehand  the  whole- 
someness  and  utility  of  Saul's  royal  government  for 
the  people  in  their  depressed  condition, — the  ques- 
tion "What  will  the  man  help  us?"  expresses 
hostility  to  and  contempt  for  Saul's  kingship  as  a 
completely  aimless  and  useless  institution ;  2)  they 
exhibited  decided  "  contempt"  for  his  fitness  for 
the  office,  and  attacked  his  personal  honor;  3) 
they  did  not  show  submmkm  to  his  rule,  "  brought 
him  no  present"  as  sign  of  reverence,  obedience, 
and  obligation  to  provide  for  his  maintenance; 
for  freewill-gifts  from  the  people  were  a  part  of 
the  regular  revenue  of  princes. — Clericus :  "There- 
fore others,  who  thought  better  of  his  election, 
brought  him  gifts,  that  he  might  maintain  the 
royal  dignity  without  disgrace."  Saul's  conduct 
towards  these  enemies :  he  was  as  a  deaf  man  ; 
that  is,  he  acted  as  if  he  heard  nothing ;  "  he  left 
those  men's  contempt  unnoticed"  (Cler.).  This 
shows  self-control  and  self-denial,  but  also  great 
fm-esight  and  prudence;  for  though  Saul  had  had 
the  right,  notwithstanding  his  and  Samuel's  pur- 
pose that  he  should  remain  in  private  life  awhile, 
to  proceed  vigorously  against  this  mean  insult  to 
his  person  and  office,  yet  such  a  course  might 
have  prejudiced  his  position  among  and  towards 
the  people;  and  all  the  more,  if  the  open  opposers, 
as  Nagelsbach  conjectures  (Herz.  XIII.,_  433), 
belonged  "  to  the  princes  of  the  larger  and  hitherto 
controlling  tribes  of  Judah  and  Ephraim,  who 
were  dissatisfied  with  the  election  of  an  obscure 
Benjaminite,"  in  which  case,  still  more  imbit- 
tered  by  Saul's  resolution  to  punish  them,  they 
could  have  made  their  influence  still  more  widely 
felt  against  him. — As  to  the  construction  it  is  to 

be  remarked  with  KeU  on  oSm  (ver.  26)  and  'H'l 
(ver.  27)  that  in  both  cases  "the  Imperf.  with 
Waw  Con.!iec.  forms  the  apodosis  to  a  preceding 
adjective-clause  as  protasis,"  and  the  sequence  of 
clauses  in  German  [and  English,  Tb.]  would  be : 

"  When  Saul  also  went  home there  went 

■with  him  .  .  .  .,  and  when  worthless  people  said 
he  was  as  a  deaf  person." 


HISTORICAL   AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

See  the  remarks  in  the  Exegetical  exposition. 
In  addition  to  these : 

1.  Anmnting  mth  oil  as  a  sacred,  theocratic 
usage  is  the  symbol  of  introduction  into  the  fel- 
lowship and  service  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  as  is 
clear  from  xvi.  13  sq. ;  Isa.  Ix.  1  sq.  It  was  em- 
ployed 1)  in  connection  with  the  tabernacle  and 
"  ail  that  was  in  it,"  that  is,  its  furniture  (Ex. 
xxix.  36;  xxx.  26-30  ;  xl.  9-13  ;  Lev.  viii.  10- 
12 ;  Num.  vii.  1),  and  in  these  lifeless  objects 
(which  are  said  to  be  "sanctified")  denotes  their 
separation  from  everything  unclean  and  unholy, 
and  their  consecration  to  the  holy  end  for  which 
they  were  designed,  namely,  to  be  instruments  of 
God's  Holy  Spirit  for  acting  on  His  people.  So 
it  is  said  especially  of  the  altar  of  bumt-ofiering, 
Ex.  xl.  10  :  "  and  it  shall  be  most  holy,"  because 
as  the  place  of  expiation,  it  was  the  holiest  object 
in  the  court ;  2)  in  connection  with  persons,  who 
are  called  to  theocratical  service  and  office,  anoint- 
ing is  the  symbol  of  the  impartation  of  God's 
Spirit,  and  the  equipment  with  His  gifts  and  pow- 
ers as  indispensable  condition  of  the  right  theo- 
cratic exercise  of  the  office.  Hitherto  confined  to 
sanctuary  and  priests,  it  now  appears  as  the  cen- 
secration  to  the  theocratic  office  of  king,  and  de- 
notes here  the  impartation  of  the  powers  of  light 
and  life  from  the  Spirit  of  God,  as  possessor  of 
which  the  king  is  henceforth  called  by  excellence 
the  Anointed  of  the  Lord,  and  is  alone  authorized  to 
exercise  the  theocratic  rule  in  the  name  of  the  Lord, 
the  invisible  King.  The  "  coming  of  the  Spirit  of 
God  "  on  Saul  and  David  is  the  consequence  of 
their  anointing,  or  answers  to  the  significance  of 
its  symbolism.  The  natural  basis  for  this  sym- 
bolism of  oil  is  its  power  to  dispense  light  and 
life,  joy  and  healing,  by  which  it  sets  forth  the 
Spirit's  dispensation  of  light  and  life  and  the 
therein-contained  gifts  and  powers  (Bahr,  SyTnb. 
II.,  173).  And  in  the  historical  development  of 
the  theocracy  and  of  the  divine  revelations  which 
point  to  the  perfecting  and  fulfilment  of  the  the- 
ocracy in  the  New  Covenant,  the  symbolic  anoint- 
ing of  theocratic  kings,  priests,  and  prophets  (comp. 
1  Ki.  xix.  15,  16)  as  sign  of  the  impartation  of 
the  Spirit  of  God  and  its  powers  is  the  type,  that 
is,  the  historical  foretokening  and  prefiguring  of 
the  anointing  with  the  Spirit  without  measure 
(John  iii.  34)  and  with  the  spirit  of  might  (Acts 
X.  38),  by  which  Jesus  was  "the  Christ,"  the  An- 
ointed of  God  for  the  New-Testamental  kingdom 
of  God,  first  as  King  of  His  kingdom,  and  then  as 
chief  Prophet  and  Priest.  Samuel's  word:  "  The 
Lord  hath  anointed  thee,"  signifies  that  God 
Himself,  of  His  free  grace,  dispenses  the  powers 
and  gifts  of  His  Spirit,"  when  He  calls  to  an  office 
in  His  kingdom  and  service. 

2.  The  greatness  and  glory  of  the  royal  office 
consisted  essentially  in  the  fact  that  he  who  filled 
it  was  "Prince  over  the  inheritance  or  possession  of 
Jehovah."  The  foundation  for  this  view  is  the 
inward  life-fellowship  into  which  God  has  so  en- 
tered with  Israel  by  His  self-revelation,  that  they 
have  Him  as  their  God,  as  their  highest  good  and 
possession;  Ex.  xx.  2:  "I  am  the  Lord,  thy 
God."  God  is  thus  the  possesmm  of  His  people, 
and  of  every  individual  godly  man,  Ps.  xvi.  5 ; 


160 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


cxlii.  6 ;  ciix.  57 ;  Jer.  x.  16 ;  li.  19.  Conversely 
the  people  of  Israel  ia  the  property  (n^^D)  of  its 
God,  or  His  inheritance  (H^nj),  1)  by  reason  of 
its  election  out  of  all  other  peoples,  Ex.  xix.  5 ;  2) 
by  reason  of  the  wonderful  deliverance  out  of  Egypt, 
Ex.  xix.  4;  Deut.  iv.  20;  ix.  29 ;  3)  by  reason, 
of  the  covenant  at  Sinai,  Ex.  xix.  5 ;  4)  by  reason 
of  the  constant  manifestations  of  grace  and  salvation 
(Ps.  xxviii.  9  j  2  Sam.  xiv.  16 ;  xxi.  3),  among 
which  the  forgiveness  of  sins  is  the  greatest,  Ex. 
xxxiv.  9.  The  New  Covenant  presents  the  ful- 
fillment and  completion  of  this  relation  in  the 
Aaof  irepiomw^  ["  peculiar  people,"  that  is,  God's 
own  property]  Tit.  ii.  14;  1  Pet.  ii.  9. 

3.  The  three  signs  which,  in  accordance  with 
Samuel's  prophetic  announcement,  were  given  to 
Saul,  signify  in  the  first  place  in  general  the  assu- 
rance given  him  (by  events  apparently  accidental, 
yet  ordered  to  this  end  by  God)  of  His  divine  ap- 
pointment to  the  royal  oiffice  and  his  qualification 
for  it,  and  of  the  fact  that  the  Lord  womd  therein  he 
with  him.  In  the  lives  of  those  who  desire  to 
serve  God  in  faithful  obedience,  even  the  simplest 
and  apparently  most  accidental  events  must  go  to 
confirm  the  assurance  that  all  things  work  toge- 
ther for  good  to  them  that  serve  God,  and  to  con- 
firm their  confidence  in  His  providence  that 
works  in  detached,  seemingly  insignificant  cir- 
cumstances, and  His  faithfulness  that  lasts  through 
life. — Severally,  however,  these  three  signs  indi- 
cate 90  many  principal,  statioiis  in  the  dmelopment 
of  SauCs  inner  life,  and  in  an  advancing  line  from 
the  ass-driver  to  the  "  prince  of  the  inheritance 
of  God."  These  are  divinely-ordered  facts,  each 
of  which  has  two  meanings  for  Saul ;  first  a  fac- 
tual revelation  or  instruction  from  God  for  thj 
present  moment,  and  then  a  prefigurative  relation 
to  the  future  administration  of  his  royal  ofiice. 
The  first  occurrence,  the  meeting  with  two  men 
wlio  Inform  him  that  the  asses  are  found,  ii-eea 
his  heart  from  the  pressure  of  little,  earthly, 
everyday  cares,  and  instructs  him  henceforth, 
free  from  the  concerns  of  the  lower,  material  life, 
to  direct  his  inner  life  to  the  lofty  aims  and  du- 
ties of  his  theocratic  calling.  Once  for  all  the 
petty  earthly  is  to  find  for  him  its  quietus.  In- 
wardly free  and  consecrated  to  the  Lord  alone, 
he  is  to  pursue  his  way  upward.  The  second  sign  : 
three  men  going  up  to  Bethel  ofier  him  two  of  the 
three  saa-ificial  loaves.  This  gift  is  the  factual  ho- 
mage paid  him  by  a  royal  offering,  and  betokens 
for  the  future  his  royal  position  in  which  to  him, 
along  with  sanctuary  and  priests,  the  wealth 
of  the  land  will  be  offered  as  tribute.  The  third 
event  directs  Saul's  look  from  this  kingly  power 
to  the  highest  conditions  of  a  right  theocratic 
administration,  which  he  receives  through  impar- 
tation  of  the  Spirit  of  God  and  His  gifts.  In  the 
company  of  prophets  by  the  Spirit  which  comes 
on  him,  he  receives  the  gift  of  prophecy  and  that 
equipment  of  his  inner  life  with  the  powers  of  the 
divine  Spirit  by  which  he  becomes  another  man 
and  receives  a  new  heart.  In  this  there  is  also 
for  the  future  the  warning  that  it  is  only  under 
the  guidance  of  God's  Spirit,  in  the  absolute  obe- 
diince  of  his  will  to  the  divine  will,  rooted  in  a 
heart  new-created,  changed  by  the  Holy  Ghost 
and  sanctified,  that  he  can  fulfil  his  calling  so  as 
to  secure  the  welfare  of  God's  inheritance  and  the 


approbation  of  the  Lord.  So,  whUe  outwardly 
wandering  from  place  to  place,  and  coming  home 
at  last,  Saul  rises  inwardly  from  the  cares  of  a 
lower  earthly  calling  to  the  lofty  tasks  of  the 
highest  office  of  the  theocracy  in  which  he  is  to 
gain  for  his  people  the  holiest  possessions — fi'om 
a  low  and  common  sphere  of  life  to  a  free  broad 
view  that  embraces  all  Israel — from  a  soul  en- 
tangled in  the  natural  and  earthly  to  the  experi- 
ence of  thorough  renewal  of  heart  and  change  of 
mind — from  a  low  and  narrow  wealth,  wherein 
he  seeks  satisfaction,  to  the  possession  of  the  high- 
est and  holiest  gift,  the  Spirit  of  God — ^from  a  pro- 
fane, godless  life,  to  the  most  intimate  fellowship 
with  God  through  the  mediation  of  the  Spirit. 
"This  career  and  leading  of  Saul  is  a  type  of  the 
Lord's  leadings  which  all  experience  who  give 
themselves  up  to  His  guidance  that  they  may  be 
called  by  Him  for  His  kingdom  and  its  service. 
The  change  of  the  natural  man,  the  renewal  of  the 
inner  life  from  the  heart  out  showed  itself,  indeed, 
in  the  Old-Testamental  point  of  view,  partially 
and  sporadically ;  but  at  the  same  time  it  was  also 
only  a  thing  postulated,  desiderated,  promised, 
and  as  such  is  most  clearly  expressed  in  Ps.  li. 
12-14;  Jer.  xxxi. ;  Ez.  xxxvi. ;  the  complete 
fulfillment  was  possible  only  in  the  New-Testa- 
mental  kingdom  of  God  through  the  new  birth  by 
the  Spirit  of  God  which  in  all  its  fudness  was  first 
imparted  by  Christ  and  went  out  from  Christ, 
John  iii.  [Because  of  the  diflference  in  force  and 
extent  of  the  expression  "new  heart"  in  the  Old 
and  New  Testaments,  we  must  guard  against  sup- 
posing in  Saul  so  radical  a  change  as  Dr.  Erd- 
mann  seems  disposed  to  assume.  In  the  Old 
Test,  conception  any  endowment,  spiritual,  men- 
tal or  physical,  which  connects  itself  with  faith  in 
God,  is  regarded  as  the  product  of  the  Spirit  of 
God  (see  the  history  of  Samson  and  the  Judges 
generally,  and  Balaam),  and  a  divine  influence 
which  leads  a  man  to  sing  the  praises  of  God,  as 
Saul  did  here,  is  not  necessarily  the  creative  touch 
which  regenerates  the  soul.  In  an  important 
sense  Saul  was  a  changed  man,  and  received  a 
new  heart,  in  the  elevation  of  his  aims  and  his 
upward  striving  to  God ;  but  his  after-life  shows 
that  this  impulse  towards  the  divine,  given  in 
mercy  by  the  divine  Spirit,  was  damped  and 
finally  destroyed  by  the  opposing  force  of  his 
worldliness  and  self-seeking.  His  heart,  so  we 
must  conclude  from  the  teachings  of  Scripture,  was 
touched  and  roused,  but  not  new-created. — Te.] 

4.  It  is  noteworthy  for  the  significance  of  this 
crisis  in  the  life  of  Saul  as  well  as  in  the  history 
of  the  kingdom  of  God  in  Israel,  that  these  three 
facts,  so  important  for  the  establishment  of  the 
kingdom  and  the  calling  of  Saul,  occur  ai  or  not 
far  from  holy  places,  which  were  of  great  import- 
ance for  the  history  of  Israel.  BacheSs  grme 
must  have  reminded  Saul  how  here,  by  the  birth 
of  Benjamin,  which  cost  his  ancestress  her  life, 
was  laid  the  foundation  of  the  greatness  to  which 
this  smallest  tribe  was  raised  by  his  election  as 
king.  The  ancient  Bethel  carried  him  back  to 
the  time  when  God's  revelation  to  Jacob  strength- 
ened the  foundation  of  the  theocracy  which  was 
laid  in  Abraham's  call  and  the  promises  given 
him,  and  renewed  the  promise  made  to  the  patri- 
archs ;  in  the  sanctuary  there  Saul  sees  the  sign 
of  the  covenant-faithfiilness  of  the  God  of  Abra- 


CHAP.  X.  1-27. 


161 


ham,  Isaac  and  Jacob.  Oibeah  and  its  neighbor- 
ing height  was  a  place  consecrated  to  sacrifice 
and  prayer,  and  especially  important  because  the 
dwelling-place  or  pilgrimage-shrine  of  a  commu- 
nity of  prophets.  Here  flourishes  prophecy, 
which  in  Samuel  prepaies  the  way  for  the  king- 
dom, and  guides  it  on  the  way;  here  rules  the 
mighty  prophetic  spirit,  which  lays  hold  on  Saul, 
and  which  he  receives  with  its  gifts.  The  holy 
places,  in  and  near  which  Saul  receives  the  three 
signs,  are,  in  respect  to  their  significance  for  his 
calling  to  the  royal  ofiice,  the  historically  holy 
ground.  "  This  is  as  little  accidental  as  the  be- 
lief, so  often  expressed  in  the  Psalter,  that  help 
comes  from  the  holy  place ;  and  the  central  coun- 
try, the  tribes  of  Benjamin  and  Ephraim,  whither 
Saul's  steps  now  lead  him,  is  especially  rich  in 
such  holy  places"  (Ew.  III.  30). 

5.  For  the  developinent  of  prophecy  in  the  time 
just  before  the  rise  of  the  theocratic  kingdom  the 
history  in  this  section  is  important  in  several 
respects.  We  here  meet  for  the  first  time  a  pro- 
phetic fraternity,  which  is  not  an  accidental  assem- 
blage, but  a  connected,  united  community.  Its 
members  are  called  "  prophets ;"  to  their  desig- 
nation Nebiim  (D'^'2i  ["  prophets,"  taken  to  be 
from  a  verb  meaning  "to  gush  forth"])  answers 
the  inspired  outstreaming  of  praise  to  God  in 
testimony  of  His  deeds  of  grace ;  the  bond  that 
unites  them  is  the  Spirit  of  God,  who  fills  them 
and  impels  them  to  such  inspired  utterances; 
their  inner  unity  and  fellowship  shows  itself,  it 
is  probable,  already  in  a  coinnum  abode  and  like 
manner  of  life.  It  is  an  association  of  propheti- 
cal men,  representing  both  the  prophetic  calling 
and  ofiice  [mumi^),  and  the  prophetic  gift  (donum), 
that  is,  prophecy  not  of  the  nature  of  a  calling 
and  office.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  nume- 
rical strength  of  this  prophetic  element  in  the 
people,  it  is  certain  from  this  narrative  that  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  showed  itself  alive  in  indivi- 
dual circles  of  the  national  life,  and  freely  and 
mightily  unfolded  its  powers  and  gifts:  A  pre- 
indication  of  this  is  found  in  the  incident  recorded 
in  Num.  xi.  26  sq.,  where  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
freely  and  independently  of  institutions  exhibited 
its  awakening  and  vitalizing  power,  outside  of 
the  circle  of  Elders  gathered  around  Moses  at  the 
Tabernacle,  in  the  camp  of  the  people,  and  when 
Joshua  contended  that  Moses'  official  authority 
was  the  only  proper  medium  of  the  divine  Spirit, 
Moses  rebuked  him  with  the  words:  "Enviest 
thou  for  my  sake  ?    I  would  that  all .  Jehovah's 

Seople  were  prophets,  that  Jehovah  would  put 
is  Spirit  upon  them !"  In  the  rise  of  the  prophets 
of  Samuel's  time  we  see  a  fulfillment  of  the  pro- 
mise contained  in  Moses'  exclamation,  a  sign  of 
the  new  spiritual  life  of  faith  aroused  in  the  peo- 
ple, a  type  of  the  outpouring  of  the  Spirit  on  all 
flesh,  which  is  prophesied  of  in  Joel  iii.  [ii.  28], 
and  is  set  forth  in  the  New  Covenant  as  factual 
condition  of  the  universal  priesthood,  limited 
only  by  the  working  of  God's  Spirit,  and  a-s  final 
revelation  of  the  living  God.  Further,  in  these 
prophetic  communities,  whether  they  were  from 
the  beginning  firmly  organized  or  free  associa- 
tions, we  see  the  unifying,  associative  power  of  the 
prophetic  spirit  over  against  the  disruption  of 
the  theocratic  and  religious  life  which  was  the 
legacy  of  the  time  of  the  Judges.     The  company 

n 


descending  from  the  high-place  at  Gibeah,  which 
Saul  joined,  shows  that  in  these  bodies  there  were 
common  religious  exercises.  However  these  asso- 
ciations arose  through  the  associative  impulse  of 
the  awakened  higher  life — whether  Samuel 
founded  them  or  not  is  uncertain,  the  latter  is 
more  probable ;  but  after  their  establishment  he 
took  them  under  his  care,  and  later  gave  them  a 
firmer  form  and  government  (see  ch.  xix.  and 
what  is  there  said  at  greater  length  of  the  schools 
of  the  prophets) — they  were,  by  their  concen- 
trated power  of  religious  life,  light  and  salt  for 
the  popular  life,  and  diffused  around  them  the 
influences  of  the  Spirit  that  filled  them.  An  in- 
dication of  this  is  the  power  of  the  Spirit  by 
which  Saul  was  laid  hold  of  (in  his  third  sign) 
after  his  meeting  with  those  men.  But  this  new 
Spirit-born  life  has  its  contrast  always  in  a  lower, 
sensuous  life,  disinclined  to  the  joyous  abandon 
and  the  holy  uprising  towards  God.  The  won- 
dering question :  "  Is  Saul  also  among  the  pro- 
phets ?"  points  to  such  a  contrast,  in  which  the 
worldly-minded,  strangers  to  the  life  in  the  Spirit 
of  the  Lord,  stand  opposed  to  the  members  of  the 
prophetic  Union,  just  as  to-day  the  children  of 
the  world,  de-spising  the  guidance  of  the  Spirit 
from  above,  set  themselves  with  contempt  or 
reviling  over  against  living  Christians,  the 
"  pietists  and  godly." 

The  prophetic  inspiration  is  characteristically 
delineated  in  these  occurrences.  Its  essence  con- 
sists in  such  an  entrance  of  the  Spirit  of  God  into 
the  inner  life  of  the  prophet,  that  the  latter  is 
thereby  mightily  laid  hold  of  and  lifted  up  into 
the  condition  of  ecstatic  ravishment.  As  a  vehicle 
of  this  spiritual  excitation  appears  here  instru- 
mental and  vocal  music  which,  on  the  physical- 
psychical  side,  gives  freer  play  to  the  feelings 
aroused  by  the  divine  Spirit.  The  prophetic 
inspiration  takes  the  musical  art  into  its  service. 
If  ver.  5  says  nothing  special  as  to  the  relation 
of  music  to  the  prophetic  utterance,  it  yet  shows 
that  music  was  practiced  in  the  prophetic  com- 
munities. In  its  origin  the  prophetic  inspiration 
shows  itself  as  a  sudden  thing  which  gets  the 
mastery  of  the  man's  subjective  state ;  the  Spirit 
of  God  "comes  upon"  Saul ;  we  trace  it  as  a  con- 
trolling power  in  vers.  6,  10;  xix.  20;  Mic.  iii. 
8.  The  utterance  of  this  inspiration,  the  "pro- 
phesying," is  impassioned  address  or  inspired 
song,  and  has  an  enkindling,  sweeping  power.  It 
is,  however,  only  a  momentary,  not  a  continuous 
thing.  As  the  seventy-two  elders  prophesied 
once,  and  not  again^  so  also  Saul  here  among  the 
prophets.  The  spring  of  the  Spirit  is  an  inter- 
mitting one,  because,  according  to  the  nature  of 
the  Old  Covenant,  though  there  might  be  various 
grades  of  individual  powerfiil  inworkings,  there 
could  not  be  a  permanent  indwelling  of  the  Spirit 
of  God  in  the  heart  of  man.*  The  indispensable 
condition  of  the  prophetic  inspiration  and  of  pro- 
phesying an  a  genuine  life-utterance  of  the  Spirit 
from  above  is  a  mind  directed  to  the  living  God, 


*  [The  author  seems  here  to  confound  the  special 
and  the  ordinary  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Then, 
as  now,  there  were  differences  of  spiritual  power  at  dit- 
ferent  times;  but  there  seems  to  be  no  good  reason 
for  not  believing  that  the  Holy  Spirit  dwelt  just  as 
really  and  permanently,  though  not  so  distinctly,  in  all 
God's  people  under  the  Old  Covenant  as  under  the  New. 
-Te.] 


162 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  f-fJiiiious-ethical  disposition  of  heart  well-pleasing 
to  him,  such  as  Saul  had  received  by  the  Lord's 
leadings,  he  going  obediently  and  humbly  in  the 
■wavs  appointed  him.  Comp.  ver.  9:  "God  gave 
him  another  lieart,"  with  ver.  10:  "the  Spirit  of 
Goil  came  upon  liim,  and  he  prophesied  m  their 
mi<U." 

6.  "  God  gave  him  another  heart,"  comp.  ver. 
9  with  ver.  6  and  Dent.  v.  26  [29] :  "O  that  they 
had  such  a  heart  to  fear  me."  "Therefore  the 
working  of  revelation  is  directed  to  renewing 
man  from  the  heart,  and  its  aim  is,  by  a  divine 
salvation,  to  destroy  the  unreceptiveness  (the 
stupidity  in  which  the  soul's  centre  labors,  as 
Eoos  expresses  it.  Fund,  psycliol  ex  sacr.  sci-ipt, 
1769,  p.  153)  and  the  opposition  of  the  heart  (the 
circumcision  of  the  heart,  Deut.  xxx.  6),  to  put 
the  fear  of  God  into  the  heart  (Jer.  xxxii.  40), 
and  so  make  the  law  an  inward  thing  ( Jer.  xxxi. 
33).  This  is  effected  by  the  divine  Spirit  whicli, 
even  under  the  Old  Covenant,  making  prophets 
by  change  of  heart  into  other  men  (1  Sam.  x.  6, 
9),  am)  causing  the  pious  to  experience  His 
power,  that  purifies  the  heart  and  brings  it  into 
accord  with  God's  law  (Ps.  U.  12-14),  thus  points 
to  the  new  creation  of  llie  heart  on  the  plane  ol' 
completed  salvation,  Ezek.  xxxvi.  26  sq. ;  xi.  19." 
Oehler  s.  v.  Herz,  Herzog,  U.  E. 

7.  The  two  elections  of  king;  ix.  1 — x.  16  and 
X.  17-27.  Saul's  call  to  the  'royal  oflSce  consists 
in  tv:o  conKeeu.tii'e  acts:  1)  in  the  section  ix.  1 — x. 
16  is  related  how  Saul  is  personally  called  in 
secret,  consecrated  by  anointing,  and  by  the  three 
signs  assured  that  he  is  the  king  of  Israel  called 
by  the  Lord.  Here  the  divine  factor,  as  the  only 
effective  one,  appears  in  the  foreground;  2)  in 
X.  17-27  is  related  the  public  election  of  Saul  by 
lot  liy  a  popular  assembly  called  for  that  purpose 
by  Samuel  to  the  Lord."  Here  the  human  factor 
appears  in  co-opera tionwith  the  divine,  and  Samuel 
is  their  intermediator.  There  is  no  conflict  between 
these  two  narratives.  "Is  then  the  divine  in- 
sti-uction  to  Samuel  to  grant  the  people's  demand 
and  give  them  a  king  (ch.  viii.)  and  the  revela- 
tion that  Saul  was  the  man  selected  by  Jehovah, 
together  with  the  anointing  of  Saul  (ix.  1 — x.  16) 
irreconcilable  with  his  choice  by  lot  ? — That  a 
prophet  carries  out  unconditionally  the  will  of 
God,  even  when  it  does  not  accord  with  his  own 
views,  and  leaves  tlie  decision  of  the  lot  to  the 
control  of  God,  involves  neither  a  tempting  of 
God  nor  a  piece  of  jugglery  "  (Keil,  Jntrod.  I., 
235 ;  the  latter  part  against  Thenius).  By  the 
lot,  as  means  of  direct  divine  decision,  Saul,  already 
in  secret  called  to  be  king,  was  as  such  openly  be- 
fore the  whole  people  to  receive  solemn  divine 
legitimation.  Similarly  in  Aaron's  ca.se,  Numb, 
xvii.  Besides  the  two  principal  stations  of  the 
road  on  which  Saul  is  led  by  God  through  Samuel 
into  tlie  kingdom,  Eamah  and  Mizpah,  between 
which  Eacliel's  grave,  Deborah's  oak  and  Gibeah 
are  important  intermediate  stations,  there  is  yet  a 
tliird,  Gilgal,  chap.  xi.  Here  the  kingdom  is 
renewed  to  him,  here  he  first  finds  undivided, 
universal  recognition  a.s  king  of  Israel,  having 
once  more  received  the  divine  legitimation  by  a 
victory  over  the  enemy.  We  find  here  a  grada- 
tion in  the  occurrences,  each  of  which  contains  a 
new  moment,  and  none  of  which  has  anything 
that  excludes  or  contradicts  the  others. 


8.  The  twofold  law  of  the  king,  viii.  11-18  and  x. 
25.  These  two  are  mutually  exclusive.  The 
former  (viii.)  is  that  which  is  historically  neces- 
sary from  the  heathen  point  of  view,  the  conse- 
quence of  the  demand  to  haiie  a  king  like  the  kings 
of  the  nations;  the  latter  (x.)  is  the  ideal  theo- 
cratic law  of  the  king,  which  corresponds  to  the 
call  of  the  covenant  people,  and,  as  an  outflow 
from  the  holy  will  of  the  covenant  God,  is  the 
limit  and  norm  of  the  royal  government.  The 
former  sprang  from  the  sinful  self-will  of  men,  the 
latter  is  the  absolute  dominion  of  the  divine  will. 
Saul's  call  and  election  was  to  be  completed  in 
his  attestation  after  the  norm  of  this  law  of  the 
kingdom. 

9.  The  position  of  prophecy  towards  the  newly- 
established  kingdom  is  a  controlling,  regulating, 
norm-giving  one.  Samuel's  conduct  towards  Saul 
on  his  entrance  upon  the  theocratic  royal  calling 
prefigures  the  position  which  prophecy  was  hence- 
fortli  to  occupy  alongside  of  the  kingdom.  "  That 
the  law  of  the  king  should  not  be  a  dead  letter, 
that  royal  self-will  should  be  kepi  within  bounds, 
was  to  be  the  care  not  of  a  representative  popular 
assembly,  but  of  prophecy,  which  stood  as  theo- 
cratic watchman  by  the  side  of  royalty."  Oehler, 
s.  ^.  Konig  in  Herz.  R.  E.  VI.  12. 

HOMILETICAL    AND    PKACTICAL. 

C!hap.  IX.  27 ;  X.  1.  Sow  the  Loi-d  fits  His 
chosen  ones  for  the  kingly  calling  in  His  kingdom : 

1)  By  quiet  in.struction  by  means  of  His  word  He 
brings  them  into  a  right  knowledge  of  the  tasks 
He  assigns;  2)  By  the  anointing  ot  His  Spirit  ITe 
imparts  to  them  the  needful  power  and  strength 
therefor;  3)  By  the  production  of  infallible  signs 
He  gives  thera  a  just  certainty  and  joyous  confi- 
dence. [Ver.  2,  latter  part,  Scott:  A  superior  care, 
in  conLimon  life,  swallows  up  an  inferior  one ;  and 
the  tender  parent  ceases  fi-om  anxiety  about  his 
property,  when  solicitous  for  the  welfare  of  his  son. 
.  .  .  .  And  so,  a  due  concern  about  eternal  things 
would  moderate  our  care  about  the  interests  of 
this  life.— Tb.]. 

Vers.  2-9.  Tlie  signs  of  divine  guidance  along 
the  paths  of  human  life  on  earth,  how  they  1)  Poiritr 
ing  backwards,  remind  us  of  the  manifestations  of 
grace  in  past  times  (the  holy  places) ;  2)  Poiiit- 
ing  upwards,  admonish  us  to  lift  up  the  heart  from 
worthless,  earthly  things  to  higher  good ;  3)  Poinir 
ing  fomiards,  demand  a  new  life  in  the  Spirit,  and 
4)  call  on  us  to  look  into  our  own  heart,  while  for 
the  work  of  renewal  of  the  whole  man  they  pro- 
mise the  gifts  and  powers  of  the  Spirit  from 
above. 

The  appearance  of  special  divine  signs  in  humam, 
life:  1)  Whence  coming?  a)  Ordered  in  time  by 
God's  wise  Providence,  not  springing  from  chance, 
not  aimless;  b)  Decreed  in  his  eternal  purpose,  not 
accidental,  not  groundless;  c)  Sent  as  messengers 
of  His  holy  and  gracious  will,  not  meaningless. 

2)  To  whom,  ajpplyingf  a)  To  him  who  lets  him- 
self be  guided  hj  God;  b)  To  him  who  hoWs  still 
when  God  is  guiding  him,  and  c)  To  him  who 
lets  God  speak  to  Him  by  His  word.  3)  Whai  sig- 
nifying f  a)  Reminding  of  the  saving  and  gra- 
cious presence  of  God  (partly  in  the  past,  partly 
in  the  present :  "  God  is  with  "thee") ;  b)  Pointing 
to,  our  tasks,  which  under  the  guidance  of  th» 


CHAP.  X.  1-27. 


163 


Lord  are  to  be  ftilfilled  (vers.  7,  8) ;  c)  Exhorting 
to  a  renewal  of  the  wliole  inner  life  through  the 
power  of  the  Holy  Ghost  (comp.  vers.  6,  9).  [Ver. 
6.  Music  as  a  means  of  religious  exaltation. 
Comp.  2  Kings  iii.  15;  1  Cor.  xiv.  26-33;  Eph. 
V.  18.— Tr.]. 

Vera.  6-9.  The  iransforming  effects  of  the  Spirit 
of  Ood.  1)  Out  of  the  old  heart  He  creates  a 
new  man.  2)  Out  of  dumb  people  He  makes 
prophets.  3)  To  the  weak  He  lends  power  and 
strength  for  a  great  work.  4)  Remoteness  from 
God  He  changes  into  the  most  intimate  commu- 
nion with  God. — Vers.  6,  9.  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
wiM,  ernne  wpon  thee  !  1)  A  great  word  of  promise, 
which  applies  to  every  one  that  is  called  to  the 
kingdom  of  God.  2)  A  wonderful  eveunt  of  the  in- 
ner life,  which  occurs  and  is  experienced  only 
under  definite  conditions.  3)  The  beginning  of  a 
nao  life,  which  takes  place  by  the  change  of  the 
heart.  [Ver.  6.  Prophesying  not  a  certain  proof 
of  piety.  Comp.  Balaam,  Caiaphas  (John  xi.  51), 
and  the  "many"  in  Matt.  vii.  22.— Tr.]. 

Ver.  7.  The  great  word,  "God  is  with  thee  !"  1) 
The  infallible  signs,  which  assure  us  of  it.  2)  The 
consoling  strength,  which  the  heart  thereby  receives. 
3)  The  mighty  impulse  to  do  according  to  God's 
good  pleasure,  which  lies  therein.  4. )  The  tamest 
exhortation  which  is  thereby  given,  in  all  the  oc- 
currences of  human  life,  to  mark  the  will  of  the 
Lord  therein  made  known. 

Ver.  9.  The  new  heart  a  gift  of  God.  1)  Through 
human  proclamations  of  the  divine  word  the  re- 
newal of  the  heart  is  only  prepared  for.  2)  But 
through  the  divine  act  of  the  Holy  Spirit  working 
through  the  word  it  is  effected,  and  3)  It  is  ac- 
emvpamied  by  infallible  signs  of  the  manifestations 
of  divine  grace      [Henbt  :  He  has  no  longer  the 

heart  of  a  husbandman, concerned  only  about 

his  corn  and  cattle;  but  the  heart  of  a  statesman, 
a  general,  a  prince.  Whom  God  calls  to  service 
He  will  make  fit  for  it.  If  He  advance  to  another 
station,  He  will  give  another  heart,  to  those  who 
sincerely  desire  to  serve  Him  with  their  power. — 
Tr.]. 

Ver.  10.  The  power  of  communion  in  the  Lord : 
1)  Imuiardly  it  unites  the  members  closely  together, 

a)  into  an  inward  confederacy  of  love  in  the  Lord, 

b)  into  harmonious  praise  of  the  Lord ;  2)  Out- 
wardly it  exercises  a  controlling  and  contagious 
influence :  a)  so  that  a  way  is  made  for  the  in- 
dwelling of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  hearts  of  others, 
and  b)  so  that  like  effects  of  the  Spirit  are  mani- 
fested in  others  also. 

Vei-s.  7-12.  T?ie  beginning  of  a  new  life  in  the 
Spirit:  1)  Naturally  pre/pared  for  and  indicated 
beforehand  through  signs  given  by  God  (vers.  7, 
9) ;  2)  Supematuraily  effected  through  the  power 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  (ver.  10) ;  3)  Inwardly  consisting 
in  the  renewal  of  the  heart  (ver.  9) ;  4)  Outwardly 
in   the  fruits    (effects)   of  the 


Spirit  (willing  obedience  to  the  Lord's  command, 
patient  waiting  for  the  Lord's  direction;  joyful  tes- 
timony to  the  Lord's  grace).  [It  is  not  safe  to 
treat  this  history  as  a  case  of  true  and  thorough 
spiritual  renewal,  in  any  sense  apjiroaching  the 
New  Test,  use  of  similar  expressions.  Comp. 
note  of  Tr.  above  in  "Historical."— Tr.]. 

Vers.  11,  12.  The  question,  "Is  Saul  also  among 
the  prophets  f"  1)  A  cry  of  astonishment  by  the 
world  estranged  from  God,  in  which  it  speaks_  its 


own  sentence ;  2)  A  reliable  attestation  and  con- 
jirmation  of  the  miracle  of  the  awaking  to  a  new 
life  for  him  in  whom  it  has  occurred ;  3)  A  factual 
proclamation  of  the  honor  of  the  Lord,  who  by  His 
Spirit  creates  such  a  transformation  in  man. 
[Henet  :  Let  not  the  worst  be  despaired  of,  yet 
let  not  an  external  show  of  devotion,  and  a  sud- 
den change  for  the  present,  be  too  much  relied  on ; 
for  Saul  among  the  prophets,  was  Saul  still. — Tr.]  . 

Vers.  13-16.  The  art  of  testifying  and  being  silent 
at  the  right  time  about  the  things  of  the  kimgdom  of 
God :  1)  How  it  is  to  be  learned  in  the  school  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  (after  Saul's  example) ;  2)  How 
it  is  to  be  exercised  according  to  the  company  in 
which  one  finds  himself  (the  inspired  host  of  pro- 
phets—the profane  uncle  of  Saul). 

Vers.  17-19.  The  mightiest  means  employed  by 
the  word  of  God  to  awaken  true  repenta/nce:  1)  It 
humbles  by  reminding  us  of  the  manifestations  of 
grace  which  without  merit  or  worthiness  we  have 
experienced,  in  which  the  Lord  has  shown  Him- 
self our  compassionate  father  (ver.  18).  2)  It  re- 
bukes by  setting  before  us  our  ingratitude  and  un- 
faithfulness, with  which  we  have  rewarded  Him 
(ver.  19,  "  over  us"),  and  3)  It  shames  us  by  point- 
ing to  the  grace  and  faithfulness  of  God,  which 
notwithstanding  do  not  depart  from  us,  in  which 
He  patiently  condescends  even  to  our  sinful  wishes 
and  demands  ("And  now  present  yourselves  be- 
fore the  Lord"—).  Vers.  21-2.  [He  could  not 
be  found — hidden  among  the  baggage.  Henry  : 
So  little  fond  was  he  now  of  that  power,  which 
yet,  when  he  was  in  possession  of,  he  could  not 
without  the  utmost  indignation  think  of  parting 
with.  .  .  .  We  may  suppose  he  was  at  this  time 
really  averse  to  take  upon  him  the  government, 
1.  Because  he  was  conscious  to  himself  of  unfit- 
ness for  so  great  a  trust.  He  had  not  been  bred 
up  to  books,  or  arms,  or  courts,  and  feared  he 
should  be  guilty  of  some  fatal  blunder.  2.  Be- 
cause it  would  expose  him  to  the  envy  of  his 
neighbors  that  were  ill-aflfected  towards  him.  3. 
Because  he  understood  by  what  Samuel  had  said, 
that  the  people  sinned  in  asking  a  king,  and 
it  was  in  anger  that  God  granted  their  request. 
4.  Because  the  affairs  of  Israel  were  at  this  time  in 
a  bad  posture :  the  Philistines  were  strong,  the 
Ammonites  threatening,  and  he  must  be  bold  in- 
deed, that  will  set  sail  in  a  storm. — Tr.]. 

Vers.  20-27.  True  humility  and  modesty:  1) 
How  it  roots  itself  in  a  human  heart  touched  by 
the  Spirit  of  God  ;  2)  How  it  shows  itself,  a)  before 
God  in  the  confession  of  unworthiness  and  unfit- 
ness for  service  in  His  kingdom,  b)  before  men  in 
reserve  and  silence;  3)  How  it  is  crowned,  a)  be- 
fore God,  with  the  calling  to  His  service,  b)  before 
men,  with  the  approbation  of  men's  hearts  which 
is  wrought  by  God  the  Lord. 

Vers.  24-27.  2%e  divine  choice  and  calling  of  a 
man  to  service  in  God's  kingdom :  1)  It  makes  itself 
knmm  in  outward  signs  ("see  ye,"  ver.  24) ;  2)  It 
is  conditional  by  the  requisite  natural  gifts  and 
properties  ("that  there  is  Hone  like  him,"  &c., 
ver.  2.4) ;  3)  It  carries  itself  forwa/rd  by  preparation 
from  above,  a)  with  the  gifts  and  powers  of  the 
Spirit,  b)  through  instruction  in  the  will  of  God 
(ver.  25) ;  4)  It  rises  up  above  the  favor  and  dis- 
favor of  parties,  in  that  it  teaches  us,  a)  to  value 
human  approbation  as  a  gift  of  God  (ver.  26),  and 


164 


THE  FIBST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


b)  over  against  the  hate  and  contempt  of  opposers 
to  observe  an  humble  silence  before  God. 

J.  DissBLHOPr,  vers.  1-11.  The  anointing  to  the 
office  of  king:  1)  On  those  who  hold  still  before 
their  God  this  anointing  is  wrought,  really  and 
truly,  though  at  first  in  hope;  2)  And  although  it 
is  wrought  only  in  hope,  yet  it  is  attested  by  di- 
vine signs  following.  The  same  :  vers.  7,  8, 13-27. 
Wluit  the  royal  anointing  gives,  and  what  it  de- 
rrmnds:  1)  It  makes  the  anointed  one  fit  for 
all  that  his  office  lays  upon  him;  2)  It  de- 
mands that  the  anointed  one  should  now  do 
nothing  more  according  to  his  own  choice,  but 


every  thing  according  to  the  direction  and  will 
of  God.     ^ 

[  Ver.  27.  "And  he  was  as  though  he  were  deaf." 
Notwithstanding  they  1)  questioned  his  capacity, 
2)  despised  his  power,  3)  refused  him  homage 
and  help  (see  Exegetical  Notes),  he  was  as  though 
he  were  deaf,  thereby  showing  1)  self-control,  2) 
prudence,  3)  humility.  Apply  this  to  1)  public 
officers,  2)  employers  of  servants  or  other  subor- 
dinates, 3)  persons  in  society,  4)  church  officials. 
There  is  a  high  sense  in  which  Ood  acts  thus,  and 
bad  men  imagine  that  He  really  is  deaf  (Ps.  Ixxiii. 
11:  xciv.  7;  Job  xxii.  13.— Tb.] 


THIRD    SECTION. 


Confirmation  and  General  Recognition  of  the  Kingdom  nnder  SaaL 

Chaps.  XI.  XII. 
I.  SavJUs  Victmy  over  the  Ammonites.     Chap.  XI.  1-15. 

1  Then  [And]^  Naha.sh  the  Ammonite  came  up,  and  encamped  against'  Jabesh- 
Gilead ;  and  all  the  men  of  Jabesh  said  unto  [to]  Nahash,  Make  a  covenant  Vfith 

2  us,  and  we  will  serve  thee.  And  Nahash  the  Ammonite  answered  [said  to] 
them,  On  this  condition  will  I  make  a  covenant'  with  you,  that  I  may  thrust*  out 

3  all  your  right  eyes,  and  lay  it  for  a  reproach  upon  all  Israel.  And  the  elders  of 
Jabesh  said  unto  [to]  him,  Give'  us  seven  days  respite,  that  we  may  send  messen- 
gers unto  all  the  coasts"  of  Israel,  and  then  [om.  then]  if  there  be  no  man  to  save 

4  us,  we  will  come  out  to  thee.  Then  came  the  messengers  [And  the  messengers 
came]  to  Gibeah  of  Saul,'  and  told  the  tidings'  in  the  ears  of  the  people ;  and  all 
people  lifted  up  their  voices  and  wept. 

5  And  behold,  Saul  came  after  the  herd  [oxen]  out  of  [from]  the  field.  And  Saul 
said.  What  aileth  the  people  that  they  weep?     And  they  told  him  the  tidings  of 

6  the  men  of  Jabesh.     And  the  Spirit  of  God  came  upon  Saul  when  he  heard  tho-^e 

7  [these]  tidings,  and  his  anger  was  kindled  greatly.  And  he  took  a  yoke  of  oxen, 
and  hewed  them  in  pieces,'  and  sent  them'"  throughout  all  the  coasts  of  Israel  by 
the  hand  of  messengers,  saying,  Whosoever  cometh  not  forth  after  Saul  and  after 
Samuel,  so  shall  it  be  done  unto  [to]  his  oxen.  And  the  fear  of  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] fell  on  the  people,  and  they  came  out  with  one  consent  [as  one  man]. 

8  And  when  [om.  when]  he  numbered  them  in  Bezek,  [ins.  and]  the  children  of 

9  Israel  were  three  hundred  thousand,  and  the  men  of  Judah  thirty  thousand."  And 
they  said  unto  [to]  the  messengers  that  came,  Thus  shall  ye  say  unto  [to]  the  men 


TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 


-Te.] 


'  [Ver.  1.  On  reading  of  Sept.  and  Vulg.  see  Bxpos.- 

*  I  Ver.  1.  Or,  laid  siege  to.— Tk.] 
8  I  Ver.  2.  The  word  "  covenant ''  is  not  in  the  Hob.  but  is  involved  in  the  verb.    The  insertion  of  the  word  in 

the  Heb.  text  is  therefore  nnnecessary.    Throughout  this  passage  the  Sept.  has  explanatory  additions,  which 
need  be  regarded  only  as  the  freedoms  of  a  translator.— Ta.] 

*  [Ver.  2.  Rendered  "pick  out"  by  Bng.  A.  V.  in  Ps.  xxx.  17.— Tr.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  El-in  Hiph.  Impv.  Apoo.  of  nSI-    Oes.  Heb.  Gr.,  §75,  Eem.  15.— Te.] 

«  rVer.  3.  Or,  into  every  region.— Te.1 

7  [Ver.  4.  Sept.  has  incorrectly  "  to  Gibeah  to  Saul  ;'*  it  is  evident  that  the  message  was  not  brought  to  Saul. 
Syr.  "  the  hill  of  Saul,"  Arab.  "  the  city  of  Saul,"  but  the  word  is  a  proper  name.— TE.f 

8  [Ver.  4.  Lit.  "  spake  the  words  (or  things)."    In  ver.  5  it  is :  "  related  the  words  (or  things)." — Te.] 
»  [Ver.  7.  Comp.  Ex.  xxix.  17 ;  Lev.  i.  6 ;  Judg.  xx.  6.— Te.] 

10  [Ver.  7.  Some  render:  "  sent  (word)  etc.,  saying." — Te.1 

"  [Ver.  8.  The  Sept.  gives  for  Israel  600,000,  and  for  Judah  70,000,  about  double  the  numbers  in  the  Heb.  text 
—an  illustration  of  the  tendency  to  magnify  numbers.— Te.] 


CHAP.  XL  1-15. 


165 


of  Jabesh  Gilead,  To-morrow,  by  that  [the]  time  the  sun  be  hot,"  ye  shall  have  help. 
And  the  messengers  came  and  showed  [announced]  it  to  the  men  of  Jabesh  ;  and 

10  they  were  glad.  Therefore  [And]  the  men  of  Jabesh  said,  To-morrow  we  will 
come  out  unto  [to]  you,  and  ye  shall  do  with  [to]  us  all  that  seemeth  good  unto 

11  [to]  you.  And  it  was  so  [came  to  pass]  on  the  morrow  that  Saul  put  the  people  in 
three  companies ;  and  they  came  into  the  midst  of  the  host  in  the  morning-watch, 
and  slew  the  Ammonites  until  the  heat  of  the  day,  and  it  came  to'  pass  that  they 
which  remained  were  scattered,  so  that  two  of  them  were  not  left  together. 

1 2  And  the  people  said  unto  [to]  Samuel,  Who  is  he  that  said,  Shall  Saul  reign  over 

13  us?''  bring^*  the  men  that  we  may  put  them  to  death.  And  Saul  said,  There  shall 
not  a  man  be  put  to  death  this  day;  for  to-day  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  wrought 

14  salvation  in  Israel.    Then  said  Samuel  [and  Samuel  said]  to  the  people,  Come,  and 

15  let  us  go  to  Gilgal,  and  renew  the  kingdom  there.  And  all  the  people  went  to  Gil- 
gal,  and  there  they  [om.  they]  made'^  Saul  king  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  in  Gil- 
gal, and  there  they  [om.  there  they]  sacrificed  sacrifices  of  peace-offerings  [ins. 
there]  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah] ;  and  there  SauP°  and  all  the  men  of  Israel  re- 
joiced greatly. 


w  [Ver.  9.  Lit.  "  in  (Qeri,  at)  the  heat  of  the  sun ;"  see  similar  phrase  in  ver.  11.- 
w  [Ver.  12.  Sept.,  Chald.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  insert  a  negative ;  ''  ~ 


-Te.] 


'Saal  shall  not  reign  over  us;"  Chald.,  "is  not  fit  to 
reign,"  Vulg.  as  Heb.    This  neg.  does  not  necessarily  imply  a  different  text,  yet  a  K7  may  easily  have  fallen  out 

of  the  Heb.,  the  preceding  word  ending  with  S.    The  sense  is  the  same  in  both  readings. — Tr.] 

w  [Ver.  12.  This  word  is  plu. in  Heb.,  Chald.,  Vulg.,  Arab.,  hut  sing,  in  Sept.  and  Syr.;  the  former,  as  the  more 

difficult  reading  (since  the  address  was  to  Samuel),  is  to  be  preferred. — Te.J 
IB  [Ver.  15.  Sept :  anointed— as  interpretation. — Tk.] 
^  jTer.  15.  Sept. :  Samuel  (instead  of  Saul) — more  probably  error  of  transcription  than  attempt  to  make  Samuel 

conspicuous. — Tk.] 

statement  of  time  is  evidently  an  interpretation 
of  the  translation.*  It  is  the  less  necessary  for 
the  connection  by  reason  of  the  looseness  of  the 
chronology  here.  According  to  xii.  ]  2  the  threat- 
ened war  with  the  Ammonites  was  the  immediate 
occa-iion  of  the  demand  for  a  king.  Naturally, 
therefore,  Nahash,  having  before  made  his  pre- 
parations, entered  the  Israelitish  territory  soon 
after  the  king  was  chosen  and  confirmed.  If  it 
had  been  intended  to  give  this  datum  of  time  the 
word  "  one  "  must  necessarily  have  been  inserted. 
— On  Nahashjf  king  of  the  Ammonites,  see  on  2 
Sam.  X.  2.  We  have  here  a  renewal  of  the  war 
with  the  Ammonites,  which  (according  to  Judg. 
X.  11)  Israel  had  victoriously  carried  on  under 
Jephthah.  No  doubt  Nahash  made  the  same  charge 
against  Israel — claiming  the  territory  east  of  the 
Jordan  which,  it  was  alleged,  Israel  had  taken  from 
the  Ammonites— which  was  then  made  by  the  king 
and  repelled  byJeph.  (Judg.  xi.  13  sq.).  Comp. 
Josh.  xiii.  25.  Jephthah's  victory  had  not  perma- 
nently broken  the  power  of  the  Ammonites.  Jabesh 
lay  in  northern  Gilead,  and  belonged  to  the  half- 
tribe  of  Manasseh.  According  to  Joseph.  (Ant. 
6,  5,  1),  it  was  the  capital  of  Gilead ;  according 
to  the  Onom.,  "six  Koman  miles  from  Pella  on 
the  way  to  Gerasa,"  and  is  conjectured  by  Robin- 
son (III.  319)  and  van  der  Velde  (Mem.,  p.  323) 
to  be  the  same  with  the  present  ruins  of  Ed-Deir,t 
on  the  south  side  of  the  Wady  Jabis,  in  which 
word  is  not  improbably  contained  the  name  of 
the  old  Jabesh.  Jabesh  was  the  only  city  (Judg. 
xxi.  9)  which  did  not  take  part  in  the  war  of 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-4.  The  siege  of  Jabesh  by  Nahash,  king 
of  the  Ammonites. 

Ver.  1.  The  need  of  a  vigorous  single  leader- 
ship in  war  against  the  surrounding  hostile  peo- 
ples, especially  in  the  first  instance  for  the  war 
threatened  by  the  Ammonites  (xii.  12),  had  oc- 
casioned the  people's  desire  for  a  strong  regal  go- 
vernment like  that  of  those  nations.  God  had 
yielded  to  their  desire,  and  through  Samuel  given 
them  a  king.  But  this  king,  after  having  been 
publicly  presented  and  greeted  as  king,  had  with- 
drawn into  seclusion.  For  a  part  of  the  people 
were  unwilling  to  accept  the  new  order  of  things 
under  Saul's  kingly  authority,  not  believing  that 
.he  could  rescue  the  people  from  the  threatening 
danger.  It  was,  therefore,  all-important  that 
Saul  should,  by  some  deed  of  deliverance,  show 
himself  to  be  the  king,  who  could  lead  Israel  to 
victory  over  their  enemies.  Awaiting  the  moment 
when  he  could  display  his  strength  with  the  Lord's 
help  as  his  Anointed,  he  had  kept  silence  before 
the  contempt  of  his  enemies,  and  had  retired  to 
the  quiet  of  his  accustomed  rural  occupations. 
And  not  long  after  the  day  of  Mizpah  came  the 
peril,  in  view  of  which  the  demand  had  been  made 
for  a  king  to  lead  the  people  to  battle.  Nahash, 
the  Ammonite,  advanced  vdth  an  army,  and  began 
the  war  against  Israel  with  the  siege  of  Jabesh- 
Gilead.  The  Sept.  inserts  at  the  beginning  of  this 
verse  from  the  preceding  (x.  27)  the  words :  "  and 
it  came  to  pass  after  a  month,"*  and  is  followed  by 
Ew.  and  Then,  though  all  other  ancient  translations 
agree  with  the  mas.  text,  only  the  Vulg.  adds  to 
the  translation  of  the  text  the  words :  et  factum 
est  quasi  post  mensem,  an  addition  originating  pro- 
bably  in  the  Itala,  which  follows  the  Sept.  The 
*  [Beading  tyinD3  instead  of  t^'tnOS.— Tn.] 


*  [Not  if  he  had  a  different  text  before  him.— Te.] 
t  [On  the  relation  between  this  Nahash  and  the  person 
mentioned  in  2  Sam.  xvii.  25  an  father  of  Abigail,  and 
for  discussion  of  1  Chr.  ii.  16,  see  Arts.  Abigail,  Zeruiah, 
Nahash,  in  Smith's  Bib.  Di-et.  and  the  Commentaries  m 
loco,  and  comp.  2  Sam.  k^\\.  2Y. — Te.] 

X  ["On  the  mountains  in  full  view  of  Beisan."  Thom- 
son, Land  and  Book,  2,  174.~Tk,] 


166 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


extermination  against  Benjamin ;  its  virgins  were 
carried  off  for  the  Benjamites  ( Judg.  xxi.  6  sq.). 
For  the  important  connection  of  Jabesh  with 
Saul's  end  see  xxxi.  11-13  and  2  Sam.  4,  5. — The 
inhabitants  of  Jabesh  are  willing  to  come  to  an 
agreement  with  Nahash,  and  submit  on  reasona- 
ble conditions.  This  shows  their  entire  defence- 
lessness  against  the  enemy,  and  characterizes  Is- 
rael's weakness  in  consequence  of  the  lack  of  firm 
and  permanent  union  among  its  parts.  Instead 
of  accepting  their  humble  proposal,  Nahash  offers 
the  Jabeshiteg  the  extremest  insult  by  the  threat 
that,  unless  they  surrendered  unconditionally,* 
he  would  put  out  the  right  eyes  of  all  of  them.f 
On  cruel  conduct  towards  conquered  enemies  see 
Kiietschi,  Herz.  B.  E.  VIII.  87  [also  Arts.  War 
in  Diets,  of  Smith  and  Fairbairn,  and  Saalschiitz, 
Arehaologie  der  Hebrder,  II.  506. — Tr.].  Nahash 
will  lay  this  as  a  reproach  "on  all  Israel,"  not 
because  they  had  not  courage  to  help  them  (Bun- 
sen),  but  with  the  intention  of  undertaking  war 
against  all  Israel,  and  avenging  the  insult  offered 
by  Jephthah.  Josephua'  remark,  that  he  threa- 
tened to  do  this  "  in  order  that,  their  left  eyes 
being  concealed  by  their  shields,  they  might  be 
wholly  unserviceable,"  is  correct  only  on  this 
supposition,  that  he  in  fact  designed  to  conquer 
first  the  city  and  then  Gilead. — Ver.  3.  Nahash 
grants  the  desired  seven  days,  in  which  they  are 
to  send  messengers  into  every  part  of  Israel ;  in 
this  time  he  thought  to  fini.sh  his  preparations  for 
the  conquest  of  the  city,  in  order,  in  the  existing 
division  of  the  Israelitish  tribes  and  forces,  the 
more  surely  to  attain  his  end.  The  Jabeshites 
promised  to  yield  themselves,  if  no  one  came  to 
their  resme.  The  assumption  of  this  as  possible, 
and  the  fact  that  they  sent  to  every  region  of  Israel 
shows  that  in  this  transition-period  from  the 
Judges  to  the  kingdom,  in  spite  of  what  Samuel 
had  done  towards  securing  unity  of  action,  the 
old  division  of  powers  in  tribal  isolation  and  the 
consequent  weakness  against  enemies  still  conti- 
nued. That  the  messengers  (ver.  4)  go  neverthe- 
less not  separately  to  the  various  tribes,  but  all 
together  first  J  to  Oibeah  of  Saul,  is  doubtless 
according  to  instructions  given  them.  And  the 
reason  could  be  only  that  this  was  the  residence 
of  the  elected  king,  and  the  centre  of  the  whole 
people.  We  are  not  to  conclude  (with  Then.), 
from  the  fact  of  their  going  not  to  Saul,  but  to 
the  people,  that  they  knew  nothing  of  his  election 
as  king;  they  presented  their  case  before  the 
people,  and  not  Saul,  because  (as  appears  from 
what  follows)  he  was  not  in  Gibeah,  and  did  not 
return  from  his  ordinary  occupation  tiU  after 
their  statement  was  made. — The  weeping  of  the 
people  points  to  the  greatness  of  the  danger  and 
the  painful  consciousness  of  helplessness.  Per- 
haps Saul  was  held  in  least  esteem  in  his  native 
city. 

Vers.  5-7.  Sauts  first  royal  deed.  He  gathers 
the  people  together,  so  that  they  rise  as  one  mcire 

*  [This  is  not  the  exact  expression  of  the  text ;  rather 
the  pnttiQK  out  of  the  eyes  was  the  condition  of  sur- 
render and  treaty  offered  in  savage  ploasaulry  bv  Na- 
hash.—Te.] 

t    jIlIS,  "in  this,"  that  is,  on  this  condition.     The 

suff.  n  in  TyP!0\O  is  to  be  taken  as  neuter,  referring  to 
the  putting  out  of  the  eyes. 
X  (.It  is  not  said,  that  they  wentyirs*  to  Gibeah.— Tb.] 


against  the  Ammonites,  and  the  hitherto-existing 
disunion  is  at  an  end.— Ver.  5.     When  the  mes- 
sengers arrive,  Saul  is  in  the  field  engaged  in 
agricultural  labors.    He  is  called  from  the  plotigh, 
as  Gideon  from  the  threshing-floor  (Judg.  vi.  11 
sq.),  to  do  great  deeds  tor  his  people.     "After  the 
oxen"  refers  to  his  walking  behind  the  oxen,  with 
which  he  had  ploughed,  and  which  are  called  in 
ver.  7  "a  yoke  of  oxen." — Ver.  6.  Wlien  he  hears 
the  cause  of  the  people's  lamenting  and  weeping, 
the  Spirit  of  God  lays  hold  of  him  mightily.     The 
great  moment  had  come  when  the  fire  of  mighty 
wrath,  infiamed  by  God's  Spirit,  kindled  at  the 
reproach  inflicted  by  the  enemy  on  his  people, 
and  he,  in  fulfillment  of  his  royal  calling  to  be 
the  deliverer  of  his  people,  was  to  step  forth 
according  to  the  will  of  the  Lord. — Ver.  7.  The 
cutting  wp  of  the  oxen  alone  would  not  have  ex- 
hausted the  meaning  which  (as  appears  from  the 
context)   this   symbolical   action  was  meant  to 
have.     There  was  necesssary  also  the  sending  of 
the  pieces  into  every  region  of  Israel,  that  is,  to 
every  tribe,  as  in  the  similar  procedure  in  Judg. 
xix.  29.     The  meaning  of  Saul's  sharp  words  by 
the   messengers:    Whosoever    oometh    not 
forth  aftei  Saul  and  after  Samuel,  so  shall 
it  be  done  to  his  oxen,  is  only  fully  expressed 
by  the  pieces  which  are  sent  along  with  them. 
Though  the  "pieces"   are  not  expressly  men- 
tioned in  the  text,  as  iii  Judg.  xix.  29  (Then.), 
yet  they  must  be  understood  from  the  connection. 
As  there  the  pieces  of  the  shamefully  murdered 
woman's  body,  so  here  the  pieces  of  the  hewed 
oxen  are  the  factual  summons  of  the  individual 
parts  of  the  people  to  a  common  warfare,  which 
was  to   avenge  the  wrong  done  them.    Along 
with  this  similarity,   however,  between  the  two 
actions  and  their  aims,  there  is  an  essential  dif- 
ference between  them.     In  the  former  case  the 
pieces  represented  the  crime  of  the  violated  rights 
of   hospitality   and    the    expiation    which   was 
demanded.     Here  Saul  sets  forth  the  punishment 
to  be  expected  by  every  one  who  should  not  join 
the  campaign  against  the  enemy ;  he  threatens  the 
exercise  of  his  judicial  power,  which  is  a  function 
of  his  royal  office.     The  subject  [i.  e.  executer] 
of  the  threat  is  neither  the  people  of  the  recusant 
person  (Josephus),  nor  tlie  iui'ading  enemy,  buf 
it  is  he,  the  king  of  Israel,   who  is  thoroughly 
conscious  of  his  authority  to  summon  the  whole 
people  to  war    against  the  enemy,  under  the 
impulse  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  which  has  come 
upon  him.     Saul  here  steps  forth,  in  the  name 
of  the  Lord,  who  has  chosen  him  to  save  His 
people  from  their  foes,  with  an  act  of  sovereign 
theocratic  royal  power.     As  possessor  of  tms 
power  he  names  himself  first  as.  leader  of  Israel, 
and  then  Samuel  seco-nd..    That,  however,  he  does 
connect  the  latter's  name  with  his,  shows  Samuel's 
high  position  as  propliet  and  watchman  of  the 
kingdom  and  (with  the  retention  of  his  judicial 
authority)  as  leader  of  the  people  along  with 
Saul,  and  proves  also  Samuel's  approval  of  this 
assumption  of  royal  authority  before  the  people. 
His  symbolical  action   and  the    accompanying 
threat,  which  is  to  rouse  the  people  from  division 
to  unitj',  and  from  lethargy  to  a  common  enter- 
prise,_  IS  thus  stamped  with  the  prophetic  and 
judicial  authority  of  Samuel,  under  which  Saul's 
royal  authority  stands. — Clericus  excellently  re- 


CHAP.  XI.  1-15. 


167 


marks;  "This  was  a  symbolical  action  which,  by 
the  exhibition  of  the  pieces  of  the  oxen,  struck 
the  mind  more  than  words  alone  would  have 
done."  The  action  belongs  to  the  category  of 
symbolical  acts,  which  set  forth  corporally  and 
vigorously  the  content  of  the  following  words,  in 
order  to  strengthen  their  impression.  See  1 
Kings  xi.  30;  xxii.  11;  2  Kings  xiii.  18.  Comp. 
the  symbolical  actions  in  the  prophetic  writings. 
— The  powerful  impression  made  by  Saul's  ap- 
pearance and  act  is  indicated  in  a  two-fold  way: 
1)  The  fear  of  Jehovah  fdl  on  the  people.  Clericus: 
"  Either  fear  sent  or  in  some  peculiar  way  infused 
into  men's  minds  by  God,  or  fear  lest  they  should 
offend  God,  if  they  refused  to  obey  the  command 
of  the  king  and  the  prophet."  The  second  ex- 
planation is  to  be  preferred ;  for  Saul's  appear- 
ance is  theocratic;  he  speaks  in  the  name  and 
under  the  commission  of  the  Lord,  whose  instru- 
ment he,  as  well  as  Samuel,  is.  The  people, 
impressed  by  his  act  and  his  words,  recognize  the 
holy  and  mighty  wiU  of  their  God,  and  are  seized 
by  a  wholesome  fear  before  the  Lord,  which  leads 
them  to  recognize  the  obligation  to  fuliil  his  com- 
mand revealed  through  Saul.  "The  fear  of  the 
Lord"  is  here,  therefore,  not  a  "panic  fear" 
(Thenius,  Bottcher) ;  for  Jehovah  is  not^ 
Elohim,  as  Keil  well  remarks;*  the  refer- 
ence is  to  the  relation  of  the  people  to  their 
covenant-God,  who  anew  reveals  Himself;  2) 
And  they  came  out  as  one  man.  The  effect  of  Saul's 
appearance  and  message  to  the  whole  people  was 
that  they  rose  out  of  division  into  a  firm  unity  of 
parts  (tribes)  and  powers.  The  Spirit  of  the 
Lord,  which  impelled  Saul  to  this  noble  and 
vigorous  action,  so  strangely  contrasted  with  his 
former  quiet  life  behind  the  plough,  laid  hold  at 
the  same  time  on  the  whole  nation,  so  that  it  was 
suddenly  lifted  up,  as  it  were  involuntarily,  in 
the  uniting  and  strengthening  power  of  this 
Spirit  from  above,  to  a  new  life  before  God  (in 
His  fear)  and  within  itself  (in  unity  and  union) 
against  the  enemies  of  the  theocracy. 

Vers.  8-11.  Saul's  deed  of  deliverance  by  vic- 
tory over  the  Ammonites.  The  summoning  of 
the  people  and  the  gathering  of  the  hosts 
goes  swiftly  on.  The  latter  is  presupposed  in 
the  phrase  "  numbered  or  mustered  them."  This 
took  place  in  Bezek,  in  the  Ti'ibe  of  Issachar,  in 
the  plain  of  Jezreel,  not  far  from  Bethshean,  at 
about  as  great  an  elevation  as  Jabesh,  according 
to  the  Onom.  17f  Eomau  miles  north  of  Neapo- 
lis  (Nablus),  on  the  road  to  Scythopolis.  This 
place  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  Bezek  in 
the  Tribe  of  Judah,  where  the  Canaanites  and 
Perizzites  under  their  king  Adonibezek  were 
beaten  by  Judah  and  Simeon,  Judg.  i.  3,  4.  In 
respect  to  the  separate  mention  of  Israel  and  Ju- 
dah[ver.8]  Clericus  remarks :  "this  smacks  of  the 
times  that  followed  the  division  of  the  Israelites 

*  [The  word  Elohim  or  El  (God)  is  apparently  some- 
times used  in  the  Old  Testament  in  a  superlative  sense 
="Tery  great  or  high,"  as  in  Ps.  xxxvi.  7  (01,  which  is 
literally  "  mountains  of  El,"  Ps.  Ixviii.  16  (16),  1  Sam. 

xiv.  15,  or  with  Prep.  7  (to)  as  in  Jon.  iii.  3.  But  in  the 
former  cases  the  true  meaning  of  the  word  "  God  "  is 
always  kept  in  the  foreground,  though  the  adjectival 
conception  "  great "  naturally  attaches  to  it  — Tr.J 

t  [The  German  has  incorrectly  7.  Bezek  is  differently 
located  by  different  writers.  See  the  dictionaries  of 
Winer,  Fairbairn,  and  Smith,  s.  v.—Tn.] 


into  two  kingdoms."  See  the  same  distinction 
made  in  xvii.  52;  xviii.  16;  2  Sam.  ii.  Qeq.;  iii. 
10;  V.  1-5;  xix.  41  sq.;  1  Sam.  xx.  24.  That  the 
large  and  poweriiil  tribe  of  Judah  has  the  rela- 
tively small  number  (30,000)  of  warriors  over 
against  the  300,000  of  Israel,  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  a  large  part  of  its  territory  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Philistines,  as  to  whose  further  advance 
more  care  had  to  be  taken,  now  that  the  north- 
eastern frontier  of  the  country  was  threatened  by 
the  Ammonites.  The  large  numbers  are  explained 
by  the  general  levy  of  tlie  people  (a  sort  of  mili- 
tia).— Ver.  9.  The  messengers  from  Jabesh  are 
now  dismissed  with  the  answer  that  help  would 
be  brought  them  the  next  day  by  the  time  the  sun 
was  hottest.  So  confideut  is  Saul  with  his  army 
in  the  power  of  the  prophetic  spirit,  that  the  Lord 
will  through  them  bring  help.  Bold  assurance 
of  faith  which,  in  a  great  undertaking,  anticipates 
its  success  as  an  accomplished  fact.  The  messen- 
gers from  Jabesh  had  the  same  confidence  of  faith. 
— Ver.  10.  "To-morrow,"  that  is,  one  day  after 
the  messengers  had  returned  to  Jabesh.  This 
message  of  the  Jabeshites  to  the  Ammonites  must, 
according  to  ver.  3,  have  led  the  latter  to  believe 
that  they  wished  to  treat  of  terms  of  surrender. 
It  was  a  stratagem  which  made  the  Ammonites 
all  the  more  confident. — Ver.  11.  They  are  over- 
powered by  surprise.  The  time  of  the  "  morning- 
watch"  is  from  3  to  6  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
when  the  night  is  darkest.  As  Saul's  army  was 
not  a  disciplined  one,  but  hastily  gathered  from 
the  whole  people,  he  could  only  hope  to  gain  a 
complete  and  decisive  victory  by  attacking  the 
confident  Ammonites  in  their  camp  from  three 
sides  during  their  soundest  sleep.  The  army,  di- 
vided into  three  parts,  came  "into  the  midst  of 
the  camp  "  from  different  directions.  The  victory 
was  complete  "by  the  heat  of  the  day;"  the  ene- 
my's army  is  utterly  scattered.  "Two  were  not 
left  together." 

Vers.  12-15.  Saul's  renewed  confirmation  and  ge- 
neral recognition  as  king. — Ver.  12.  This  bold  deed 
of  deliverance,  performed  under  the  immediate 
impulse  of  the  Spirit  from  above  at  the  head  of 
the  nation,  legitimizes  Saul  before  all  Israel  as 
their  God-appointed  king.  It  is  quite  in  keeping 
with  the  enthusiasm  with  which  he  had  inspired 
the  people  that  they  wished  to  punish  his  con- 
temptuous opposers  (x.  27)  with  death  as  traitors. 
The  words:  "Saul  should  reign  over  us"  are  to 
be  taken  either  as  exclamation  or  as  question. — 
Ver.  13.  In  respect  to  this  demand  Saul  appears 
in  a  yet  nobler  light.  His  heart  is  fiill  of  humble 
piety;  he  gives  the  glory  to  God  alone,  saying, 
"To-day  Jehovah  hath  wrought  salvation  in  Is- 
rael." The  victory  over  the  foe  is  to  him  nothing 
but  a  saving  act  of  Ood  Himself.  He  regards  him- 
self as  simply  the  instrument  of  God.  This  is  the 
ground  ('3,  "for")  of  the  rejection  of  the  de- 
mand; none  should  die  that  day.  It  is  the  utter- 
ance of  royal  generosity  towards  his  enemies,  whose 
hearts  it  must  have  won.  Thereby  he  gained 
another  victory:  1)  over  himself— he  restrains 
himself  in  the  exercise  of  a  right,  2)  over  the  an- 
ger of  those  who  demanded  that  justice  be  exe- 
cuted, 3)  over  his  former  opponents,  who  now 
clearly  see  that  which,  under  the  influence  of 
haughty  contempt,  they  had  doubted,  and  4)  oyer 
the  whole  people,  who  must  have  been  carried 


168 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


along  by  him  on  the  path  of  noble  moral  conduct, 
and  lifted  above  themselves  to  the  height  on 
which  he  stood.  The  enthusiastic  recognition  of 
Saul  by  the  whole  nation  as  divinely  appointed 
king  was  factually  (in  contrast  with  x.  27)  com- 
pleted.— Vers.  14,  15.  Then  follows,  under  Sar 
muel's  direction,  the  formal  and  solemn  renewal 
of  the  kingdom.  Samuel  orders  an  assembly  of  the 
people  at  Qilgal  in  the  Jordan-valley ;  from  the 
scene  of  victory  the  people,  led  by  Saul  and  Sa- 
muel, go  to  that  holy  spot.  The  object  of  the  ga- 
thering he  declares  to  be  the  renewal  of  the  king- 
dom with  reference  to  the  election  of  king  at  Miz- 
pah,  X.  17  sq.  What  the  "  renewal  of  the  king- 
dom" means  must  be  learned  from  the  following 
words:  There  they  made  Saul  king  before 

Israel.— The  word  oSp'l  ["made  king"]  can- 
not be  rendered  "they  anointed  him,"  because 
that  is  not  its  meaning,  and  because  the  act  of 
anointing  could  have  been  performed,  not  by  the 
people,  but  only  by  Samuel  in  the  name  of  Jeho- 
vah. For  the  rest,  if  there  had  been  a  second  an- 
ointing, it  would,  on  account  of  its  importance, 
have  been  expre-ssly  mentioned,  as  in  David's 
case,  2  Sam.  ii.  4;  v.  3.  The  translation  of  the 
Sept.:  "Samuel  anointed  Saul"  is  obviously  an  in- 
terpretation, they  stumbling  at  the  strange  word 

of  the  original  (oSoj^),  which  seemed  to  contra- 
dict X.  17  sq.,  and  adopting,  as  the  best  expedient, 
the  supposition  of  a  second  anointing  (with  refer- 
ence to  X.  1),  having  in  mind  the  double  anoint- 
ing of  David.  All  the  other  ancient  translations 
follow  the  Masoretic  text.  Starting  from  the  un- 
foimded  a.ssuinption  that  an  anointing  is  here 
spoken  of,  Thenius  wrongly  argues  that  here  is 
a  sign  of  different  authorship  for  chap.  xi.  and 
X.  1-16,  since  a  double  anointing  is  hardly  sup- 
posable.  It  is  in  itself  quite  supposable,  since  it 
actually  occurred  in  David's  case,  though  then 
for  a  definite  reason.  But  the  text  gives  no  sup- 
port to  this  supposition.  For  the  words  "they 
made  him  king  before  Jehovah"  mean  nothing 
else  than  the  solemn  announcement  and  presenta- 
tion of  Saul  before  the  nation  as  divinely  ap- 
pointed king  in  consequence  of  the  divine  legiti- 
mation given  by  his  brilliant  exploit  against  the 
Ammonites.  [What  is  above  said  by  Dr.  Erd- 
mann  may  serve  also  as  answer  to  Wellhausen's 
critical  remarks  on  this  paragraph.  He  holds 
that  chap.  xi.  attaches  itself  naturally  to  x.  16, 
since  Saulin  xi.  1-11  is  not  king,  though  he  knows 
that  he  will  be,  and  bis  whole  procedure  corre- 
sponds psychologically  with  exactness  to  the  tone 
of  mind  naturally  induced  by  the  signs  x.  9-12. 
But  this  is  no  less  true  according  to  the  present 
arrangement  of  the  text.  There  is  historical  mo- 
tive tor  the  double  declaration  as  king,  and  there 
IS  no  external  evidence  to  show  that  x.  17-27  and 
xi.  12-14  are  interpolations.— Th.]  The  "before 
the  Lord"  (Clericus:  "calling  on  God's  name  and 
offering  sacrifices  to  Him")  indicates  the  es.son- 
tial  difference  between  this  act  and  the  proclama- 
tion and  homage  at  Mizpiih,  marking  the  religions 
aet  of  installation  sealed  with  a  solemn  offering  (be- 
fore the  Lord),  by  which  Saul  was  formally  and 
solemnly  consecrated  to  his  office  by  the  invisible 
God-king  with  renewed  homage  and  recognition 
of  the  whole  nation,  and  another  pledge  to  keep 
the    divine    law.      It    is    Saul's    solemn    inau- 


guration. The  previous  facts  in  the  history  of 
his  call  are  the  ascending  steps  to  this  acme — 
the  solemn  beginning  of  his  royal  rule. — 
"  What  had  been  done  for  Saul  himself  on  the 
day  of  his  anointing,  and  for  the  people  at  the 
election  of  king  had  now  in  Gilgal  been  publicly 
renewed  and  confirmed  for  the  whole  kingdom." 
Schlier,  Saul,  p.  22.  The  "  peace-ofterings " 
which  were  sacrificed  "  before  the  Lord "  ex- 
pressed joy  and  gratitude  before  the  Lord,  the 
peaceful,  joyful  relation  between  Him  and  His 
people.  Along  with  this  religious  side  of  joy  the 
connected  saarificiat  meal  represented  its  human 
side.  Thus  was  celebrated  at  Gilgal  by  king  and 
people  a  festival  of  great  joy.  There  Samuel  per- 
forms the  functions  of  priest,  and,  as  prophet  and 
priest,  is  and  remains  the  organ  of  the  word  and 
blessing  of  God,  under  which  king  and  people 
equally  stand,  and  by  which  the  two  are  to  form 
the  indissoluble  theocratic  unity  and  fellowship,  ' 
which  from  now  on  must  be  the  foundation  of  the 
whole  theocratic  life. 

HISTORICAL   AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

See  the  Exegetical  e.'^iplanations.  In  addition 
the  following  remarks  may  be  made : 

1.  The  deeper  the  ignominy  and  the  greater 
the  need  of  God's  people  under  the  threats  of  the 
powerful  foe,  so  much  the  more  glorious  was  the 
deliverance,  so  much  the  more  overwhelming  the 
manifestation  of  the  glory  and  the  faithfulness  of 
the  covenant-God.  The  weeping  of  the  people  in 
view  of  the  powerlessness  of  the  ununited  tribes 
and  of  the  scornful  pride  of  the  enemy,  expressed 
at  the  same  time  the  humble,  penitent  spirit  in 
which  they  sought  the  Lord's  help,  as,  in  the  time 
of  the  Judges,  after  defection  and  alienation  from 
God,  they  ever  turned  penitently  to  the  Lord 
when  their  need  wa,s  greatest. 

2.  Saul's  call,  in  accordance  with  the  occasion 
which  led  to  the  demand  for  the  kingdom,  and 
in  accordance  with  the  historical  relations  of  the 
people  to  the  surrounding  heathen  nations,  was  a 
military  one.  And  so  the  prelude  to  his  assump- 
tion of  the  government  and  his  public  solemn 
confirmation  as  king  of  Israel  is  this  military 
deed,  whose  theocratic  .significance  is  indicated 
by  the  fact,  that  its  source  and  origin  is  said  to  be 
the  laying  hold  and  filling  of  Saul  bv  the  power 
of  the  Spirit  of  God  (ver.  6).  For  the  military 
work  of  the  theocratic  king  must  be  sanctified, 
guided,  accomplished  by  God  directly  through 
His  Spirit,  in  order  that  the  outer  and  inner  con- 
ditions of  the  farther  development  of  the  theoc- 
racy in  Israel  may  be  secnred. 

3.  The  "  coming  of  the  Spirit  of  God  "  on  Saul 
(ver.  6),  and  on  the  organs  of  the  theocracy  gene- 
rally, is  not  to  be  volatilized  into  an  intensifying 
of  their  .spiritual  life,  an  uplifting  of  themselves 
to  words  and  deeds  in  the  service  of  God,  but 
must  be  held  to  be  a  real,  supernatural  entrance 
of  (;he  Spirit  of  God  into  their  inner  life.  This, 
however,  is  accomplished  here  (vers.  5,  6)  as  in 
X.  10,  not  without  an  external,  natural  occa.sion 
and  human  instrmiientality.  The  Spirit  of  God 
advances  along  the  patli  marked  out  by  the  divine 
wisdom. 

4.  There  is  a  holy  anger,  justified  before  God, 
like  that  which  seized  Saul  (ver.  6).  Its  origin  is 
the  Spirit  from  above,  whose  flame  kindles  it;  its 


CHAP.  XL  1-15. 


169 


object  is  the  power  of  sin,  the  shame  and  igno- 
miny inflicted  on  God's  people  and  name,  the 
enemies  of  God ;  its  aim  is  the  honor  of  God  and 
the  furtherance  of  the  ends  of  His  kingdom. 

5.  The  power  of  the  Spirit  of  Ood,  which  filled 
and  impelled  Saul  showed  itself,  in  its  compre- 
hensive, penetrating  power  over  the  national  life, 
by  the  twotbld  effect,  which  was  decisive  for  the 
first  joint  action  of  king  and  people,  and  also  full 
of  typical  meaning  for  their  whole  history  as  peo- 
ple of  God :  the  fear  of  the  Lord  in  the  relation  of 
the  people  to  their  God,  and  the  unity  of  their  dif- 
ferent parts  ("  the  people  went  out  as  one  man  ") ; 
the  innermost,  the  fear  of  Jehovah,  was  the  source 
of  their  conjunction  to  a  firm  unity.  To  awaken 
and  nourish  the /ear  of  God  in  the  people  by  ener- 
getic, divinely-guided  government,  and  to  set  the 
people  as  one  man  in  their  theocratic  fellowship 
over  against  the  heathen  peoples  as  the  people  of 
the  Lord,  was  the  task  and  calling  of  the  theo- 
cratic monarchy.  These  two  aims  contain  the 
roots  of  the  love  of  Ood  and  on^s  neighbm-  as  the 
twofold  fundamental  lam  of  the  kingdom  of  Ood. 
Matt.  xxii.  37-40;  Deut.  vi.  5  sq. ;  Lev.  xix.  18. 

6.  When  Saul,  at  his  election  as  king  and  the 
partial  homage  which  he  received,  maintained 
silence  towards  his  scornful  enemies  and  practiced 
self-denial  in  quietness  and  patience,  he  per- 
formed (over  against  the  demand  to  visit  deserved 

■  punishment  on  the  despisers  of  the  Lord's  Anoint- 
ed) under  the  guidance  of  God's  Spirit  an  act  of 
hve  to  enemies,  letting  them  go  unpunished,  and 
setting  aside  the  demand  to  visit  strict  justice  on 
them  by  pointing  to  the  grace  and  salvation 
wherein  God  had  just  revealed  Himself  to  the 
whole  nation.  A  prelude  of  the  di^osition  of 
forbearing,  merciful  love,  which  finds  its  fdfilm,ent 
in  the  New  Te-stament  according  to  the  word  of 
the  Lord  (Matt.  v.  44),  and  through  the  Spirit 
from  above  (Luke  ix.  55),  and  has  its  ground  in 
personal  experience  of  the  merciful  love  of  Grod 
(Luke  vi.  36). 

HOMILETICAIi   AND   PEACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-11.  On  what  depends  the  help  and  deli- 
verance of  a  people  in  times  of_  great  distress  f  1) 
They  must  lift  their  voices  imploringly  to  God 
(ver.  4).  2)  The  men  whom  God  has  raised  up 
as  their  helpers,  they  must  receive  with  confidence 
as  the  Lord's  instruments  (vers.  5-7).  3)  They 
must  be  Subject  in  obedience  and  fidelity  to  the 
rulers  given  them  by  God.  4)  They  must  place 
themselves  under  the  discipline  and  guidance  of 
God's  Spirit,  in  order,  a)  in  true  fear  of  God  to 
be  weU-pleasing  \a  the  Lord,  and  b)  in  true  unity 
of  love  to  be  as  one  man. 

Vers.  1-5.  What  is  meant  by  the  question  in  a 
king's  mouth :  What  aUeth  the  people  that  they  weep  ? 
1)  A  father's  faithful  observation  of  his  people's 
weal  and  woe.  2)  A  brother's  sympathizing  com- 
passion for  their  distress.  3)  A  king's  magnani- 
mous readiness  to  help. 

[Vers.  5-11.  Henby  (altered) :  The  spirit  and 
conduct  of  Saul  (comp.  x.  9) :  1)  His  humility- 
anointed  king,  but  following  the  oxen.  2)  His 
concern  for  his  neighbors  (ver.  5).  3)  His  zeal 
for  the  safety  and  honor  of  Israel  (ver.  6).  4) 
The  authoritv  and  power  he  exerted,  upon  this 
important  occasion.     5)  His  faith  and  confidence 


(ver.  9).  6)  His  industry  and  close  application 
to  this  business  (vers.  8,  11).  7)  His  suc- 
cess.— Tb.] 

Vers.  6-11.  The  holy  communion  in  which  king 
cmd  people  should  stand,  through  the  Spirit  of  the 
Lord:  1)  In  righteous  anger  against  all  that  ih 
hostile  to  God's  kingdom  (ver.  6 ) ;  2)  In  true/ear  of 
Ood,  which  unites  king  and  people  inwardly  hu- 
tbre  the  Lord ;  3)  In  faithful  love,  wherein  a)  the 
people  are  heartily  obedient  to  the  king's  will, 
which  aims  at  the  common  welfare,  and  6)  under 
his  guidance  they  rise  up  as  one  man  against  the 
common  enemy,  and  to  help  the  suffering  fellow- 
citizens  (ver.  7);  4)  In  firm,  confident  faith  in 
the  Lord's  support,  which  does  not  suffer  his 
people  to  be  put  to  shame  (vers.  8-11). 

Vers.  8,  9.  The  messages,  To-morrow  ye  shall  have 
help :  1)  A  testimony  of  helpful,  active  brotherly 
love;  2)  A  promise  of  prompt,  hastening  help;  3) 
A  trustworthy  assurance  of  fortunate  success ;  4) 
A  source  of  great  joy  ("rejoiced  greatly"). 

Vers.  12-15.  To-day  the  Lord  hath  wrought  sal- 
vation in  Israel:  1)  A  jubilee-cry,  praising  the 
Lord's  honor ;  2)  A  warning  cry,  reminding  of 
guilty  offences  against  forgiving  and  compassion- 
ate love ;  3)  An  awakening  cry,  demanding  the 
presentation  of  thank-offerings  before  the  Lord  ;  4) 
A  joyous  cry,  calling  to  be  glad  in  the  Lord. 

J.  Disselhoff:  The  first  kingly  deed.  The 
two  noblest  ornaments  of  a  servant  of  God  are 
united  in  it:  1)  Burning,  holy  zeal  in  the  cause 
of  God  and  the  brethren  ;  2)  Corresponding  gen- 
tleness in  one's  own  cause. 

[Vers.  4-6.  Scott:  The  Lord,  in  providence, 
will  make  way  for  those  whom  He  has  designed 
and  prepared  for  usefulness ;  nor  shall  any  repent 
of  humbly  waiting  in  obscurity  and  honest  indus- 
try, till  He  is  pleased  to  call  them  forth ;  for  pride 
and  impatience  alone  can  conclude,  that  the  only 
wise  God  has  lighted  a  caudle  to  leave  it  under  a 
bushel.— Tr.] 

Ver.  6.  Starke  :  Oflicial  wrath  is  unforbidden. 
[Compare  "  Historical  and  Theological,"  No.  4. 
Anger  is  sometimes  lawful,  sometimes  a  duty.  It 
is  difficult,  but  not  impossible,  to  "  be  angry  and 
sin  not"  (Eph.  iv.  26).  Our  Lord  was  at  the 
same  time  angry  and  grieved  (Mark  iii.  5). — Tr.] 
S.  SoHMiD:  It  is  the  Spirit  of  God  alone  that 
works  good  in  men,  whether  in  an  ordinary  or  an 
extraordinary  manner.  DissELHOFF :  Without 
this  zeal  no  anointed  one  may  be  found.  For 
this  word  will  always  hold  good :  "  Cursed  be  he 
that  doeth  the  work  of  the  Lord  slothfuUy  "  [so 
Luther  in  Jer.  xlviii.  10.  Eng.  A.  V.,  "  deceit- 
fiilly,"  but  margin,  "  negligently,"  which  better 
suits  the  connection. — Tr.] — But  in  truth  zeal 
alone  is  not  yet  the  right  ornament  of  the  warriors 
of  Christ.  Prove  thy  zeal,  whether  it  is  not  per- 
haps mixed  with  flesh  and  blood,  or  even  pro- 
ceeds altogether  from  this  fountain;  and  know 
that  zeal  for  the  Lord's  cause  should  not  flow 
from  mere  excitability,  from  a,  momentary  ebul- 
lition of  natural  compassion,  or  from  being  over- 
come by  human  displeasure  and  anger.  Not  the 
strange  fire  which  the  sons  of  Aaron  took,  but 
the  fire  from  the  holy  altar,  the  Spirit  of  God- 
let  us  learn  it  from  Saul! — must  overmaster, 
inflame,  inspire  us. 

Ver.  7.  Berl.  Bible:  There  are  two  sorts  of 
fear.     One  is  a  selfish,  reward -seeking  fear.     In 


170 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


this  we  are  caring  for  ourselves,  and  it  is  self- 
interest  that  excites,  and  that  is  properly  human 
fear.  But  there  is  also  a  fear  of  the  Lord,  the 
fear  that  one  has  for  Plis  sake  alone,  when  one 
fears  lest  the  Lord  has  been  grieved  through  our 
own  sins,  or  those  of  others,  or  lest  we  or  others 
should  not  have  sufficiently  glorified  Him  in  our- 
selves.—  DissELHoyp :  This  can  otie  man  accom- 
plish in  the  people  of  God,  when  he  is  driven  by 
a  holy,  fiery  zeal.  The  fear  of  God  goes  forth 
from  him,  and  falls  upon  all  to  whom  he  comes. 
As  soon  as  the  fear  of  the  Lord  drives  an  army, 
a  people,  to  the  conflict,  no  need  of  being  uneasy 
as  to  the  result. — One  cowardly,  surly  soldier  of 
Christ,  afraid  of  suffering,  easily  makes  a  hundred 
cowards,  for  cowardice  is  contagious. — Ver.  12. 
Starke  :  As  in  God,  so  in  His  deputies,  mercy 
and  justice  should  be  inseparable;  wheresoever 
these  two  go  asunder,  government  follows  them, 
into  distraction,  and  ends  in  ruin.* — Dissel- 
hoff:   Such   a   saying  {ver.   13)  is   the  fairest 

*  [As  Starke  has  borrowed  this  (apparently  withpnt 
acknowledgment)  word  for  word  from  the  English 
Bishop  Hall,  we  have  not  re-translated,  but  given  the 
original.    And  so  in  uumoroas  subsequent  cases. — Te.] 


ornament  of  God's  warriors,  lion-like  zeal  against 
the  enemies  of  God,  against  sin  and  all  its  out- 
breaks, a  lamb-like  disposition  towards  individual 
sinners,  for  they  are  not  to  be  destroyed,  but  to 
be  saved  through  the  same  salvation  that  has 
fallen  to  our  lot. — Beelenb.  Bible:  Saul's  an- 
swer instructs  the  people  in  two  things  at  once, 
first,  that  we  must  not  ascribe  \-ictory  to  maw,  but 
to  God;  secondly,  that  we  must  not  be  too  swift 
in  judging  those  who  through  ignorance  have 
rejected  God's  guidance,  and  that  the  salvation 
which  God  has,  in  so  glorious  a  manner,  given 
to  Israel,  would  be  mighty  enough  to  bring  back 
again  those  who  have  wandered  away. — God  wills 
not  the  death  of  the  sinner,  etc.  Excessive  strict- 
ness rather  repels  sinners,  than  brings  them  right 
again. — Vers.  14,  15.  Cbajieb:  The  best  bond 
between  authorities  and  subjects  is  that  they 
intend  to  be  mutually  faithful.— Disselhoff: 
"When  one  does  even  something  great  for  his 
Lord,  and  does  not  shrink  from  much  toil  and 
trouble  for  His  sake,  can  his  heart  abide  in  very 
great  joy  if  he  forgets  gentleness  and  patience 
towards  his  neighbor,  becomes  provoked  against 
him,  bitter  and  ill-mannerly? 


n.  SamuePs  solemn  concluding  Transaction  xcifh  the  Assembly  of  the  People  at  QUgal. 
Chapter  XII.  1-2-5. 

1  And  Samuel  said  unto  all  Israel,  Behold  I  have  hearkened  unto  your  voice  in 

2  all  that  ye  said  unto  me,  and  have  made  a  king  over  you.  And  now,  behold,  the 
king  walketh  before  you,  and  I  am  old  and  gray-headed,^  and  behold,  my  sons 
[tny  sons,  behold,  they]  are  with  you,  and  I  have  walked  before  you  from  my 

3  childhood  unto  this  day.  Behold,  here  I  am.  Witness  against  me  before  the 
Lord  [Jehovab]  and  before  his  Anointed :  whose  ox  have  I  taken  ?  or,  whose  ass 
have  I  taken?  or,  whom  have  I  defrauded?  whom  have  I  oppressed?  or,  of  whose 
hand  have  I  received  any  [a]   bribe  to  blind   mine  eyes  therewith?'  and  I  will 

4  restore  it  you.     And  they  said,  Thou  hast  not  defrauded  us,  nor  oppressed  us,  nei- 

5  ther  hast  thou  taken  aught  of  any  man's  hand.  And  he  said  unto  them,  The  Lord 
is  [Jehovah  be]  witness  against  you,  and  his  Anointed  is  [be]  witness  this  day,  that 
ye  have  not  found  aught  in  my  hand.     And  they'  answered  [said],  He  is  witness 

6  [Witness  be  they].  And  Samuel  said  unto  the  people,  It  is  [om.  it  is]  the  L'>rd 
[Jehovah]*  that  [who]  advanced  [appointed]  Moses  and  Aaron,  and  that  [who] 
brought  your  fathers  up  out  of  fhe  land  of  Egypt  I 

7  Now,  therefore,  [And  now]  stand  still  [stand  forth]  that  I  mav  [and  I  will] 
reason  with  you  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]^  of  all  the  righteous  acts  of  the  Lord 

8  [Jehovah]  which  he  did  to  you  and  to  your  fathers.     When  Jacob  was  come 

TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

'  [Ver.  2.  Sept.  wrongly  KaOrjao^iai.,  aa  if  from  nt^'v— Tr.J 
L  Ver.  3.  Or,  "  m  his  account ;"  so  Chald. :  "  I  hid  my  eyes  in  judgment  from  him."    Sept.  reads :  "  a  ransom 
(proper  rendering  of  133,  but  here-"  bribe  ")  and  a  sandal  (reading  D'^^J,  instead  of  D'Sj^N),  answ 


??n^'in'l'h„°q;nf^°„f'Ji^'''-'''''V."-    ■^"'S.-'  "I  will  despise  that  to-day."    Syr.  and  Chald.  support  Heb.    The  insep 
abbreviated  I?eb  text -^Tu]"™'P''''°''''  '"sandal"  is  hard.    It  seems  better  to  retain  the 

m„vhyv»'K^;„?tV^^'"8"^''*®''?,'-'''^'^  ^^'""''''  "^SS.  and  Heb.  MSS.  plu.;  the  subject  is  "the  people,"  which 
may  have  been  taken  as  a  sing,  collective.— Te.]  uio  ijoopio, 

has  ■■  KhovalUs'God'atot™^^?.Zd  vTlg"  a° 'neb^VHT"'  '"^  ™''P*"™^  '°^«rtion,  and  not  necessary.    Syr. 

pregnanTH6k?ons?raJwon.-TK.]  '^"'  '""  ^°'''"  ''^'"^  ""^^^^  ^^^  s^nten<:e  easier,  but  is  easily  supplied  in  tho 


CHAP.  XII.  1-25.  171 


[came]  into  Egypt,  and^  your  fathers  cried  uuto  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  then  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  sent  Moses  and  Aaron,  which  [and  they]  brought  forth  [om.  forth] 
9  your  fathers  out  of  Egypt  and  made  them  dwell  in  this  place.  And  when  [pm. 
when]  they  forgat  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  their  God,  [ins.  and]  he  sold  them  into  the 
hand  of  Sisera,  captain  of  the  host  of  Hazor,'  and  into  the  hand  of  the  Philistines, 

10  and  into  the  hand  of  the  king  of  Moab,  and  they  fought  against  them.  And  they 
cried  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  and  said,  We  have  sinned,  because  we  have  forsaken 
the  L'lrd  [Jehovah],  and  have  served  Baalim  and  Ashtaroth ;  but   [and]  now 

11  deliver  us  out  of  the  hand  of  our  enemies,  and  we  will  serve  thee.  And  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  sent  Jerubbaal,  and  Bedan,^  and  Jephthah,  and  Samuel,*  and  delivered 

12  you  out  of  the  hand  of  your  enemies  on  every  side,  and  ye  dwelled  safe.  And 
when  ye  saw  that  Nahash  the  king  of  the  children  of  Ammon  came  against  you, 
ye  said  unto  me,  Nay,  but  a  king  shall  reign  over  us,  when  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
your  God  was  your  king. 

13  Now,  therefore,  [And  now]  behold  the  king  whom  ye  have  chosen,  and  [om.  and} 
whom  ye  have  desired  [demanded]  f  and  behold,  the  Lord  [Jehovat]  hath  set  a 

14  king  over  you.  If  ye  will  fear  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  serve  him,  and  obey  his 
voice,  and  not  rebel  against  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  then  shall 
[pm.  then  shall,  ins.  and]  both  ye  and  also  [om.  also]  the  king  that  reigneth  over 
you  [ins-  will]  continue  following  [follow]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  your  God,  welL^" 

15  But  if  ye  will  not  obey  the  voice  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  but  rebel  against  the 
commandment  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  then  shall  the  hand  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 

16  be  agaiust  you,  as  it  was  against  your  fathers."     Now,  therefore,  [And  now]  stand 

17  and  see  this  great  thing,  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will  do  before  your  eyes.  Is 
it  not  wheat  harvest  today?  I  will  call  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  he  shall 
[will]  send  thunder  and  rain;  that  ye  may  perceive  [know]  and  see  that  your 
wickedness  is  great  which  ye  have  done  in  the  sight  [eyes]  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 

18  in  asking  you  a  king.  So  [And]  Samuel  called  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  sent  thunder  and  rain  that  day ;  and  all  the  people  greatly  feared 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  and  Samuel. 

19  And  all  the  people  paid  uuto  Samuel,  Pray  for  thy  servants  unto  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  thy  God  that  we  die  not ;  for  we  have  added  unto  all  our  sins  this  evil, 

20  to  ask  us  a  king.  And  Samuel  said  unto  the  people.  Fear  not.  Ye  have  done  all 
this  wickedness ;  yet  turn  not  aside  from  following  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  but  serve 

21  tlie  Lord  [Jehovah]  with  all  your  heart ;  And  turn  ye  not  aside,  for"  then  should 
ye  go  [om.  for  then  should  ye  go]  after  vain  things,  which  cannot  [do  not]  profit  nor 

22  deliver,  for  they  are  vain.  For  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will  not  forsake  his  people 
for  his  great  name's  sake ;  because  it  hath  pleased  the  Lord   [Jehovah]  to  make 

23  you  his  people.  Moreover  [om.  moreover]  as  for  me  [ins.  also],  God  forbid  that  I 
should  [om.  God  forbid  that  I  should,  ins-  far  be  it  from  me  to]  sin  against  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  in  ceasing  to  pray  for  you,"  but  I  will  teach  you  the  good  and 

24  the  [om.  the]  right  way.'*  Only  fear  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  and  serve  him  in  truth 
with  all  your  heart ;  for  consider  [see]  how  great  things  [how  greatly]  he  hath 

25  done  [wrought]  for  you  [towards  you].  But  if  ye  shall  still  [om.  still]  do  wickedly, 
ye  shall  be  consumed  [destroyed]  both  ye  and  your  king. 

«  rVfir  s  TCrdmann  not  so  well  makes  the  apodosis  begin  here.  Here  Sept.  inserts:  "and  Egypt  humbled 
them  "which  ha.  mSSi  to  recommTnd^^^^  Snt^C  it  had  blen  in  the  original  text,  it  would  be  hard  to  explain 
howit  fell  out     The  addition  of  "and  his  sons"  after  "Jacob"  in  the  Sept.  is  probably  spurious.-iK.] 

'[Vrn'rlept-^'hoTof  Jabisking  of  Asor,"  which  agrees  with  the  expression  in  Judg.  iv.  2,  7.    So  the 

^i'Tver'-'ll   Sept  •  Barak.    In  the  Syr.  the  list  is:  Deborah.  Barak,  Gideon,  Nephtah,  Samson.    Probably  we 
^''"S'Sls^^rk  SeT"Tke4?r'>fn-tht  k^^^^ 
SSSiSSSS^anl^^VS^t^^-vSll^ttrS?^^^^^^^ 

;SSH=^tl^ -'^^)^-  -^  ^S^^^-  :?^^^e^eh=^?^  l;as 

^'''s]||^l'lS?irSfra^'r'a^S:^:'^<r^^iS^^^^^iJab.and  Chald.  diverge  slightly 


from  the  masor.  text. — Tr.]  -,.    t      j  »»    rn..  t 

"  [Ver.  23.  Sept.  inserts:  "and  I  will  serve  the  Lord.  —is-J 
"  [Ver.  23.  The  omission  of  the  Art.  in  3  is  strange.— 1B.J 


172 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


EXBGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Ver.  1.  And  Samuel  said  to  all  Israel. 

That  the  following  words  were  really  spoken  by  Samuel 
is  put  beyond  doubt  by  the  direct  impression  of 
historical  truth  which  this  narrative  in  chap.  xii. 
makes,  and  by  the  homogeneity  of  the  individual 
historical  features  of  this  picture  with  the  histori- 
cal picture  given  us  in  all  that  precedes.     Ew- 
ald  {Geseh.  IHktory  cf  Israel']  I.,  229,  Rem.  2) 
calls   this    a    narrative    "  which   in  its   present 
form  is  inserted   only  for  the  sake  of  the  ex- 
hortations to  be  put  into  Samuel's  mouth,  and  the 
occasional  historical  statements  of  which  sound 
very  discrepant,"  against  which  we  remark:  1) 
that  the  historical  statements  in  this  piece,  as  the 
exposition  will  show,  do  not  at  all  contradict  the 
foregoing  historical  account,  and  2)  that  if  a  mere 
insertion  had  been  intended  here,  in  order  to  put 
exhortations  into  Samuel's  mouth,  it  would  have 
been  simpler  to  give  it  in  the  form  of  a  monologue; 
that  is,  a  continuous  address  of  Samuel  to  the  peo- 
ple.— We  have  here,  namely,  not  one  continuous 
address  of  Samuel,  as  this  section  is  usually  called, 
but  a  dialogue,  a  conversation  or  transaction  with 
the  people  in  the  grandest  style.     Samuel  speaks 
to  all  Israel,  and  they  speak  to  him  by  the  mouth 
of  their  elders  (cf.  vers.  3-6,  19,  20),  and  the  longer 
connected  declarations  of  the  prophet  (vers.  7-17 
and  20-26)  are  embraced  by  these  colloquies  and 
attached  to  them. — Incorrect  also  is  the  usual  de- 
signation of   this  section   as   a    parting-address, 
whereby  its  significance  in  relation  to  the  pre- 
ceding account  of  Saul's  public  solemn  presenta- 
tion to  the  whole  people  as  king  of  Israel  is  ob- 
scured or  concealed.     Samuel  does  not  take  leave 
of  the  people  in  order  to  withdraw  from  the  scene 
of  public  life  and  action  into  the  retirement  of  pri- 
vate life ;  he  rather  promises  the  continuance  not 
only  of  his  interces.sion  for  them,  but  also  of  his  pro- 
phetic labors  in  respect  to  the  whole  people ;  he 
points  expressly  to  the  elevated  position  which  he 
will  assume,  as  "  teacher  of  the  good  and  right 
way,"  hereafter,  as  now,  towards  king  and  people. — 
Further,  when  the  whole  procedure,  as  is  common, 
is  regarded  as  a  solemn  resignation  of  office  by  Sa- 
muel, we  must  call  attention  to  the  fact  mentioned 
in  vii.  15,  that  he  "judged  Israel  all  the  days  of 
his  life,"  and  to  the  vigorous  interference  which  he 
repeatedly  found  necessary  during  Saul's  govern- 
ment.    Certainly  with  the  incoming  of  the  king- 
dom, which  the  people  desired  instead  of  the  ex- 
isting judgeship  (vili.  5,  20)  in  order  that  the 
king  might  judge  the  people  and  lead  them  in 
war,  the  official  position  which  Samuel  had  hith- 
erto occupied  as  judge  in  Israel,  must  have  had 
an  end ;  and  this  end  of  his  proper  judicial  office, 
sole  and  highest  Governor  of  Israel  as  he  had 
hitherto   been,  is   the  starting-point  for  what  he 
has  now  still  to  say  to  the  people.     He  remains 
m  fact  what  he  was,  the  highest  judge  of  Israel 
according  to  the  will  of  God,  under  whose  over- 
sight and  guidance  the  kingdom  also  stands ;  offi- 
cMly  the  leadership  for  external  and  internal  po- 
litu'al  afTairs,  for  which  the  kingdom  was  esta- 
blished, is  no  longer  in  his  hands.  Of  a  resignation 
of  office  nothing  is  said,  but  (proceeding  only  from 
the  faet  that  the  government  is  now  given  into  the 
hands  of  the  king,  and  his  official  government  as 


judge  has  now  consequently  come  to  an  end)  he 
passes  in  remem  his  previous  offixM  life  as  judge  of 
the  people,  in  order,  over  against  the  fulfilment  of 
their  desire  for  a  king,  which  was  a  factual  rejec- 
tion of  his  official  judgeship  externally  occasioned 
by  the  evil  conduct  of  his  sons  (viii.  1-7),  solemnly 
to  testify  and  cause  them  to  testify  that  he  had 
filled  his  office  blamelessly  and  righteously.    On 
this  follows  (vers.  7-12)  the  rebuking  reference  to 
t/ie  great  deeds  of  the  Lord,  wherein  in  the  history 
of  His  guidance  of  the  people  He  had  magnified 
Himself  in  them,  and  to  the  guilty  relation  of  in- 
gratitude and  unfaithfulness  m  which  they  had 
placed  themselves  to  this  their  God  and  king  by 
tlie  longing  after  an  earthly  king,  whidi  was  a 
rejection  of  His  authority  over  them.    In  vers. 
13-18,  after  a  solemn  confirmation  oi  the  fact,  that 
God  the  Lord  in  accordance  with  that  desire  had 
given  them  a  king,  in  powerful  words,  which  are 
accompanied  and  strengthened  by  an  astounding 
miracle,  he  exhorts  king  and  people  together  to  the 
right  relation,  in  which  in  faithful  obedience  they 
are  to  put  themselves,  to  the  will  and  word  of  the 
Lord.    King  and  people  are  to  be  obedient  sub- 
jects of  the  invisible  king.     Finally  follows  (vers. 
19-25)   a  word  of  conflation  from  Samud  to  the 
people  now,  in  consequence  of  this  warning  and 
hortatory  address,  repentantly  confessing  their  sin 
in  their  demand  for  a  king,  in  which  he  gently 
and  in  friendly  fashion  exhorts  them  to  obedience 
and  faithfulness  towards  the  Lord  (vers.  20,  21), 
promises  them  the  Lord's  grace  and  faithfiilness 
(ver.  22),  and  assures  them  of  his  continuing  active 
fellowship  with  them  in  intercession  and  in  instnic- 
tion  in  the  way  of  truth  (ver.  23),  and  finally  with 
repeated  exhortation  and  warning  sets  before  them 
the  ble.s.sing  and  good  pleasure  of  the  Lord  along 
with  a  threatening  reference  to  the  punishment  to 
be  expected  in  case  of  disobedience  (vers.  24,  25). — 
With  this  fourfold  division  this  whole  dialoguio 
transaction  of  Samuel  with  the  people  connects 
itself  immediately  with  what  precedes,  as  the  con- 
clusion of  the  assembly  of  the  people  in  Gilgal. 
On  this  connection  see  Thenius'  remarks.    Ber- 
lenberger  Bible:  "Thus  with  this  ends  in  solemn  wise 
the  general  assembly  of  the  people."    [Philippson  (in 
Israel.  Bih.) ;  "  This  chapter  is  one  of  the  finest  in 
the  book,  and  is  a  model  of  old-Hebrew  eloquence. 
Words  .and  tone  speak  for  the  high  antiquity  of 
this  piece." — Tr.] 

The  words :  See,  I  have  hearkened  to  your 
voice  in  all  that  ye  said  to  me  correspond 
exactly  to  the  words  in  viii.  7,  21.  Samuel  at  the 
same  time  testifies  indirectly  to  the  fact  that  he 
had  therein  obeyed  the  command  of  God:  "  Heark- 
en to  the  voice  of  the  people  "  (viii.  7,  9,  22).  His 
listening  to  the  voice  of  the  people  was  based  on  - 
the  repeated  divine  command,  and  was  an  act  of 
self-denying  obedience  to  the  will  of  the  Lord. — 
"  And  I  have  made  a  king  "  points  to  ver.  1-5  a  of 
the  preceding  chapter. — Ver.  2.  WalketU  is  to 
be  understood  not  merely  of  leading  in  war,  but 
in  general  of  the  official  guidance  and  govern- 
ment of  the  people.  The  "  and  I"  introduces  the 
contrast  between  the  Hitherto  and  the  Now.  I 
am  grown  old  and  gray-headed  points  to  the 
words  of  the  elders,  viii.  5.  As  the  people  by  the 
mouth  of  their  elders  there  take  occasion  fi-om  his 
age  to  ask  a  king  for  themselves,  so  Samuel  here 
refers  back  to  it,  in  order  not  only  to  point  out 


CHAP,  Xn.  1-25. 


173 


that  this  their  demand  was  fulfilled,  since  he  in 
feet  lay  reason  of  his  age  could  no  longer  hold  in 
his  hands  the  internal  and  external  control  of  the 
people,  but  at  the  same  time,  in  view  of  the  ter- 
mination of  his  office  and  the  b^;inning  of  the 
royal  rule,  to  give  account  of  the  righteous  cha- 
racter of  hie  long  career.  The  reference  to  hia 
sons  as  occupying  official  positions  is  not  to  be 
r^arded  (Thenius,  Keil,  et  cU.)  as  a  confirmation 
of  his  age,  but  looking  to  chap.  viii.  1  (where  it 
is  expressly  said  that  Samuel  on  cuxovmt  of  his  age 
had  made  his  sons  judges  over  Israel,  that  is,  his 
a.ssistants  in  the  judicial  office)  rather  as  a  con- 
firmation of  the  declaration  that  this  change  in 
the  government  must  needs  have  taken  place  by 
reason  of  his  age,  which  had  already  necessitated 
the  substitution  of  his  sons.  [It  is  clearly  wrong 
to  suggest  {Bib.  Com.  in  loco)  that  "a  tinge  of 
mortified  feeling  at  the  rejection  of  himself  and 
his  family,  mixed  with  a  desire  to  recommend  his 
sons  to  the  favor  and  good-will  of  the  nation,  is 
at  the  bottom  of  this  mention  of  them."  There  is 
no  trace  here  of  mortification  or  favor-seeking. 
Samuel  stands  throughout  above  the  people,  and 
promises  his  continued  friendship  and  watch-care, 
while  he  cordially  accepts  the  change  of  the  go- 
vernment.— Te.].  What  Samuel  here  affirms  of 
his  official  career  stands  in  direct  contrast  with 
what  is  said  in  chap.  viii.  3  of  the  blameworthy 
official  conduct  of  these  sons,  since  it  is  incon- 
ceivable that  he  did  not  know,  and  now  have  in 
mind  the  covetousness  and  perversion  of  judgment 
and  the  resulting  discontent  of  the  people,  which 
was  a  cofactor  in  their  desire  for  a  royal  govern- 
ment. The  mode  as  well  as  the  fact  and  con- 
tent of  the  following  self-justification  naturally 
suggest  the  statement  in  viii.  3,  and  lead  to  the 
conclusion  that  this  was  the  occasion  of  this  (other- 
wise surprising)  justificaljon  of  his  official  career, 
on  which  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  a  shadow  had 
fallen  in  consequence  of  the  opposite  conduct  of 
his  eons.  In  order  that,  at  this  important  turning- 
point  of  his  life  and  of  his  people's  history,  there 
may  be  perfect  clearness  and  truth  in  respect  to 
his  judicial  career  and  his  unselfish  official  bearing 
towards  the  people,  and  that  the  lightest  shadow  of 
mistruBt  and  misunderstanding  may  be  dispelled, 
he  in  the  first  place  refers  to  his  official  life  which 
lay  dear  and  open  before  the  eyes  of  the  people  from 
his  youth  unto  this  moment  when  he 'had  become  old 
and  gray;  for  the  words  "  I  have  walked  before 
you,"  like  the  preceding  "  walketh,"  indicate  his 
public  official  intercourse  and  walk. — ^Ver.  3.  An- 
swer against  me,  that  is,  witness  against  me. 
A  formal  hearing  of  witnesses  as  a  judicial  act  is 
here  introduced.  The  judicial  authorities  are  two, 
a  heavenly,  invisible,  Qod  the  Lord,  the  All- 
knowing,  before  whom  he  walked,  and  an  earthly- 
human,  clothed,  however,  with  divine  authority, 
the  Aruyinied  of  the  Lord,  who  in  the  name  and 
place  of  God  executes  the  royal  office,  which  in- 
cludes the  judicial.  Here  for  the  first  time  after 
the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  the  theocratic 
king  is  called  the  Anoinied  of  the  Lord.  Here  for 
the  first  time  after  his  installation  regard  is  had 
to  Saul  in  his  royal  authority  and  position.  Be- 
fore him  as  before  the  Lord,  the  people,  in  reply 
to  Samuel's  questions  put  in  powerfiil  lapidary 
style  and  with  grand  rhetoric,  must  bear  witness 
to  the  following:    1)  That  he  had  not  covetously 


appropriated  the  property  of  others,—"  ox  and  ass  " 
represent  property  in  a  social  life  based  on  agri- 
cultureand  trade,  and  are  expressly  named  in  the 
Law  with  the  things  forbidden  to  covet  (Ex.  xx. 
17) ;  Samuel's  sons,  on  the  contrary,  "turned  af- 
ter gain,"  that  is,  were  covetous,  viii.  5 ; — 2)  that 
he  had  violated  no  man's  right  and  freedom  by  op- 
pression and  violence, — yST  "  defraud  "  is  stronger 
than  pK?j^  "oppress;"  both  often  occur  together, 
as  in  Deut.  xxviii.  33,  to  express  violence ; — his 
sons  "perverted  judgment,"  viii.  3; — 3)  that  he  had 
not  been  guiity  of  venality  in  the  administration  of 
justice  by  receiving  bribes, — kopher  (133)  "bribe  " 
is  here  not  to  be  regarded  (with  Keil)  as  simply 
a  payment  for  release  from  capital  punishment 
(Ex.  xxi.  30 ;  Num.  xxxv.  31),  but  means  in  ge- 
neral a  gift  of  money  designed  to  buy  the  favor 
of  the  judge  and  thus  escape  deserved  punishment. 
The  gift  was  to  cover  the  punishment  [the  Heb. 
word  means  primarily  "  cover," — Tb.],  and  thus 
as  covering  be  an  expiation:  "that  1  might 
hide  my  eyes  from  him  (or,  with  it)."*  The  sons 
of  Samuel  took  gifts,  chap.  viii.  3.  This  was 
a  transgression  of  the  Law,  Ex.  xxiii.  6;  Deut. 
xxvii.  5.  —  The  answer  of  the  people :  that 
Samuel  had  done  no  wrong. — Ver.  5.  Strength- 
ening of  this  declaration  by  the  participation 
of  the  people  in  Samuel's  invocation  of  the 
Lord  and  his  Anointed  as  viitness.f  Calvin :  "  In 
these  words  they  confess  their  ingratitude  and 
perfidy  before  Jehovah  and  the  king,  in  that  they 
had  rejected  the  so  praiseworthy  government  of 
Samuel." 

Ver.  6.  Further  strengthening  of  the  testimony 
by  repetition  on  Samuel's  part  of  the  invocation 
of  God's  witness.  To  "  Jehovah  "  we  must  sup- 
ply "  vdtness,-"  there  is  no  need  to  suppose  that  it 
fell  out  by  clerical  error. — Maurer :  "  Nothing 
has  fallen  out.  Samuel  repeats  the  name  of  Je- 
hovah in  order  to  make  the  transition  to  what  fol- 
lows." "Appointed "  [niy;?  "  made,"  Bng.  A.V. 
"  advanced"]  refers  to  what  they  were  in  their 
God-appointed  calling ;  they  were  just  that  for 
which  the  Lord  had  made  them,  as  leaders  of  the 
people  and  their  representatives  before  God. — 
Calvin  :  "  The  word  '  make '  is  to  be  understood 
of  those  excellent  gifts  which  God  had  bestowed 

*  Thenius,  on  the  ground  that  Q''7J?n  in  the  sense 
of  "  hide "  is  always  construed  with  m,  changes  the 

text  13  ^r^_  0''\V,^\  i°to  '3  W..  0'^$}\'  "™<*  ('^  '* 
were  only)  a  pair  of  shoes ;  witness  against  me,"  against 
which  Keil  rightly  remarks  that  the  supposed  meaning 
"hide  from  "  does  not  suit  here ;  that  the  thought  is  not 
that  the  judge  hides  his  eyes  from  the  1i33  in  order  not 
to  see  the  bribe,  but  that  he  covers  his  eyes  with  the 
bribe,  in  order  not  to  see  and  punish  the  crime.  The 
13,  however,  might  also  be  referred  to  'D,  and  would 

then  mean:  that  I  might  hide  my  eyes  "on  his  ac- 
count," "towards  him,"  or  "in  respect  to  him."  The 
change  after  the  Sept.,  requiring  a  large  addendum  for 
explanation,  compels  us  to  introduce  a  too  special  thing 
(shoes)  in  the  most  extraordinary  way. 

t  We  must  read  the  Sing.  IDX'I,  ["said"],  not  the 
PIu.  (Qeri),  since  "the  people  "is  to  be  taken  as  sub- 
ject. 


174 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


on  Moses  and  his  brother  Aaron,  that  he  might 
use  their  ministry  in  leading  the  people  out  of 
Egypt."  Samuel  also  was  made  by  the  Lord  into 
that  which  he  was  to  be  and  was  to  the  people. 
In  taking  part,  now,  in  his  invocation  of  God  as 
witness  to  his  impartiality  and  justice,  the  people 
gave  confirmation  that  he  had  exercised  his  judi- 
cial authority  before  the  Lord  according  to  his 
divine  calling,  and  that  in  this  view  therefore, 
there  was  no  necessity  for  their  demand  for  a  king. 
After  (vers.  1-6)  having  solemnly  testified  and 
before  God  and  the  king  made  them  testify  to  i/te 
purity  and  spotiessness  of  Ais  long  official  life  among 
t'le  people,  he  joins  (vers.  7-12)  to  the  name  of  Je- 
hovah, whom  he  has  invoked  as  witness,  tlie  Aum- 
bting  remiiiJ.er  of  the  unfaithfulness  of  whi^h  they 
had  been  giiiliy  in  respect  to  this  tlieir  God  and  Lord 
and  His  benefits  by  the  demand  for  an  earthly-human 
Ic'/i;/.  .He  kure  looks  at  the  relation  of  the  people  to 
their  Oi'l.  The  reference  to  Moses  and  Aaron  aa 
t!ie  first  instruments  of  the  Lord's  mighty  deeds 
for  His  people,  and  His  first  deed,  the  deliverance 
Irom  Kgypt,  forms  the  transition  to  the  following 
eiiuneniJiun  of  God's  might-revelations  for  the 
deliverance  of  His  people  from  great  dangers. 

Ver.  7.  Formally  and  solemnly  the  first  words 
"  and  now  stand  forth  that  I  may  reason  with  you 
beJbre  the  Lord  "  introduce  as  it  were  a.  judicial 
procedure  (Cleric:  "I  will  conduct  my  cause, 
as  it  were,  before  a  judge"),  in  which  Samuel  as 
the  judge  before  the  tribunal  of  the  invisible 
king  represents  God's  cause  over  against  the 
people,  and  holds  up  before  the  latter  their  guilt 
in  tills  matter  of  the  king.*  Ezek.  xvii.  20. 
'^j^'J^'  [righteous  deeds]  never  means  merely 
"bles-ing,  benefit,  kindness,"  but  always  con- 
tains the  idea  of  righteousness.  It  indeed 
often  actually  means  all  that  (as  in  Psalm  xxii. 
32;  xxiv.  5;  ,Tudg.  v.  11 ;  Prov.  x.  2;  xi.  4)  but 
always  from  the  stand-point  of  God's  faithfulness 
in  covenant  and  promise ;  the  acta  of  salvation 
are  proof  of  the  divine  righteousness,  so  far  as 
they  are  God's  reply  to  man's  right  conduct  tow- 
ards Him,  or,  without  this,  an  outflow  of  God's 
faithfulness  by  which  He  grants  man  the  thing 
promised  as  something  falling  to  his  share.  The 
Plu.  "  righteous  acts,"  as  in  Mijc.  vi.  5,  are  God's 
several  deeds  of  power  and  grace  performed  for 
His  people  on  the  ground  of  His  covenant-relation 
instituted  in  Abraiiam  and  through  Moses.  [Bib. 
Oomm. :  Samuel  is  here  vindiciituig  God,  comp. 
Stephen's  speech,  Acts  vii.].— Ver.  8.  The  first 
and  greatest  of  the  mighty  deeds  of  the  divine  co- 
venant-righteousness is  the  deliverance  out  of  Egypt 
and  introduction  into  the  land  of  promise.f  In 
ver.  9  the :  and  they  forgat  the  Lord  their 
God  is  put  as  contrast  to  the  "  righteous  acts  "  of 
the  Lord ;  they  answered  God's  covenant-fidelity 
witli  unfaithfulness,  defection.     And  so  the  op- 

*    The  Acous.  sign  [nN)  is  liere 
sped  to."— The  verb 


'  concerning"  ^Hnre- 
usually  has  Sj?  with  the  ob- 
ject, as  in  Jor.  ii.  .36 ;  J03I  iii.  27 ;  but  has  also  the  Aoeus. 
as  111  Ezek.  xvii.  20. 
t    We  are  not  with  the  Sept.  to  insert  r  J31  after  ipy' 

and  D;;'pjp|l  after  D^IVO.  If  either  had  originally  been 
there,  it  would  not  have  been  omitted.  The  breviloquont 
text  speaks  for  its  originality.  The  ^h<^}^^  ia  the  expla- 
nation of  the  TV/jy  in  ver.  6). 


pressions  of  the  people  by  foreign  enemies  are  re- 
presented as  punishments  by  the  righteous  God  for 
their  defection.    He  sold  them  into  the  hand, 
etc.,  indicates  the  just  retribution  of  their  forget- 
ting Sim.  When  His  people  abandon  Him,  He,  by 
virtue  of  the  same  righteousness  which  blesses 
them  if  they  are  faithful,  abandons  them  to  their 
enemies,  who  enslave  and  oppress  them.    The 
"  selling  "  refers  to  the  right  of  the  father  to  sell 
his  children  as  slaves,  here  exercised  by  God  as 
the  extremest  paternal  right,  as  it  were  ( Judg.  ii. 
14 ;  iii.  8 ;  iv.  2,  9 ;  Deut.  xxxii.  10  ;  Isa.  1.  1 ; 
Iii.  3;  Ezek.  xxx.  12).     [It  is  also  tie  right  of 
the  king  to  sell  his  sumeets,  and  of  God  to  dispose 
of  His  creatures. — Tr  .  ] . — In  proof  of  this  punitive 
justice  of  God  Samuel  adduces  individual  facts 
from  the  time  of  the  Judges  on,  but  only  "  promi- 
nent events,  as  they  occurred  lio  him  .  .  .  neglect- 
ing the  order  of  events  and  of  times,  which  was 
here  unessential  "  (Cleric).     {Pool^s  Synopsis  : 
Notice  here  Samuel's  prudence  in  reproof:  1)  by 
his  reproof  of  their  ancestors  he  prepares  their 
minds  to  receive  reproof;  2)  he  shows  that  their 
ingratitude  is  old  and  so  worse,  and  they  should 
take  care  that  it  grow  no  stronger ;  3)  he  chooses 
a  very  mild  word,  "  forget,"  to  express  their  of- 
fence.— Tk.]. — Sazor  was  the  capital  city  of  the 
Canaanites,  where  dwelt  king  Jabin  whom  Joshua 
smote.  Josh.  xi.  1,  10-13 ;  xii.  19.     In  the  time  of 
the  Judges  Hazor  again  appears  as  the  residence 
of  a  Canaanitish  king  Jabin  (Judg.  iv.  2  sq.),  in- 
stead of  whom,  however,  the  there-mentioned  cap- 
tain Sisera  is  here  named,  because  he  commanded 
the  army  which  then  oppressed  Israel.     The  Sept. 
insertion  of  "Jabin  king  of"  after  "host  of,"  is 
evidently  a  mere  explanation. — Into  the  hand 
of  the  Philistines,  see  Judg.  iii.  31,  where  the 
attacks  of  this  people  are  first  mentioned.     [See 
also  Judg.  xiii.  1. — Tr.]. — Into  the  hand  of 
the  king  of  Moab,  that  is,  Eglon  (Jiidg.  iii. 
12). — These  three  nations  represent,  as  the  most 
prominent,  all  the  heathen  nations  into  whose 
hands  God  gave  His  people.     Samuel  mentions 
them,  looking  to  the  beginnings  of  the  sufierings 
and  wars  of  the  Period  of  the  Judges,  in  respect 
to  which  in  the  Book  of  Judges  also  (ch.  iii.)  the 
"  he  sold  them  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies 
roiind  about "  (ver.  14)  and  "  they  forgat  the  Lard" 
are  introduced  (as  here  by  Samuel)  as  correlatives. 
— Ver.  10.  The  repentant  conversion  of  the  people. 
And  they  cried  to  the  Lord  (comp.  Judg.  ii. 
IS  ;  iii.  9,  15 ;  iv.  3),  that  is,  the  lamentation  over 
their  misery  directed  to  the  Lord.  The  following: 
■we  have  sinned  is  their  sdfaccusaiion  on  ac- 
count of  their  defection  from  God ;  the  sin  is  tfio- 
foli,  forsaking  the  Lord  and  seroing  idols.    The 
same  accusation  is  found  literally  in  Judg.  x.  40, 
only  that  here,  as  in  Judg.  ii.  13  and  x.  6,  Ash- 
taroth  is  added  to  Baalim.     Saal  is  the  geuer,al 
designation  of  the  divinity  among  the  Phenicians 
and  Carthaginians  ;  with  the  Art.  it  is  the  male 
chief  deity  of  the  Phenicians ;  the  Plu.  refers  to 
the  numerous  individualizations  of  this  deity.  P. 
Cassel  [in  Lange's  Biblework]   on  Judg.  ii.  13: 
"  The  various  cities  and  tribes  had  their  special 
Baals,  which  were  named  not  always  from  the 
cities,  but  from  various  natural  qualities  worship- 
ped in  them.     This  is  like  the  various  attributes 
from  which  Zeus  received  various  names  and  wor- 
ships in  Greece."    On  Baal-cuitus  among  the  Is- 


CHAP.  Xn.  1-25. 


175 


raelitee  see  Winer,  B.  iJ.-  W.  s.  v.  I.,  118.  Ashta- 
roth  is  the  designation  of  the  Phenician  and 
Carthaginian  female  oiiief  deity  (along  with  BaalJ 
which  wa.A  also  worshipped  by  the  Philistines  (1 
Sam.  xxxi.  10) ;  the  Plu.  refers  to  the  number  of 
the  stars,  which  she  as  queen  of  heaven  represents 
(Jer.  vii.  18;  xliv.  17  sq.) ;  for  the  Sing.  Ashto- 
reth=Astarte  (Grk.)  has  the  same  root  as  star 
[G-erm.  stern],  darvp,  stella,  in  Pers.  Astara  (on 
the  Upper  Asiatic  origin  of  this  word  see  J.  G. 
Miiller  s.  u.  in  Herzog's  R.-E.) ;  she  was  not 
merely  the  moon  rjoddess  alongside  of  Baal  as  sun- 
god,  as  her  pictur  ds  with  ttie  moon-crescents  on 
the  head  testify,  but  as  light -giving  night-goddess, 
also  star-goddess,  representative  of  the  glittering 
host  of  heaven  (Jut.  vii.  18j,  like  the  later  Arte- 
mis.* Comp.  P.  Gassel  on  Judg.  ii.  13;  Winer, 
s.  V.  On  the  renewed  introduction  of  her  worship 
by  Solomon,  in  whicli  is  presented  the  fulfilment 
of  Deut.  iv.  19,  see  1  Ki.  xi.  5,  33. — On  the  ac- 
cusation follows  the  prayer,  "  Deliver  its  "  in  con- 
trast with  th%  forsaking  anA  forgetting,  andthetioro 
''we  will  serve  thee"  in  contrast  with  "we  have 
served"  Baalim,  etc.  This  repentance  the  Lord 
graciously  answers  (vcr.  11) :  1)  by  sending  deli- 
verers. Again  only  a /eu'  are  mentioned:  Jervi- 
6aai-Gideon ;  the  name  signifies  "  let  Baal  strive," 
that  is,  with  him,  ami  expresses  scorn  and  contempt 
at  the  impotence  of  Baal,  whose  altar  Gideon  had 
with  impunity  destroyed,  Judg.  vi.  28-3-.  Gideon 
is  thence  called  Jerubbesheth.  2  Sam.  xi.  21. — 
The  name  Bedan  is  found  elsewhere  only  in  1 
Chr.  vii.  17  as  name  of  a  descendant  of  Manasseh, 
who  is,  however,  of  no  historical  importance.  In 
the  Book  of  Judges,  to  whose  contents  this  part 
of  Samuel's  address  (especially  ver.  10)  unmis- 
takably points,  there  is  no  judge  of  this  name; 
but  the  connection  shows  that  a  judge  is  here 
meant.  The  name  has  been  read  Ben-Dan  ^ 
"  the  Danite,"  as  Samson  was  bom  in  Dan,  Judg. 
xiii.  2  (Kimchi),  and  at  the  same  time  a  play  of 
words  on  his  corpulence  [Arab,  badana]  has  been 
also  supposed  (Bottch.).  But  against  this  last 
Thenius  rightly  remarks  that  a  name  resting  on 
a  word-play  would  by  no  means  suit  this  serious 
discourse  ;  against  the  first  (apart  from  the  form) 
is  the  fact  that  Samson  is  never  so-called,  as  must 
have  been  the  case  if  t)ie  people  were  here  to  un- 
derstand the  name.  Gesenius  ( Halle  Lit.  Z.  1841, 
Jfo.  41)  regards  the  name  as  ablireviaiion  of  Ab- 
don,  and  so  Ewald,  who  understand.^  the  judge  of 
that  name  (Judg.  xii.  13).  But  this  jr.dge  does 
not  occupy  the  important  place  in  the  history 
which  the  connection  calls  for.  Similarly  we  must 
reject  the  supposition  that  Jair  of  Gilead  Judg.  x. 
assumed  to  be  a  descendant  of  Machir  (whose 
great  grandson,  1  Chr.  vii.  17,  is  Bedan)  is  here 
meant,  since  the  connection  of  Jair  and  Machir 
is  not  proved;  and  the  supposition  that  a  judge 
omitted  in  the  Book  of  Judges  from  his  insigni- 
ficance is  intended,  is  untenable.  The  best  ex- 
pedient is  to  read  (with  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab)  Barah; 
for  the  letters  of  this  name  (p"l3)  might  easily 

pass  into  the  other  (p3)  and  the  error  be  perpe- 


*  [This  aooount  of  Aehtoreth  is  in  several  points  m- 
oorreot.  The  word  (the  etymology  of  which  ia  not 
Isnown)  has  no  connection  with  affTjjp,  and  the  Pin.  Asn- 
taroth  refers  (like  Baalim)  to  various  god-modifications. 
See  Eawlinson'3  "Five  Great  Man.,"  1. 138,  and  Schrader 
"IHe  KeOrlnsch.  u.  d.  Alt.  Test."  on  Judg.  ii.  11, 13.— Ta.] 


tuated  by  copyitUs.  But  Barak  is  one  of  the  moat 
prominent  juoges  along  with  those  heremeutioned. 
Tiie  hisioncal-chi-onological  order  is  not  strictly 
observed  in  ver.  9  also.  Barak  represents  with 
Deborah  that  heroic  Israelitish  band  that  (Judg. 
iv.)  broke  the  power  of  Sisera  and  delivered  Israel 
out  of  the  hand  of  the  Canaanitea.— The  fact  that, 
after  Jeph.,  Sam.  names  Aim«ei/as  the  fourth  repre- 
sentative of  the  divine  deliverance  is  not  so  surpri- 
sing as  it  is  thought  by  the  Syr.  and  Arab,  versions 
and  a  Greek  manuscript  ( Kennicott  in  the  Addend, 
to  his  dissert,  geiier. }  which  put  Samson  instead,  and 
also  by  Thenius,  who,  though  the  Sept.  and  Vulg. 
have  Samiiil,  accepts  the  former  reading  because 
Samuel  does  not  speak  of  his  own  times  till  the 
next  verse.  Samuel  could  mention  himself  with- 
out exciting  surprise,  because  he  was  conscious 
of  his  high  mirision  as  judge  and  deliverer,  and 
the  profound  significance  of  his  oifice  for  the  his- 
tory of  Israel  was  universally  recognized.  By 
this  mention  oi  him.^eii  he  honors  not  himself,  but 
the  Lord,  who  had  made  him  (like  Moses  and 
Aaron  before)  what  he  was,  comp.  ver.  6-9.  Be- 
sides, it  was  under  him  that  the  yoke  of  the  forty 
yeai-s'  dominion  of  the  Philistines  was  broken, 
which  work  of  deliverance  Samson  was  only  able 
to  begin.  Samuel  includes  himself  as  an  instru- 
ment of  the  divine  deliverance,  because  over 
against  him  the  demand  for  a  king  involved  the 
rejection  of  the  Lord  (viii.  5),  and  so  tlie  sin 
against  the  Lord  in  that  demand  appears  in  the 
clearest  light;  and  this,  after  having  pointed 
secondly  to  the  repeated  wonderful  deliverances 
of  Israel  out  of  the  hand  of  enemies  by  these  mes- 
sengers of  God,  and  thirdly  to  the  quiet  and  se- 
curity which  they  v/ere  enabled  to  attain  in  the 
land,  he  sets  before  them  in  ver.  12.  These  words 
expressly  declare  that  Ammonitish  attacks  on  the 
territory  of  Israel  were  the  first  occasion  of  the 
demand  for  a  king  as  leader  in  war,  comp.  viii. 
20.  Clericus  well  remarks:  "It  hence  appears 
not  improbable  that  Kahash  had  made  incursions 
into  the  Hebrew  territory  before  the  Israelites 
had  demanded  a  king,  and  after  his  election  had 
returned  and  begun  the  siege  of  Jabesh.  It  ofi  en 
happens  in  tliese  books  that  circumstances  omit- 
ted in  their  proper  place  are  mentioned  wliere 
they  less  properly  belong."  And  yet  the  Loid 
your  God  is  your  king. — By  such  deliverers 
He  had  shown  Himself  anew  their  king;  this  He 
was  by  the  covenant,  and  this  He  remained  by  His 
covenant-faithfulness.  With  the  same  declaration 
Gideon  (Judg.  viii.  23)  exhibits  the  inadmissibi- 
lity of  His  elevation  as  king,  and  Samuel  the  sin- 
fulness and  the  unjustifiableness  of  their  demand 
for  a  king. 

Vers.  13-18.  The  third  section  of  this  transac- 
tion: in  view  of  the  fact  that  God  has  actually 
established  a  king  in  accordance  with  their  de- 
mand, though  it  was  a  sinful  and  blameful  one, 
Samuel  declares  a  truth,  which  contains  an  earnest 
warning,  namely,  that,  if  the  people  with  their  king 
wUl  maintain  the  right  relation  to  God  in  fidelity  and 
obedience  to  His  will,  the  hand  of  the  Lord  will 
be  with  them  both ;  in  the  contrary  case,  it  will  be 
against  them  both. — Ver.  13.  And  now.  Here  the 
discourse  turns  from  the  past  and  from  the  judg- 
ment of  the  people's  conduct  to  the  present  fact 
of  the  established  kingdom,  which,  with  the 
words:  Behold  the  king  is  ttiken  as  starting- 


176 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


point  for  the  following  declaration  and  the  attached 
eerious  warning  and  truth.  In  this  declaration  is 
set  forth  the  origin  of  Saul's  kingly  position— 1) 
on  its  human  side  by  the  words :  whom  ye  have 
chosen  vrhova.  ye  have  demanded — the 
discourse  here  goes  regressively  first  to  the  election 
instituted  by  Samuel,  and  then  to  the  demand 
made  against  him  and  God's  will,  and  there  is 
just  here  a  progression  in  the  thought;*— 2) 
on  its  divine  side  by  the  words:  behold, 
the  Lord  hath  set  a  king  over  you.— 
Your  demand  sprang  from  an  evil  root,  yet 
hath  the  Lord  granted  it;  this  king  — though 
chosen  and  demanded  by  you— is  yet  alone 
a  work  of  God;  his  election  and  establishment 
rests  on  the  divine  will  and  command.  By 
these  words  is  confirmed  the  truth  that  the  Lord 
is  and  remains  king  (ver.  12).  So  far  is  that  re- 
jection (factually  affirmed  by  the  demand)  from 
overthrowing  Jehovah's  kingdom,  that  the  uni- 
versal authority  of  the  latter  is  rather  now  for  the 
first  time  rightly  declared  in  the  installation  of 
the  sought-for  king,  and  in  his  obligation  and  the 
people's  to  be  subject  to  Jehovah  and  uncondi- 
tionally obedient  to  His  will.  This  point  of  view 
of  the  absolute  theocracy  comes  out  here  the  more 
clearly  not  only  by  the  immediately  preceding 
reference  to  the  human  side  of  the  origin  of  the 
kincidom,  but  also  by  Samuel's  declaration  in 
ver.  1:  "/  have  made  a  king  over  you,"  to  which 
stands  opposed  the  declaration:  "Behold,  the  Lord 
hath  set  a  king  over  you."  From  this  fact,  that  the 
installed  king  is  a  gift  of  the  Lord,  granted  to  the 
people's  demand  (comp.  x.  19),  follows  now,  in 
view  of  the  relation  in  which  therefore  people  and 
king  should  stand  to  the  Lord,  the  truth  and  the 
warning:  The  well-being  of  both  depends  on 
faithfu'l  obedience  to  the  Lord's  will  and  word. 
The  "if"  introduces  a  protasis  which  includes  all 
of  ver.  14,  and  has  no  apodosis.  The  view  that 
the  latter  has  fallen  out  by  similar  endings,  and 
read:  "then  he  will  save  you  out  of  the  hand  of 
your  enemies"  (Thenius)  is  not  satisfactorily  sup- 
ported, and  is  not  required  to  explain  the  aposio- 
pesis,  since  the  absence  of  the  apodosis  is  easily 
explained  liy  the  length  of  the  protasis,  and  its 
content  apparent  from  the  context^"  well,"  or 
"it  will  be  well  with  you."  A  similar  failure 
of  the  apodosis  to  be  supplied  from  the  connection 
is  found  in  Ex.  xxxii.  32.  The  assumption  of  an 
apodosis  with  On^ni  [as  in  Eng.  A.  V.]  in  the 
sense,  "then  ye  will  follow  the  Lord,"  is  untena- 
ble, partly  from  the  tautology  it  makes  in  prota- 
sis and  apodosis,  partly  from  the  expectation, 
awakened  by  the  parallelism  with  the  following 
sentence  in  ver.  15,  of  finding  a  promise  set  over 
against  the  threat.  The  voluntative  sense  of  Di? 
==modo,  "if  only"  (Keil)  [^"O  that  ye  would 
only"],  cannot  be  taken  here,  since  it  would  then 
have  the  Imperf.f  (Ew.  §  329  b).  Nor  can  we 
(with  S.  Schmid)  connect  ver.  14  with  the  last 
words  of  ver.  13  :  "The  Lord  hath  set  a  king  over 

you,  if  ye  only  will,  etc.;  but  if  not "  since 

the   conditioned   character  of  the  former  clause 


would  then  require  in  it  the  Imperf.  If  (with 
Kimchi,  Maurer)  we  read  CDH^ni,  "ye  shall 
live,''  we  cannot  (with  Maurer)  translate:  "who 
reigns  over  you  after  Jehovah"  (that  is,  "next  to 
Jehovah"),  since  this  is  an  expression  foreign  to 
the  Old  Testament;  nor  (with  Tremellius)  supply 
"sequentes"  [that  is,  "ye  wiU  live_  following  Je- 
hovah"]. If  an  apodosis  be  insisted  on  here 
(changing  the  text  to  DJTTIl),  we  might  perhaps 
read :  "  then  shall  ye  live  . . .  after  Jehovah," 
which  answers  to  the  view  expressed  in  the  pre- 
ceding words,  of  following  God  in  obedience  to 
His  commands.  But,  retaining  the  text  and  sup- 
posing the  apodosis  omitted,  Samuel  here,  in 
keeping  with  the  importance  of  the  moment  and 
the  emotion  of  his  own  heart,  heaps  together  in 
most  eloquent  fashion  the  demands  which  are  to 
be  made  on  rdigious-moral  life  in  view  of  the 
conditions  of  true  well-being  for  the  people  and 
their  king  in  the  new  order  of  things:  to  fear  the 
Lord,  serve  Him,  hearken  to  His  voice,  not  rebel 
against  His  word  (comp.  Dent.  i.  26,  "rebel 
against  the  month  [commandment]  of  the  Lord"), 
and  be  after  him,  or,  remain  in  His  retinue  true  to 
Him.  About  the  last  words  Keil  rightly  remarks 
(against  Thenius)  that  "inN  HTI  "to  be  after"  is 
good  Hebrew,  and  especially  is  often  used  in  the 
sense,  "to  attach  one's  self  to  the  king,  hold  to 
him,"  comp.  2  Sam.  ii.  10 ;  1  Kings  xii.  20 ;  xvi. 
21.  This  expression  corresponds  completely  to 
the  thought  underlying  this  exhortation,  namely, 
that  the  Lord,  in  spite  of  Israel's  rejection  of  Him 
by  the  demand  for  an  earthly-human  king,  is  and 
remains  the  King  of  His  people  (vers.  12, 13). 

Ver.  15.  The  contrast:  But  if  ye  ■will  not — 
(from  the  preceding  are  recapitulated  only  the 
two  traits  of  obedience  to  the  word  of  the  Lord  and 
not  rebelling  against  His  commandment) — then 
will  the  hand  of  the  Lord  be  against  you, 
as  it  was  against  your  fathers.* — This 
comparative  addition  looks  to  the  words  from  ver. 
7  to  ver.  12,  wherein  is  pointed  out  how  the  fa- 
thers had  brought  on  themselves  by  sin  and  de- 
fection the  oppression  of  the  enemy,  in  which  the 
hand  of  the  Lord  was  heavy  on  them,  and  from 
which  the  people  now  hoped  to  be  delivered  by 
the  kings.  At  bottom  the  defection  of  the  fathers 
and  the  demand  for  a  king  who  was  to  deliver 
from  oppressions  sent  by  God  for  their  sins,  are 
one  and  the  same  wrong  against  the  Lord.  There- 
fore Samuel  wishes  by  his  earnest  warning  to  lead 
them  to  repentance. — Ver.  16  gives  the  transition 
to  a  miraculous  confirmation  of  that  realness  of 


*  On  the  weakening  of  the  o  to  «  in  DPlSsE?,  see  Ge- 
sen.  ?  R4.  3,  Rem.  1. 

+  [It  ha.«  the  Imperf.  here,  and  might  express  a  wish 
but  that  the  constrnction  in  ver.  li  is  clearly  the  same 
as  that  in  ver.  16,  which  is  conditional.— Te.] 


*  Not  "and  against  your  kings,"  "fathers"  being 
taken="  kings ''  (D.  Kimchi),  nor  (with  Sept.  and  The- 
nius) "  and  your  king,"  but  (with  Chald.,  Syr.,  Arab., 
Cler.,  Maur.,  Keil)  retaining  the  harder  reading  of  the 
text,  and  taking  the  1  as  comparative  [="  as,"  so  Eng. 
A.  v.],  in  support  of  which  is  the  fact  that  it  sometimes 
introduces  and  connects  loosely  with  the  preceding 
whole  sentences,  the  thought  in  which  is  subordinate, 
explanatory,  or  comparative,  Ew.  340  h.  It  is  properly 
to  be  explained :  "Atid  it  was  against  your  fathers,"— 
which  is  shortened  into :  "  and  against  your  fathers," 
whence  is  suggested  a  comparison.  [Instead  of  this 
somewhat  forced  explanation  it  is  better  either  to  adopt 
the  reading  of  the  Sept.,  or  to  suppose  the  1  "  and  "  to  be 
an  error  for  0  "  as  ".  We  might  expect  in  ver.  15  th« 
mention  of  the  king. — Ta.]. 


CHAP.  XII.  1-25. 


177 


the  divine  holiness  and  righteouaness,  with  which  i 
Samuel,  his  gaze  fixed  on  the  future,  has  just  di-  I 
reoted  his  exhortation  to  the  people  in  the  form  ! 
of  the  announcement  of  a  sentence.  "Even  now"  I 
connects  the  following  with  the  preceding,  so  that 
1)  the  picture  of  a  judicial  scene,  which  was  in- 
troduced in  ver.  7,  is  continued  in  the  following 
narration,  and  2)  the  signification  of  the  next  re- 
lated fact  is  closely  connected  with  that  of  the 
previously  spoken  words.  The  "now  also"  or 
"even  now"  refers  back  to  ver.  7,  where  the  judi- 
didal  scene  is  introduced  with  the  same  words; 
"and  now  stand  forth,  that  I  may  reason  with 
you."  Tlie  reasoning  continues  thence  through 
all  the  stages  of  the  discourse,  which  the  people 
have  up  to  this  moment  heard,  and  is  completed 
in  the  fact  announced  by  Samuel  [that  is,  the 
thunder-storm. — Tb.],  in  which  they  are  to  be- 
hold the  Lord's  judgment  on  their  sin  in  the 
matter  of  the  king.— Ver.  17.  Is  it  not  wheat- 
harvest  to-day?  This  question  signifies  Aat 
at  that  season  (in  May  or  June)  rain  was  unus^. 
So  testifies  Jerome  on  Am.  iv.  7  [and  Bob.  I., 
429-431.— Tb._]  .  After  the  barley-harvest  (2  Sam. 
xxi.  9;  Euth  i.  22;  ii.  23)  followed  the  wheat-har- 
vest, vi.  13 ;  Gen.  xxx.  14 ;  Judg.  xv.  1.—"  To 
give  voices,"  said  of  Jeliovah,  =  "  to  thunder,"  Ps. 
xlvi.  7 ;  Ixviii.  34 ;  xviii.  14 ;  Ex.  ix.  23.  Thun- 
der is  called  the  voice  of  the  Lord,  Ps.  xxix.  3  sq. 
Samuel  announces  a  storm  with  thunder  and  rain 
as  a  God-given  sign,  by  which  the  Israelites  should 
perceive  that  they  had  grievously  sinned  against 
God  in  asking  a  king.  The  "voices"  =  thunder 
answer  to  the  "voice"  and  "mouth"  in  ver.  15. — 
Ver.  18.  At  Samuel's  request  this  sign  of  His 
anger  and  His  punitive  justice,  as  manifestation  of 
His  kingly  glory,  takes  place. — The  result  is  that 
the  people  are  seized  with  great  fear  of  the  Lord 
and  ofSamud;  "of  Samuel"  is  added  because  he,  as 
before  by  his  word,  so  by  liis  introduction  of  this 
manifestation,  wonderful  and  contrary  to  the  or- 
dinary course  of  nature,  of  God's  wrath,  had  dis- 
played himself  as  instrument  of  the  judicial  power 
and  glory  of  the  God-king. 

Vers.  19-25.  Fourth  section  of  Samuel's  dealing 
with  the  repentant  people.  Confession  of  sin, 
comfort  and  exhortation  to  the  humbled  people. 

Ver.  19.  Their  overwhelming  fright  and  terror 
of  soul  leads  first  to  the  prayer  to  Samuel  to  call 
on  the  Lord  that  He  might  mercifully  spare  them. 
That  we  die  not, — the  presence  of  the  holy 
and  just  God  has  made  itself  known  to  the  people. 
Before  Him  the  sinner  cannot  stand,  His  judg- 
ment must  reach  him.  The  "for"  supplies  the 
basis  to  the  thought  contained  in  what  precedes, 
that  they  had  deserved  the  punishment  of  the 
angry  dod.  Their  penitent  confession  is  not 
merely  the  admission  that  they  had  asked  a 
king,  but  that  they  had  added  to  all  their  sins 
this  evil.  Ver.  20.  The  word  of  consolation :  Pear 
not,  in  contrast  with :  "  and  all  the  people 
greatly  feared"  (ver.  18).  To  his  consoling 
word  Samuel  adds  1)  the  reference  to  their  sin, 
which,  in  order  to  retain  them  in  wholesome 
sorrowful  repentance,  he  anew  sets  before  them 
in  its  whole  extent  {"ye  have  done  all  this 
wickedness"),  and  2)  the  exhortation,  negative: 
only  turn  not  aside  from  following  the 
Lord  (the  "from  after"  points  back  to  the  "after" 
in  ver.  15);  positive:  Serve   the   Lord  with 

12 


all  your  heart,  the  undivided,  complete  devo- 
tion of  the  heart,  the  innermost  life  to  the  Lord 
is  inseparably  connected  with  not  turning  aside 
from  Him. — Ver.  21.  Warning  against  apostasy 
to  idol-worship.  And  turn  ye  not  aside  [af- 
ter vanities  which  do  not  profit].     (Text-critieism. 

—The  difficulties  in  the  '3  "for"  after  n?Dn  x"?! 
are  not  set  aside  by  supplying  mofl  or  'jSjn, 
as  many  ancient  and  modem  expositors  do  [so 
Eng.  A.  V. — Tk.].  According  to  this  view,  the 
ground  of  the  resumed  warning  would  be  here 
given :  "  for  ye  go  (if  ye  do  that,  namely,  turn 
aside  from  tlie  Lord)  after  vanities."  But  then 
something  is  adduced  as  ground  of  the  warning 
which  is  implicitly  its  object ;  besides,  apart  from 
the  hardness  of  the  insertion,  the  resumption  of 
the  "turn  not  aside"  with  1  "and"  is  a  difficulty. 
Looking  at  the  following  3,  it  becomes  probable 
that  this  one  was  by  mistake  inserted  a  line 
before.  It  is  rendered  in  not  one  of  the  ancient 
versions  (Then.).  It  is  wanting  in  Luther's  ver- 
sion also.  The  omission  of  the  '3  gives  a  good, 
clear  sense  and  an  advance  suitable  to  the  lively 
character  of  tlie  whole  discourse.  The  "Turn 
not  aside  from  the  Lord"  [ver.  20]  is  continued 
in  the  "Turn  not  aside  after  vanities,"  for  apos- 
tasy to  idolatry  is  the  consequence  of  aposta-sy 
from  the  Lord.    The  former  is  introduced  with 

■^  ^5?  ("only  do  not")  in  the  form  of  urgent 
request,  hearty  wish,  the  latter  as  a,  cate- 
gorically-determined negative  with  S7,("not."). 
Idols  are  described  as  Ti/I,  "naughty,  vain" 
(=73n),  as  in  Isaiah  xliv.  9  the  idol-makers. 
They  cannot  help  nor  deliver,  because  they  are 
simply,  tohu,  nothing,  vanity. — [Comp.  1  Cor. 
viii.  4. — Tb.] — Ver.  22  is  factually  the  reason 
why  they  are  not  to  fear  (ver.  20) ;  but  formally 
this  verse  is  the  ground  of  the  preceding  exhor- 
tation ;  they  are  not  to  forsake  the  Lord  and  turn 
aside  from  Him  and  serve  idols,  because  the  Lord 
will  not  forsake  them  as  His  people,  which  is  said 
in  contrast  with  the  vain  idols,  which  cannot 
help  and  deliver,  because  they  are  "naught," 
while  the  Lord's  "great  name"  is  to  be  the  pledge 
that  He  will  not  forsake  them.  The  words :  for 
his  name's  sake  are  explained  by  and  based 
on  the  declaration:  for  ^t  hath  pleased  the 

Lord  (Vsin  '3),  not  "the  Lord  hath  %««,"  but 
"he  has  by  fi-ee  determination  taken  the  first 
step  thereto,  it  pleased  him"  (comp.  Judg.  xvii. 
11;  Josh.  vii.  7;  Ex.  ii.  21).— To  make  you 
his  people. — TThis  embraces  all  God's  deeds,  by 
which  He  has  established  Israel  in  history  as 
His  people,  the  deeds  of  choice,  deliverance  out 
of  Egypt,  covenanting,  introduction  into  the  pro- 
mised inheritance,  preservation  from  enemies — 
by  these  deeds  He  has  glorified  His  name,  which 
is  the  expression  of  all  God's  revelations  of  sal- 
vation and  power  to  His  people.  The  grovmd  of 
this  is  found  simply  in  the  determination  of  the 
free,  loving  will  of  Ood — Vxi'n,  comp.  Deut.  vii. 
6-12,  which  furnishes  a  complete  parallel  to  the 
train  of  thought  here.  Of  the  vain  idols  it  is 
said  in  ver.  21  'S';?!''  ^  [lo  yoilu,  "they  do 
not  profit"],  of  the  Lord  here  S'Xin  [hoil,  "he 


178 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


did  kindly,  it  pleased  him"],  a  paronomasia  of 
pregnant  meaning.  The  name  of  the  Lord,  there- 
fore, that  by  which  He  has  made  Himself  this 
name  in  His  relations  to  His  people,  and  that 
which  thence  resulted,  the  dignity  of  the  people 
as  the  Lord's  people  and  their  appertainment 
to  Him  as  His  property  is  the  pledge  that  He 
will  not  leave  His  people.  "His  people"  and 
"make  you  His  people"  are  corresponding 
expressions,  they  are  His  people  because  He 
has  made  them  His  people.  Comp.  Psalm  c. 
3 ;  xev.  7 ;  Deut.  vii-  6,  9,  18.— Ver.  23.  Samuel 
promises  the  people  his  personal  mediation 
and  aid,  partly  through  the  priestly  fiinction  of 
intercession  for  them,  partly  through  the  exercise 
of  his  prophetic  office  in  showing  them  the  right 
way.  The  "as  fpr  me  too"  refers  to  the  "Jeho- 
vah" in  the  preceding  verse,  and  to  the  close 
connection  into  which  the  people  (ver.  19)  had 
brought  his  name  with  the  name  of  the  Lord.  The 
assurance  of  hie  intercession  follows  on  the  request 
in  ver.  19 :  "  Pray  for  thy  servants."  Both  pas- 
sages put  Samuel's  prayer-life  anew  in  a  clear  light 
(comp.  vii.,  viii.).  By  the  solemn  asseveration 
"  far  be  it,"  he  points  to  the  importance  which  he 
himself  attributes  to  his  intercession  for  the  peo- 
ple. The  word  "  sin  "  indicates  his  obligation  be- 
fore the  Lord  to  intercede ;  to  neglect  this  would 
be  a  sin  against  the  Lord ;  for,  as  medi.ator  be- 
tween God  and  the  people,  he  must  enter  the 
Lord's  presence  in  whatever  concerned  them,  for 
weal  or  for  woe.  Comp.  his  work  of  prayer  in  chs. 
vii.,  viii.  The  ''not  ceasing"  indicates  his  per- 
sistency in  intercession. — ^Along  with  this  priestly 
mediation  Samuel  promises  also  his  constant  pro- 
phetic watch-care,  which  consists  in  "  showing  the 
good  and  right  way,"  that  is,  the  way  of  God.  The 
predicates  good  and  right  "show  that  moral  con- 
duct is  referred  to,  and  that  according  to  the  will 
and  law  of  the  Lord  (so  Ps.  xxv.  4).  The  in- 
struction is  to  be  given  to  king  as  well  as  people. 
— Ver.  24.  Samuel,  having  spoken  of  his  person 
and  his  personal  office,  now  directs  the  people's 
look  from  his  person  and  work  to  the  Lord,  and 
holds  up  anew  before  king  and  people  the  great 
Either — Or:  either  ye  will  fear  the  Lord  and  serve 
Him  and  ye  will  experience  the  salvation  of  your 
God, — or,  ye  will  do  evil  and — both  of  you  will 
be  destroyed.  The  discourse  culminates  in  a  con- 
densed statement  of  what  is  said  in  vers.  14,  1.5. 
The  "  in  truth,  with  all  your  heart,"  exhibits  the 
double  character  of  the  service  of  God,  of  truth 
and  of  innerness,  in  contrast  with  the  service  of 
outward  appearance  and  dead  works.  Since  this 
exhortation  to  fear  and  serve  God  relates  to  the 
general  religious-moral  life  of  the  people,  we  can- 
not refer  the  confirmatory  declaration :  For  ye 
see  what  great  things  he  hath  done  for 
you  to  the  extraordinary  natural  phenomenon 
narrated  in  ver.  18.  The  migMy  deeds  of  the 
Lord  here  referred  to  are  those  mentioned  in  vers. 
6,  7  sqq.,  to  which  reference  is  repeatedly  made  in 
all  these  transactions  relating  to  the  king  (viii.  8  ; 
X.  18),  from  which  most  frequently  is  drawn  the 
motive  for  true  fear  of  God  and  obedience  to  His 
will,  because  by  them  God  established  and  con- 
firmed His  covenant  relation  with  Israel  as  His 
people,  and  so  the  people  owed  Him  covenant- 
fidelity  and  obedience  as  their  God. 


HISTORICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Review  of  the  history  of  the  introduction  by 
Samuel  of  the  Israelitish  monarchy  under  Saul 
(chaps,  viii. — xii.).  The  following  are  its  prin- 
cipal stadia,  in  the  general  and  special  develop- 
ment of  which  the  well-adjusted  connection  be- 
tween the  several  sections  becomes  apparent.  In 
chap.  viii.  Samuel  confers  with  the  people  concern- 
ing their  demand  for  a  king,  and  receives  in  prayer 
the  raelation  from  the  Lord  that  he  should  listen 
to  the  people's  demand  and  give  them  a  king.  In 
chap.  ix.  1-17  is  set  forth  the  providence  of  tlie 
Lord,  whereby  in  the  person  of  Said  the  divinely 
chosen  and  appointed  king  of  Israel  is  led  to  Sa- 
muel, and  is  designated  a-s  such  by  a  special  re- 
velation from  the  Lord.  Chap.  ix.  17 — ^x.  16, 
Samuel  a.s  instrument  of  the  divine  call  which  came 
to  Savil ;  Saul  receives  from  Samuel  first  the  an- 
nouncement  of  his  high  calling  by  the  Lord  (vers. 
Vl-AT),  then  the  consecration  to  the  royal  office  by 
anointing,  and  the  a-ssurance  of  his  call  by  refe- 
rence to  appointed  signs  therefor  (x.  1-8),  and 
finally  the  confirmation  and  strengthening  of  his 
divine  call  together  with  qualification  for  it  by 
the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  (vers.  9-16). — Chap.  x. 
18-27.  Samud  and  the  people  in  the  assembly  at 
Mizpah  for  the  public  presentation  of  the  God-chosen 
king,  which  is  followed  by  a  partial  recognition 
only  on  the  part  of  the  people.— Chap.  xi.  Saul's 
proclamation  and  general  recognition  as  king  of 
Israel  in  consequence  of  his  heroic  deed  of  deli- 
verance from  the  Ammonites,  and  also  hLs  solemn 
installation  at  Oilgal. — Chap.  xii.  Samud,  in  a  so- 
lemn, affecting  final  conference  at  Qilgal,  after  a 
justificatory  review  of  his  official  career,  places 

£eople  and  m/)narchy  under  the  government  of  the 
ord,  as  their  king,  and  obligates  both  to  obey 
His  will. 

2.  "  Samuel  yields  to  the  desire  of  the  people 
because  he  knows  that  now  God's  time  has  come; 
but  at  the  same  time  he  makes  every  effort  to 
bring  the  people  to  a  consciousneas  of  their  sins. 
If  it  were  true  that  Samuel  considered  the  mo- 
narchy in  itself  incompatible  with  the  theocracy, 
how  very  differently  he  must  have  acted !  In  that 
case,  when  the  whole  people,  deeply  moved  by  his 
discourse  and  by  the  confirmatory  divine  sign, 
said :  "  Pray  for  thy  servants  to  the  Lord  thy  God, 
for  we  have  added  to  all  our  sins  the  evU  of  ask- 
ing a  king"  (ver.  19),  he  must  have  insisted  that 
the  old  form  be  straightway  re-established.  Bat 
he  is  far  from  doing  this.  He  rather  exhorts  the 
people  to  be  from  now  on  faithful  to  the  Lord, 
who  would  glorify  Himself  in  them  and  their 
king."  Hengstenberg,  Beitr.  3,  258  sq.  [Contri- 
butions, cte.]. 

3.  At  Gilgal  [chap,  xii.]  Samuel  stands  at  the 
highest  point  of  his  work  as  instrument  of  the 
divine  guidance  and  government  of  his  people, 
and  as  mediator  between  the  people  and  God  as 
their  king  and  lord.  As  prophet  he  leads  king 
and  people  together  into  the  presence  of  the  Lord, 
calls  forth  in  the  people  by  a  moving  discourse 
the  deep  feeling  of  sin  and  the  penitent  confession 
of  guilt,  places  king  and  people  under  God's 
royal  ma,iesty  and  legal  authority,  and  obligates 
them  to  inviolable  obedience  to  the  will  of  the 
Lord.    As  judge  he,  at  God's  command,  install* 


CHAP.  XII.  1-25. 


179 


the  asked-for  king,  makes  the  people  solemnly 
confirm  the  self-justifying  declaration  which  he 
with  invocation  of  God  and  the  king  had  made, 
conducts  the  Lord's  cause  against  the  unfaithful 
people  by  reasoning  with  them  and  accusing  them, 
exhibits  in  thunder  and  storm  the  majesty  and 
the  wrath  of  the  despised  invisible  king,  decrees 
weal  and  woe,  salvation  and  destruction  to  king 
and  people,  according  to  the  regard  which  they 
hereafter  show  to  the  exhortations  and  instruc- 
tions which  he  had  given  them  as  prophet.  In 
this  sense,  in  spite  of  the  termination  now  of  his 
official  functions  as  judge,  he  remains  a  judge 
over  king  and  people.  And  tliere  is,  besides,  his 
priestly  position,  in  which  he  again  presents  him- 
self between  the  Lord  and  His  people,  with  the 
assurance  and  promise  that  he  will  ever  intercede 
for  them,  and  would  sin  by  not  interceding.  The 
people  so  needed  him  as  long  as  he  lived. 

4.  The  Lord's  mighty  deeds  towards  and  for 
His  people,  their  apostasy  to  unfaithfulness  and 
idolatry,  punishment  for  their  sins  in  oppression 
and  misery,  cry  to  the  Lord  for  help  in  time  of 
need,  repentance  and  confession  of  sins,  new  ex- 
hibitions of  the  Lord's  grace,  these  are  in  constant 
sequence  the  chief  features  of  the  history  of  the  king- 
dom of  Ood  in  Israel,  here  briefly  sketched  (vers. 
7-12),  and  in  the  Book  of  Judges  detailed  at 
length. 

5.  The  mention  of  the  Lord!s  manifestations  of 
grace  and  revelations  of  power  for  His  people,  which 
IS  here  heard  from  Samuel,  and  remains  through- 
out all  prophecy  a  standing  element  of  prophetic 
preaching,  has  as  its  aim:  1)  to  glorify  the  name 
of  God,  to  bring  out  clearly  His  covenant-faith- 
fulness, and  to  exhibit  the  people's  high  calling  as 
chosen  people  and  God's  property;  2)  to  show 
more  strikingly  the  people's  sin  in  unfaithfulness, 
unthankfulness  and  disobedience,  and  thereby  to 
bring  them  to  acknowledgment  of  their  sin;  3)  to 
induce  sincere  repentance  and  penitent  return  to 
the  Lord ;  4)  to  show  the  penitent  people  the 
source  of  consolation  and  help,  and  to  fix  in  their 
hearts  the  ground  of  hope  for  future  salvation;  5) 
to  make  more  eifective  admonitions  and  warnings 
respecting  the  maintenance  and  attestation  of  cheir 
covenant-faithfulness. 

6.  The  truth  and  the  fact:  "The  Lord  your  Ood 
is  your  King"  (ver.  12),  notwithstanding  its  sub- 
jective obscuration  in  the  consciousness  of  the 
people,  whence  proceeded  the  demand  (sinful  in 
ite  motives  and  moral  presuppositions)  for  an 
earthly-human  kingdom,  has  lost  so  little  objec- 
tively in  validity  and  importance  that  now,  in  the 
outset  of  the  history  of  the  kingdom  granted  by 
God  in  accordance  with  this  desire,  it  rather 
comes  out  more  clearly,  since  monarchy  and  peo- 
ple are  placed  under  the  immediate  royal  autho- 
rity of  God  (vers.  13,  14),  and  both  people  and 
king  (the  two  embraced  as  a  unit  in  this  point 
of  view,  ver.  14),  exhorted  to  like  obedience  to 
His  royal  will,  and  threatened  with  like  punish- 
ment from  the  Most  High  King  as  their  Judge 
(vers.  14, 15,  25).  The  rejection  of  the  God -king 
by  the  demand  for  a  man-king  led  to  a  higher 
stage  of  development  of  the  theocracy,  on  which, 
over  against  and  by  means  of  the  earthly  kingdom, 
there  was  of  necessity  a  so  much  the  more  glorious 
unfolding  of  the  royal  honor  of  God. 

7.  God's  manifestations  of  grace  and  salvation 


to  Israel  are  often  regarded  in  the  Old  Testament 
under  the  point  of  view  of  righteousness,  and  called 
by  this  name,  as  in  ver.  7.  But  this  "righteous- 
ness" is  not  then  (as  is  often  done)  to  be  taken  as 
=" goodness,"  "benefit,"  and  the  like,  for  these 
are  different  conceptions;  mor  as^" faithfulness," 
"  trustworthiness,"  so  far  as  God  fulfils  to  His  peo- 
ple the  promises  which  He  gives  as  covenant- God. 
The  ground  of  this  designation  of  the  divine  gra- 
cious kindnesses  is  given  in  the  relation  in  which 
Ood  as  covenant- God  stands  to  His  people;  esta- 
blished by  own  free  grace  and  His  absolute 
loving  will  (ver.  22),  it  is  the  norm,  according  to 
which  the  people  over  agcuinst  him  walk  in  the  obe- 
dience due  to  His  holy  will  (ethical  righteous- 
ness), and  on  the  otheifhand  the  Lord  over  against 
His  people  reveals  to  them  the  love  and  goodness 
which  belong  to  them  as  His  possession  by  virtue 
of  the  gracious  rights  established  by  Him,  impart- 
ing to  them  gifts  and  benefits  of  grace  partly  as  a 
promised  blessing,  partly  as  reward  of  faithful 
and  obedient  fulfilment  of  covenant-obligations 
(Ps.  xxiv.  5;  xxii.  32;  Mic.  vi.  5).  In  accord- 
ance with  this,  God  in  His  deliverances  exercises 
His  righteousness  (which  gives  each  his  own)  as 
King  of  His  people  on  the  ground  and  according 
to  the  norm  of  the  covenant- relation  established 
by  Himself  in  His  own  free  grace  (vers.  14,  15, 
24,25).  Comp.  IJohni.  9:  "  God  is  faithftil  and 
righteous  to  forgive  us  our  sins."  After  the  com- 
pletion of  the  economy  of  salvation  in  Christ, 
God's  righteousness  is  exhibited,  along  with  His 
faithfulness,  in  the  bestowment  on  the  penitent 
sinner  of  the  gracious  gift  of  forgiveness  of  sins  as 
something  which  belongs  to  him  by  the  right  ac- 
corded him  by  free  grace,  since  God  has  ordained 
that  he  who  penitently  confesses  his  sius  shall  find 
pardon. 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-6.  How  a  servant  of  God  should,  after 
the  example  of  Samuel,  rightly  perform  the  duty 
of  maintaining  his  personal  honor  and  innocence 
against  unjust  accusations:  1)  By  a  clear  and  true 
statement  of  his  own  course  of  life  and  behaviour 
(vers.  1,  2) ;  2)  By  a  bold  appeal  to  the  knowledge 
and  conscience  of  others  (vers.  3,  4) ;  3)  By  a  so- 
lemn invocation  of  the  all-knowing  God  as  the 
best  witness.  [Vers.  2,  3.  Samuel  a  statesman 
and  civil  and  military  ruler,  living  in  times  of 
cruel  warfare,  political  changes,  social  corruption, 
and  general  relaxation  of  morality ;  he  can  so- 
lemnly appeal  to  God  and  man  for  the  absolute 
integrity  of  his  oflBcial  conduct  through  all  the 
years  (particularizing  that-— a)  he  has  not  seized 
their  property,  b)  defrauded  them,  nor  c)  inflicted 
personal  violence,  and  d)  has  not  taken  bribes) ; 
and  all  the  people  (vers.  5,  6),  and  God  Himself 
(ver.  18),  ftilly  confirm  the  claim.  A  notable  ex- 
ample, often  needed.— Hall:  No  doubt  Samuel 
found  Himself  guilty  before  God  of  many  private 
infirmities ;  but,  for  his  public  carriage,  he  appeals 
to  men.  A  man's  heart  can  best  judge  of  himself; 
others  can  best  judge  of  his  actions.  Happy  is 
that  man  that  can  be  acquitted  by  himself  in  pri- 
vate, in  public  by  others,  by  God  in  both. — 
Scott  :  The  honor  rendered,  to  those  who  arc  con- 
cluding their  course,  diflTers  widely  from  the  ap- 
plause and  congratulation  which  many  receive 
when  they  first  step  forth  before  the  public  eye. 


180 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


This,  indeed,  often  terminates  in  disgrace  and 
contempt. — Tk.] 

Vers.  7-12.  Think  of  former  times:  1)  That  we 
may  with  shame  remember  the  Lord's  many  ma- 
nifestations of  grace  and  benefits ;  2)  That  we  may 
be  penitently  conscious  of  the  sins  committed 
against  the  Lord ;  3)  That  we  may  humbly  ac- 
Isnowledge  the  ground  of  all  evils  and  distresses 
in  our  own  guilt ;  4)  That  we  may  honestly  turn 
to  the  obedience  of  faith  towards  the  Lord.  [Vers. 
7-12.  Hall:  Samuel  had  dissuaded  them  be- 
fore— he  reproves  them  not  until  now We 

must  ever  dislike  sin — we  may  not  ever  show  it. 
Discretion  in  the  choice  of  seasons  for  reproving 
is  not  less  commendable  and  necessary  than  zeal 
and  faithfulness  in  reprovisg. — Tb.] 

Vers.  14,  15.  With  whom  or  against  whom,  is  the 
hand  of  the  Lordf  The  answer  to  this  question 
depends  on  the  following  considerations :  1)  Whe- 
ther one  has,  or  has  not,  given  himself  to  be  the 
Lord's  with  his  wliole  heart — a)  in  true  fear  of 
God,  b)  in  true  service  of  God;  2)  Whether  one 
is,  or  is  not,  in  his  will  thoroughly  obedient  to  the 
will  of  the  Lord,  a)  hearkening  unconditionally  to 
His  word,  b)  not  resisting  His  commandments; 
3)  Whether  one  is,  or  is  not,  in  his  whole 
walk  ready  to  follow  the  Lord  in  His  guidance — a) 
keeping  in  thie  way  pointed  out  by  Him,  6)  keep- 
ing in  view  the  goal  set  up  by  Him. 

Vers.  13-15.  True  unity  between  king  and  people, 
authorities  and  subjects:  1)  As  being  holy  it  is 
closely  bound  by  the  hand  of  the  King  of  all  kings 
in  establishing  the  corvenant  between  the  two  (ver. 
13  ;  2)  As  being  deeply  grounded  it  is  rooted  in  the 
common  obligation  of  both  alike  to  fear  God, 
serve  God,  obey  God  (no  true  unity  without  right 
fear  of  God,  humble  service  of  God,  faitliful  obe- 
dience to  God)  (ver.  14) ;  3)  As  unshakable  and 
abiding  it  is  maintaiTied  in  times  of  lieavy  as- 
saults, when  both  are  tempted  to  apostasy,  unbe- 
lief and  disobedience  (ver.  15  o) ;  4)  It  shows  itself 
ever  firmer  in  view  of  the  Lord's  threateuings  and 
promises  to  botli. 

Vers.  14^19.  The  hard  speech  of  Ood  against  sin- 
ners: 1)  Why  it  is  necessary — because  men  are 
hard-hearted,  hard  of  hearing,  cross-grained ;  2) 
How  it  makes  itself  heard — in  the  earnest  exlior- 
tations  of  His  holy  love  (ver.  14),  in  the  threaten- 
ings  of  His  righteous  wi-ath  (ver.  15),  in  alarming 
natural  events  (vers.  16-18) ;  3)  What  is  its  aim — 
acknowledgment  of  sin  (ver.  17),  fear  of  God  (ver. 
18),  seeking  God's  grace  (ver.  19). — Vers.  19-21. 
To  whom  applies  the  divine  word  of  consolation,  Fear 
not:  To  those  who — 1)  penitently  confess  their 
sins  before  God,  2)  humbly  acknowledge  God's 
punishments  as  well-merited,  3)  eagerly  seek 
God's  grace  and  mercy ;  4)  are  willing  to  serve 
the  Lord  in  faithful  obedience. 

Vers.  20,  21.  The  exhortation  to  fidelity.  Turn  not 
aside  from  the  Lord.     Turn  not  aside— 1)  When 


experiencing  His  punitive  justice,  but  have  child- 
like confidence  in  His  forgiving  love ;  2)  When 
harassed  by  natural  inclination  to  resist  His  will, 
but  serve  Him  in  feithfiil  obedience  through  the 
power  of  His  Spirit;  3)  When  tempted  to  fall 
away  by  the  world  which  is  sunk  in  the  service 
of  vanity,  but  bravely  withstand  the  idolatry  of 
the  ungodly  world. — Vers.  20, 21.  A  thredoldword 
of  exhortation  to  pemitemi  sinners :  1 )  A  word  remind- 
ing of  past  sin  ("Ye  have  done  all  this  wicked- 
ness"); 2)  A  word  consolingly  pointing  to  the 
divine  grace  ("Fear  not") ;  3)  A  word  exhorting 
to  fidelity  ("Turn  not  aside  from  the  Lord"); 
which,  with  the  warning  against  the  idolatry  of  the 
vain  world  contains  a  demand  to  serve  the  Lord 
alone  with  all  the  heart. — Ver.  22.  The  Lord  for- 
sakes not  His  people — for  1 )  He  has  made  His  people 
'B.\s  possession — a)  by  choice  out  of  free  grace,  6)  by 
covenanting  with  them  in  faithful  love;  2)  He  has 
made  Himself  a  great  name,  among  His  people,  a) 
by  His  wonderful  deeds  in  the  past,  6)  by  the  pro- 
mises of  His  word  for  the  future. — Ver.  23.  The 
highest  service  of  love  which  men  can  do  one  another: 

1)  Intercession  for  each  other  before  the  Lord; 

2)  Pointing  to  the  good  and  right  way. — Ceasing 
to  intercede  for  our  brethren  a  sin  against  the  Lord : 
1)  Because  the  souls  of  our  brethren  as  members 
of  His  people  are  His  possession ;  2)  Because  the 
Lord  demands  intercession  as  a  sign  and  fruit  of 
love,  which  flows  from  the  fountain  of  His  pater- 
nal love,  and  in  which  men  as  His  children  are 
to  keep  themselves  before  Him ;  3)  Because  the 
Lord,  in  that  community  of  life  in  which  He  has 
placed  us,  often  gives  us  special  occasion  and  ne- 
cessity to  pray  for  our  brethren.  [Henby  :  Samuel 
promises  more  than  they  asked.  (1)  They  asked 
it  of  him  as  a  favor — he  pronused  it  as  a  duty. 
(2)  They  asked  him  to  pray  for  them  at  this 
time,  and  upon  this  occasion,  but  he  promises  to 
continue  his  prayers  for  them,  and  not  to  cea.se  as 
long  as  he  lived.  (3)  They  asked  him  only  to 
pray  for  them,  but  he  promises  to  do  more,  to 
teach  them  also  "the  good  and  the  right  way," 
the  way  of  duty,  the  way  of  pleasure  and  profit. 
— Tr.] 

Vers.  24,  25.  Fear  the  Lord:  1)  What  sort  of 
fear  the  true  fear  of  God  is.  2)  On  what  it  is 
grounded  ("great  things").  3)  Whereby  it  mani- 
fests  itself  (serving  Him).  4)  From  what  it  pre- 
serves (from  temporal  and  eternal  destruction). 
[Henby:  And  two  things  he  urges  by  way  of 
motive:  (1)  Oratitvde,  considering  "what  great 
things  he  had  done  for  them ;"  (2)  Interest,  consi- 
dering what  great  things  He  would  do  against 
them,  if  they  should  still  "  do  wickedly." — Te.] 
Vers.  22,  25.  Haeless  ( On  Hallowing  the  Sabbath, 
I.,  113) :  The  hope  of  genuine  national  prosperity. 
Where  then  is  the  ground  for  hope  of  genuine  na- 
tional prosperity?  Where  there  is  1)  Fear  of 
God's  Name ;  2)  Confidence  in  God's  Name. 


CHAP.  XIII.  1— XIV.  52.  181 


SECOND  DIVISION. 

KING  SAUL'S  GOVERNMENT  UP  TO  HIS  EEJECTION. 
Chaptebs  Xin— XV. 


FIRST  SECTION. 

The  Unfolding  of  his  Royal  Power  in  Successful  Wars. 

Chaptees  XIII.— XIV. 

I.    Against  the  Philistines.    Chap.  XIII. — XIV.  46. 

1  Saul  reigned  one  year  ;  and  when  he  had  reigned  two  years  over  Israel,  [Saul 
was years  old  when  he  began  to  reign,  and  he  reigned years  over  Israel].' 

2  llns.  And]  Saul  chose  him  three  thousand  men  [ins.  out]  of  Israel,  whereof  [pm. 
whereof,  ins.  and]  two  thousand  were  with  Saul  in  Miehmash  and  in  mount  [the 
mountains  of]  Bethel,  and  a  thousand  were  with  Jonathan  in  Gibeah  of  Benjamin  ; 

3  and  the  rest  of  the  people  he  sent  every  man  to  his  tent  [tents].  ^  And  Jonathan 
smote  the  garrison  of  the  Philistines  that  was  in  Geba,  and  the  Philistines  heard  of 
it.     And  Saul  blew  the  trumpet  throughout  all  the  land,  saying.  Let  the  Hebrews 

4  hear.'  And  all  Israel  heard  say  that  Saul  had  smitten  a  garrison*  of  the  Philis- 
tines, and  that  Israel  also  was  had  in  abomination  with  the  Philistines.     And  the 

5  people  were  called  together  after  Saul  to  Gilgal.  And  the  Philistines  gathered 
themselves  together  to  fight  with  Israel,  thirty'  thousand  chariots,  and  six  thousand 
horsemen,  and  people  as  the  sand  which  is  on  the  seashore  in  multitude ;  and  they 

6  came  up,  and  pitched  in  Miehmash  eastward  from  [over  against]  Bethaven.  When 
[And]  the  men  of  Israel  saw  that  they  were  in  a  strait  (for  the  people  were  dis- 
tressed), then  [and]  the  people  did  hide  [hid]  themselves  in  caves  and  in  thickets 

7  [caverns]"  and  in  rocks  and  in  highplaces  [hollows]'  and  in  pits.     And  som^  of  the 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

>  [Ver.  1.  The  translation  of  Eng.  A.  V.  ia  untenable,  and  that  given  in  brackets  is  the  only  possible  one.  The 
numerals  have  fallen  out,  and  can  be  only  approximately  restored.  The  plu.  D^mf  would  mdicate  that  the  pe- 
riod of  Saul's  reign  was  less  than  ten  years,  but,  in  the  present  corrupt  state  of  the  text,  no  such  inference  can 
safely  be  drawn.  The  omission  of  this  verse  in  the  Sept.  may  have  been  frojn  its  absence  in  their  MS.,  or  from 
their  inability  to  make  sense  of  it,  or  from  clerical  inadvertence.  It  is  better  to  leave  the  numerals  blank,  and 
explain  in  a  note  that  they  have  fallen  out.  Some,  however,  think  (Hitzig,  Maurer,  Thenius,  Welihausen)  that 
the  numbers  were  desiraedly  left  out  by  the  author.— Te.I 

*  rVer.  2.  Here  the  Heh,,  in  accordance  with  universal  O.  T.  usage,  has  the  plural. — Tn.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  The  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.,  Chald.,  here  sustain  the  Mas.  text.  The  reading  of  the  Sept.  is  discussed  by 
Erdmann.  Welihausen  proposes  to  read :  "  and  Saul  blew  the  trumpet  throughout  the  land,  and  the  Philistines 
heard,  saying,  The  slaves  revolt  fij?t?£3),"  the  words  "  saying,  etc."  being  taken  as  a  gloss. 

*  [Ver.  4.  A  different  Heb.  word  from  that  used  in  xiv.  1,  though  from  the  same  verbal  stem.  It  is  used  also 
in  X.  5 ;  xiii.  3 ;  2  Sam.  viii.  6, 14 ;  1  Chr.  xi.  6.    Bwald  renders  "  ofBeer,"  distinguishing  ^'SJ  (Sept.  Nao-i/S)  from 

TSJ.-Te.] 

^  [Ver.  5.  This  number  is  generally  regarded  as  too  large.  Some  suppose  baggage  included  (Patrick),  some 
the  chariot-soldiers  (Cahen  and  others,  eomp.  2  Sam.  x.  18),  others  suppose  an  error  of  text  and  read  3  for  30 
(Clarke,  Syr.,  Arab.),  or  300  (Bib.  Comm.).    Still  other  conjectures  are  given  in  Poole's  Synopsis.— Tr.] 

'  [Ver.  6.  The  lexicons  generally  render  "  thickets,"  as  Eng.  A.  V.  and  Erdmann ;  Furst  renders  "  clefts,"  and 
Ewald  rpads  D'lin  "eaves."  But  Ohald.  has  "fortresses,"  Syr.  and  Vulg.  "secret  places,"  and  Sept.  "enclo- 
sures "  or  "  holes."  Of  the  modern  versions  Lather  and  Diodati  have  "  clefts,"  Spanish  follows  Vale.,  the  French 
(of  Martin),  Port..  Dutch  agree  with  Eng.  A.  V.  Other  German  versions  give  "  hedges,"  "  thorn-bushes,"  "  clefts." 
The  renderings  of  the  ancient  versions  make  Ewald's  reading  probable,  and  this  sense  accords  better  with  the 
oontext-Ta.] 

'  [Ver.  (1.  Sotheanoientversions.  Themodernsgeuerally  render  "towers"  (so  Erdmann),  which  is  supported 
by  the  Arab,  sarhrni.  The  word  occurs  only  three  times  in  O.  T,  twice  rendered  in  Eng.  A.  V.  "  hold '  (Judg. 
ix.  46,  49)  and  here  "  high-place,"  which,  as  is  remarked  in  Bib.  Comm.,  is  an  unfortunate  rendering,  liable  to  be 
confounded  with  the  places  olF  religious  worahip.-Tn.]  , 

'  [Ver.  7.  Literally,  "  Hebrews  went  over,"  so  Syr.,  Chald.,  Vulg.    The  Sept.  has  oi  SiaPaiVovTC!  (D'^JiJ^n)  and 

Symmachus  ot  m  tov  irdimv.    The  mas.  text  does  not  suit  the  context,  that  of  Sept.  is  against  Heb.  usage,  and  that 
ofSymmachus("13jtrD)is  unsupported.    Welihausen  proposes  pTH  niiajra  113^1   "and  they  crossed  the 

fords  of  the  Jordan,"  which  gives  a  good  sense  with  a  very  slight  change  in  the  letters.    Throughout  this  nar. 


182  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

Hebrews  went  over  Jordan  to  the  land  of  Gad  and  Gilead,  as  for  [and]  Saul  he 
lorn,  he]  was  yet  in  Gilgal,  and  all  the  people  followed  him  trembling. 

8  And  he  tarried  seven  days  according  to  the  set  time  that  Samuel  had  appointed' ; 

9  but  Samuel  came  not  to  Gilgal ;  and  the  people  were  scattered  from  him.     And 
Saul  said,  Bring  [ins.  me]  hither  lom.  hither]  a  [the]  burnt-offering  to  me  [om.  to 

10  me]  and  [ins.  the]  peace-offerings.  And  he  offered  the  burnt-offering.  And  it 
came  to  pass  that,  as  soon  as  he  bad  made  an  end  of  offering  the  burnt-offering,  be- 
ll hold,  Samuel  came ;  and  Saul  went  out  to  meet  him  that  he  might  salute  him.  And 
Samuel  said,  What  hast  thou  done  ?  And  Saul  said,  Because  I  saw  that  the  people 
were  scattered  from  me,  and  that  thou  camestnot  within  the  days  appointed  [at  the 
appointed  time],  and  that  the  Philistines  gathered  themselves  together  at  Michmash, 

12  Tiberefore  said  I,  The  Philistines  will  [Now  will  the  Philistines]  come  down  now 
[om.  now]  upon  me  to  Gilgal,  and  I  have  not  made  supplication  unto  the  Lord 
[Jehovah],  [ins.  And]  I  forced  myself  therefore  [om.  therefore],  and  offered  a  [the] 

13  burnt-offering.  And  Samuel  said  to  Saul,  Thou  hast  done  foolishly  [ins.  in  that]'" 
thou  hast  not"  kept  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God,  which  he 
commanded  thee ;  for  now  would  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  have  established  thy  kingdom 

14  upon  [over]  Israel  for  ever.  But  now  thy  kingdom  shall  not  continue  ;  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  hath  sought  him  a  man  after  his  own  heart,  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
hath  commanded  him  to  be  captain  over  his  people,  because  thou  hast  not  kept  that 
which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded  thee. 

15  And  Samuel  arose  and  gat  him  up  from  Gilgal  unto  Gibeah"  of  Benjamin.  And 
Saul  numbered  the  people  that  were  present  with  him,  about  six  hundred  men. 

16  And  Saul  and  Jonathan  his  son  and  the  people  that  were  present  with  them  abode 
in  Gibeah  [Geba]"  of  Benjamin,  but  [and]  the  Philistines  encamped  in  Michmash. 

17  And  the  spoilers  came  out  of  the  camp  of  the  Philistines  in  three  companies:  one 
company  turned  unto  the  way  that  leadeth  [om.  that  leadeth]  to  Ophrah,  unto  the 

18  land  of  Shual ;  And  another  company  turned  the  way  to  Bethhoron ;  and  an- 
other company  turned  to  [om.  to]  the  way  of  the  border"  that  looketh  to  the  valley 

19  of  Zeboim  towards  the  wilderness.  Now  there  was  no  smith  found  throughout  [in] 
all  the  land  of  Israel ;  for  the  Philistines  said.  Lest  the  Hebrews  make  them  swords 

20  or  spears.     But  [And]  all  the  Israelites  went  down  to  the  Philistines,  to  sharpen 

21  every  man  his  share  and  his  coulter  and  his  axe  and  his  mattock.'*  Yet  [And]  they 

rative  the  Hebrews  (apparently  recreant  Israelites)  seem  to  be  distinguished  from  the  Israelites  (who  followed 
Saul).— Te.] 

•  [Ver.  8.  This  word  is  not  in  our  Heb.  text,  but  1DK  is  found  in  several  MSB.  and  printed  editions ;  others 
have  DK?  which  De  Rossi  suggests  has  fallen  out  from  resemblance  to  the  two  initial  letters  of  the  following  word 

7{<WtS'.    On  the  critical  objections  to  this  section,  vers.  8-15  a,  see  Erdmann's  Introduction. — T*.] 

M  [Ver.  13.  Several  MSS.  and  printed  eds.  insert  1  and  Sept.  has  5ti — Te.J 

"  [Ver.  13.  Hitzig  proposes  unnecessarily  to  point  nS  instead  of  s'?.— Te.] 

^  [Vers.  16, 18.  It  is  somewhat  surprising  that  Samuel  goes  to  Gibeah  (ver.  16),  while  Saul  is  found  in  Geba 
(ver.  16)  without  previous  mention  of  his  having  gone  thither.  Instead  of  Geba  the  ancient  vss.  have  ftibeali,  and 
are  followed  by  Eng.  A.  V.  and  Erdmann.  Eobinson  (quoted  in  Bib.  Corrnn.)  thinks  Geba  correct.  A  good  sense 
is  gotten  by  connecting  7  a  with  16  b.    The  readings  of  the  Sept.  are  discussed  by  Keil  and  Erdmann.— Te.] 

1"  [Ver.  18.  It  is  objected,  but  without  sufficient  ground,  tliat  the  word  IPB'  ("stretches  towards, looks,  over- 
hangs ")  cannot  be  used  of  "  border."    The  Sept.  has  "  hill "  (nj^3J).— Te.]    'I 

"  [Ver.  20.  No  satisfactory  rendering  has  yet  been  given  of  this  ver.  and  the  following.  The  names  of  the 
instruments  are  given  differently  in  diflferent  versions,  there  is  doubt  about  the  meanings  of  the  names,  the  Sept. 
has  a  different  text  in  ver.  L'l,  and  the  initial  words  of  this  ver.  in  the  Heb.  and  the  connection  of  the  two  verses 
are  yet  obscure.  The  simplest  reconstruction  of  the  text  would  be  to  consider  ver.  21  as  an  erroneous  repetition 
of  ver.  20,  and  omit  all  except  the  last  two  words  (of  the  Hob.);  but  this  would  not  account  for  the  difference  in 
form  of  the  two  verses,  and  is  rendered  difficult  by  the  retention  in  all  the  versions  of  ver.  21  in  full.  In  order  to 
exhibit  the  differences  of  the  Heb.  and  the  Sept.,  we  set  them  here  down  together,  giving  the  latter  oonjeotu- 

p-nn  a-xnSi  D'HiipnSi  \\whri  vh^^h^  dtixSi  nWinaS  d'b  m'ssn  nn'nv-H. 

IT  :t  l  ~  '  ,•.*'""!      '       >  I-  I  •  I  • "  t:  — : —         •        T  '  :  -         t:t: 

D|  nnx  3'sn  [nKf.-inB"??]  DTipi  i^S  h^^  m^  D'nNrji.(or  nityiriDS)  ixpS  |bj  Tsan  nviv-s. 

The  translation  of  the  Greek  is :  "  And  the  vintage  was  ready,  and  their  tools  were  three  shekels  to  the  tooth,  and 
tor  the  axe  and  the  sickle  there  was  the  same  rate  (or  character)."  The  Sept.  thus  substantiates  in  the  main  the 
consonants  of  the  Hebrew,  but  gives  no  clear  sense ;  the  price  of  sharpening  tools,  three  shekels  to  the  tooth 
(adopted  by  Aquila  and  Thenius)  is  enormous,  and  the  reference  t(j  the  Harvest,  while  it  is  suggestive,  is  unclear. 
1  he  Heb.,  on  the  other  hand,  offers  a  meaningless  repetition  in  ver.  21,  and  the  ungrammatical  'ST\,  the  com- 
pound I'Vt!'  and  the  disconnected  two  last  words  present  great  difficulties.  A  sense  may  be  gotten  by  putting  the 
three  first  words  of  ver.  21  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  20,  and  considering  the  names  in  ver.  20  as  repeated  from  ver. 
21.    But,  before  stating  this  reading,  let  us  look  at  the  names  of  implements.    The  first,  which  is  the  same  in  both 


CHAP.  XIII.  1— XIV.  52.  183 


bad  a  file  for  the  mattocks,  and  for  the  coulters,  and  for  the  forks,  and  for  the  axes, 

22  and  to  sharpen  the  goads.  So  [And]  it  came  to  pass  in  the  day  of  battle'^  that 
there  was  neither  sword  nor  spear  found  in  the  hand  of  any  of  the  people  that  were 
with  Saul  and  Jonathan  ;  but  with  Saul  and  with  Jonathan  his  eon  was  there  found. 

23  And  the  garrison  of  the  Philistines  went  out  to  the  passage  [pass]  of  Michmash. 

Chap.  XIV.  1.  Now  [And]  it  came  to  pass  upon  a  day  that  J<jnathan  the  son  of 
Saul  said  unto  [to]  the  young  man  that  bore  his  armor,  Come,  and  let  us  go  over 
to  the  Philistines'  garrison,  that  is  on  the  other  side.     But  [And]  he  told  not  his 

2  father.  And  Saul  tarried  [was  lying]  in  the  uttermost  part  of  Gibeah  under  a  po- 
megranate tree  in  Migron,"  and  the  people  that  were  with  him  were  about  six  hun- 

3  dred  men,  And"  Ahiah,  the  son  of  Ahitub,  Ichabod's  brother,  the  son  of  Phinehas, 
the  son  of  Eli,  the  Lord's  priest  [priest  of  Jehovah]  in  Shiloh,  wearing  an  [the] 

4  ephod.  And  the  people  knew  not  that  Jonathan  was  gone.  And  between  the  pas- 
sages [passes]  by  which  Jonathan  sought  to  go  over  unto  the  Philistines'  garrison 
there  was  a  sharp  rock  on  the  one  side  and  a  sharp  rock  on  the  other  side ;  and  the 

5  name  of  the  one  was  Bozez,  and  the  name  of  the  other  Seneh.  The  forefront  of  the 
one  was  situate  northward  [The  one  rock  was  a  column^'  on  the  north]  over  against 
Michmash,  and  the  other  southward  [on  the  south]  over  against  Gibeah  [Geba].^* 

6  And  Jonathan  said  to  the  young  man  that  bare  his  armor.  Come,  and  let  us  go  over 
to  the  garrison  of  these  uncircumcised ;  it  may  be  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will 
work  for  us  ;  for  there  is  no  restraint  to  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  to  save  by  many  or  by 

7  few.     And  his  armorbearer  said  unto  him.  Do  all  that  is  in  thine  heart ;  turn 

8  thee,™  behold,  I  am  with  thee  according  to  thy  heart.'*  Then  said  Jonathan  [And 
Jonathan  said],  Behold,  we  will  pass  over  unto  these  [the]  men,  and  we  will  [om. 

9  we  will]  discover  ourselves  iinto  them.  If  they  say  thus  unto  us.  Tarry  [stand  still] 
until  we  can  come  to  you,  then  we  wUl  stand  still  lorn,  still]  in  our  place  and  will 

10  not  go  up  unto  them.  But,  if  they  say  thus,  Come  up  unto  us,  then  we  will  go  up, 
for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  delivered  them  into  our  hand ;  and  this  shall  be  a  [the] 

11  sign  unto  us.  And  both  of  them  [the  two]  discovered  themselves  unto  the  garrison 
of  the  Philistines;  and  the  Philistines  said,  Behold,  the  Hebrews  come  forth  [there 

12  are  Hebrews  coming  forth]  out  of  the  holes  where  they  had  hid  themselves.  And 
the  men  of  the  garrison  answered  Jonathan  and  his  armorbearer  and  said.  Come  up 
to  us,  and  we  will  show  [tell]  you  a  thing  [something].  And  Jonathan  said  unto 
his  armorbearer.  Come  up  after  me,  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  delivered  them 

verses  (except  apparently  in  the  Chald.), is  rendered  " share"  (Sym.,  Vale.)  "scythe"  (Syr.),  "  putting-tool"  (Oh.;, 
" ox-goad"  (Theod.),  and  is  probably  best  given  as  "share"  or  "ooulterj'  though  the  autnofrty  f"' "    I'i^^rr.Jf 
good:  The  second  name  is  probably  "  spale"  or  "hoe"  (so  Chald..  ?)  Sjm.,  Vu  g.  Kimohi,  Wmer   Ewald  pomD. 
fsa.  ii.  4) :  Saalsohutz  (Arch.  1, 103-105)  prefers  "  sickle,"  from  Isa.  u.  4.    The  third  name  is  undoubtedly     axe 
The  fourth  name  (which  is  almost  identical  in  form  m  the  Heb.  with  the  first),  is  rendered  "trident     (Aq.),     bi- 
dent"  (Sym.)  "  scythe  "  (Sept.)  "  goad  "  (Syr.)  "  coulter  "  (Vulg.).  and  is  apparently  a  repetition  by  mistake  ot  ihe 
first  name,  or  of  the  last  word  in%er.  21;  If  it  be  the  correct  reading  it  is  test  rendered  ".coulter"    In/e^-  f  '^e 
third  name  is  usually  given  as  "  trident,"  but  by  Syr.  as  "  scraper."    The  words  are  suspicious  and  may  perhaps 
be  properly  read  'p  Jp/til)  (<"■  ^ohh).    In  the  beginning  of  ver.  21  the  second  word  must  drop  its  Article  (per- 
haps repeated  from  preceding  word),' and  take  the  construct  fo™--The  following  reading  t^^?;  ™ley,t^^eP\<^ 
posed:  "And  there  was  bluntness  of  edges  to  the  shares  and  hoes  and  a,ll  Is™el  went  do'f  °  ',°  *°«  ^f"':J?^g®jVn^ 
sharpen  every  man  hie  share  and  his  hoe,  and  to  sharpen  the  nomt  of  his  a^«. /"^  to  fix  his  gOT,d       '  ^J^  ren 
dering  would  account  for  the  Sept.  treatment  of  the  latter  haW^of  ver.  21,  for  the  repehtions  of  names^^^^^ 
Chald.  rendering  ("goad  ")  of  the  first  name  in  ver.  20.    It  would  be  neoessap^  to  suppose  that  'he  dislocation  oi 
the  words  took  plaol  very  early,  before  the  Sept.  translation  wa.-  made     But  such  dislocation  i|^  "f  gjf?  j'^^^g""?^ 
for,  and  it  might  be  better  to  suppose  a  parenthesis  and  read  :  "And  a"  Israel  went  down  to  the  Fhil^^^^^^ 
sharpen  ever!  man  his  share  an<f  his  hoe  and  his  axe  and  his  coulter  (f" J^',",*  ^^S^v  bufnerffi  the  ^ 
coulters  and  hoes  and  tridents  and  axes)  and  to  fix  the  goad  "  which  is  very  unsatisfactory,  but  perhaps 

*'*-YvS."se;i\''e7e"lnlertJ"if  Michmash,"  which  is  supported  by  the  construct,  form  ^D,  but  is  against 
Heb.  usage,  which  would  give  "the  day  of  Michmash"  (Wellhausen)  There  is  here  a  duplet,  nDP^D  and 
m^n.    On  the  alleged  contradiction  between  ver.  22  and  ver.  2  see  Exegetical  Notesj-TR.J  ^^ 

inVer.2.  Sept.  MaySuir,  Syr.,  Geb'un,  Vulg.,  Magron.    The  word  means  "threshing-fioor,    Arab.mijran.        .j 
"   Ver.  3.  This  verse  may  be  taken  as  an  tadependentparenthetica  sentence  -r^^^       repetition  of  the  foi- 
ls Ver.  6.  Thenius  thinks  this  word  (which  is  not  m  Sept.)  superfluous  and  probably  a  repetiiion  oi 
lowing  word  ;  but  Syr..  Chald.,  and  Vulg.,  read  apparently  as„'>'t  •  u^'.^t.  £o„i«v  i«  nlainlv  a  mistake  — Te.I 
i»TVer.  5   So  the  Heb. ;  but  the  versions  have  "  Gib^h,"  which  says  Stanley  is^^^^^  ^  -J 

»  [Ver.  7.  So  Syr.,  Chald.,  Vulg.  {perge  quo  cujm),  but  the  Sept.  has    do  all  that  thy  heart  inclines  to, 
is  adopted  by  Erdmann.    The  Heb.  expression  is  somewhat  hard,  but  not  impossible.    Syr.  read  l^l  "  S°"  ^''^'^^ 

of  ^S  "to  thee." 

»  [Ver.  7.  Sept. :  "  as  thy  heart  is  my  heart,"  which  is  better.    The  Heb.  phrase  alone  may  mean  ■  according 
to  thy  desire,"  but  this  would  require  a  verb  before  it.— Tk.] 


184  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

13  into  the  hand  of  Israel.  And  Jonathan  climbed  up  upon  [on]  his  hands  and  upon 
[on]  his  feet,  and  his  armorbearer  after  him  ;  and  they  felP  before  Jonathan,  and 

14  his  armorbearer  slew  after  him.  And  that  first  slaughter  which  Jonathan  and  his 
armorbearer  made  was  about  twenty  men,  within,  as  it  were,  an  half  acre  of  land, 
which  B,  yoke  of  oxen  might  plow  [within  about  a  half-furrow  of  a  yoke  of  land].^ 

15  And  there  was  trembling  in  the  host  [camp],  in  the  field,  and  among  all  the  people ; 
the  garrison  and  the  spoilers  they  also  trembled,  and  the  earth  quaked,  so  [and]  it 
[om.  it]  was  [became]  a  very  great  trembling  [a  trembling  of  God]. 

16  And  the  watchmen  of  Saul  in  Gibeah  of  Benjamin  looked  [saw],  and  behold,  the 
multitude  melted  away  and  they  went  on  beating  down  one  another  [pm.  and  .  . 

17  another,  im.  hither'*  and  thither].  Then  said  Saul  [And  Saul  said]  unto  the  people 
that  were  with  him,  Number  now,  and  see  who  is  gone  from  us.  And  when  they 
'had  numbered  [And  they  numbered  and]  behold,  Jonathan  and  his  armorbearer 

18  were  not  there.  And  Saul  said  unto  Ahiah,  Bring  hither  the  ark^  of  God  [the 
cphod] ;  for  the  ark'*  of  God  was  at  that  time  with  [for  he  bore  the  ephod  at  that 

19  time  before]*  the  children  of  Israel.  And  it  came  to  pass,  while  Saul  talked  unto 
the  priest,  that  the  noise  that  was  in  the  host  [camp]  of  the  Philistines  went  on  and 
\pm.  and]  increased  [increasing]  ;  and  Saul   said   unto  the  priest,  VVithdraw  thy 

20  hand.  And  Saul  and  all  the  people  that  were  with  him  assembled  themselves 
[shouted]*'  and  they  {pm.  they]  came  [advanced]  to  the  battle ;  and  behold,  every 

21  man's  sword  w'ls  against  his  fellow,  and  there  was  a  very  great  discomfiture.  More- 
over [And]  the  Hebrews'^  that  were  with  the  Philistines  \ins.  as]  before  that  time, 
which  went  up  with  them  into  the  camp  from  the  country  round  about  [pm.  from  .  .  . 
about],  even  [pm.  even]  they  also  turned^  [turned]  to  be  with  the  Israelites  that 

22  were  with  Saul  and  Jonathan.  Likewise  [And]  all  the  men  of  Israel  which  had  hid 
themselves  in  mount  [the  hill-country  of]  Ephraim  when  they  [om.  when  they] 
heard  that  the  Philistines  fled,  [ins.  and]  even  [om.  even]  they  also  followed  hard 

23  after  them  in  the  battle.  So  [And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  saved  Israel  that  day.  And 
the  battle  passed  over  unto  Beth-aven. 

24  And  the  men  of  Israel  were  distressed  that  day.^  For  [And]  Saul  had  [om.  had] 
adjured  the  people  saying,  Cursed  be  the  man  that  eateth  any  [om.  any]  food  until 
evening,  that  I  may  be  avenged  on  mine  enemies.     So  [And]  none  of  the  people 

25  tasted  any  [om.  any]  food.     And  all  they  of  [om.  they  o/]  the  land  came  to  a  [the] 

26  wood,  and  there  was  honey  upon  the  ground.  And  when  [om.  when]  the  people 
were  come  [came]  into  [unto]  the  wood,'*  [ins.  and]  behold,  the  honey  dropped  [was 
flowing]  ;  but  [and]  no  man  put  his  band  to  his  mouth,  for  the  people  feared  the  oath. 

27  But  [And]  Jonathan  heard  not  when  his  father  charged  the  people  with  the  oath, 
wherefore  [and]  he  put  forth  the  end  of  the  rod  that  was  in  his  hand,  and  dipped 
it  in  an  honey-comb,  and  put  his  hand  to  his  mouth,  and  his  eyes  were  enlight- 

28  ened."    Then  answered  one  of  the  people  [And  one  of  the  people  answered]  and 

22  [Ver.  13.  Sept.  eir^/SXefav  —  US'I-  — Tb.] 

25  [Ver.  14.  For  this  nninteUigible  reading  Thenius  ingeniously  proposes  mfeTI  11S31  D'STIS  "  with  darts 
and  stones  of  the  field,"  from  which  both  Hcb.  and  Sept,  may  be  constructed.— Ta.] 
2*  [Ver.  16.  For  '5S''1  read  (with  Sept.)  X^T\ ;  so  Brdmann.— Tk.] 

25  [Ver.  18.  The  improbability  of  the  ark's  being  in  the  field,  the  impropriety  of  the  phrase  "  hring  the  arlc," 
and  the  general  use  of  the  ephod  in  inquiring  of  God  (as  in  i  Sam.  xxx.  7)  recommend  the  Sept.  reading  "  ephod," 
the  Heb.  word  for  which  diilers  only  slightly  from  that  for  '•  ark."    Erdmaun  retains  "  ark."— Ta.  1 

2«  [Ver.  18.   For  the  same  reasons  the  Sept.  reading  is  adopted  here.     The  iJeb.  'J^l  is  an  error  for  DJ? 

'32,  or  la  'J3 7 ;  the  latter  is  adopted  by  Erdmann  ("  the  ark  was  in  the  presence  of  Israel "),  who  otherwise  fol- 
lows the  Heb.— Tb.] 

K  [Ver.  20.  So  Syr.,  Vulg.,  Then.,  Brdmann  (Qal) ;  Chald.  and  Sept.  as  Eng.  A.  V.  (Niphal).— Tb.] 
28  [Ver.  21.  Sept.  incorrectly  SoSXoi.    Note  here  the  contrast  between  Hebrews  and  Israelites.    The  Eng.  A.  V. 
has  correctly  "turned"  (03D),  but  renders  the  same  word  (3'3D  as  it  incorrectly  stands  in  the  Heb.  text)  again 

"  round  about."— Tb.] 

25  [Ver.  24.  For  the  insertion  of  Sept.  see  Exeget.  Notes.- Tb.] 

a"  [Ver.  26.  This  verse  is  little  more  than  a  repetition  of  the  preceding.  Syr,  in  Walton  (but  not  in  Lee) 
omits  2h  o.  Sept.  reads :  "And  Jaal  was  a  wood  abounding  in  bees,  on  the  face  of  the  field,  and  the  people  went 
into  the  place  of  bees,  and  lo,  they  went  on  talking,"  where  they  read  13T  for  wy^  ;  but  Wellhausen's  emenda- 
tion :  "  And  there  wa^  honey  on  the  ground,  and  the  people  went  into  the  wood,  and  bees  were  moving  "  is  doubt- 
ful.   The  passaae  is  difficult.- Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  27.  So  the  Qeri  instead  of  Kethib  "  saw."— Tb.] 


CHAP.  XIII.  1— XIV.  52.  185 


said,  Thy  father  strictly  charged  the  people  with  an  oath,  saying,  Cursed  be  the 

29  man  that  eateth  any  {om.  any]  food  this  day.  And  the  people  were  faint."*  Then 
said  Jonathan  [And  Jonathan  said].  My  father  hath  troubled  the  land ;  see,  I  pray 
you,  how  mine  eyes  have  been  enlightened,  because  I  tasted  a  little  of  the  honey. 

30  How  much  more  if  haply  [om.  haply]  the  people  had  eaten  freely  to-day  of  the 
spoil  of  their  enemies  which  they  found !  for  had  there  not  been  now  a  much  greater 

•  31  slaughter  [for  now  had  not  the"  slaughter  been  great]  among  the  Philistines?  And 
they  smote  the  Philistines  that  day  from  Michmash  to  Aijalon  [Ajjalon]  ;  and  the 
people  were  very  faint. 

32       And  the  people  flew  upon  the  spoil,  and  took  sheep  and  oxen  and  calves,  and 

83  slew  them  on  the  ground ;  and  the  people  did  eat  them  with  [on]  the  blood.     Then 

[And]  they  told  Saul,  saying.  Behold,  the  people  sin  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 

in  that  they  eat  with  [on]  the  blood.    And  he  said,  Ye  have  transgressed  [acted  faith- 

34  iessly]  ;  roll  a  great  stone  unto  me  this  day  [roll  me  a  great  stone  hither'^].  And 
Saul  said.  Disperse  yourselves  among  the  people,  and  say  unto  them.  Bring  me 
hither  every  man  his  ox,  and  every  man  his  sheep,  and  slay  them  here,  and  eat ; 
and  sin  not  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  in  eating  with  [on]  the  blood.     And  all  the 

35  people  brought  every  man  his  ox  with  him^  that  night,  and  slew  them  there.  And 
Saul  built  an  altar  unto  the  Lord  [to  Jehovah]  ;  the  same  was  the  first  altar  that 

36  he  built  unto  the  Lord  [to  Jehovah]."  And  Saul  said.  Let  us  go  down  after  the 
Philistines  by  night,  and  spoil  them  until  the  morning-light,  and  let  us  not  leave  a 
man  of  them.  And  they  said.  Do  \om  Do]  whatsoever  seemeth  good  unto  thee  \ins. 
do].    Then  said  the  priest  [And  the  priest  said].  Let  us  draw  near  hither  unto  God. 

37  And  Saul  asked  counsel  of  God,  Shall  I  go  down  after  the  Philistines  ?  wilt  thou 
deliver  them  into  the  hand  of  Israel  ?     But  [And]  he  answered  him  not  that  day. 

38  And  Saul  said.  Draw  ye  near  hither,  all  the  chief  [heads]  of  the  people,  and  know 

39  and  see  wherein  this  sin  hath  been  this  day.  For,  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth, 
which  [who]  saveth  Israel,  though  it  be"  in  Jonathan  my  son,  he  shall  surely  die. 

40  But  [And]  there  was  not  a  man  among  all  the  people  that  answered  him.  Then 
said  he  [And  he  said]  unto  all  Israel,  Be  ye  on  one  side,  and  I  and  Jonathan  my 
son  will  be  on  the  other  side.    And  the  people  said  unto  Saul,  Do  [om.  Do]  what 

41  seemeth  good  unto  thee  [ins.  do].  Therefore  [And]  Saul  said  unto  the  Lord  [Je- 
hovah] God  of  Israel,  Give  a  perfect  lot.^     And  Saul  and  Jonathan  [Jonathan  and 

42  Saul]  were  taken ;  but  [and]  the  people  escaped.  And  Saul  said,  Cast  lots  between 
me  and  Jonathan  my  son.     And  Jonathan  was  taken.     Then  [And]  Saul  said  to 

43  Jonathan,  Tell  me  what  thou  hast  done.  And  Jonathan  told  him,  and  said,  I  did 
but  taste  [I  tasted]  a  little  honey  with  the  end  of  the  rod  that  was  in  mine  hand ; 

44  and  [om.  and]  lo,  I  must  die.     And  Saul  answered  [said],  God  do  so  and  more  also, 

45  for  [om.  for]  thou  shalt  surely  die,  Jonathan.  And  the  people  said  unto  Saul, 
Shall  Jonathan  die,  who  hath  wrought  this  great  salvation  in  Israel  ?  God  forbid 
[Far  be  it]  ;  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth,  there  shall  not  one  hair  of  his  head  fall 
to  the  ground„for  he  hath  wrought  with  God  this  day.     So  [And]  the  people  res- 

46  cued  Jonathan  that  he  died  not.  Then  [And]  Saul  went  up  from  following  the 
Philistines,  and  the  Philistines  went  to  their  own  place. 

n.  Against  the  other  E-nemies  round  about — especially  the  Anwlekiies.    Chap.  XIV.  47-52. 

47  So  [And]  Saul  took  the  kingdom  ovrer  Israel,  and  fought  against  all  his  enemies 
on  every  side,  against  Moab,  and  against  the  children  of  Ammon,  and  against  Edom, 
and  against  the  kings  of  Zobah,  and  against  the  Philistines  ;  and  whithersoever  he 

48  turned  himself  he  vexed  them.     And  he  gathered  an  host  [grew  in  strength],  and 

82  [Ver.  28.  A  parenthetical  clause,  apparently  inserted  by  mistake  from  ver.  31.— Te.] 
33  [Ver.  30.  This  word  should  have  the  Art.  in  the  Heb.— Te.] 
M  [Ver.  33.  Bead  d^H  (Sept.)  instead  of  Di»n.— Tb.] 
^  [Ver.  34.  Sept.  "  what  was  in  his  hand." — Tb.] 

'^  fver.  35.  Literally:  "  It  (or  as  to  it)  he  began  to  build  an  altar  to  Jehovah,"  an  obscure  phrase.— Tb.] 
»  [Ver.  39.  The  masc.  pron.  (referring  to  a  fem.  noun)  may  be  defended  as  having  an  indefinite  reference. 
According  to  Thenius  the  Sept.  read  njj^''_(i'">«P«9^).— Te.J 

"  [Ver.  41.  For  discussion  of  the  text  of  this  passage  see  Exeget.  Notes.- Tb.] 


186 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


smote  the  Amalekites,  and  delivered  Israel  out  of  the  hands  of  them  that  spoiled 
them. 

49  Now  [And]  the  sons  of  Saul  were  Jonathan  and  Ishui  [Ishwi]'"  and  Melchishua; 
and  the  names  of  his  two  daughters  were  these  [om.  were  these'],  the  name  of  the  first- 

50  born  Merab,  and  the  name  of  the  younger  Michal.     And  the  name  of  Saul's  wife 
was  Ahinoam,  the  daughter  of  Ahimaaz,  and  the  name  of  the  captain  of  his  host 

51  was  Abner,  the  son  of  Ner,  Saul's  uncle.     And  Kish  was  lorn,  was]  the  father  of  > 
Saul,  and  Ner  the  father  of  Abner  was  the  son  [were  sons"]  of  Abiel. 

52  And  there  was  sore  war  against  the  Philistines  all  the  days  of  Saul ;  and  when 
Saul  saw  any  strong  man,  or  any  valiant  man,  he  took  him  unto  him.' 

8»  [Ver.  49.  "  For  'IE''  the  Sept.  read  1' ty'  —  Vt^N  =-  ''!})2-Wt(  —  DW^-Wii  "  (Wollhausen).  Ishyo  was  eqni- 
valent  to  Ishbaal  at  a  time  when  the  name  Baal  (lord)  was  used  of  the  God  of  Israel.  Afterwards,  from  repugnance 
to  the  false  Baal-worship,  Bosheth  was  substituted  for  Baal. — Th.] 

*  [Ver.  61.  The  change  to  the  plural  is  rendered  neoessary  by  1  Sam.  ix.  1  and  1  Chron.  ix.  36.— Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

The  connectwn  of  chap.  xiii.  1  sq.  with  what  pre- 
cedes ia  not  to  be  explained  as  a  resumption  here 
of  the  narrative  which  was  dropped  in  x.  16.  In 
support  of  this  view  Thenius  affirms  that  it  is  only 
by  supposing  an  original  immediate  connection 
between  xiii.  2  and  x.  16  that  the  words  of  Sa- 
muel, X.  7,  "  when  these  signs  come  to  thee,  un- 
dertake confidently  what  oeca-sion  may  suggest," 
have  a  definite  reference;  but  there  is  such  a  re- 
ference in  chap.  xi.  already  in  the  deed  there  done 
by  Saul.  And,  when  the  same  expositor  makes 
Saul,  inspired  by  the  patriotic  hymns  of  the  pro- 
phets, proceed  straightway  to  free  his  people 
from  the  yoke  of  the  Philistines,  he  takes  for 
granted  what  is  not  suggested  in  the  words,  and 
puts  too  much  into  them. — Against  the  view  that 
the  real  continuation  of  the  narration  ending  with 
X.  16  is  not  given  till  now  (the  section  x.  17- 
xii.  25  containing  matter  foreign  to  the  connec- 
tion) Keil  {Comm.  p.  90,  Eem.  1  [Eng.  Tr.,  p.  122, 
Rem.  1] )  admirably  remarks  that,  on  this  suppo- 
sition, it  is  inconceivable  that  Saul,  who  on  his 
return  from  Samuel  to  Gibeah  concealed  his  royal 
anointingfrom  his  kinsfolk  (x.  16),  should  straight- 
way have  entered  on  his  public  career  by  choo.sing 
3000  men  and  beginning  the  war  against  the  Phi- 
listines— or  farther,  that  Saul  should  have  had 
such  universal,  complete  respect  as  is  supposed 
by  the  people's  pouring  to  him  as  king  on  hie  call, 
unless  he  had  before  been  publicly  proclaimed 
king  in  the  presence  of  all  Israel,  and  had  won 
by  a  public  deed  the  recognition  and  confidence 
of  the  whole  people — and,  finally,  that  the  narra- 
tive in  xiii.  1-7  requires  the  intermediate  events 
of  X.  17-xii.  25  in  order  to  be  intelligible. — 
But  this  view  of  the  real  and  historical  connection 
between  xiii.  sq.  and  x.  17-xii.  25  does  not  exclude 
the  possibility  that  the  redactor  of  the  book  from 
xiii.  on  used  another  authority  than  that  employed 
in  the  previous  history  of  Samuel,  one,  namely, 
which  treated  of  Saul's  reign  and  rejection ;  though, 
on  the  other  hand,  it  is  more  probable  that  the 
editor  of  the  book  (which  is  derived  from  several 
sources)  here  uses  the  same  authority  for  Saul's 
life  as  in  chap,  ix.,  speaking  more  at  length  of 
his  deeds  and  official  life,  after  having  introduced 
from  the  source  relating  to  Samuel  what  was  re- 
quired to  continue  the  narrative,  and  set  forth  the 
historical  events  in  their  objective  pragmatical 
connection. 


Ver.  1.  The  chronological  statements  at  the 
beginning  of  Saul's  offic:ial  life  correspond  to  the 
usual  notices  of  the  age  and  time  of  reign  of  the 
kings  at  the  outset  of  their  history  (comp.  2  Sam.  ii. 
10,  11 ;  V.  4  and  the  many  similar  places  in  the 
books  of  Kings).  We  should  therefore  expect  a 
different  datum  from  that  of  the  text ;  "  Saul  was 
one  year  old  when  he  became  king,  and  he  reigned 
two  years."  And  the  attempts  to  extract  sense 
from  the  present  text,  at  least  the  first  part  of  the 
verse,  must  be  pronounced,  partly  on  linguistic, 
partly  on  factual  grounds,  utter  failures ;  so  that 
of  Luth.,  Grot.,  Cler.,  v.  Gerlach  [Eng.  A.  V.]  : 
"  Saul  had  been  king  one  year,"  and  the  Chald.: 
"  Saul  wa-s  as  an  innocent  child,  when  he  became 
king."  The  text  (which  is  presupposed  even  in 
the  Sept.)  is  certainly  corrupt,  in  the  first  place, 
in  the  first  half,  and  a  number  must  be  supplied 
between  ]3  and  HJiy.  Nagelsbach  supposes  (Herz. 
XIII.,  433)  that  a  |  =  50  has  fallen  out  after  [3 
by  reason  of  the  double  Nun ;  to  which  it  is  no 
objection  (Thenius)  that  then  Saul,  supposing  that 
he  reigned  20  years,  would  have  been  70  when  he 
went  into  his  last  battle  (xxxi.  6),  but  great  diffi- 
culty arises  from  the  statement  of  Saul's  youth 
(ix.  2).  Others,  as  Bunsen,  Vaihinger  (Herz. 
VIII.  8)  supply  a  O  =  40,  supposed  to  have  fallen 
out  from  the  following  similar  tV,  which  would 
suit  both  the  statement  in  xiii.  5,  that  Jonathan 
was  already  a  stout  warrior,  and  that  in  ix.  5. 
This  first  statement  about  Jonathan  makes  it  im- 
possible to  accept  the  supplement  4  ^  30  (in  an 
anonymous  version  in  the>  Hexapla). — In  the 
second  half  of  the  verse  many  try  to  retain  the 
text  "  and  he  reigned  two  years  over  Israel "  by 
construing  it  syntactically  with  ver.  2,  and  ex- 
plaining, with  Grotius,  that  Saul  collected  his 
armed  band  after  having  reigned  two  years.  So 
also  Clericus:  "As,  twelve  months  and  some  more 
after  birth  one  may  be  said  to  be  the  son  of  one 
year  and  living  in  his  second  year,  so,  the  whole 
of  one  year  of  reign  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
second  having  elapsed,  one  may  be  called  a  king 
of  one  year,  who  wa-s  reigning  two  years."  But 
ver.  1  cannot  form  a  syntactic  unit  with  ver.  2, 
unless  the  subject  Saul  were  omitted  in  ver.  2, 
which  would  be  arbitrary.  Here,  too,  we  must 
suppose  a  gap  left  by  the  omission  of  a  numeral ; 
and  it  is  highly  probable  that  3  =  20  has  fallen 
out,  so  that  the  duration  of  the  entire  reign  was 
given  as  in  other  cases.  But  the  supposition 
(taking  the  text  without  connection  with  ver.  2) 


CHAP.  Xin.  1— XIV.  52. 


187 


that  Saul  reigned  altogether  only  two  years,  hardly 
deserves  mention ;  it  is  shown  to  be  absurd  by  the 
summary  statement  in  xiv.  47  of  Saul's  wars.* 

I.  The  prirasipid  war  against  the  PhiMstinea.  xiii.; 
xiv.  1-46. 

1.  Vers.  2-7.  The  iniroducHon  of  the  war.  yhat 
this  war  occurred  in  the  beginning  of  Said's  reign 
is  highly  probable  from  the  statement  at  the  end 
of  ver.  2,  that  he  sent  the  rest  of  the  people  home. 
For  here  a  gathering  of  the  whole  arms-bearing 
population  is  presupposed,  from  which  three  thovr 
sand  men  were  chosen,  and  it  ia  natural  to  infer, 
since  nothing  has  been  said  of  any  general  sum- 
mons of  the  people  except  for  the  Ammonite  war 
(chap,  xi.),  that  on  this  latter  followed  soon  the 
war  against  the  Philistines  narrated  in  xiii.,  xiv. — 
The  statement,  "And  Saul  chose  him  three  thou- 
sand men  out  of  Israel,"  indicates  an  import- 
ant fact  for  Saul's  military  rule:  The  formation 
of  a  standing  warlike  body  of  chosen  men  into  a  per- 
manent disciplined  army  in  distinction  from  (lie  m,ass 
of  the  people,  who  had  hitherto  been  gmrmwned  to  war. 
This  body  of  3000  men  was  so  divided  between 
Saul  and  his  son  Jonathan  (who  is  here  men- 
tioned for  the  first  time)  that  the  former  had  com- 
mand of  2000,  and  the  latter  of  1000.  This  is  in- 
dicated'by  the  "with"  (DjC),  and  it  is  therefore 
unnecessary  to  insert  with  Thenius  a  "which" 
(liyx)  after  "two  thousand"  (D'sbs)  "because 
Saul  himself  could  have  been  only  in  one  place."f 
— Michmash,  according  to  Rob.  II.  328  sq.  [Am. 
ed.  I.,  440-442,  and  see  Grove  in  Smith's  Bib. 
Diet.,  s.  V. — Te.]  the  present  desolate  village 
Muchmash,  3J  hours  [nearly  9  Eng.  miles,  but 
Grove  says  7 — Tk.]  northeast  of  Jerusalem  on  the 
northern  cliff  of  the  narrow  pass  which  runs  be- 
tween it  and  Geba  (which  was  on  the  southern 
range  of  heights),  the  present  Wady  Suweinit. 
The  mountain  or  mountain-range  of  Bethel,  which 
along  with  Michmash  was  a  post  of  the  2000  men 
under  Saul,  can  be  none  other  than  the  range 
(Josh.  xvi.  1)  on  which  the  old  Bethel  lay  (comp. 
1  S.  X.  3).  'The  ruins  of  Beitin,  on  the  old  site 
of  Bethel,  and  surrounded  by  mountains,  are  3J 
hours  [9|-  or  10  Eng.  miles]  from  Jerusalem. 
The  two  posts  were  thus  not  far  from  one  another, 
and  had  probably  about  the  same  altitude.^ — The 
other  division,  of  1000  men,  was  at  Qibeah  of 
Benjamin,  the  home  of  Saul's  family,  under  Jona- 
than's command. — The  reason  for  the  dismissal 
of  the  rest  of  the  people  was  partly,  no  doubt,  that 
Saul  did  not  venture  to  advance  against  the  Phi- 
listines with  an  undisciplined  mass,  and  that  no 
compact  body,  but  only  a  strong  garrison  here 
marked  the  borders  of  the  Philistine  power  and 
authority. — -Ver.  3.  Jonathan's  heroic  deed.  He 
smote  the  garrison  of  the  Philistines  in 
Geba.  There  is  no  reason  for  reading  Gibeah 
(though  the  ancient  vss.  so  have  it)  instead  of 
Geba ;  for  this  reading  is  obviously  an  attempt  to 
correct  the  text  which  (from  Gibeah  in  ver.  2)  was 
supposed  to  be  incorrect.     Whether  this  garrison 


*  [Some  suppose  that  the  numerals,  being  unknown 
to  the  editor  (who  lived  long  afterwards),  never  were  In 
the  text.  But  neither  the  omission  of  ver.  1  in  Sept.  nor 
the  resemblance  of  TW  (for  'Jty)  to  D' Jty  requires  this 
sopposition,  which  on  general  grounds  is  not  probable. 

'  t  [Theniua  (following  Sept.)  renders  "  2000,  which  were 
partly  in  Michmash,  partly  in  Bethel."— Te.] 


was  the  same  as  that  mentioned  in  x.  5,  which 
was  perhaps,  in  consequence  of  the  Israelites'  oc- 
cupying Michmash,  removed  to  Geba  opposite, 
is  uncertain.  Jonathan  with  his  thousand  men 
inflicted  a  total  defeat  on  this  garrison  of  the  Phi- 
listines. The  word  "smote,"  from  its  ordinary 
military  use  and  from  the  context,  can  here  mean 
nothing  but  a  "slaughter."  Saul  and  Jonathan's 
first  movement  may  have  been  concealed  from  the 
Philistine  garrison  by  the  nature  of  the  ground, 
or  may  have  been  so  sudden  as  to  be  like  a  sur- 
prise ;*  and,  as  to  the  narrative,  it  was  not  neces- 
sary to  go  into  details  on  the  method  and  result 
of  this  military  blow,  because  it  is  considered 
merely  as  the  beginning  and  occasion  of  the  deci- 
sive struggle  against  the  Philistines.  It  is  there- 
fore unnecessary  to  regard  3'^ J  as  "  pillar,"  sign 
of  the  authority  of  the  Philistines  (Then.),  or  as 
the  name  of  a  Philistine  officer  whom  Jonathan 
slew,  (Ew.),  or  as  a  proper  name  (Sept.).  Aquila 
has  correctly  vir6aTr//za,  stoJio.— The  word  "  saying  " 

(iDN7)  usually,  where  as  here  it  is  connected 
with  blowing  a  trumpet,  introduces  what  is  to  be 
publicly  proclaimed  after  the  sounding  of  the 
trumpet,  comp.  2  Sam.  xx.  1 ;  1  Kings  i.  34,  39 ;  2 
Kings  ix.  13.  We  might  accordingly  say  that 
Saul  ordered  it  to  be  proclaimed  by  sound  of 
trumpet  through  the  land:  "Let  the  Hebrews 
hear."  Then  would  follow  (from  the  connection ) 
the  story  of  Jonathan's  heroic  deed.  These  words 
would  in  that  case  be  the  usual  introduction  to 
what  was  to  be  made  known,  as  among  us  in 
public  proclamations  accompanied  by  musical 
instruments,  there  are  firS  words  to  call  attention.! 
The  herald  would  then  give  the  event  to  be  pro- 
claimed simply  and  clearly. — But  it  is  an  equally 
well-supported  view,  that  what  is  said  is  merely 
that  Saul  had  the  important  fact  proclaimed  by 
trumpet  throughout  all  Israel,  without  quoting 
the  words  of  the  proclamation,  and  that  the  "say- 
ing" introduces  (as  usual)  only  the  words  or 
thoughts  of  the  subject  of  the  sentence.  That  is : 
Saul  blew  the  trumpet  in  all  Israel,  saying  (or 
thinking).  The  Hebrews  shall  hear  it,  namely, 
the  deed  of  Jonathan.  We  need  not,  therefore, 
in  any  case,  with  Thenius,  following  the  Sept. 
rj&sTiiKaatv  ol  dovHoi,  "the  slaves  have  re- 
volted,"t  put  "revolt"  (^tyf)  for  "hear" 
(?J?DE'_')  and  render:  "Let  the  Hebrews  revolt,  free 
themselves."  Nor  does  the  "revolting"  suit  the 
presupposed  relation  of  the  Hebrews  to  the  Phi- 
listines. The  words  of  Jssephua,  quoted  by  The- 
nius: "He  proclaims  it  throughout  the  whole 
land,  summoning  them  to  freedom,"  contain  an 
explanatory,  paraphrastic  remark  on  what  was 
of  course  understood  in  the  public  proclamation 
in  consequence  of  Jonathan's  feat,  and  cannot 
therefore  furnish  a  basis  for  a  change  of  text. 
But  that  in  fact  the  content  of  the  proclamation 
was   not  a  summons   to   revolt,    but   the  state- 

*  [One  of  the  translators  who  has  visited  the  spot  points 
out  that  the  attention  of  the  garrison  would  naturally  be 
directed  to  Saul's  force  at  Michmash,  which  was  very 
near  them  on  the  north ;  and  thus  Jonathan,  who  was  se- 
veral miles  distant  on  the  southwest,  could  more  easily 
etlect  a  surprise.— Tb.  I 
t  [Bib.  Comm.  compares  our  Oyez,  oyez. — Tr.] 
X  The  untrustworthinesa  of  this  is  shown  by  the 
SoO^oi,  which  has  arisen  by  confounding  D'13i'  with 

D■'^aJ;.  '=  ' 


188 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


ment  of  Jonathan's  blow,  appears  from  ver. 
4 ;  with  the  trumpetrproclamation  went  through- 
out Israel  the  news:  Saul  (that  is,  as  chief 
commander,  head  of  the  military  force,  a  part 
of  which  had  inflicted  the  blow)  has  smit- 
ten the  garrison  of  the  Philistines. — At 
the  same  time  the  people  became  aware  of 
the  consequence  and  sigmficance  of  this  attack  on 
the  position  of  the  Philistines:  Israel,  it  is  said, 
had  become  stinking,  that  is,  suspected  or  hated 
with  the  Philistines  (comp.  xxvii.  12;  Gen. 
xxxiv.  20 ;  Ex.  v.  21),  by  their  purpose  to  shake 
off,  arms  in  hand,  the  foreign  yoke.  The  enkin- 
dled hate  and  anger  of  the  Philistines  must  needs 
have  led  them  to  a  speedy  military  undertaking 
against  Israel,  as  is  narrated  in  ver.  5 ;  and  Israel 
was  thereby  compelled  quickly  to  gather  all  its 
strength  against  the  Philistines.  This  milHary 
summons  of  the  whole  people  is  expressed  by 
^pS^l  [called]:  The  people  were  called 
together  (summoned)  after  Saul  to  Oilgal. 
Vulg.,  Sanctius,  Luther  translate  incorrectly: 
"cried"  [instead  of  "were  called  together"]. 
The  summons  took  place  at  the  same  time  with 
the  trumpet-announcement.  Saul  went  to  Oilgal, 
the  old  camping-place,  because  the  people  were 
to  assemble  there,  and  indeed  could  only  assem- 
ble behind  the  steep  declivities  of  the  hills  in  the 
broad  plain  which  stretches  to  the  Jordan. — Ver. 
5.  To  this  movement  of  Israel  answers  the  rapid 
gatheri'/ig  of  a  large  army  by  the  Philistines.  Most 
expositors  regard  the  number  of  chariots  (30,000) 
as  too  large  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  horse- 
men (6,000),  and  (conuparing  similar  numbers 
in  2  Sam.  x.  18 ;  1  Kings  x.  16 ;  2  Chron.  xii.  3) 
suppose  an  error  of  text  here.  According  to 
Thenius  the  Codex  715  of  De  Rossi  has  (origi- 
nally) simply  "a  thousand"   (^^>?).*    It  is  "a 

natural  conjecture  that  the  sign  for  30,  /,  has 
been  repeated  from  the  preceding  word,  and  we 
then  read '  a  thousand  chariots'"  (Bunsen).  The 
supposition  of  three  thousand  chariot-warriors 
(Syr.,  Calov.,  Hez.,  Schulz,  Maur.)  is  arbitrary, 
and  unsustained  by  2  Sam.  x.  18. — The  large 
army  of  the  Philistines  (one  thousand  chariots, 
six  thousand  horsemen)  encamped  in  Mich- 
mash  (which  Saul  had  left)  in  front  of  Beth- 
aven.  The  locality  is  disputed  among  modern 
expositors.  In  the  first  place,  against  Jerome 
who  (on  Hos.  v.  8,  Bethaven,  quce  quondam  ijoca- 
batur  Bethel)  identifies  Bethaven  with  Bethel, 
the  distinctness  of  these  two  places  is,  according 
to  Josh.  vii.  2,  to  be  maintained;  according  to 
this  passage,  Bethaven  lay  east  from  Bethel,  and 
according  to  Josh,  xviii.  12  there  was  a  "  wilder- 
ness of  Bethaven."  We  must  first  inquire  how 
we  are  to  understand  "over  against"  (DDlp). 
If  we  assume  that  this  expression  "in  geographical 
statements  always  means  east"  (Then).,  it  yet  by 
no  means  follows,  as  Then,  thinks,  that  Mich- 
mash  was  very  near  the  Jordan,  far  from  Gibeah. 
Apart  from  the  groundless  identification  of  Gibeah 
and  Geba  (the  former,  Jonathan's  position,  was 

•  [So  De  Rossi  states  in  his  Var.  Lecf...  and  also  men- 
tions that  Bochart,  Capellus  and  Houbigant  favor  the 
reading  of  Syr.,  Arab.,  3,000.  Wordsworth  suggests  that 
the  Philistines  hired  ehariota  from  other  nations  (1 
Chron.  xix.  6,  7).    Rashi,  Radak,  Ralbag  say  nothing. 


nine*  miles  farther  south),  there  is  between 
Bethaven  (east  of  Bethel)  and  the  Jordan  so  con- 
siderable a  distance,  that  Michmash  may  well 
have  lain  east  from  Bethaven,  without  being 
"very  near  the  Jordan,"  and  therefore  farther 
from  Geba  than  the  narrative  permits.  It  is, 
therefore,  unnecessary  (with  Keil),  in  order  to 
meet  Thenius'  objection,  to  render  ^nip  "in 
front  of,"  though  to  this  there  is  no  objection, 
since  the  constant  geographical  expression  for 
"east"  is  BHp.P,  and  the  identity  of  the  two 
neither  has  been  nor  can  be  shown  (from  Gen. 
ii.  14 ;  iv.  16 ;  1  Sam.  xiii.  5 ;  Ezek.  xxxix.  11, 
the  only  places  in  which  our  word  occurs) ;  and 
so  Ewald,  Bib.  Jahrb.  X.  54  (comp.  Keil  on  Gen. 
ii.  14).  In  Isa.  x.  29  Gibeah-Benjamin  (along 
with  Ramah)  is  named  with  Geba  in  such  a  way 
that  the  latter  appears  as  a  strong  camping-placBj 
which  had  to  protect  the  two  other  places,  and 
from  which  their  territory  was  commanded.  If, 
now,  Saul  (according  to  ver.  2)  was  posted  north- 
ward at  Michmash  and  Jonathan  southward  at 
Gibeah-Benjamin,  the  Philistine  position  at  Geba 
would  be  between  them;  certainly  the  double 
Israelitish  position  was  intended  to  embrace  the 
Philistine  garrison  on  both  sides.  Jonathan 
having  destroyed  this  garrison  by  a  coup  de 
main,  and  the  Philistines  having  marched  to 
Michmash  in  great  force  (ver.  5),  Saul  was 
obliged  to  abandon  this  position  (which  was  now 
after  Jonathan's  feat  of  no  importance  to  him), 
and  betake  himself  to  the  old  camping-plain  at 
Gilgal,  that  he  might  here  assemble  the  people 
to  war,  while  Jonathan  kept  his  position  at 
Gibeah-Benjamin  (xiv.  16,  17),  whence  he  per- 
formed a  second  bold  feat  against  the  camp  of 
the  Philistines  at  Michmash.  Thenius  reads 
Beth-koron  instead  of  Bethaven,  on  the  ground 
that  the  Philistine  camp  would  probably  be 
pitched  in  the  fertile  region  around  Qibeon;  but 
both  these  places  lie  too  far  west  to  suit  this  nar- 
rative, and  the  Philistines,  in  changing  their 
camp  at  Michmash  (ver.  23),  would  certainly 
march  eastward  in  the  valley  between  Michmash 
and  Geba.  The  people  were  afraid  of  them 
(vers.  6,  7),  because  they  were  apprehensive  that 
the  Philistines  would  advance  from  Michmash 
into  the  Gilgal-plain,  and  overpower  them, 
unprepared  as  they  were. — "And  the  men  of 
Israel  saw  that  they  were  in  a  strait  (in  augvs- 
tiis),  because  the  people  were  pressed  by  the 
Philistines."  This  recognition  of  danger  and 
fear  of  a  superior  force  expresses  itself  in  three 
ways.  Partly,  they  hid  themselves  in  the  country 
this  side  of  the  Jordan  in  caves,f  thorn-bushes  (why 
thick  bushes  (from  ni'n,  thorn)  should  not  serve 
for  hiding  (Then.)  is  not  obvious),  in  clefts  of 
rocks,  in  watch-towers  or  castles  (the  word  is 
found  elsewhere  only  in  Judg.  ix.  46,  49,  where 
it  is  distinguished  from  migdai,  "  tower,"  a,nd  is 
a  high,  isolated,  roofed  building,  perhaps  designed 
to  guard  against  military  attacks.  Clericus: 
"  fortified  places ;  they  are  high  places,  fortified 
on  a  lofty  site,  as  appears  from  the  Arabic,  in 


*  [Gibeah  was  not  nine  miles  southwest  of  Geba,  but 
about  four  miles ;  see  the  maps  of  Robinson  and  Por- 
ter, and  Erdmann's  statement  on  xiv.  16.    Te.]  ^^ 

t  [On  these  names  see  "  Textual  and  Grajnmatloal, 
in  loco, — Te.] 


CHAP.  Xin.  1— XIV.  52. 


189 


which  the  word  means  any  lofty  structure")  and 
in  pits;  partly  (ver.  7),  they  flee  across  the  Jordan 
into  the  land  of  Oad  and  Gilead  (Clerious: 
"  regions  toward  the  source  of  the  Jordan,  moun- 
tainous and  more  difficult  of  access  for  the  Philis- 
tine army  "),  while  Saul  still  remained  at  Gilgal ; 
we  see  from  this,  as  well  as  from  the  expressions 
dawn  and  up  (vers.  12-1.5),  that  this  Gilgal  could 
not  have  been  the  elevated  Gilgal  or  Jiljalieh 
between  Sichem  and  Jerusalem,  which  also  would 
be  impossible  from  the  military  positions  here 
mentioned  of  the  Philistines  and  of  Saul ;  partly, 
they  go  trembling  after  Saul,  that  is,  the  soldiers, 
who  were  there  as  one  body  under  his  command 
P'"'D*?).  It  thus  appears  that  the  Philistines 
sidvanced  against  the  Israelites  with  rapidity  and 
energy  in  strong  force,  to  avenge  themselves  and 
establish  their  authority ;  and  that  among  the 
Israelites  there  was  great  dismay  and  confusion. 

2.  Vers.  8-14.  Saul's  hasty  offering  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  divine  arrangement,  and,  in  conse- 
quence of  this,  his  rejection  by  Samuel's  prophetic 
judicial  sentence. — Ver.  8.  Saul  waited*  according 
to  X.  8  seven  days  for  Samuel  to  come  and  make 
the  offering  for  the  people  who  were  arming 
themselves  for  the  war  against  the  Philistines. 
After  "which"  supply  "appointed"  (Hj?'  or 
">DN,  Sept.,  Chald.),  2  Sam.  xx.  5.  Gomp.  Ew. 
J  292  b. — Bat  Samuel  came  not  to  Gilgal, 
that  is,  during  the  se/venth  day;  the  people  were 
scattered  from  him  partly  through  fear  of  the 
Philistines,  partly  from  the  failure  of  the  hope 
held  out  by  Saul  that  Samuel  would  come. — Ver. 
9.  Saul  makes  the  offering,  or  causes  it  to  be 
made,  without  waiting  longer  for  Samuel.  The 
fear  that  he  would  become  entangled  in  battle 
before  the  people  were  thereto  consecrated  by 
offering  and  prayer,  and  apprehension  of  the 
complete  dispersion  and  disheartenment  of  the 
people  drove  him  (ver.  12)  to  this  disobedience 
and  this  overhaste. — Ver.  10.  'When  the  offer- 
ing was  finished,  behold,  Samuel  came, 
from  the  context,  on  the  same  day  on  which  Saul 
had  waited  for  him  in  vain  and  made  the  offer- 
ing. In  his  impatience  in  the  presence  of  the 
prepared  enemy  Saul  had  not  waited  to  the  end 
of  the  appointed  day. — Vers.  11,  12.  Samn^s 
question:  'What  hast  thou  done?  is  an  ear- 
nest reproof  to  Saul  for  his  self-willed  violation 
of  the  divine  arrangement  which  had  been  pro- 
phetically made  known  to  him.  In  defence  Saul 
pleads  three  things :  the  dispersion  of  the  people, 
the  danger  of  a  sudden  dascent  of  the  Philistines 
into  the  plain  of  Jericho,  and  the  possibility  of 
being  obliged  to  go  into  battle  without  divine 
consecration  and  blessing.  The  Heb.  phrase 
('n,  etc.)  is  literally  "to  stroke  the  face  of  Jeho- 
vah," in  order  to  gain  His  favor  and  grace  by 
offering  or  prayer.  Comp.  Ex.  xxxii.  11.  "I 
forced  myself,"  did  violence  to  my  desire,  took 
courage.  Saul  here  intimates  that  it  was  only 
after  a  strong  internal  conflict  that  he  determined 
to  act  contrary  to  the  divine  command. — Ver.  13. 
Two  constructions  may  here  be  taken.     The  first 

danse  may  be  conditional  (X7^Nl7=n),   "if 

•  The  Hiph.  of  Qeri,  '7nTl,  is  clearly  formed  after 

Hiph.  in  x.  8,  and  Kefchib,'  '^n"!  (Niph,  or  Pi)  is  to  be 
retained.  [On  this  section,  vers.  8-15  o,  see  Erdmann's 
Jntroduotion.— Tb.] 


thou  hadst  kept,"  and  the  second  {TVn]}  '3= 
"yea,  then!")  the  result:  "yea,  then  would  the 
Lord ;"  or  the  first  may  be  simply  declarative 

(K''"7="not"):  "thou  hast  not  kept,"  and  before 
the  second  (Hflj;  '3,  "yea,  then  would  the  Lord 
have  established  thy  kingdom")  we  may  supply 
the  condition  ["if  thou  hadst  kept"]  required 
by  the  sense.  The  latter  is  preferable  from  the 
whole  situation,  to  which  such  liveliness  of  dis- 
course better  answers.  Examples  of  such  a  con- 
struction, with  omission  of  conditional  protasis, 
are  Ex.  ix.  15 ;  2  Ki.  xiii.  19 ;  Job  iii.  13 ;  xiii.  19. 
See  Ew.,  §  358  a.  The  twice  (beginning  of  ver.  13 
and  end  of  ver.  14)  repeated  declaration:  "thou 
hast  not  kept  the  commandment  of  the  Lord,"  in- 
dicates the  ground  of  the  similarly  twice  (first  hy- 
pothetically — then  affirmatively)  repeated  judg- 
ment: "thy  kingdom  will  not  be  established  by 
the  Lord,  nor  stand."  It  is  therein  assumed  that 
Saul  received  through  Samuel  a  divine  direction, 
and  that  he  had  recognized  Samuel's  arrangement 
as  a  direction  from  God  given  him  through  the 
mouth  of  the  legitimate  mediator,  which  Samuel, 
as  Prophet  of  the  Lord,  was.  The  content  of  the 
divine  direction  was  this:  Saul  was  to  await  the 
arrival  of  Samuel,  who,  not  arbitrarily,  but  in  ac- 
cordance with  his  other  (here  unmentioued)  pro- 
phetic work,  determined  the  time  at  which  the 
battle  was  to  begin  under  the  consecration  and 
direction  of  the  representative  of  the  invisible 
King  of  Israel.  Comp.  x.  8:  "that  I  may  show 
thee  what  thou  art  to  do."  Saul  had  thus  been 
directed  to  await  the  divine  directions,  and  by  hia 
action  here  transgressed  the  fundamental  law  of  obe- 
dience to  his  King ;  unquiet  and  impatient,  self- 
willed  and  fleshly,  he  fails  to  stand  the  trial  which 
lay  in  this  command,  and  sets  himself  outside 
of  the  relation  of  unconditional  obedience  to  the 
will  of  God,  the  humble  fulfilment  of  which  was 
the  condition  of  the  establishment  and  continu- 
ance of  His  kingdom.  Samuel  recognized  with 
his  prophetic  look  the  disposition  of  heart  which 
was  at  the  bottom  of  Saul's  conduct,  on  account 
of  which  neither  he  nor  his  house  could  be  the 
permanent  bearer  of  the  kingdom.  Samuel's 
judgment  is  therefore  not  hasty,  unjust,  harsh,  as 
it  has  been  thought,  but  the  expression  of  the  di- 
vine righteousness  and  holiness,  as  whose  organ 
he  stood  over  against  Saul ;  and  his  conduct  to- 
wards Saul  corresponds  exactly  to  his  position  (as 
we  have  heretofore  seen  him)  as  instrument  of 
Israel's  God-king.  Samuel's  judicial  sentence 
signifies  the  ryection  of  Saul;  negatively,  it  is  the 
denial  of  what  would  have  occurred,  if  Saul  had 
fulfilled  the  required  condition,  the  permanent 
establishment  of  His  kingdom,  positively  it  is  the 
annoimcement  that  the  Lord  had  chosen  another 
as  theocratic  king  in  his  stead.  Back  of  this  ju- 
dicial act  of  Samuel  stands  as  its  motive  the 
truth,  brought  to  light  by  Saul's  conduct,  that 
Saul  had  forfeited  the  royal  office  committed  to 
him ;  for  the  theocratic  king  must  be,  at  the  head 
of  God's  people,  in  fall  accord  with  the  royal  will 
of  God.  Cleric:  "Yea,  the  authority  of  the  pro- 
phet, rather,  of  God  Himself,  was  maintained— 
which,  if  Saul  could  with  impunity  neglect  the 
most  important  commands,  would  afterwards  have 
been  despised  by  the  obstinate  people  impatient 
of  the  yoke,  and  by  the  king  himself."— Ver.  15 


190 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


The  600  men,  all  that  remained  to  Saul,  shows 
that  he  could  not  in  any  case  have  avoided  what 
he  wished  to  avoid.  The  declaration,  "  thou  hast 
acted  foolishly,"  is  thus  confirmed.  _  Saul's  con- 
duct was  foolish  because  it  of  necessity  produced 
the  opposite  of  that  which  he  was  to  gain  by  obe- 
dience and  trust  in  God. 

3.  Vers.  15-23.  Samuel's  "going  up''  from  the 
plain  of  Gilgal  to  the  elevated  GiJeaA-Benjamin, 
Saul's  home,  is  stated  simply  as  a  fact,  and  the 
reason  not  given.  That  Saul  also  went  thither 
from  Gilgal  (Then.)  is  not  necessarily  supposed 
in  the  word  "numbered."  The  mustering  of  his 
remaining  troops  is  best  placed  in  Gilgal;  he 
there  reviewed  them  in  order  now  to  march 
against  the  Philistines.  The  number  of  warriors 
was  reduced  to  600.  Saul  had  therefore,  by  his 
hasty,  disobedient  conduct,  not  attained  his  pur- 
pose of  holding  the  people  together  (ver.  11). — 
Ver.  16.  Here  the  two  positions  on  the  opposite 
heights  of  Geba  and  Miehmash,  a  deep  gorge  be- 
tween them  running  eastward  into  the  plain,  are 
clearly  and  distinctly  marked.  The  camp  of  Saul 
and  Jonathan  is  said  to  be  in  Geba  (the  present 
Jeba,  to  be  distinguished  from  Gibeah-Benjamin), 
without  mention  of  Saul's  march  to  Geba;  the 
words  "were  encamped"  rather  introduce  us  into 
the  midst  of  the  situation.  Between  the  words 
"from  Gilgal"  and  "Gibeah-Benjamin"  [ver.  1.5] 
the  Sept.  (not  understanding  the  passage)  inserts: 
"  and  the  rest  of  the  people  went  up  after  Saul  to 
meet  him  after  the  men  of  war,  they  having  come 
from  Gilgal."  So  with  some  modification  the 
Vulg.:  et  rdiqwi  popidi  ascendenmt  post  Said  obviam 
populo  qui  expugitabant  eos  venienfes  de  Gatgala. 
But  such  a  filling  out  is  not  needed  in  order  to 
understand  the  connection.  The  author's  task  is 
not  to  give  a  complete,  detailed  history  of  this 
war,  but  to  set  forth  fr-om  the  theocratic  point  of 
view,  in  respect  to  Saul's  conduct  and  God's  deal- 
ing, what  occurred.  Having  in  respect  to  the 
former  given  a  detailed  account  of  the  scene  at 
Gilgal,  without  mentioning  that  Saul  had  gone 
from  Miehmash  to  Gilgal  (which  is  assumed  in 
ver.  4),  it  was  sufficient,  taking  it  for  granted  that 
Saul  had  moved  from  Gilgal  to  Geba,  to  state  the 
fact  that  the  camp  of  the  Israelites  was  then  in 
Geba,  and  thereby  to  indicate  the  new  scene,  in 
which  in  the  following  context  the  condition  of 
subjugation  of  the  Israelites  by  the  Philistines 
under  the  divine  permission  is  set  forth.  In  this 
simply  theocratic  sporadic  description,  which 
corresponds  to  the  cut-up  nature  of  the  land  on 
which  this  occurrence  took  place,  and  to  the  im- 
mediate vicinity  of  hill  and  valley,  we  have  from 
ver.  2  on  a  series  of  distinct  pictures,  without 
statement  of  their  historical-geographical  connec- 
tion: 1)  Miehmash — Gibeah-Benjamin  and  Geba 
(vers.  2,  3);  2)  Miehmash — Gilgal  (vers.  4-15) ; 
3)  Gibeah-Benj.  and  Geba-Benj.  —  Miehmash. 
The  historical-geographical  situation  is  as  follows : 
At  first  the  Israelitish  army  in  two  divisions  lay 
on  the  one  side  in  Miehmash,  on  the  other  side 
in  Gibeah-Benjamin.  From  this  point  J  onathan 
smote  the  garrison  or  camp  of  the  Philistines  in 
Geba.  In  consequence  of  this  the  Philistines — 
who  controlled  the  plain — collected  their  forces. 
Saul  left  Miehmash  and  marched  down  to  Gilgal 
in  order  there  to  gather  Israel  to  the  conflict 
against  the  Philistines,  while  the  latter  occupied 


Miehmash  deserted  by  Saul.  While  Samuel  re- 
mained at  Gibeah-Benjamin,  Jonathan's  former 
position,  Saul  and  Jonathan  took  position  over 
against  the  Philistines  in  Geba;  that  is,  at  the 
place  where  Jonathan  had  broken  up  the  Philis- 
tine garrison. 

Vers.  17-23.  The  oppression  of  Israel  by  the  Phi- 
listines. In  vers.  17,  18  the  deoastaiion  of  the 
Israelitish  territory  by  Philistine  raids  is  de- 
scribed. From  the  camp  of  the  Philistines  at 
Miehmash  went  forth  "the  spoiler"  (n'ritysn). 
The  Article  denotes  that  part  of  the  army  to 
which  was  as.signed  the  task  of  plundering  and 
devastation,  and  thus  inciting  to  battle.  There 
were  three  bands  (D'K'Xl — as  in  xi.  11).  One 
of  the  bands  took  the  road  to  Ophra,  to  the  land 
ofShual.  Ophrah  was  in  the  territory  of  Benjar 
min  (Josh,  xviii.  23),  five  Boman  miles  [1  Kom. 
mile=about  1618  English  yards]  east  of  Bethel 
(Onom.),  conjectured  by  Bob.  II.  338  [Am.  ed.  I. 
447]  to  be  the  present  Taiyibeh.*  This  band 
therefore  moved  northward.  Shual,  "Foxland," 
is  probably  the  same  with  ShaaUm,  ix.  4.  The 
second  party  went  towards  Sethhoron  (Josh.  x.  11), 
that  is,  westward.  The  third  band  moved  in  a 
south-easterly  direction.  This  Zeboim  ( D'J'av )  is 
to  be  distinguished  from  the  Zeboim  (D"3!f)  of 
Deut.  xxix.  22;  Gen.  xiv.  28;  according  to  Neh. 
xi.  34  it  was  a  city  inhabited  by  Benjamites,  and 
therefore  in  the  Benjamite  territory.  The  direc- 
tion is  given  by  the  added  words:  "towards  the 
wilderness,"  for  this  wilderness  is  doubtless  no 
other  than  that  of  Judah,  which  extended  east 
from  J  irusalem.  While,  therefore,  the  Israelites 
under  Saul  and  Jonathan  held  a  strong  point  on 
the  heights,  the  Philistines  plundered  the  plains 
and  valleys  where  they  had  the  control. — Vers. 
19,  20.  Here  they  deprived  the  Israelites  of  arms; 
for  "there  was  no  smiiA  found  in  all  the  land." 
The  Philistines  had  broken  up  the  smithies — for 
they  said :  "  lest  the  Hebrews  make  them  swords  or 
spears."  Only  the  implements  necessary  for  ag- 
riculture were  allowed  them — to  sharpen  which 
they  must  go  to  the  Philistines.  So  Porsenna 
allowed  the  Romans  iron  implements  for  agi'icul- 
ture  only.  Before  "the  Phihstines"  the  Sept.  in- 
serts "the  land  of,"  which  is  merely  an  explana- 
tion of  an  unusual  expression.  The  people  signi- 
fies the  land  or  territory  (Ew.  ?281d).  The 
meaning  of  the  names  of  implements  in  ver.  20 
cannot  be  determined  with  certainty.  The  first 
(Hty^nD)  from  its  etymology  may  be  any  cutting 
instrument.  The  fourth  {'iriK'^nD)  Jerome  ren- 
ders sarcfulum,  "  hoe."  The  second  (ON)  is,  as  in 
Mic.iv.  3;  Isa.  ii.  4,  "  ploughshare,'' or  "  coulter." 
The  third  (DTlj^)  is  "axe"  or  "hatchet."— Ver. 
21  shows  the  consequence  (nn'ni)  of  the  Hebrews 
having  no  smiths,  and  having  to  go  to  the  Philis- 
tines to  sharpen  their  tools.  And  there  was 
dulnesB — properly  notching  of  edges  to  the 
shares,  etc.;  or,  there  came  edge-dulness  to  the 
shares.  (H^J'SB  from  a  stem  which  in  Arab, 
means  "  cleave."  As  the  Art.  here  and  its  ab- 
sence in  0^2  are  both  strange;  and  the  st.  abs. 

*  [Mr.  Grove  thinks  this  uncertain  (Smith's  Bib.  Dkt, 
a.  i;.).— Tr.] 


CHAP.  XIII.  1— XIV.  52. 


191 


stands  instead  of  the  st.  const.,  it  is  probable  that 
the  text  is  corrnpt,  and  (with  Keil)  to  be  read 
D'Sn  T'Xpn,  Inf.  Hiph.  and  rendered  "so  there 
occurred  dulness  of  the  edges,"  etc.)  Bunscn 
says  excellently :  "  The  parenthesis  indicates  that 
the  result  of  the  burdensome  necessity  of  going  to 
the  Philistines  was  that  many  tools  became  useless 
by  dulness,  so  that  even  this  poorer  sort  of  arms 
did  the  Israelites  not  much  service  at  the  break- 
ing out  of  the  war."  And  to  set  the  goads. — 
"To  set"  corresponds  to  "to  sharpen,"  and  com- 
pletes the  picture  of  the  Hebrews'  dependence  on 
the  Philistines  in  respect  to  agricultural  imple- 
ments. The  previously  mentioned  implements 
(including  the  trident  or  fork)  needed  sharpen- 
ing ;  the  ox-goad  needed  new  setting.  The  trans- 
lation of  De  Wette:  "when,  namely,  the  edges 

were  dulled "is  certainly  not  tenable 

(Then.).  On  the  other  hand,  neither  this  paren- 
thesis, which  describes  the  consequence  of  the  op- 
pression, nor  the  difference  in  the  lists  of  imple- 
ments, is  so  remarkable  as  to  require  the  follow- 
ing of  the  text  of  the  Sept.  (Then,  and  Bottcher). 
— Ver.  21  reads  thus  in  the  Sept;  "and  the  vint- 
age was  ready  to  be  gathered,  and  the  tools  were 
three  shekels  to  the  tooth,  and  to  the  axe  and  the 
scythe  there  was  the  same  rate."  In  their  conjec- 
tural restoration  of  the  original  text  according  to 
the  Greek,  Then,  and  Bottch.  proceed  ecleotically,* 
.and  translate :  "And  there  happened  sharpening 
of  the  edges  to  the  shares  and  the  spades  at  three 
shekels  a  tooth  (that  is,  a  single  piece),  and  so  for 
the  axe  and  the  sickle,  yea,  for  the  setting  of  the 
ox-goad"  (Bottch.  who  differs  from  Then,  as  to  the 
names  of  the  implements,  renders  the  second  half: 
"and  so  for  the  sickles  and  the  axes,  and  for  the 
setting  of  the  prong." )  Against  this  ( conjectural) 
fixing  of  the  text  are :  first,  the  unintelligibleness 
and  confusion  of  tlie  Greek  text,  on  which  this 
emendation  is  founded ;  then,  the  obviously  wrong 
conception  of  the  Heb.  by  the  Sept.  in  the  begin- 
ning of  ver.  21 ;  fijrther,  the  untenableness  of  the 
rendering  "  single  piece  "  for  oddvra,  jK'  [tooth], 
which  is  not  supported  (Then.)  by  Theodoret'a 
remark  "  Symmachus  renders  odonta  ploughshare, 
and  Aquila  plough,"  for  this  means  merely  that 
odonta  was  understood  of  this  or  that  implement, 
not  that  it  meant  a  single  piece  in  reference  to 
price;  finally  (Keil),  "  the  then  value  of  money," 
according  to  which  "  three  phekels  for  sharpening 
an  axe  or  a  sickle  would  be  an  unheard-of  price." 
— From  this  whole  section  it  appears  that,  while 
the  Philistines  held  the  lowlands,  the  Hebrews 
carried  on  their  tillage  on  the  highlands  and  in 
the  gorge  of  the  Jordan. — In  ver.  22  Sept.  has  "  in 
the  days"  for  "in  the  day,"  and  after  "battle" 
inserts  "  of  Michraash,"  and  so  Then,  and  Ew. ; 
but  this  is  not  necessary .f  Beferring  to  ver.  19  it 
is  said:  There  was  neither  sword  nor  spear 
found  in  the  hand  of  any  of  the  people 

*  Eejeoting  the  TXan  [vintage]  of  the  Greek,  and 
reading  TSSn  1  sharpsning],  which  they  connect  with 
D'an  [the  edges],  and  instead  of  ywshp  whioS  [tri- 
dents] read  pi  wh  D'SpB'  riK'TOa  [at  three  shekels 
to  the  tooth,  and  so]. 

t  On  the  form  nnnSo  see  Ewald,  Orammar,  glSSc. 


that  were  with  Saul  and  Jonathan.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  above-mentioned  measure  of  the 
Philistines,  the  entire  force  with  Saul  and  Jona- 
than, 600  in  number  (to  this  force  the  phrase 
"  all  the  people "  is  from  the  context  to  be  re- 
ferred) was  unprovided  with  arms.  This  is  not 
in  contradiction  with  the  narrative  of  the  battle 
and  victory  of  Israel  over  the  Ammonites  (chap, 
xi.) ;  for  there  we  have  not  a  regular  army,  but  a 
sudden  rising  of  the  people,  and,  even  though 
arras  were  gotten  by  that  victory,  it  does  not 
thence  follow  that  the  comparatively  small  force 
that  remained  with  Saul  and  Jonathan  must  have 
been  regularly  furnished  with  arms,  inasmuch  as 
the  Philistine  plan  of  disarming  the  Israelites 
was  a  permanent  one,  and  necessarily  resulted  in 
a  general  lack  of  arms.  These  arms  were  found 
only  with  Saul  and  Jonathan. — Ver.  23.  'D  IJ-S!.'? 
is  the  passage  or  pass  of  Michmash.  From  Bee- 
rotli  (Bireh)  extends  a  deep  valley,  the  present 
Wady  ea  Suweinit,  south-east  and  then  east,  open- 
ing into  the  valley  towards  Jericho.  On  the 
heights  opposite  lay  southward  Geba  ( Jeba)  north- 
ward Michmash  (Muchmas).  Eastward  from  these 
camps  of  the  Israelites  and  Philistines  several 
side-Wadys  opened  into  the  deep  Wady,  partly 
from  the  north-west,  partly  from  the  south-west, 
by  which  the  passage  was  formed.  Comp.  Bob. 
Pal.,  II.  327  sq.  [Am.  ed.,  I.  440  sq.].,  and  Later 
Bibl.  Researches,  378  sq.  {Am.  ed.,  III.  289  sq.]. 
"  The  ridges  between  these  (the  side-Wadys)  ter- 
minate in  elevated  points  projecting  into  the  great 
Wady ;  and  the  easternmost  of  these  bluffs  on  each 
side  were  probably  the  outposts  of  the  two  garri- 
sons of  Israel  and  the  Philistines,"  Tovjards  the 
pass  of  Michmash  (north,  therefore,  over  against 
the  Israelites)  the  Philistines  sent  forward  a  post, 
a  van-guard,  as  protection  against  the  Israelites, 
who  might  else  have  slipped  up  unperceived 
through  the  side-Wadys  or  the  pass  formed  by 
these,  and  surprised  the  Philistine  camp.  The 
strategical  movement  here  indicated  precisely  ac- 
cords with  the  ground  where  Robinson  has  pointed 
out  the  pass.  It  is  hence  unnecessary  (with  Ew. 
and  Bunsen)  to  read  1.^4?P  and  translate:  "The 
van-guard  of  the  Philistines  was  thrown  forward 
beyond  the  camp  of  Michmash,"  though  this  in 
fact  was  done,  since  a  force  was  thrown  forward 
from  the  camp  eastward  towards  the  pass. 

4.  XIV.  1-15.  Jonathan's  bold  attack  on  the  Phi- 


Ver.  1.  "  On  a  day  "  (Dl'D)!  o°  ^^^  definite  day 
on  which  the  following  occurred.  The  words  : 
And  Jonathan  said  to  his  armor-bearer:  Let 
us  go  over  to  the  Philistines'  garrison, 
are  repeated  in  ver.  6  for  the  continuation  of  the 
narrative  which  they  introduce.  What  lies  be- 
tween [vers.  2-5]  is  a  statement  of  the  existing 
special  circumstances  and  local  relations.  This 
detailed  narration  shows  that  it  is  taken  from  the 
account  of  an  eye-witness.  The  "  garrison  "_  of  the 
Philistines  is  the  advanced  post  mentioned  in  xiii. 
23.  On  the  other  side.* 

The  interjacent  statements  introduce  us  into  the 
details  of  the  whole  situation:   1)  Jonathan  says 


*    T^n  is  an  abbreviation  of  ni^il,  the  strengthened 

demon^st.  "that;"  it  is  seldom  found,  as  here,  without 
preceding  substantive.  Comp.  Dan.  viii.  16;  Bwald, 
fl03d. 


192 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


nothing  to  his  father  of  his  purpose,  because  he 
would  have  forbidden  it  as  too  dangerous ;  the 
undertaking  is  set  on  foot  secretly,  in  the  hope 
of  surprising  the  enemy  in  sleep  or  unprepared. 
2)  Saul-  (ver.  2)  is  encamped  at  the  extremity  of 
Oiheah.  This  is  mentioned  to  show  that  Jona- 
than could  unknown  to  him  make  such  a  blow. 
Gibeah  (ver.  16)  is  the  city  Gibeah  in  Benjamin, 
whither  also  Samuel  had  gone  from  Gilgal  (xiii. 
15)  back  of  Geba  towards  the  south,  yet  with  its 
extremity  (ver.  16)  not  so  far  from  the  pa.ss  of  the 
southward-trending  Wady,  that  the  movements  in 
the  ranks  of  the  Philistines  opposite  could  not  be 
thence  observed.  Under  the  pomegranate- 
tree  which  is  in  Migron.  By  "  rimmon  "  we 
must  here  understand  not  the  name  of  a  place, 
but,  on  account  of  the  Art.,  the  well-known  pome- 
granate. According  to  Judg.  xx.  45  a  rock  near 
Gibeah  bore  the  name  "  Kock  of  the  pomegra- 
nate" [Rimmon];  and  was  well  adapted  for  a 
fortified  position.  It  is  a  natural  supposition  that 
the  same  place  is  meant  here,  named  after  the 
well-known  pomegranate.  Luther  here  renders 
Migron  incorrectly  suburb.  Linguistically  it  can 
only  signiiy  a  place,  which,  however,  from  the 
local  relations  cannot  be  the  Migron  of  Isa.  x.  28, 
north  of  Michmash,  whose  name  seems  to  be 
found  in  the  ruins  of  Magrun,  eight  minutes  from 
Beitin.  Rob.  II.  340  [see  Am.  ed.  I.,  463,  Stan- 
ley's Sin.  and  Pal..  202].  Rather  this  place  lay 
south  of  the  pass  of  Michmash  on  the  northern 
extremity  of  Gibeah-Benjamin  (Saul),  and  was 
marked  by  the  well-known  pomegranate.  From 
the  context  it  appears  that  Gibeah-Benjamin*  ex- 
tended far  along  on  the  heights  which  stretched 
out  (south  of  Geba)  north-east  towards  the  pass 
of  Michmash,  and  ended  in  a  rock  on  which  the 
pomegranate  stood,  and  on  whose  declivity  lay 
the  place  Migron.  The  word  means  perhaps 
"precipice  "  (Tlien.)  which  is  linguistically  better 
than  "threshing-floor"  (Rosenm.  Alterth.  II.,  2, 
171).  That  two  contiguous  places  should  bear 
this  name  is,  on  account  of  the  nature  of  the 
ground,  as  little  surprising  (Winer)  as  the  fre- 
quent occurrence  of  the  names  Ramah  and  Gibcali 
(Geba). — 3)  Said' s  follomng  consisted  of  about  six 
hundred  men  and  Ahiah  the  high-priest.  We 
must  render:  And  Ahiah — bare  the  ephod.f 
The  words  "  priest  of  Jehovah  in  Shiloh  "  belong 
not  to  Ahiah  (Sept.,  Luth.),  hntto Eli.  Wearing 
the  ephod  was  a  sign  of  the  high- priestly  oiEce. 
Probably  Ahiah  was  with  Saul  at  Gilgal,  and 
ministered  in  the  offering  there  made  by  him. 
The  name  Ahiah  ["  Jehovah  is  brother  "  or  "bro- 
ther of  Jehovah  "J  is  identical  with  Ahimelech 
["brother  of  the  king"]  under  which  this  great- 
grandson  of  Eli,  the  sole  survivor,  (ii.  33)  of  the 
house  of  Eli,  appears  (xxi.  2 ;  xxii.  9,  11,  20 ; 
XXX.  7,  e.a.).  As  to  whether  of  the  two  names 
was  the  original,  Ewald  remarks  that  they  may 
have  been  used  without  much  distinction  (since 
mdech  "king"  might  refer  to  God)  as  in  Elime- 
lech  (in  Ruth)  and  Elijah  {Oesch.  II.  585,  Rem.  3). 
— The  people  with  Saul  also  knew  nothing  of  Jo- 
nathan's purpose.     This  statement  connects  itself 


*  [This  might  be  true  of  the  district  of  Gibeah,  hut 
not  of  the  town  itself,  which  occupied  the  summit  of  a 
high  rounded  hill ;  nor  does  it  seem  necessary  to  put 
Migron  near  Michmash ;  the  statement  in  ver.  16  rather 
supposes  a  greater  distance. — Tr.  j 

f  [See  "Textual  and  Grammatical "  on  this  verse. — Tr.] 


naturally  with  the  remark  on  Saul's  following.— 
4)  Exact  description  of  the  ground  which  Jonathan 
had  to  traverse  in  his  bola  secret  enterprise,  vers. 
4,  5.  According  to  Robinson's  remarks  the  plu- 
ral "passes"  is  to  be  explained  of  the  several 
passages  which  were  made  possible  by  the  side- 
valleys.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  plural  refers 
to  a  long  passage  over  the  mountain  (Then.).  Fur- 
ther the  word  "  between  "  is  intelligible  only  on 
the  supposition  of  several  passes.  Between  these 
passes  lay  opposite  one  another  two  rocky  crags 
or  projections,  formed  by  the  side-wadys  opening 
right  and  left  into  the  deep,  precipitous  Wady 
es-vSuweinit.  Robinson  went  from  Jeba  (Geba) 
through  that  Wady  across  to  Michmash.  In  this 
passage  (from  south  to  north)  he  had  on  the  left 
two  hills  with  steep  rocky  sides.  "  Behind  each," 
says  he,  "  runs  up  a  smaller  Wady,  so  as  almo-st 
to  isolate  them.  One  is  on  the  side  towards  Jeba 
and  the  other  towards  Mukhmaa"  (II.  329  [.4m. 
ed.  I.  441]).  To  this  observation  of  Robinson 
answers  exactly  the  description  in  ver.  5,  accord- 
ing to  which  the  one  rock-ledge,  Bozez,  was  a 
column*  on  the  north,  the  other  Seneh,  on  the 
south,  opposite  Geba. 

Ver.  6.  Continuation  of  the  uajrative,  with  re- 
sumption of  Jonathan's  words  to  his  armor- 
bearer  [ver.  1],  but  with  the  difference  that  the 
Philistines  are  here  not  called  by  their  own  name, 
but  "  uncircumcised."  This  expression  marks 
the  difference  between  them  and  Israel  as  cove- 
nant-people, which  forms  the  basis  for  the  fol- 
lowing utterance  of  Jonathan.  Ewald's  charac- 
terization of  Jonathan's  feeling  as  "a  mixture  of 
youthful  impatience  and  lofty  courage"  (III.  48) 
does  not  fully  explain  the  inner  side  of  this  deed. 
Its  natural  basis  is  youthful  heroic  spirit  and 
impetuous  desire  of  achievement ;  but  it  receives 
high  ethical  value  and  significance  from  i'ts  reli- 
gious root  in  Jonathan's  God-fearing  and  God- 
trusting  heart,  whose  feeling  is  expressed  in  the 
word  :  Perhaps  Jehovah  'will  vrork  foi  us, 
for  there  is  no  restraint  to  Jehovah  to 
save  by  many  or  by  fevr. — Over  against  the 
"uncircumcised"  Jonathan  is  clearly  conscious : 
1)  that  his  people  is  the  chosen  one,  belonging  to 
the  Lord,  with  whom  the  Lord  has  made  a  cove- 
nant, and  2)  that  the  Lord  cannot  deny  His 
almighty  help  to  this  people  as  their  covenant- 
God.  This  word  of  Jonathan  expresses  the 
genuine  theocratic  disposition  of  the  liveli^t 
consciousness  of  God  and  the  firmest  trust  in 
God,  whence  alone  could  come  a  true  deliverance 
of  the  people  from  their  oppressive  burden.  The 
"  perhaps  "  indicates  not  a  doubt,  but  the  humility 
which  was  coupled  with  Jonathan's  heroic  spirit ; 
he  is  far  from  tempting  God.  The  humble  and 
modest  hope  which  is  expressed  in  the  word: 
"perhaps  the  Lord  will  work  for  us"  is  straight- 
way grounded  on  the  truth :  there  is  no  restraint 
to  the  Lord,  that  is,  he  is  at  liberty  to  save  by 
many  or  by  few ;  that  is,  the  Lord's  help  is  not 
dependent  on  the  extent  or  the  degree  of  the 
means  by  which  it  is  realized ;  his  helping  poiver 
is  not  conditioned,  but  absolute.  The  same 
thought  in  Ps.  cxlvii.  10,  11 ;  2  Chron.  xiv.  11 1 
1  Mac.  iii.  18,  19.— Ver.  7.  The  answer  of  the 


*    p13fD,    "poured    out,"    from    DS',    then 
"hard."  [Better from  piS.— Ta.] 


"firm," 


CHAP.  XIII.  1— XIV.  52. 


193 


armor-bearer  contains:  1)  encouragement  to  car- 
ry out  his  design,  and  2)  assurance  that  he  will 
act  with  him  and  stand  by  him  according  to  his 
will.  Render:  "do  all  whereto  thy  heart  in- 
clines."* —  Ver.  8.  Jonathan  explains  that,  in 
carrying  out  his  purpose,  he  proposes  that 
they  first  show  themselves  to  the  Philistines. 
— In  verses  9,  10,  we  are  told  how  he  would 
therein  find  a  divine  sign  whether  the  Lord 
would  grant  unto  them  success  in  their  de- 
sign. He  supposes  two  cases.  If  the  Philis- 
tines at  his  hail  should  say :  "  keep  sliU !  tiil  we 
come  to  you,"  they  will  not  go  up  to  them ;  for 
that  would  be  a  sign  of  courage  and  preparedness. 
But  if  they  should  say :  "  come  up  to  us,"  they 
will  go  up ;  for  that  would  be  a  sign  of  careless- 
ness and  slackness.  This  he  would  regard  as  a 
divine  sign  that  God  had  given  the  Philistines 
into  his  hands.  The  divine  sign,  which  Jona- 
than proposed  to  find,  was  a  fact  which  guaran- 
teed the  success  of  the  enterprise  on  its  natural- 
human  side  also. — Ver.  11.  When  Jonathan  and 
his  esquire  showed  themselves,  the  latter  of  the 
two  cases  occurred.  The  outposts  of  the  Philis- 
tines cry  scornfully:  Hebrevirs  are  coming 
forth  out  of  their  holes,  and  call  out  to  them : 
Come  up  to  us,  and  we  will  tell  you 
something.  An  expression  taken  directly  from 
the  life  of  the  people,  containing  an  apparently 
bold  challenge,  yet  (as  we  may  see)  not  meant  in 
earnest,  and  concealing  cowardice  or  carelass 
security  and  neglect.  Cleric. :  "  They  hoped  to 
have  sport  with  them,  not  supposing  that  they 
could  there  climb  the  rock."  Jonathan  is  now 
sure  that  Ood  has  given  them  into  his  hands.f 
— Ver.  13.  Lively  description  of  the  execution 
by  Jonathan  and  his  armor-bearer  of  their  bold 
undertaking  and  the  brilliant  result.  On  his 
hands  and  feet  Jonathan  climbed  up  the 
rock,  and  the  armor-bearer  after  him.  The 
text-reading:  "and  they  fell  before  Jonathan  and 
his  armor-bearer,"  etc.,  gives  a  very  good  sense, 
as  Then,  expressly  admits.  We  need  not,  then, 
after  the  Sept.  read:  "and  they  turned  before 
Jonathan  and  he  smote  them,"  where  Sept.  incor- 
rectly read  WS'J  for  'he').  How  (a-s  Ewald 
asserts)  the  connection  favors  the  reading  of  the 
Sept.  is  not  to  be  seen. — The  armor-bearer 

*  The  ■jS  na:  is  difficult,  the  rendering  "  turn  thee," 
i.  e., "  go,"  not  being  allowable.  It  is,  therefore,  better 
to  read  with  Ewald  .133'?  instead  of  naa'ja,  and  HDJ 
instead  of  riBJ,  and  renijer:  "  do  all  to  "which  thy  heart 
inclines."  The  words :  "  see,  I  am  with  thee  according 
to  thy  heart,"  i.  e.,  as  thy  heart  de.sires,  present  no  dif- 
ficulty, so  that  it  is  unnecessary,  with  Then,  after  Sept., 
to  insert  '33^  after  HSsSs.  and  read :  lo,  I  am  with 

•  T :  '  V  T  »  ■ 

thee,  OB  thy  mind  (is  also)  Twy  mind.  The  Heb.  text  is 
more  appropriate  to  the  occasion  from  its  curtness  and 
pregnancy. 

t  At  the  beginning  of  ver.  12  we  find  the  fern,  form 
for  "  garrison  "  [n3XD]  instead  of  the  usual  maso.  (3XD) 
On  this Bottoher  remarks:  "The  grammatical  ground 
is  that  in  ver.  12  it  is  said :  the  people  (from  several 
points)  of  the  whole  garrison  cried  out."  The  whole  is 
properly  expressed  by  the  feminine  form.  See  on  Gen. 
xxxviii.  18. 

13 


slevr  completely  after  him. — The  Sept.  has 
intSlSou,  whence,  however,  we  are  not  to  read 
1'pia  ["more  fully"]  instead  of  the  text  "slay- 
ing ;"  the  latter  is  to  be  retained  from  the  con- 
nection, the  narrative,  from  the  rapidity  of  the 
affair,  pressing  on  to  describe  how  Jonathan, 
pushing  on,  strikes  down  with  overwhelming 
might  every  one  whom  he  meets,  without  stop- 
ping to  kill  completely,  while  the  armor-bearer, 
following  him,  kills  those  that  were  struck  down, 
that  they  might  not  rise  again.  The  Heb.  word 
(■nni'DD)  means  "killing  completely,"  as  in  xvii. 
51 ;  2  Sam.  i.  9  sq. — A  like  bold  deed  in  scaling 
a  castle  in  the  Numidian  war  is  told  in  Sail.  Bell. 
Jugurth.,  c.  89,  90. — [This  force  of  "complete 
killing"  can  hardly  be  assigned  to  this  Heb. 
form  (Polel,  here  causative  of  Qal,  of  Hin).  It 
means  simply  "  kill,"  and  so  in  the  passages  cited 
by  the  author,  and  the  statement  here  seems  to 
be  that  not  only  Jonathan,  but  also  his  armor- 
bearer  (like  the  feudal  esquire)  took  part  in  the 
combat.  The  phrase  "fell  before  him"  fairly 
means  "fell  dead;"  the  words  do  not  warrant 
the  history  gotten  out  of  them  by  Dr.  Erdmann. 
But  the  Heb.  text,  though  somewhat  hard,  may 
be  maintained  without  this.  See  "Text,  and 
Gramm."— Tb.]— Ver.  14.  The  remit  of  this 
first  slaughter  which  Jonathan  and  his 
armor.bearer  made :  about  thirty  men 
were  thus  killed.  In  the  last  words  of  the  verse 
the  overthrow  is  set  forth  in  terms  taken  from 
ploughing:  in  about  a  half.furrow  of  a 
yoke  of  land. — This  indicates  the  position  of 
the  fallen,  after  Jonathan,  pressing  impetuously 
on,  had  struck  them  down  one  after  another,  and 
his  armor-bearer  after  him  had  killed  those  that 
were  not  dead.  This  occurred  in  the  space  of 
about  half  a  furrow  in  a  piece  of  land  which  one 
could  plough  with  a  yoke  of  oxen  in  a  day.* 
In  the  length  of  about  a  half-yoke  lay  the  twenty 
slain  Philistines  stretched  out  in  a  row.  Cleric. : 
"  Such  apparently  was  the  extent  of  the  point  of 
rock  which  the  Philistines  had  occupied."  Of 
the  translation  of  the  Sept. :  "  about  twenty  men 
with  darts  and  slings  and  stones  of  the  field," 
Clericus  rightly  says:  "They  translated  conjec- 
turally  what  they  did  not  understand."  To 
Ewald's  rendering  "  as  if  a  yoke  of  land  were  in 
ploughing"  (so  Bunsen,  who  regards  this  as  an 
extract  from  a  poet)  there  are,  in  the  first  place, 
two  objections:  1)  that  the  word  (n^'JD)  means 
"furrow,"  and  not  "ploughing,"  and  2)  that 
"yoke  of  land"  means  not  the  animals,  but  the 
land  itself.  Further  objection  to  this  rendering, 
especially  in  reference  to  the  completed  fact  here 
related  [Ewald  represents  it  as  an  advancing  act, 
while  the  first  half  of  the  verse  speaks  of  it  as 


*  njJ^D  is  the  furrow  which  the  plough  makes,  as  in 
Ps.  cxxix.  3.  It  is  in  stat.  abs.  instead  of  stat.  const., 
because  three  nouns  here  stand  together.  Ew.  g  291  a : 
"  Sometimes  the  second  noun  of  such  a  series  seems  to 
remain  in  stat.  abs.,  so  that  we  can  only  tell  from  the 
sense  of  the  whole,  the  relation  of  the  third  to  the  two 
preceding.  Isa.  Ixiii.  11;  Eccl.  xii.  13.— IDS  properly 
"  something  bound,"  then  "  a  pair  or  yoke  of  oxen," 
then  "  the  ground  ploughed  by  a  yoke  of  oxen  in  a  defi- 
nite time,"  '=jugum,Jugerum. 


194 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


finished. — Tk.],  see  in  Thenius. — [The  Sept.  text 
may  easily  be  gotten  from  the  Heb.,  omitting  the 
It.  e.  TTErp.  as  repetition  (see  Then,  and  Wellhau- 
sen),  and  gives  a  better  sense.  Bib.  Com.: 
"There  is  nothing  remarkable  in  twenty  men 
being  killed  in  half  an  acre  of  land  ;  and  more- 
over the  Heb.  sentence  is  extremely  obscure, 
without  any  apparent  reason  for  its  being  so.  .  .  . 
A  measure  of  time  would  not  be  out  of  place,  if 
the  words  could  mean  '  in  about  half  the  time 
that  a  yoke  of  oxen  draw  a  furrow  in  the  field.' " 
Others,  less  well,  under-stand  here  a  space  enclosed 
by  a  furrow.  Philippson  remarks  that  the  an- 
cients were  accustomed  to  measure  land  by  the 
ploughing  of  oxen  ;  but  the  difficulty  here  is  not 
in  the  way  of  stating  the  land-measure,  but  in 
understanding  why  it  is  stated.  Kitto  [Daily 
Bib.  111.)  gives  a  good  narrative  of  the  exploit  of 
Jonathan.  The  text  must  be  regarded  as  unsettled. 
— Tr.] — Ver.  15.  The  ctmsejuemceofthis  bold  deed: 
panic  fear  among  the  Philistines.  The  success 
of  Jonathan's  deed  and  this  consequence  are  to  be 
explained  by  supposing  that  the  outposts  of  the 
Philistines  did  not  think  it  possible  that  the  two 
men  could  get  up,  and,  when  they  did,  feared  that 
a.  body  of  Israelites  were  behind  them,  since  they 
could  not  see  down  the  steep  declivity.  The 
camp  of  the  field  [Heb.:  in  the  camp  (or  host) 
in  the  field — Tb.]  is  the  whole  camp  of  the  Phi- 
listines ;  the  terror,  which  had  seized  cdl  the  peo- 
ple of  the  outposts,  now  took  possession  of  the  prin- 
cipal camp  also.  The  spoilei-s  also,  the  body  of 
plunderers,  trembled.  There  are  many  examples 
in  military  history  of  the  contagious  power  of 
such  fright,  extending  from  a  few  widely  out. 
And  the  earth  quaked  is  not  to  be  understood 
of  an  earthquake,  but  of  the  trembling  of  the 
ground  under  the  fearful  uproar  of  the  Philis- 
tines.— And  became  a  terror  of  God.  The 
phrase  "and  became"  refers  to  the  before-described 
disaster  of  the  Philistines,  all  this  grew  into  a 
"  terror  of  God,"  that  is,  the  Philistines  recognized 
herein  a  mighty  help  of  the  God  of  Israel,  by 
which  they  had  been  thrown  into  this  terror. 
[The  natural  rendering  is  "the  earth  quaked  and 
became  a  terror  of  God,"  that  is,  the  trembling 
earth  became  the  sign  of  the  wrathful  intervention 
of  God  (comp.  Vulg.) ;  a  miraculous  earthquake 
seems  to  be  here  described.  Others  regard  the 
divine  name  as  a  superlative  addition,  and  render 
"a  great  (a  panic)  terror"  (Gesen.,  al.)  like  "ce- 
dars of  God"  Ps.  Ixxx.  11,  but  this  is  not  proba- 
ble in  this  prose  narrative. — Tb.] 

5.  Vers.  16-23.  Oerwral  flight  and  overthrow  of  the 
Philistines  in  cotisequence  of  Jonathan's  exploit. — 
Ver.  16.  Gibeah  of  Benjamin  is  not  the  present 
Jeba  (Then.),  which  rather  answers  to  Geba. 
Though  the  former  was  farther  from  the  Philis- 
tine camp,  we  need  not  be  surprised  that  Saul's 
watchmen  could  see  thither,  since  from  their  ele- 
vated position  they  could  with  sharp  eyes  see 
what  was  going  on  at  that  distance  (nearly  five 
Eng.  miles),  or,  if  not,  could  go  nearer. — And 
beb  old,  the  multitude  or  the  tumult — though 
|10n  may  here  mean  "multitude"  (Gesen.  s.  v.), 
it  is  better  to  render  "  tumult,"  since  the  narrator 
has  in  his  eye  the  crowd  thrown  into  conflision 
by  Jonathan's  attack.  This  consideration  sets 
aside  one  of  Thenius'  reasons  for  here  also  follow- 
ing the  free  translation  of  the  Sept. ; — dispersed 


hither  and  thither.     It  is  better  to  supply 
"  hither  "  (D'^O  before  D'''7rn),  which  might  easily 
have  fallen  out  from  homoeophony ;  or  (with  the 
Mabb.  and  Ges.)  read  the  Inf.  Abs.  and  render 
"  were  more  and  more  broken  up."     [For  another 
view  see  "Text,  and  Grammat." — Tb.]     Ver. 
17.    Saul  could  explain  the  affair  only  as  an 
Israelitish  attack.     The  numbering  ordered  by 
him  showed  that  Jonathan  and  his  armor-bearer 
were  missing. — Ver.  18.  Bring  hither  the  aik 
of  Ood.     A  change  of  text  (Keil)  after  the  Sept. 
so  as  to  read :  "  Bring  the  ephod,  for  he  wore  the 
ephod  at  that  time  before  Israel,"  on  the  ground 
that  the  ark  had  been  placed  in  Kirjath-jearim, 
and  was  not  used  in  asking  questions  of  God,  is 
suspicious,  because  the  ark,  which  was  thought 
to  be  connected  with  God's  presence,  was  often 
taken  along  to  war.     Comp.  iv.  4, 5 ;  2  Sam.  xi.  11  ; 
XV.  24,  25.     Why  could  they  not,  in  accordance 
with  this  established  custom,  have  taken  it  from 
its  usual  place  in  decisive  battles,  and  afterwards 
carried  it  back?    But  it  is  not  said  that  Saul 
wished  to  inquire  of  God  at  the  ark.    He  wLshed 
firet  to  advance  with  it  against  the  enemy.    But, 
when  he  saw  that  the  tumult  increased  in  their 
camp,  and  that  they  were  already  as  good  as 
beaten,  he  desisted.*     [If  Saul  had  not  wished  to 
inquire  of  God  by  the  ark,  he  would  not  have 
said  "  bring  hither,"  (but  "  carry  forward"),  nor 
"  withdraw  thy  hand."     It  seems  better,  there- 
fore, to  read  ephod,  whether  we  adopt  the  whole 
reading  of  the  Sept.  or  not.^ — Tb.] — Ver.  19.  And 
the  tumult  ....  and  it  increased  more  and 
more  is  a  broken  construction,  the  subject  being 
first  put  absolutely,  and   the  predicate-sentence 
put  as  relative-sentence.      Withdraw  thy  hand; 
that  is,  from  bringing  the  ark  =  desist.    Instead 
(ver.  20)  of  "were  assembled,  called  together" 
(Niph.),  read  with  Sept.  (Alex.),  Vulg.,  Syr., 
Arab.,  "  shouted"  (Qal),  for  there  was  no  need  of 
an  assembly,  as  thejr  were  already  there  (Then.), 
and  besides,  what  is  the  meaning  of  "and  Said 
was  called  together  and  all  the  people,"  since 
Saul  was  the  assembler  ?    Translate :  And  Saiil 
and   all   the   people  shouted  (raised  the 
war-cry)    and    advanced   to   the    battle. 
From  this  war-cry  of  the  advancing  host  under 
Saul  that  which  follows  is  easily  explained.    In 
consequence  of  the  terror  thereby  produced,  the 
confusion  in  the  Philistine  army  was  very  great. 
That  every  man's  sword  was  against  hisfeliowin  such 
confusion    (comp.   Judg.  vii.  22;    2  Chron.  xi. 
22,  23)  is  explained  by  what  is  related  in  vers. 
21,  22.     There  were  Hebrews  in  the  host  of  the 
Philistines.     By  this  name,  the  usual  one  among 
forei^  nations,  the  Philistines  called  the  Israel- 
ites in  their  midst.     The  Art.   (the  Hebrews) 
refers  to  the  exactor  definition  in  the  relative 
sentence.    And  the  Hebrews  were  with  the 
Philistines,  as  formerly,  who  had  gone  up 
with  them  to  the  camp.      [It  is  better  to 
insert  who  (liyN)  after  "Hebrews,"  as  in  Eng. 
A.  V. — Tb.].     Bunsen  supposes  that  these  were 
prisonerSj  who  had  hitherto  been  compelled  to 
fight  against  their  countrymen.     Or,  they  may 
have  been  levies  from  the  part  of  the  land  which 


*  [For  "  'J31  which  gives  no  sense,  read  "  '237. 


CHAP.  XIII.  1— XIV.  52. 


195 


the  Philistines  held.  To  render  "divided  out 
roundabout  among  the  Philistines"  gives  no 
good  sense ;  the  idea  of  "roundabout"  is  inappro- 
priate to  the  whole  situation.  It  is  therefore 
better  to  read,*  with  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Chald.,  Syr., 
Thenius,  Buns.,  "turned."  The  otherwise  in- 
superable difficulty  in  the  Infin.  thus  vanishes, 
and  we  render :  these  also  turned  to  be  with 
Israel;"  that  is,  went  over  to  Israel.  This,  of 
course,  they  co'iid  not  do  without  turning  their 
arras  against  their  oppressors.  In  addition  to 
these  (ver.  22)  came  all  the  Israelites  who  had 
been  in  hiding  on  the  mountains  of  Ephraim; 
when  they  heard  of  the  flight  of  the  Philistines, 
they  too  joined  in  the  pursuit. — Ver.  23  1)  affirms 
that  this  fortunate  achievement  was  due  to  the  help 
of  the  Lord,  and  2)  states  the  direction  which  the 
battle  took.  The  battle  passed  over  to 
Bethaven.  Between  this  statement  that  the 
fight  moved  northeastf  from  Michmash  to  Betha- 
ven, and  that  in  ver.  31,  that  the  Philistines  were 
smitten  that  day  from  Michmash  to  Ajalon  [we-st], 
an  insoluble  contradictionf  has  been  discovered, 
and  it  has  been  proposed  to  read  Betlihoron 
(which  lay  west  of  Michmash)  instead  of  Betha- 
ven. But  such  a  contradiction  cannot  be  ad- 
mitted, because  the  movements  in  such  a  battle 
are  so  fluctuating.  Here  in  ver.  23  we  have  an 
account  of  the  battle  which  continued,  and  passed, 
not  far  from  Michmash  indeed,  over  to  Bethaven 
in  a, northeasterly  direction;  in  ver.  31  is  an  ac- 
count of  the  completed  battle,  and  the  final  result 
is  given,  which  is  naturally  this,  that  the  Philis- 
tines, drawn  by  the  Israelites  from  their  native 
land  towards  Bethaven,  fled,  the  greater  part  of 
them  at  least,  westward,  and  were  beaten  as  far  as 
Ajalon.  Bunsen :  "  In  general  the  flight  of  the 
Philistines  was  naturally  westward  (ver.  31),  yet 
no  exception  can  on  that  account  be  taken  to  our 
passage." 

6.  Vers.  24-31.  SauPs  rash  order.  Between  ver. 
23  and  ver.  24  the  Sept.  has:  "And  the  whole 
people  was  with  Saul  about  ten  thousand  men, 
and  the  battle  spread  in  the  whole  city  in  the 
mountains  of  Ephraim.  And  Saul  committed  a 
great  en-or"  (that  day  and  adjured).  This  is  an 
explanatory  addition  to  the  original  text  with 
whose  curtness  it  does  not  harmonize.  It  is  not 
in  itself  improbable  that  the  original  six  hundred 
men  should  grow  to  this  large  body  in  the  course 
of  the  battle,  and  that  the  fight  should  extend 
over  the  mountains  of  Ephraim  is  to  be  expected 
fi-om  the  dispersed  condition  of  the  Philistines, 
and  is  even  indicated  in  the  end  of  ver.  23.  The 
phrase  "  in  the  whole  city"  has  arisen  from  a  mis- 
reading of  the  following  word  "wood"  ("'J''^). — 
The  Masoretic  text  is  short,  sharp,  and  to  the 
point,  corresponding  to  Saul's  position  and  con- 
duct as  here  described. — And  the  men  of  Is- 
rael were  distressed  that  day.  In  chap, 
xiii.  6  the  same  word  (t^JJ)  is  used  to  express  the 
oppressed  condition  of  the  Israelites.  Here  it  is 
Saul  that  presses  and  drives  the  people  in  the 
pursuit  of  the  Philistines.  The  word  means 
"harassed,  wearied  out,"  and  Thenius'  objection 


*  in'vnS  . . .  DJ  W3D.-TS.] 

t  [According  to  xiii.  5,  Bethaven  was  northwest  from 
Michmash,  and  there  is  therefore  no  contradiction 
here.-TH.J 


that  one  does  not  see  by  whom  or  by  what  the 
Israelites  were  pressed,  explains  itself. — The 
wearied  condition  of  the  people  made  Saul  fear 
that  the  pursuit  of  the  Philistines  would  thereby 
be  interrupted,  and  the  honor  of  the  day  for 
him  diminished.  And  Saul  adjured  the 
people.* — He  made  them  swear  an  oath — 
bound  them  by  an  oath.  Cursed  be  the  man 
that  eateth  food  until  evening  and  I  be 
avenged  on  my  enemies. — Saul's  passionate 
zeal,  spurred  on  by  selfishness,  self-will  and  per- 
sonal desire  for  remnge  causes  him  to  lose  sight  of 
the  command  of  nature,  to  act  cruelly  towards 
his  brave  warriors,  and  over  and  beyond  to  injure 
his  cause.  "Blind  zeal  only  hurts."  Berlemh. 
Bihle:  "  In  this  prohibition  there  was  a  secret 
pride  and  misuse  of  power,  for  he  desired  to  force, 
as  it  were,  a  complete  victory,  and  then  appro- 
priate the  glory  of  it  to  himself."  The  people 
kept  the  oath  even  under  the  strongest  temptation 
to  break  it. — Ver.  25.  And  the  whole  land 
came  into  the  wood. — The  "land"  is  put  for 
the  people,  as  appears  from  ver.  26.  Comp.  Jer. 
xxii.  29.  The  hmey  which  they  found  in  the  fo- 
rest on  the  ground  fkndng  (Vf^l  IJin)  was  not  that 
honey-like  substance  which  is  found  on  the  leaves 
of  certain  bushes  and  taken  off  them,  but  real 
honey  from  bees  who  built  on  trunks  of  trees  or 
in  clefts  of  rocks,  which,  as  Schultz  {Leistmngen, 
V.  133)  has  seen  in  the  wilderness  of  judea,  often 
flows  in  streams  on  the  ground  from  the  over-full 
and  pressed  honey  structure  (comp.  Dent,  xxxii. 
13;  Judg.  xiv.  8;  Ps.  Ixxxi.  17).— Ver.  26.  On 
account  of  the  oath  no  one  partook  of  the  refresh- 
ing food  which  thus  presented  itself. — Ver.  27. 
Jonathan,  however,  had  not  heard  the  oath  of  his 
father.  He  dips  his  staff  into  the  honey  and  eats, 
in  accordance  with  the  haste  of  the  pursuit — that 
is,  into  the  honey-comb  (Sept.:  Krjpiov ;  Vulg.:  fa- 
vum,  the  comb,  not  the  liquid  honey),  which  pre- 
sented itself;  into  the  comb,  not  the  bquid  honey, 
because  only  in  this  way  could  he  get  enough  with 
the  tip  of  his  staff  Instead  of  "saw"  (Kethib) 
read  "were  enMgh^tened"  (Qeri);  see  a  similar 
transposition  in  Heb.  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  20,  comp.  v. 
16.  The  word  describes  the  bodily  and  mental 
refreshment,  the  reviving  of  soul,  which  shows 
itself  straightway  in  the  eyes. — Ver.  28.  The  last 
words:  "Ami.  the  people  are  faint"  are  spoken  by 
the  man  who  tells  Jonathan  of  the  oath  of  his  fa- 
ther, and  at  the  same  time  stand  in  contrast  with 
the  refreshment  which  Jonathan  had  indulged 
himself  in. — Ver.  29  sq.  Jonathan's  disapproval 
of  his  father's  conduct  by  pointing  to  the  injury 
he  has  thus  done  the  land  and  people :  "  My  fa- 
ther has  troubled  ('^^J',  perturbare),  brought 
disaster  on  the  land"  (Genesis  xxxiv.  30; 
Josh.  vi.  18;  Judg.  iv.  35).  The  disaster 
is  this:  that  the  people,  wearied  with  the 
battle,  had  lost  all  strength  by  the  lack  of 
nouri.shing  food  (S?K  VjN).  The  defeat  of  the 
Philistines  was  thus  less  complete  than  it  would 


*  ReadnotSN'l''1asiffrom'7''tSin,  "acted foolishly," 
but  bx'l^  Impf  Apoc.  for  nSx'l,  from  nVtt,  Ges.  Gr.  3 
76,  2  o.' 


398 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


otherwise  have  been  (ver.  29).*  Maurer  renders  as 
independent  sentence :  "  for  now  the  slaughter  of  the 
Philistines  is  not  very  great." — Ver.  31.  See  on  ver. 
23.  Ajalon,  the  present  village  Yalo,  in  the  south- 
east end  of  a  valley  extending  westward  from 
Bethhoron.  Eob.  Later  Bib.  Mes.  188  [Am.  ed. 
III.  145— and  II.  253,  254 :  14  miles  out  of  Jeru- 
salem, Smith's  £.  B.—Tr.]  The  mention  of  the 
great  weannesa  and  exhaustion  of  the  people  con- 
cludes the  account  of  Saul's  rash  conduct,  and 
leads  to  the  statement  of  its  consequences. 

7.  Vers.  32-46.  The  consequences  of  Sauls  over- 
haste,  and  the  end  of  the  boMle. — Ver.  32.t  And 
the  people  fle'w  upon  the  prey — that  is,  as 
soon  as  it  was  evening,  comp.  ver.  24.  The  same 
expre-ssion  in  xv.  19.  The  people  slew  the  ani- 
mals to  the  earth,  down  to  the  ground,  and  then  ate 
"lopon  (or,  ojier)  the  blood,"  blood  being  on  the 
bodies  because  they  were  on  the  ground,  and  so 
"  with  the  blood."  On  the  preposition  (JXl)  see 
Ex.  xii.  8  [Eng.  A.  V.:  "with"],  where  also 
it  introduces  the  basis  or  accompaniments  of  the 
food.  The  people  transgressed  the  command  in 
Lev.  xix.  26 ;  "  Ye  shall  not  eat  on  blood  "  [Eng. 
A.  v.:  "with"],  that  is,  no  flesh  under  which  or 
on  which  there  is  blood.  This  is  an  extension 
of  the  prohibition  of  eating  blood  in  Lev.  iii.  17  ; 
xvii.  10,  11,  which  is  based  on  the  fact  that  the 
blood  is  conceived  of  as  the  seat  and  bearer  of  the 
life. — Ver.  33.  The  people's  eating  is  character- 
ized as  a  sinning  against  the  Lord.J  Saul  calls 
this  conduct  faithlessness,  because  the  law  of 
the  covenant  was  transgressed.  For  now  the  Sept. 
has  (unnecessarily)  hither.     [The  Dl'n,  "to-day," 

"this  day,"  is  here  not  well  rendered  by  "now," 
which  would  be  nO;? ;  the  Sept.  reading  is  better. 

— Tr.] — Ver.  34.  Saul  directs  his  informants  to 
disperse  themselves  among  the  people,  and  announce 
that  everyone  should  bring  his  beast  to  him,  and 
slay  here  on  the  great  sl,one,  that  there  might  be  no 
sinfljl  eating.^  Saul's  command,  which  speaks 
for  his  carefijl  observance  of  the  Law,  was 
carried  out  by  the  people.  As  every  where  be- 
fore, so  here  the  people  display  unconditional 
obedience  to  Saul.  Only  by  slaughtering  on  the 
stone  was  it  possible  to  separate  the  blood  from  the 
flesh.  When  the  slaughtering  occurred,  the  night 
had  already  set  in.  The  Sept.  reading :  "  what 
was  in  his  hand "  instead  of  "  his  ox  in  his 
hand"  [Eng.  A.  V.:  "with  him"]  is  unnecessary. 


*   '3   HK,  properly   "  thereto  corner  that"  then  "  le; 

ahne"  " not  to  mention,"  and  after  an  affirmation  "  all  the 
more"  *^ how  much  more"  2  Sam.  iv.  11;  Gen.  §155.2  n. 
nnj?  *3  often  serves  to  introduce  more  strongly  the 

apodosis  of  a  conditional  sentence  :  "  j/ea,  then."  Ew.  § 
358, 2 n;  Gen.  xxxi.42;  xliii.  10;  Num.  xxii. 29;  2Sam.  ii. 

27.    The  X7  indicates  that  the  apodosis  is  a  question. 

t    For  the  meaningless  il'yjl  read  Dy^l-  If"Perf  Qal. 

of  B'J/  with  Dag.  forte  implicit,  instead  of  0J?'1,  Gea.  § 

72,  B.  g.    So  after  SSk?  insert  Art.  with  Qeri. 

TT 

t   D'Xtan  for  D'SBn  with  retracted  vowel.    Bw.§188 

§    mrrSx  "  to  the  wood."  The  change  of  Prep,  does 

not  alter  the'  meaning ;  Sx  stands  for  7J?  as  in  Judg. 

vi.  39  (see  Maur.  in  toe),  2  Sam.  i.  24 ;  x.  7— both  some- 
times oocurrinB  in  the  same  sentence,  as  xxv.  25; 
xxTi.  16  sqq. ;  2  Sam.  ii.  9 ;  xx.  23. 


— Ver.  35.  Saul  built  the  aitar  to  the  Lord  as 
thanksgiving  for  this  victory  over  the  Philistines. 
The  same  he  began  to  build — that  is,  he 
built  this  as  the  first,  comp.  Gesen.  ?  142,  A.  1. 
IBib.  Oomm.:  "began  to  build,  but  did  not  finish," 
as  1  Chr.  xxvii.  24.  So  Abarbanel ;  but,  accord- 
ing to  the  Midrash,  Saul  began  among  the  kings 
the  building  of  altars  (Philippson).  Wordsworth : 
It  seems  to  be  implied  that  this  was  the  first  time 
he  had  made  acknowledgment  to  God  for  his 
successes. — Tb.]  Probably  he  here  used  the  great 
stone  which  he  had  caused  to  be  brought.  He 
thus  established  a  place  for  the  worship  of  God  in 
commemoration  of  this  victory. — Ver.  36.  He  is, 
however,  not  satisfied  with  the  defeat  of  the  Phi- 
listines, but  proposes  to  spoil  them  that  night  till 
the  morning.  According  to  Jonathan's  state- 
ment, indeed,  the  defeat  was  not  total.  Saul 
rushes  on  in  his  wild  desire  of  revenge,  perhaps 
incited  by  the  consciousness  of  having  committed 
a  gross  folly,  and  thereby  hindered  the  victory — 
and  this  he  will  now  make  good.  The  people  are 
again  ready  immediately  to  carry  out  his  desire. 
The  priest,  however,  desires  first  to  have  the  de- 
cision of  the  Lord.  "  Hither,"  that  is,  to  the  al- 
tar which  had  been  built.  [Patrick :  because  it 
was  dangerous  to  undertake  any  thing  without 
God's  advice.  Sib.  Comm.:  because  the  priest 
doubted  whether  Saul's  ardor  was  a  righteous 
one,  and  bravely  stood  in  its  way. — Tb.J— Ver. 
37.  The  inquiry  of  the  Lord  was  conducted  by  the 
high-priest  Ahiah  through  the  Urim  and  Thnm- 
mim.*  The  Lord  shall  say  whether  the  Philis- 
tines are  to  be  pursued,  and  whether  He  has  deli- 
vered them  into  Israel's  hands.  There  are  there- 
fore two  questions:  whether  further  pursuit? 
whether  happy  result  ?  The  failure  of  a  divine  avr 
swer  is  for  Saul  a  sign  that  there  is  a  fault  some- 
where, on  account  of  which  the  Lord  is  silent  and 
does  not  promise  His  help. — Ver.  38.  Chief  (HJa 
"  comer,"  "  point "),  the  principal  men,  the  heads 
of  the  people  (Judg.  xx.  2),  probably  the  elders 
(Num.  xi.  30).  The  whole  people  are  called  by 
their  representatives,  to  find  out  "wherein  (or 
whereby)  thii  sin  hath  been  this  day."  There  is  no 
need  to  read  (with  Then,  after  Vulg.:  per  quem — 
and  Sept.:  iv  rivi)  "on  whom  CB?)  this  sin  rests," 
instead  of  "wherein"  (nH|).  Eather  the  tiling 
than  the  person  was  here  first  to  be  regarded,  since 
the  question  was  of  an  offence  unatoned  for, — 
which,  however,  indeed,  could  not  be  fixed  with- 
out at  the  same  time  discovering  the  person. — 
Ver.  39.  After  the  first  '3  [here="  because," 
''  for"],  which  gives  the  ground,  follows  a  second 
and  a  third,  the  former  introducing  the  declara- 
tion, the  latter  resuming  it  after  the  parenthesis. 
The  silence  of  the  people  is  (aa  appears  from  ver. 
45)  sign  of  their  conviction  that  Jonathan  hsid 
done  nothing  wrong.  [Perhaps,  also,  sign  of  their 
regard  for  Jonathan.  It  does  not  seem  that  Saul 
was  here  guilty  of  profanity  {Bib.  Oomm.),  since 
he  may  have  used  the  divine  name  reverently 
(the  expression  was  very  common  among  the  Is- 
raelites), but  he  is  guilty  {Bih.  Gomm.)  of  further 
rashness. — Tr.] — Ver.  40.  Saul  proceeds  to  decide 
what  was  the  offence  which  prevented  the  divine 
answer.     The  means  which  Saul  here  employs 

•  [That  is,  by  the  Ephod,  to  which  was  attached  the 
breastplate  with  U.  and  T.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  XIII.  1— XIV.  52. 


197 


reminds  ub  of  how  Samuel  (x.  20, 21)  by  the  ht  as 
means  of  divine  decision  presented  Saul  to  the  peo- 
ple aa  the  king  chosen  by  the  Lord.  While  in  the 
great  double  question  in  ver.  37  Saul  had  applied  to 
the  Lord  by  Urim  and  Thummim,  and  by  His  lA- 
Imwx  received  also  an  answer,  and  that  a  decisive 
one,  he  now,  in  order  to  discover  the  cause  of  this 
divine  decision,  employs  the  lot,  aa  is  clear  from 
the  words  "taken"  [ver.  41]  and  "cast"  [ver. 
42]  (comp.  X.  20  sq.),  which  are  never  used  in 
connection  with  Urim  and  Thummim.  The  'peo- 
ple, who  had  not  answered  him  when  he  swore  a 
second  rash  oath  in  which  he  recognized  the  pos- 
sibility of  Jonathan's  guilt  and  death,  now  ex- 
pressly approved  his  arrangements,  but  silently 
decided  for  Jonathan's  innocence  and  exemption 
from  punishment.  Saul  (ver.  41)  before  the 
casting  turns  to  God  with  the  cry  "give  (or 
estabhsh)  right."  D'?{),  "unpunishable,"  then 
"exemption  from  punishment,"  "innocence," 
"right,"  "truth."  So  Judg.ix.  16,  19;  Josh, 
xxiv.  14.  The  result  of  the  trial  is  that  Jonathan 
is  taken,  ver.  42. — The  Vulgate  agrees  with  the 
Heb.  in  ver.  41  only  in  the  beginning  and  end : 
"  and  Saul  said  to  the  Lord  God  of  Israel — and 
Jonathan  and  Saul  were  taken,  but  the  people 
went  out."  The  intermediate  words  agree  in 
part  with  the  Sept.,  which  in  vers.  41,  42,  has  a 
long  paraphrase.  In  this  Then,  and  Ew.  see  a 
part  of  the  original  text,  reading  D"Bp  [Thum- 
mim] for  D'pn,  and  finding  here  the  complete 
formula  which  was  employed  in  the  use  of  Urim 
and  Thummim.  Against  which  Keil  justly 
remarks,  that  there  is  no  sign  here  of  the  use  of 
Urim  and  Thummim,  since  the  words  in  ver.  41 
are  provably  never  used  of  it,  but  always  of  the 
lot,  and  it  is  clear  from  passages  like  x.  22  and  2 
Sam.  V.  23  that  Urim  and  Thummim  did  not 
consist  merely  in  answering  Yes  and  No,  but  God 
by  it  gave  answers,  which  could  by  no  means  be 
gotten  by  the  lot.  The  Sept.  reading  is,  there- 
fore, nothing  but  a  subjective  and  erroneous  opi- 
nion of  the  translators. 

Ver.  43  sq.  Jonathan  thinks  death  unavoidar 
ble :  Lo,  I  must  die. — Savl  confirms  this  with 
an  oath :  "  God  do  so  and  more  also,"  comp.  iii. 
17.  Both  hold  the  erroneous  opinion  that  a  sin- 
ful promise  or  oath  must  be  kept.  That  the  lot 
fell  on  Jonathan  meant  only,  as  a  divine  disposi- 
tion, that  the  person  was  discovered  on  whom, 
according  to  Saul's  opinion,  rested  the  fault,  by 
reason  of  which  God's  answer  to  his  question  was 
silence.  Against  both  rises  the  peoples  voice  as 
the  voice  of  God.  The  question  [ver.  45]  "  Shall 
Jonathan  die?"  and  the  answer:  "Far  be  it," 
express  the  sorrowful  astonishment  and  the  ener- 
getic protest  of  the  people  who  were  inspired  by 
Jonathan's  heroic  deed  and  its  brilliant  result. 
But  the  decisive  fact  for  the  people  was  the  firm 
conviction  that  God  was  with  him  and  carried 
out  through  him  this  deed  of  deliverance.  Over 
against  Saul's  oath  the  people  set  their  own: 
"  As  the  Lord  liveth,  there  shall  not  a  hair  of 
his  head  fall  to  the  ground."  To  the  second 
"wrought"  (ver.  45)  supply  the  object  of  the  first : 
"  thifl  great  salvation."  "  And  the  people  rescued 
him,"  not,  as  Bwald  says,  by  putting  another  to 
die  in  his  stead,  but  solely  by  their  energetic 
protest,  in  the  face  of  which  Saul  is  obliged  to 


let  his  oath  go  unfulfilled.  For  a  similar  inter- 
vention of  the  people  see  Li  v.  8,  35. — [Patrick : 
They  did  not  rescue  him  by  force  and  violence, 
but  by  their  petition  to  Saul  and  the  reason  they 
gave  for  it.  Josephus  saith  that  "  by  their  prayers 
and  vows  to  God  they  delivered  him."  They 
were  too  forward  indeed  to  swear  directly  against 
Saul's  oath ;  but  of  the  two,  his  being  the  most 
rash,  God  was  pleased  to  annul  it,  and  absolve 
him  from  it. — Wordworth :  Observe  the  humilia- 
tion to  which  Saul  is  reduced  by  his  disobedience. 
— Kitto :  The  enlightened  consciences  and  gene- 
rous enthusiasm  of  the  people. — Tr.] — Ver.  46. 
The  closing  statement.  Saul  desisted  from  fur- 
ther pursuit  of  the  Philistines,  with  whose  over- 
throw as  far  as  it  could  be  effected  under  the 
harmful  consequences  of  his  blind  zeal,  he  had  to 
be  contented.  The  Philistines  went  back  to  their 
own  land.  In  spite  of  this  serious  defeat  their 
strength  was  not  broken  (comp.  ver.  52).  The 
fact  that  Saul  desisted  from  pursuit  shows  that  he 
understood  the  Lord's  silence  as  a  denial,  and 
was  obliged  to  recognize  as  the  cause  of  it  not 
Jonathan's  conduct,  but  his  own  arbitrary  and 
rash  procedure. 

II.  Summary  account  of  SavXs  wan  and  famAj- 
rdations.    Vers.  47-52. 

Vers.  47,  48.  And  SanI  had  taken  the 
kingdom,  then  he  fought,  or :  "  When  Saul  had 
taken  the  kingdom,  he  fought"  The  words  do 
not  stand  in  pragmatical  connection  with  the 
preceding  narrative  of  the  battle  against  the  Phi- 
listines, as  if  the  intention  was  to  state  that  thus 
(by  this  victory)  Saul  gained  royal  authority 
(Then.,  Keil).  His  accession  to  the  throne  is 
mentioned  merely  as  starting-point  for  the  histo- 
rical-statistical statement  of  the  various  wars 
which  he  carried  on  from  the  beginning  of  his 
government.  The  already-related  war  against 
the  Ammonites  is  here  again  mentioned,  and  of 
the  war  against  the  Philistines  it  is  said,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  design  of  this  interposed  sec- 
tion, at  the  end  (ver.  52),  that  it  extended 
throughout  his  whole  reign.  His  whole  govern- 
ment was  a  warlike  one.  Wars  are  here  men- 
tioned, of  which  nothing  is  elsewhere  said. 
What  is  said  of  his  wars  before  and  after  this  is 
determined  by  the  theocratic  point  of  view,  and 
is  designed  to  show  how  Saul,  in  fulfilling  his 
royal  calling  (essentially  a  warlike  one),  came 
into  principial*  conflict  with  the  theocratic  task 
and  significance  of  the  kingdom,  and  therefore 
incurred  of  necessity  the  judgment  of  God.  The 
wars,  which  he  had  to  carry  on  with  his  enemies 
roundabout,  are  the  following :  against  the  Moah- 
ites  and  Ammonites  in  the  East,  against  the  Edamr 
ites  in  the  South,  against  the  kings  of  Zobah  in 
the  Northeast  {Zobah,  a  district  of  Syria,  lay  pro- 
bably north-east  of  Damascus,  between  the  Eu- 
phrates and  the  Orontes,  see  2  Sam.  viii.  3 
["perhaps  included  the  eastern  flank  of  the 
mountain-chain  which  shuts  in  Coele-Syria  on 
that  side,  the  high  land  about  Aleppo,  and  the 
more  northern  portion  of  the  Syrian  desert" 
(Geo.  Eawlinson  in  Smith  B.  D.).— Tn.]),  and 
against  the  Philistines  in  the  West.  Thus  the 
"roundabout"   is  pictured    to    us.     The  word 


*  [Prindpial  fGerm.  primpiell)  is  "founded  on,  or 
connected  with  principles,"  in  contrast  with  what  is 
accidental,  inadvertent,  not  fundamental —Tb.] 


198 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


_^'E^T  [Eng.  A.  V.  "vexed"*]  indicates  the 
point  of  view  from  which  these  wars  are  to  be 
regarded  as  victories :  he  declared  giiilty  (Keil : 
by  deeds),  the  Hiph.  [causative]  of  the  verb 
being  often  used  of  judges  (Ex.  xxii.  8  ;  Deut. 
XXV.  1 ;  Job  xxxii.  3),  he  infiicted  punishment,  or 
executed  judgment  against  these  nations,  because 
they  warred  against  Ood's  people  and  thus  opposed 
the  Lord's  designs  with  respect  to  Israel.  They 
were  national  wars,  which  Saul  carried  on  for 
the  honor  of  the  Lord  and  of  His  people. — SauFs 
development  of  power  against  the  Amalekites  is 
made  specially  prominent ;  he  "  gathered  strength" 

rS;n  E'^n,  Eng.  A.  V.  incorrectly:  "gathered 
a  host"].  This  war  against  the  robbing,  plun- 
dering hereditary  enemy,  the  Amalekites,  is  in 
the  next  chapter  described  "  from  the  theocrati- 
cal  point  of  view"  (Then.). 

Vers.  49-51.  Saul's  household  and  family. 
Three  srnis  are  mentioned :  Jonathan,  Ishwi  and 
Malchishua.  Instead  of  Ishwi  in  xxxi.  2;  1 
Chron.  viii.  33;  ix.  89,  is  Abinadab.  In  the  last 
two  passages  a  fourth  is  named,  Eshbaal,t  who  is 
certainly  the  same  with  Ishbosheth,  2  Sam.  ii.  8. 
The  daughters :  Merab  and  Michal. — Saul's  wife  : 
Ahinoam,  a  daughter  of  Ahimaw. — IBib.  Comm.  : 
"  It  is  not  improbable  that  Ahimaaz  may  have 
been  of  the  priestly  family  (Ahimaaz  was  son 
of  Zadok,  2  Sam.  xv.  36),  and  perhaps  it  may 
have  been  owing  to  such  a  connection  that  Ahi- 
jah  was  brought  into  prominence  by  Saul.  If 
there  is  any  truth  in  the  above  supposition,  it 
would  be  an  indication  that  Saul  was  not  mar- 
ried tUl  after  his  election  to  the  throne."  But  to 
this  last  there  are  serious  objections,  especially 
the  age  of  Jonathan,  and  the  whole  is  a  mere 
conjecture. — Tr.] — Saul's  captain  of  the  host, 
general-in-chief,  Abiner,  abbreviated  (ver.  51) 
Abner,  his  cousin;  in  the  next  verse  this  relation- 
ship is  stated  more  fully :  Kish,  Saul's  father, 
and  Neri,  Abner's  father,  were  sons  of  Abiel.J — 
Ver.  52  connects  itself  as  to  subject-matter  with 
ver.  46,  in  order,  after  the  general  view  of  Saul's 
wars,  to  show  that  he  had  to  carry  on  a  hard 
struggle  with  one  of  these  peoples,  the  Philistines, 
all  his  life,  and  so  give  the  ground  for  the  neces- 
sity that  Saul  was  under,  of  forming  and  main- 
taining a  central  body  of  markedly  valiant  men 
about  him.  This  finishes  the  historical-statistical 
sketch  of  Saul  as  a  warrior-prince,  to  which  be- 
longs also  from  this  point  of  view  the  mention  of 
his  three  sons,  who  fell  in  battle  with  him  (xxxi. 
2),  and  of  Abner,  his  general.  The  national-his- 
torical significance  of  Saul  as  a  king  whose  mis- 
sion was  essentially  that  of  a  warrior  is  thereby 
definitely  characterized.  At  the  same  time  the 
description  of  Saul  as  theocratic  king  is  here 
ended.  In  what  follows  is  shown  how  the  Lord 
transferred  the  theocratic  mission  from  him  to 
another  man.  Ewald:  According  to  the  pro- 
phetical perception  of  the  Work,  Saul  ceases  with 
chap.  xiv.  to  be  the  true  king,  and  therefore  the 


*  fSo  Philippson  (schreckfs  er),  taking  the  rad.  mean- 
ing of  the  verb  to  be  "to  be  unqu'et.  *  Ges.  renders: 
"to  pronounce  guilty,  gain  one's  cause,  be  victorious." 
— Th.] 

t  [On  the  relation  of  Eshbaal,  Ishbosheth  and  Ishwi, 
and  the  text  in  ver.  61,  see  "Text,  and  Gram."  in  loco. 
— Tk.1 

1  (So  ver.  61  must  be  rendered  instead  of  as  in  Eng. 
X.  V.-Te.] 


history  of  his  reign  is  here  concluded  with  the 
necessary  general  remarks  about  him." — We  can- 
not (with  Then.)  hold  that  the  remark  (ver.  52) 
"  when  Saul  saw  any  strong  or  valiant  man,  he 
took  him,"  is  intended  to  introduce  the  narrative 
of  David's  coming  to  Saul  after  the  victory  over 
Goliath  (xviii.  2),  on  the  ground  that  here  it 
drags  too  much  after  what  precedes.  It  would,  if 
we  accepted  Thenius'  view,  stand  too  abruptly 
and  too  far  from  this  narrative  of  David.  It  ramer 
concludes  the  foregoing  account,  and  connects 
itseli  with  the  account  of  the  first  formation  of  a 
standing  army  by  a  levy  from  the  people  (xiii.  2). 

HISTORICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  history  of  Saul  up  to  this  time  shows 
with  what  splendid  gifts  he  was  endowed  for  the 
fulfilment  of  his  theocratic  royal  calling,  to  free 
from  their  enemies,  especially  the  Philistines  (ix. 
16),  the  covenant-people,  who  had  been  united 
and  raised  into  a  new  religious-moral  life  by  Sa- 
muel. The  following  narrative  of  his  victorious 
wars  against  the  enemies  of  God's  people  proves 
that  he  fulfilled  his  war-mission.  "A  knightly 
king  stood  at  the  head  of  the  people,  who  formed 
about  him  a  school  of  heroes  and  drew  to  him  a 
vigorous  army,  and  a  knightly  spirit  pervaded 
the  whole  people.  But  Saul  led  the  way  in  war- 
like spirit  no  less  than  in  all  virtues  of  self-denial 
and  seK-discipline, — he  was  a  warrior-hero,  who 
maintained  on  the  throne  the  moderation  of  his 
former  life."     (Schlier.,  25  [Kbnig  Saul,  9]). 

2.  Yet  there  shows  itself  in  the  development 
of  Saul's  inner  life  (xiii.,  xiv)  a  principle,  which 
is  directly  in  conflict  with  the  theocratic  principle 
of  the  Israelitish  kingdom :  that  of  human  self- 
will,  which  does  not  subject  itself  in  humility  and 
unconditional  believing  obedience  to  the  divine 
will,  and  fails  to  establish  the  absolute  supremacy 
of  the  latter  among  the  people  of  God.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  fulfilment  of  his  warrior-calling 
against  the  Philistines  Saul  was  put  to  the  prof)^ 
whether  in  his  royal  office  he  would  master  his 
own  will  and  yield  unconditional  obedience  to 
the  word  and  will  of  God  as  true  king  of  His  peo- 
ple. This  test  Saul  did  not  stand,  when  he  was 
required  to  follow  the  divine  directions  as  givjen 
him  by  Samuel's  mouth,  which  should  have  been 
for  him  God's  mouth.  As  bearer  of  the  theocratic- 
royal  ofiice  bestowed  on  him,  he  set  himself  in 
conflict  with  the  theocratic-prophetic  watch-office, 
which  Samuel  held  that  he  might  be  the  organ  of 
the  royal  will  and  command  of  the  covenant-God 
of  Israel.  He  thus  denied  the  principle  of  the 
unconditional  sovereignty  of  God,  which  was  to 
be  set  forth  and  unfolded  in  his  kingdom.  It  was 
therefore  certain  that  God's  holiness  and  justice 
could  not  permit  his  kingdom  to  be  permanent 
(xiii.  13,  14). 

3.  Theirs*  test  of  faith,  which  Saul  had  to  sub- 
mit to,  was  a  theocratic  necessity;  for  Saul  must 
first  prove  to  the  Lord  by  deeds  that  he  wished 
to  be  unconditionally  subject  to  the  Lord's  will,  to 
yield  obedience  (putting  down  all  self-will)  to  His 
word  which  was  to  be  revealed  to  him  by  pro- 
phets, and  to  trust  alone  to  His  help.  Such  tents 
a-s  Saul  had  to  stand,  are,  in  the  life  of  princes 
and  peoples,  as  of  individuals,  in  the  church  as 
in  every  member  of  God's  people,  of  dimne  sijWi- 
fkance;  failure  to  stand  them  leads  away  from 


CHAP.  XIII.  1— XIV.  52. 


199 


the  Lord,  brings  to  naught  the  Lord's  purpoaes, 
results  in  misfortune  and  destruction.  The  indi- 
vulual  elements  of  Saul's  probation,  the  typical  sig- 
nificance of  which  elements  for  all  times  and 
circumstances  of  the  kingdom  of  God  is  obvious, 
are  found  partly  in  his  outward  position,  partly 
in  his  inner  life.  The  external  position  of  Saul,  as 
to  time  and  place,  was  one  of  extreme  dista-ess. 
In  consequence  of  Jonathan's  successful  amp  de 
maiii,  the  Philistines  were  advancing  with  a  pow- 
erful army.  The  people  of  Israel,  whom  he  had 
summoned  after  Jonathan's  heroic  exploit  (xiii. 
3)  to  battle  against  the  Philistines,  became  dis- 
heartened and  despondent,  and  dispersed  them- 
selves ;  even  the  permanent  band,  which  he  had 
gathered  around  himi  lost  courage  and  began  to 
disband.  The  seventh  day  had  come,  and  Sa- 
mael,  who  had  bidden  him  wait  till  he  came  to 
Gilgal  to  sacrifice  for  the  people  and  announce 
God's  will,  had  not  yet  made  his  appearance. 
This  distressing  and  dangerous  position  (as  he 
himself  xiii.  11,  12  intimates)  gave  occasion  in 
Im  hart  to  the  temptation  to  act  contrary  to  God's 
will  and  command.  In  the  first  place  fear  of  the 
threatening  dangers  seized  on  his  heart;  to  fear 
joined  itself  impatience,  which  prevented  hira 
from  waiting  out  the  time  appointed  by  Samuel ; 
alongdde  of  the  impatience  was  dotibt  of  the  trust- 
worthiness of  the  divine  promise  given  him 
through  Samuel;  this  produced  unquiet  in  his 
mind,  which  drove  him  to  take  self-willed  mea- 
sures to  help  himself,  and  dissipated  more  and 
more  his  trust  in  God;  then  came  sophistical 
ealevhiian  by  his  carnally  obscured  understand- 
ing; his  heart-frame  towards  God  of  immova- 
ble trust  and  unconditional  ohediemx  was  given 
up.  It  was  the  root  of  unbelief  from  which  all 
this  sprang. — The  consequences  of  this  unstood 
trial  of  faith  show  themselves  straightway  in  two 
directions:  1)  for  Saul's  inner  life:  over  against 
'Bamuel,  or,  what  is  the  same  thing,  over  against 
Ihe  holy  and  just  God  (who  had  addressed  Him- 
self to  his  conscience  through  Samuel's  question 
"what  hast  thou  done?")  he  does  not  follow  the 
exhortation  of  his  conscience,  sorrowfully  and 
penitently  to  confess  his  guilt,  but,  on  the  one 
land,  he  seeks  to  excuse  and  justify  himself  by 
pointing  to  the  certainly  threatening  dangers,  as 
if  he  had  done  nothing  but  his  duty,  carrying  his 
defence  to  the  extent  of  an  untrue  reproach  of 
Simuel  ("thou  earnest  not  at  the  set  time  " ),  and, 
OB  the  other  hand,  he  declares  his  conduct  to  be 
thDroughly  pious  and  God-fearing,  affirming  that 
he  desired  simply  before  the  battle  began  to_  seek 
in  sacrifice  the  Lord's  face,  while  in  fact  this  sa^ 
criflce  against  Samuel's  express  command  had  its 
deepest  root  in  the  unbelief  of  his  heart,  wherein 
he  turned  from  God  to  his  own  flesh  and  blood, 
and  showed  himself  openly  disobedient  to  the  will 
of  God.  The  self-justification  of  the  impenitent 
heart  leads  to  uncleamess  and  untruthfulness, 
since  lies  and  truth  are  mixed  together;  self- 
[  justification  before  the  Lord  is  inseparable  from 
'self-deceit  and  hypocrisy.  Here  begins  the  un- 
steadiness and  passimiate  character  of  Saul's  inner 
'life,  as  we  see  it  afterwards  (chap,  xiv.)  time  and 
again,  in  all  the  external  success  of  his  armS,  in 
aU  the  prosperity  of  his  warlike  enterprises.  2) 
In  respect  to  his  theocratic  royal  calling  followed 
the  divine  judgment :   "  Thy  kingdom  shall  not 


stand,  for  thou  hast  not  kept  the  command  of  the 
Lord."  The  house  of  Saul,  which  otherwise  would 
have  held  the  theocratic  kingdom  permanently, 
is  here  declared  to  have  lost  it,  because  Saul  had 
not  fulfilled  the  fundamental  condition  of  uncon- 
ditional obedience  of  faith.  The  judicial  sen- 
tence is  more  fully  expressed  after  the  second 
trial  (chap.  xv.).  There  the  divine  judgment 
proceeds  further  to  reject  his  person  in  conse- 
quence of  continued  disobedience ;  here  we  have 
first  the  rejection  of  his  house,  so  far  as,  begin- 
ning from  him,  it  might  have  become  the  perma- 
nent possessor  of  the  theocratic  royalty.  The 
divine  judgment,  which  is  completed  by  this  word 
of  Samuel,  was  a  righteous  one,  for  "  in  this  way 
Saul  strove,  so  far  as  in  him  lay,  to  change  the 
Israeli tish  theocracy  (in  which  God  would  be 
King  of  Israel  and  by  His  servants,  the  prophets, 
rule  in  affairs  of  state  and  war)  into  such  a  king- 
dom as  the  heathen  had,  whose  kings  did  every- 
thing according  to  their  own  pleasure.  Saul 
stroje  after  unrestrained  freedom  and  authority, 
but  thus  became  a  slave  to  desire,  driven  by  an 
evil  spirit,  and  ripe  for  speedy  destruction  "  (Boos, 
Einl.  in  d.  bibl.  uesch.  [Introd.  to  Bib.  Hist.], 
2,  271). 

4.  Jonathan's  second  bold  deed  of  arms  (xiv. 
1-15)  is,  in  contrast  with  Saul's  failure  to  stand 
the  trial  of  faith,  an  example  of  mctorious  heroic 
faith,  which  consists  in  unconditional  but  humble 
reliance  on  the  almighty  help  of  the  Lord  ("  per- 
haps the  Lord  will,  etc.,"  ver.  6),  does  not,  in  this 
confident  reliance,  fearfully  weigh  and  reckon  the 
much  or  little  of  human  means  of  accomplishment 
("  there  is  no  restraint  to  the  Lord,  etc.,"  ver.  6), 
but  yet  wisely  and  prudently  observes  the  signs 
given  by  the  Lord,  governs  its  conduct  by  them, 
and  then  in  God's  power  performs  great  things 
("  there  came  a  fright  of  God,"  ver.  15). 

5.  Saul's  conduct  after  his  fall  in  the  first  pro- 
bation of  faith  is  an  illustration  of  the  fact  that, 
when  man's  heart  has  lost  its  right  attitude  to- 
wards the  Lord,  his  whole  life,  both  in  its  rdi- 
gious  and  its  moral  aspect,  loses  truth  and  stead- 
fastness. In  accordance  with  the  pretext  (xiii. 
12)  that  he  must  seek  the  Lord's  face  before  the 
battle,  Saul  afterwards  heaps  up  proofs  of  piety 
and  godliness :  he  calls  for  the  ark  of  God  [or, 
the  ephod — Tb.]  (ver.  18),  is  zealous  against  the 
transgression  of  the  prohibition  of  eating  blood 
(ver.  33  sq.),  builds  an  altar  to  the  Lord  (ver.  35), 
asks  counsel  of  God  as  to  fiirther  military  under- 
takings (ver.  37),  swears  by  the  Lord,  the  De- 
liverer of  Israel,  to  punish  the  concealed  sin  of 
the  people  (ver.  39),  and  calls  on  him  to  decide 
where  the  wrong  is  (ver.  41).  When  the  heart 
has  lost  its  proper  attitude  towards  God  of  humble 
obedient  faith,  and  will  not  return  to  God  in  ho- 
nest penitence,  there  springs  up  the  delusion  that 
one  may  satisfy  God  and  one's  own  conscience  by 
pious  deeds.  'The  spur  of  an  evil  conscience 
drives  us  to  the  hypocrisy  of  a  forced  piety  and 
of  legal  zeal  for  the  honor" of  the  Lord,  while  vre 
put  our  own  honor  in  the  place  of  His.  It  is 
characteristic  that,  after  that  scene  with  Samuel, 
whose  words  did  not  bend  and  break  his  heart 
into  honest  repentance,  Saul  loses  all  moral  stead- 
fastness. By  God's  help  the  victory  over  the 
Philistines  is  gained  (vr.  23),  the  enemy's  whole 
army  is  routed  and  fleeing.     Saul,   instead  of 


200 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


thanking  the  Lord  and  granting  his  tired-out 
people  some  refreshment,  is  inilamed  with  fleshly 
zeal,  which  shows  itself  (ver.  24)  in  his  purpose 
straightway  to  annihilate  the  enemy,  and  his  con- 
sequent adjuration  of  his  army  not  to  eat  anything 
till  evening.  In  the  thoughtlessness  and  precipi- 
tancy of  his  warlike  ardor,  he  speaks  the  trai- 
torous word  "  till  /  have  avenged  myself  on  my 
enemies,"  showing  that  he  puts  himself  in  the 
Lord's  place,  and  forgets  that  the  question  was  of 
the  Lord's  honor  against  His  enemies  and  His 
people's.  Saul  is  zealous  for  his  own  honor,  for 
his  right  and  his  glory.  It  is  this  that  makes  him 
blind,  so  that  he  wishes  to  destroy  the  enemy  tiU 
evening  with  people  exhausted  by  a  hot  contest, 
without  granting  them  rest  and  refreshment,  cru- 
elly and  despotically  ignoring  natural  human 
rights  and  needs,  and,  m  addition,  enlbrces  his 
command  by  an  oath.  Such  thoughtless  and  over- 
hasty  conduct  could,  as  Jonathan  distinctly  says 
(ver.  29),  only  bring  destruction.  Saul's  people, 
harassea  by  his  blind  ardor,  could  not  do  what 
they  ought.  The  defeat  of  the  Philistines  was 
not  as  great  as  it  would  have  been  if  rest  and  re- 
freshment had  been  allowed  (ver.  30).  The 
strength  of  the  people  was  broken  (ver.  31). 
From  the  sinful  root  of  Saul's  fleshly  ardor 
comes  one  evil  fruit  after  another.  The  famished 
people,  in  consequence  of  his  prohibition,  rush 
ravenously  on  the  animals,  do  not  take  time  to 
separate  blood  from  flesh,  eat  the  flesh  in  its  blood, 
and  thus  transgress  the  Lord's  command.  In  the 
night  Saul  wishes  to  pursue  the  Philistines  far- 
ther, in  order  to  destroy  them  completely.  But 
God  checks  him  in  this  through  the  high-priest. 
So  little  does  he  recognize  the  fact  that  he  is  to 
blame  for  the  incompleteness  of  the  victory,  that 
he  wishes  to  slay  Jonathan,  who  is  wholly  free 
from  blame,  for  his  unconscious  transgression  of 
his  arbitrary  and  unjustifiable  prohibition.  The 
name  of  the  Lord  is  invoked  by  Saul  more  than 
is  necessary,  and  misused  to  cover  his  perverse 
disposition  of  heart.  In  overhaste  and  blind  zeal 
he  swears  an  oath,  which,  though  convinced  of 
its  hostile  operation,  he  wishes  to  keep,  but  cannot 
and  is  not  attowed  to  keep.  So  it  goes  from  sin  to 
sin  after  humble  faith  in  the  Lord  is  once  given 
up ;  in  spite  of  all  religious  zeal  and  zeal  for  duty 
and  calling,  by  which  it  is  hoped  to  win  God's 
approbation  and  heal  the  wound  of  a  bad  con- 
science, there  remains  the  inner  discord,  and,  if 
there  come  no  true  repentance  and  conversion,  a 
condition  of  inner  life  must  result  like  Saul's  when 
the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  left  him  and  the  evil  spirit 
came  over  him. 

6.  There  is  here  (vers.  24-26)  a  six-fold  testi- 
mony against  Saul :  1)  The  word  of  his  own 
mouth:  "till  I  have  avenged  mvself  on  my  ene- 
mies," ver.  24 ;  2)  The  word  of  his  son :  "  my 
father  troubles  the  land,"  ver.  29;  3)  The  failure 
of  the  pursuit  of  the  Philistines,  vers.  30,  31 ;  4) 
the  Lord's  silence  when  he  was  inquired  of,  ver. 
37 ;  5)  The  silence  of  the  people  at  his  oath,  ver. 
39 ;_  6)  the  decision  of  the  people,  ver.  45,  by 
which  God's  decision  was  made  apparent,  and 
Saul's  conflict  with  the  Lord  and  himself  shown 
to  be  a  conflict  also  with  the  people,  who  recog- 
nized God's  hand  and  will  better  than  he.  On 
God's  side  there  are  not  lacking  co-workine  means 
by  which  man,  when  he  detaches  himself  from 


God,  may  be  brought  to  consider  himself  and  re- 
turn to  God.  And  if  he  do  not  return,  it  is  be- 
cause of  the  energy  with  which  the  human  will 
persistently  follows  its  own  path,  and  rejects  aU 
God's  exhortations  and  influences. 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

Chap.  xiii.  1-15.  The  test  to  which  faith  is  rkt : 
1)  When  the  need  rises  higher  and  higher,  and 
threatens  destruction.  2)  When  the  divine  nelp 
comes  not  at  the  expected  hour.  3)  When  hu- 
man support  wholly  fails.  4)  When  one's  own 
heart  doubts  and  is  afraid. — Vers.  8-15.  Doubt 
of  the  heart  tempted,  by  unbelief  as  to  the  Lords 
power  and  help :  1)  Its  root  in  the  yet  unconquered 
self  (self-love,  self-will,  self-conceit).  2)  Ite 
manifestaiion  in  disobedience  to  the  will  of  tie 
Lord.  3)  Its  fruit  the  loss  of  the  blessings  of 
divine  grace. 

The  question  of  conseience:  What  hast  thou  doife? 

1)  What  it  signifies  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  (vffs. 
8-10).  2)  \Vith  what  excuses  an  evil  consci^ce 
answers  it  (vers.  11,  12).  3)  What  judicial! av^ 
swer  the  word  of  God  gives  to  it  (vers.  13,  14). 

27ie  steps  in  the  fall  from  faith  into  unbelief:  1) 
Unrest  through  doubt  and  fear.  2)  Sin  in  im- 
patience and  disobedience.  3 )  Excuses  thathave 
no  ground.  4)  Accusation  by  God's  Spirit,  5) 
Sentence  by  God's  word. — [It  is  questionable 
whether  we  should  regard  Saul  as  having  had 
true  faith  in  God.— Tb.] 

J.  DissELHOrr :  First  steps  towards  the  fall 
of  an  already  approved  servant  of  God:  1)  From 
what  hidden  corner  of  the  heart  has  come  forth 
the  stumbling-block  which  made  him  stumble. 

2)  What  has  hindered  him,  after  stumbling,  from    ' 
again  walking  upright  on  his  feet. — [IIenby:    , 
It  is  not  sinning  that  ruins  men,  but  sinning  ajid   J 
not  repenting ;  falling  and  not  getting  up  again. 
— Tb.] 

[Ver.  14.  Hbney:  Was  not  this  hard,  to  pass 
BO  severe  a  sentence  upon  him  and  his  house  for  i 
a  single  error,  and  that  seemed  so  small,  and  in  | 
excuse  for  which  he  had  so  much  to  say  ?    No.  i 
(1)  The  Lord  here  shows  that  there  is  no  sin  lit-  j 
tie,  becau.se  no  little  God  to  sin  against.     (2)  He  I 
shows  that  disobedience  to  an  express  command,! 
though  in  a  small  matter,  is  a  great  provocation;' 
as  in  the  case  of  our  first  parents.     (3)  He  warn^ 
us  to  take  heed  of  our  spirits;  for  that  which  _tc 
men  may  seem  but  a  small  offence,  yet  to  Hiiii 
that  knows  from  what  principle,  and  with  what 
disposition  of  mind  it  is  done,  may  appear  a  hei- 
nous crime. — Tb.]  , 

[Vers.  6,  7.  "  Man's  extremity  is  God's  oppof- 
tunity." — Ver.  10.  A  few  minutes  more,  and  hofr 
great  a  calamity  might  have  been  averted,  hoir 
great  a  blessing  gained!     (Saul  could  wait  no 
longer,  and  yet  Samuel  came  when  he  had  just 
finished  the  burnt-offering,  and  had  not  yet  of-  \ 
fered  the  peace-ofFering,  ver.  9.)— Ver.  12.     And 
I  forced  myself."     Eeluctant  and  self-deceived  I 
disobedience.— Ver.  13.   The  folly  of  disobeying 
(}o(j._Ver.  14.   "Jehovah  hath  sought  him  o 
man  pfter  his  oum  heart :"  1)  A  man  devout,  not  ( 
merely  by  fits  and  starts,   but  profoundly  and 
habituallv.      2)   A    man    not    self-willed,    who 
would  rule  according  to  the  commnnd  of  God 
through  the  prophets.     3)  A  man  who  when  he. 


CHAP.  Xlir.  1— XIV.  52. 


201 


had  done  wrong  would  penitently  submit  to  God's 
chaatening,  invincibly  trust  in  God's  goodness, 
and  fiiithfully  strive  to  live  more  according  to 
God's  will.  (In  these  and  similar  points,  Saul 
and  David  might  be  contrasted.)  Maurice; 
This  was  the  man  after  God's  own  heart,  the  man 
who  thoroughly  believed  in  God,  as  a  living 
and  righteous  Being  ;  who  in  all  changes  of  for- 
tune clung  to  that  conviction ;  who  could  act 
upon  it,  live  upon  it ;  who  could  give  himself 
up  to  God  to  use  him  as  He  pleased ;  who  could 
be  little  or  great,  popular  or  contemptible,  just 
as  God  saw  fit  that  he  should  be.  .  .  .  How  many 
of  us  feel  that  those  who  have  committed  grave 
outward  transgressions  may  nevertheless  have 
had  hearts  which  answered  more  to  God's  heart, 
which  entered  far  more  into  the  grief  and  the  joy 
of  His  Spirit,  than  ours  ever  did  I  (See  the  whole 
Sermon  in  "Prophets  and  Kings.") — Te.] 

Chap.  xiv.  1  sqq.  8.  Schmid  :  When  God  has 
resolved  to  accomplish  something  great  and  won- 
derful through  a  man.  He  knows  how  in  a  won- 
derful manner  so  to  move  his  spirit  that,  without 
tempting  God  and  with  a  believing  heart,  he 
attempts  that  which  is  above  his  nature  and  his 
power. — Ver.  6.  Berlenb.  Bihh:  "There  is  no 
restraint  to  the  Lord,"  etc.  These  words  have 
such  force  that  nothing  can  be  added  to  them 
without  abating  their  force.  In  so  saying  Jona- 
than goes  through  all  apparent  great  perils  with 
a  spirit  becoming  a  soul  at  once  righteous  and 
composed.  It  is  true,  O  God,  that  it  is  no  harder 
for  Thee  to  deliver  us  by  few  than  by  many. 
Our  strength  counts  for  as  little  before  Thee  as 
our  weakness. — The  measure  of  feith  is  also  the 
measure  of  God's  help.  Such  a  soul  undertakes 
everything  with  heartiness  because  it  does  not 
long  consider.  It  knows  that  God  can  do  every- 
thing, and  that  is  enough  for  it.  The  more  it 
doubts,  too,  its  own  powers,  the  more  it  trusts  the 
power  of  God. — S.  Schmid  :  Two  points  has  a 
pious  man  in  his  performances  especially  to 
observe:  one  is  that  his  faith  shall  confide  in 
God's  promise ;  the  other,  that  he  shall  not  doubt 
God's  almightiness. — [Hope,  founded  on  faith:  1) 
It  is  certain — a  matter  of  faith — that  the  Lord 
can  save  by  many  or  by  few.  2)  It  may  be — a 
matter  of  hope — that  He  will  work  for  us.  (Peo- 
ple often  say :  "  I  have  faith  that  we  shall  suc- 
ceed in  this  enterprise."  That  is  not  properly 
a  matter  of  faith,  but  only  of  hope.  We  believe 
that  God  can  give  success  when  it  is  His  will ; 
we  are  persuaded  that  our  enterprise  is  righteous 
and  would  have  desirable  results;  therefore  we 
hofe  that  it  may  prove  to  be  God's  will  to  give 
us  success.)— Tr.] — Vers.  18,  19.  Starke:  That 
is  the  way  with  all  hypocrites ;  when  a  rainburst 
of  misfortune  falls  upon  them,  they  are  quite 
devout,  pray  industriously  and  seek  defence  and 
protection  from  God ;  but  when  the  storm  is  past 
they  run  off  again,  and  ask  not  after  God,  Luke 
xvii.  17. — [WoEDSvi^OETH :  Saul  is  a  specimen 
of  that  class  of  persons  who  show  a  certain  reve- 
rence and  zeal  for  the  outward,  forms  of  religion, 
and  even  a  superstitious  reliance  on  them,  but 
are  not  careful  to  cherish  the  inner  spirit  of  vital 
religion.— Te.] 

Ver.  23.  The  Scriptures  ascribe  everything  to 
God.    And  in  order  not  to  ascribe  everything  to 


the  creature,  they  do  not  say :  Jonathan  delivered 
Israel,  but,  God  saved  Israel.  From  this  we  can 
see  that  a  soul  which  truly  resigns  itself  to  God 
is  in  His  hand  only  a  poor  instrument,  which 
He  is  wont  to  use  with  greater  advantage  the  less 
it  works  anything  of  itself,  but  merely  follows 
the  hand  and  the  will  of  God. — Ver.  24.  [Woeds- 
WORTH  :  Observe  his  egotism.  He  does  not  call 
them  the  enemies  of  the  Lord,  but  he  says :  "  that 

1  may  be  avenged  on  mine  enemies;"  and  he 
speaks  in  this  self-confident  tone  even  after  that 
the  Lord  had  just  marvellously  interfered  to  save 
Israel. — Te  ] — Ceamee:  To  make  a  vow  incon- 
siderately is  censurable,  and  woe  to  those  who 
deliberate  without  consulting  God,  Isa.  xxx.  1. — 
Hall  :  Hypocrisy  is  always  covered  with  a  blind 
and  ungrateful  zeal,  Kom.  x.  2. — S.  Schmid: 
The  lack  of  foresight  in  those  who  fancy  them- 
selves quite  too  wise  or  are  carried  away  by  vio- 
lent passions  often  lets  the  fairest  opportunity  of 
accomplishing  something  good  slip  between  the 
hands. — Ver.  32.  S.  Schmid:  A  sin  seldom 
remains  alone,  and  from  one  error  always  arise 
several  others. — Hall  :  A  hasty  vow  commonly 
brings  much  mischief  after  it. — Ver.  33.  Berlenb. 
Bible:  Thus  do  hypocrites  know  how  to  see  evil 
in  others,  but  not  in  themselves. — Osiandee  : 
That  is  the  way  with  hypocrites,  they  will  never 
be  guilty,  but  others  shall  always  be  so. — Ver.  35. 
Cramee:  Hypocrites  have  the  appearance  of 
holiness ;  but  the  power  of  godliness  they  deny, 

2  Tim.  iii.  5:  Ezek.  xxxiii.  31. — Osiandee: 
Hypocrites  wish  to  be  regarded  as  if  they  were 
promoting  the  honor  of  God  and  of  His  name, 
and  yet  in  fact  are  seeking  nothing  but  their  own 
honor. — Ver.  36.  Staekb:  A  Christian  should 
begin  nothing  till  he  is  first  assured  of  the  divine 
will. — Berleid).  Bible :  Saul  as  a  picture  of  stout 
self-reliance  always  wishes  only  to  carry  out  his 
purposes  without  God,  to  get  booty,  make  the 
victory  greater,  annihilate  the  enemy.  It  never 
came  into  his  head  to  ask  God's  counsel. — Vers. 
38,  39.  Cramer:  God's  eyes  look  at  faith,  and 
without  that  it  is  impossible  to  please  God,  Jer. 
V.  3;  Heb.  xi.  6. — S.  Schmid:  Unjust  sentences 
and  rash  oaths  should  not  be  approved,  but  con- 
demned at  least  by  silence. — Ver.  40.  S.  Schmid  : 
It  is  wise  conduct  not  to  oppose  the  authorities, 
but  to  be  pleased  with  their  words  and  works,  so 
long  as  God's  word  and  conscience  permit. — 
Vers.  42-44.  S.  Schmid:  He  who  has  a  good 
conscience  is  not  afraid  of  God's  judgment,  John 
iii.  21.  To  push  justice  to  extremes  is  often  to 
do  the  greatest  injustice. — [Scott:  Those  who 
are  indulgent  to  their  own  sins  are  generally 
severe  in  animadverting  on  the  sins  of  others ; 
and  such  as  most  disregard  God's  authority  are 
most  impatient  when  their  own  commands  appear 
to  be  slighted.— Tr.] 

Vers.  1-15.  The  believing  spirit  of  Ood's  soldiers 
against  the  enemies  of  God's  kingdom :  1)  It 
confers  not  with  flesh  and  blood,  but  makes  the 
boldest  ventures  alone  with  its  God  (vers.  1-3). 
2)  It  shrinks  not  back  before  the  greatest  diffi- 
culties and  perils  (vers.  1-6).  3)  It  humbly 
leaves  success  to  the  Lord  (ver.  6,  "'perhaps,"  etc.). 
4)  It  trusts  alone  in  God's  almightiness  without 
regard  to  human  might  (ver.  6,  "  there  is  ...  to 
the  Lord,"  etc.).  5)  It  marks  the  signs  from  the 
Lord,  by  which  it  becomes  certain  of  its  success 


202 


THE  FIBST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


(vers.  7-12).  6)  It  gains,  by  God's  help,  a  glo- 
rious victory  (vers.  13-15). 

Vers.  16-23.  The  Lord  helps  His  "people  in  the 
amfiict  against  their  enemies,  in  that  1 )  He  sud- 
denly and  unexpectedly  defeats  them  upon  hid- 
den paths  and  in  a  wonderful  manner  (vers.  16- 
19) ;  2)  He  brings  their  enemies  into  confusion 
and  causes  them  to  turn  their  weapons  against 
each  other  (ver.  20) ;  3)  The  forces  of  His  people 
that  had  yielded  He  rescues  again  and  brings 
them  back  to  His  side  (ver.  21),  and  4)  the  dis- 
heartened and  despairing  He  collects  again  to 
His  host,  to  be  partakers  in  His  victory. 

Vers.  24-46.  The  folly  of  those  who  let  themselves 
be  ruled  by  earned  seal:  1)  They  are  thoughtless 
and  over-hasty  in  their  resolutions;  2)  They  are 
unintelligent  and  err  in  the  means  for  their  aim ; 
31  Falling  heels  over  head  they  miss  the  goal ; 
4)  Led  astray,  they  carry  away  with  them  into 
error  and  sin  the  men  who  are  under  their  influ- 
ence ;  5)  While  in  self-seeking  and  self-will 
striving  after  good  reputation  before  God  and 
men,  they  must  before  God  and  men  be  put  to 
shame. 

Vers.  35-46.  jfAe  exhortaiimi,  Let  us  draw  near 
hither  unto  Ood.  1)  Whereon  it  rests,  (a)  On 
the  nearness  of  God  to  us ;  (b)  on  our  duty  in  all 
things  to  place  ourselves  before  God's  face.  2) 
What  it  aims  at.  (a)  The  clear  knowledge  of  the 
will  of  God  ;  (6)  the  consciousness  and  manifesta- 
tion of  our  own  sin  before  the  Lord. 


Ver.  37.  GocCs  silence  when  we  question  Him  is 
also  an  answer,  which  1)  calls  us  to  earnest  self- 
examination,  in  order  to  discover  to  us  the  im- 
pure ground  in  our  heart,  from  which  the  ques- 
tion proceeds,  and  2)  causes  us  to  mark  the  di- 
vine delay  as  to  that  which  we  desire  in  a  car- 
nal way. 

Ver.  45.  When  is  the  peoples  voice  Ood!s  voice  f 
1)  When  it  is  an  echo  of  that  which  God  by  His 
word  and  His  deeds  of  grace  has  spoken  into  the 
heart  and  conscience  of  the  people.  2)  When  it 
is  a  contradiction  to  that  which  clearly  opposes  the 
word  and  work  of  God. 

Vers.  24—45.  Misuse  of  the  name  of  Ood  in  the 
service  of  hypocrisy :  1  j  By  idle  swearing  in  over- 
hasty  resolutions.  2)  By  impenitent  invocation 
of  divine  help  in  self-willed  undertakings.  3)  By 
zeal  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  against  other  peo- 
ple's sins,  while  ignoring  and  concealing  one's 
own. 

Chap.  XIV.  J.  DissELHorr  :  The  time  between 
the  stumbling  and  the  fall.  We  see,  1)  How  God's 
wondrous  faithfulness  drives  Saul  not  to  shame  at 
his  unbelief,  but  only  to  carnal  zeal ;  2)  How  he 
wishes  to  supply  the  half-felt  want  of  thorough 
repentance  by  outward  service  of  God ;  3)  How 
therefore  the  further  gracious  respite  and  help  of 
God  led  not  to  upright  action  but  to  security. 
[The  fall  of  Saul  may  be  fully  and  instructively 
traced  by  the  help  of  "  Historical  and  Theologi- 
cal," Nos.  3  and  5.— Tb.] 


SECOND    SECTION. 
The  rejection  of  Saul  for  his  disobedience  in  the  Amalekite  war. 

Chapteb  XV.  1-35. 

Samuel  also  [And  Samuel]  said  unto  Saul,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  sent  me  to 
anoint  thee  to  he  [om.  to  be]  king  over  his  people,^  over  Israel ;  now  therefore  [and 
now]  hearken  thou  unto  the  voice  of  the  words^  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  Thus 
saith  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  of  hosts,  I  remember  [have  considered']  that  which  [what] 
Amalek  did  to  Israel,  how  he  laid  wait  for  [withstood*]  him  in  the  way,  when  he 


TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

'  [Ver.  1.  Omitted  in  Sept.  (Vat.,  not  Alex.);  Syr.  has  "  Israel  hia  people,"  while  Vulg.  and  some  MSS.  hare 
"  his  people  Israel."    These  may  be  free  renderings,  or  may  point  to  different  texts.— Tr.] 

«  [Ver.  1,  Wanting  in  Vat.,  Sept.,  and  Vulg.,  and  perhaps  in  Arab,  (though  Ar.  Sip  is  rather  13T  than  Sip)- 
The  Heb.  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  later  insertion  to  avoid  an  anthropomorphism  "  voice  of  God"  (bnt  the  Targ. 
has  "  the  word  of  the  saying  of  Jehoyah  ")  but  simply  as  a  full  expression  (oomp.  "  S'lp  vers.  20,  22  of  this  eh.). 
The  Heb.  y\n  is  equivalent  to  "  word  "  (as  in  Arab.)  in  the  phrase  "  hear  the  voice,  obey  the  voice  of  Jehovah."— Tii.] 

'  [Ver.  2.  The  word  (^p3)  means  "visit,"  "  inspect,"  "fix  the  mind  on,"  Vulg.  recensui,  Aq.  erreuKeijiiiiTiy. 

P*h®rs  render  (imjjroijerly)  "will  punish,"  so  Sept.  ixSiKria-iit.  Berl.  Bib.  mU  heimisuchen,  De  Wette  ahnden,  Geson. 
\Thes.  s.  v.).  The  signification  "punish"  exists,  but  the  future  sense  does  not  accord  so  well  with  the  following 
verse.— Ta.] 

*  [Ver.  2.  Dity  with  V  "  to  set  one's  self  against."    In  the  corresponding  passage  in  Deut.  (xxv.  17-19)  the 

word  mp  is  used  "to  goto  meet"  in  hostile  sense,  and  it  is  added  "out  off  thy  rear-guard,"  which  perhaps  in 

partsuggested  the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  v.,  which  is  found  only  here,  comp.  Jer.  ix.  7  (8).    The  Targ.,  however, 

has  "  laid  wait"  (pj),  and  Syr.  and  Arab,  omit.— Te.] 


CHAP.  XV.  1-35.  203 


3  came  up  from  Egypt.  Now  go  and  smite  Amalek,  and  utterly  destroy*  all  that 
they  have,  and  spare  them  not,  but  slay  both  man  and  -woman,  infant  and  suckling, 
ox  and  sheep,  camel  and  ass. 

4  And  Saul  gathered  [summoned]  the  people  together  lorn,  together],  and  num- 
bered them  in  Telaim,*  two  hundred  thousand  footmen,  and  ten  thousand  men  of 

5  Judah.'     And  Saul  came  to  a  [the]*  city  of  Amalek,  and  laid  wait'  in  the  valley.'" 

6  And  Saul  said  unto  the  Kenites,  Go,  depart,  get  you  down  from  among  the  Araa- 
lekites,  lest  I  destroy  you  with  them ;  for  ye  showed  kindness  to  all  the  children  of 
Israel,  when  they  came  up  out  of  Egypt.     So  [And]  the  Kenites"  departed  from 

7  among  the  Amalekites.     And  Saul  smote  the  Amalekites  from  Havilah  until  [as]" 

8  thou  comest  to  Shur,  that  is  over  against  Egypt.  And  he  took  Agag  the  king  of 
the  Amalekites  alive,  and  utterly  destroyed  all  the  people  [all  the  people  he  utterly 

9  destroyed]  with  the  edge  of  the  sword.  But  [And]  Saul  and  the  people  spared 
Agag,  and  the  best  of  the  sheep  and  of  the  oxen  and  of  the  fatlings  [secondrate]," 
and  the  lambs,  and  all  that  was  good,  and  would  not  utterly  destroy  them ;  but 
everything  that  was  vile"  and  refuse,  that  they  destroyed  utterly. 

10  Then  came  the  word  of  the  Lord  [And  the  word  of  Jehovah  came]  unto  Samuel, 

11  It  repenteth  me  that  I  have  set  up  [made]  Saul  to  be  \om.  to  be]  king ;  for  he  is 
turned  back  from  following  me,  and  hath  not  performed  my  commandments.    And 

12  it  grieved'*  Samuel ;  and  he  cried  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  all  night.  And  when 
[pm.  when]  Samuel  rose  early'*  to  meet  Saul  in  the  morning,  [ins.  and]  it  was  told 
Samuel,"  saying,  Saul  came  to  Carmel,  and  behold,  he  set  him  up  a  place  [monu- 

13  ment]"  and  is  gone  about,  and  passed  on  [over],  and  gone  down  to  Gilgal.  And 
Samuel  came  to  Saul,'*  and  Saul  said  unto  him.  Blessed  be  thou  of  the  Lord  [Je- 

14  hovah]  ;  I  have  performed  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  Sa- 
muel said.  What  meaneth  then  [And  what  is]  this  bleating  of  the  [om.  the"]  sheep 

15  in  mine  ears,  and  the  lowing  of  the  [om.  the"]  oxen  which  I  hear  ?  And  Saul 
said.  They*  have  brought  them  from  the  Amalekites  ;  for  the  people  spared  the 

6  [Ver.  3.  Sept. :  "  Destroy  him  and  all  his,"  which  is  preferred  by  Wellhausen.  The  Greek  text  contains  a 
duplet,  and  the  Vulg.  adds  "  et  rum  conoupiscas  ex  rebus  ipsius  aliquid,"  The  "  utterly  "  which  Eng.  A  Y.  everywhere 
employs  in  rendering  the  word  D"^n  is  as  good  an  expression  of  the  idea,  perhaps,  as  is  available.  See  trans- 
lator's note  in  the  body  of  the  work. — Tr.] 

8  [Ver.  4.  Sept.  "  Gilgal "  (see  Erdmann),  Syr-  TeUyyo  or  Teloye,  Arab.  TawUa.  Chald.,  Vulg.  and  others  have 
taken  the  word  as  appellative ;  Chald. ;  "  by  paschal  lambs,"  on  which  Kaahi  (Breithaupt's  translation)  saj^s ; 
"Saul  told  every  man  to  take  a  lamb  from  the  royal  flocks,  and  then  he  numbered  the  lambs,  since  it  was  forbid- 
den (Gen.  xvi.  10,  al.)  to  number  the  Israelites  ;'*  Anonymous  Greek  version  (in  the  Hexapla)  ap^ao-ti/  for  apvatriv ; 
Vulg. :  quasi  agnos. — Te.] 

'  [ver. 4.  " It  is  strange  that  Judah  forms  only  the  twenty-first  part  of  the  army,  and  that  'footmen'  and 
'  men  of  Judah '  stand  opposed  to  one  another  "  ( Wellh.).  Syr. :  "  two  hundred  thousand  footmen,  and  ten  thou- 
sand with  the  men  of  Judah."    The  text  is  not  clear.— Tb.] 

8  [Ver.  5.  The  definite  Art.  is  better,  since  it  was  certainly  the  principal  (possibly,  the  only)  city  of  the  Amale- 
kites.   Perhaps  it  was  called  Ir-Amalek  (Bib.  Oomm,).    Sept.  has  "  cities,"  and  so  Josephus  (Bib.  Comm.). — Tr.] 

•  [Ver.  5.  On  the  Heb.  verb-form  see  Erdmann. — Ta.J 

10  [Ver.  5.  The  bed  of  a  winter-torrent,  or,  a  ravine  through  which  flows  a  brook  or  torrent :  Arab.  Wady. — Tb.] 
u  [Ver.  6.  On  account  of  the  absence  of  the  Art.  in  the  Heb.  Wellhausen  proposes  to  read  pp  (as  in  Numb. 

xxiT.  22;  JudE.iv.  11).— Te.1  • 

i«  [Ver.  7.  The  general  direction  is  here  given,  as  in  Gen.  xxv.  18  (where,  apparently,  for  "W^H  we  must  read 

•11ttf>-TB.] 

*  I  Ver.  9.  On  the  forms  on  this  verse  see  Erdmann.  Sept. :  "the  good  of  the  flocks  and  of  the  herds  and  of 
the  eatables  (D'JDE^D)  and  of  the  vines  (D''D13)."  For  D'JK'D  (Eng.  A.  V.  "fallings)"  Vulg.  has  vestibus,  per- 
haps reading  D'D  JO,  or  (Bib.  Comm.).    O'JE'.'  Wellhausen  transposes  the  ^];  from  the  fourth  word  to  the  third 

and  renders :  "  the  best  of  the  sheep  and  oxen,  the  fat  and  well-fed  animals."  As  the  text  stands  the  third  word 
is  best  rendered  "  second-rate,"  which  is  not  satisfactory.  Proposed  different  readings  are  discussed  in  the  ex- 
position.—Te.]  , 

"  [Ver.  11.  The  meaning  here  is  not  clear.    The  Heb.  phrase  O   ItTl)  usually  means  "  was  angry,"  properly 

"  was  hot,  excited,"  not  only  by  anger,  but  (as  in  Arab.,  Gesen.,  Fuersti  by  any  emotion,  as  grief  It  is  diflicult, 
however,  to  establish  the  sense  "  was  sorry ;"  the  most  favorable  passage,  Gen.  xlv.  5,  is  not  decisive,  and,  indeed, 
is  commonly  rendered  "  be  not  angry."  If  Samuel  here  was  angry,  it  was  either  with  Saul  (which  is  improbable), 
or  with  himself  (for  which  there  is  no  reason),  or  with  God  (which  we  should  not  expect  in  Samuel  1,  or  with  the 
general  situation  of  afifairs  (which  includes  the  others  in  part  or  in  whole).  The  indefinite  word  "  grieved  "  might 
therefore,  be  retained  in  the  translation. — Te.J 

"  [Ver.  12.  Pregnant  construction  for  "rose  up  and  went  to  meet  Saul.'  Such  constructions  are  common  in 
Hebrew.— Tb.] 

1»  [Ver.  12.  The  Sept.  here  badly  transposes  the  names  Samuel  and  Saul.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  12.  T  clearly  here  "  monument."    Its  relation  to  T  "  hand  "  and  its  original  stem  are  not  known. 

— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  13.  Sept.  inserts :  "  and  he  was  offering  saorifloes,"  though  it  is  clear  from  the  narrative  that  Samuel 
had  not  seen  the  animals,  ver.  14  (Wellh,).— Tr.] 

i»  [Ver.  14.  The  Heb.  Art.  is  here  better  omitted  in  Eng.- Tr.] 

»  [Ver.  15.  Sept. :  I.— Te.] 


204  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

best  of  the  sheep  and  of  the  oxen  to  sacrifice  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God  ; 

16  and  the  rest  we"  have  utterly  destroyed.  Then  [And]  Samuel  said  unto  Saul, 
Stay,  and  I  will  tell  thee  what  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  said  to  me  this  night. 
And  he  said  unto  him,  Say  on. 

17  And  Samuel  said,  When  [Though]'''  thou  wast  little  in  thine  own  sight,  loagt  thou 
not  made  the  head  of  the  tribes  of  Israel,  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  anointed  thee 

18  king  over  Israel  ?  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  sent  thee  on  a  journey  [way],  and  said, 
Go  and  utterly  destroy  the  sinners  the  Amalekites,  and  fight  against  them  until 

19  they  be  consumed."^  Wherefore,  then,  didst  thou  not  obey  the  voice  of  the  Lord 
[Jehovah],  but  didst  fly  upon  the  spoil,  and  didst  evil  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord  [Je- 

20  hovah]  ?  And  Saul  said  unto  Samuel,  Yea"  [om.  yea]  I  have  obeyed  the  voice 
of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]",  and  have  gone  the  way  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  sent 
me,  and  have  brought  Agag  the  king  of  Amalek,  and  [ins.  the  Amalekites  I]  have 

21  utterly  destroyed  the  Amalekites  [om.  the  Amalekites].  But  [And]  the  people 
took  of  the  spoil,  sheep  and  oxen,  the  chief  of  the  things  which  should  have  been 
utterly  destroyed  [things  devoted  to  destruction  (or,  banned)]  to  sacrifice  unto  the 

22  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God  in  Gilgal.  And  Samuel  said.  Hath  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
as  great  delight  in  burnt-offerings  and  sacrifices  as  in  obeying  the  voice  of  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  ?    Behold,  to  obey  is  better  than  sacrifice,  and  to  hearken  than  the  fat 

23  of  rams.  For  rebellion  is  as  the  sin  of  witchcraft,  and  stubbornness  is  as  iniquity 
and  idolatry  [For  the  sin  of  witchcraft  is  rebellion,  and  idolatry  Cor  idols)  and  tera- 
phim  is  stubbornness]. '^  Because  thou  hast  rejected  the  word  of  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah], he  hath  also  [om.  also]  rejected  thee  from  being  king. 

24  And  Saul  said  unto  Samuel,  I  have  sinned,  for  I  have  transgressed  the  com- 
mandment of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  and  thy  words;  because  I  feared  the  people  and 

25  obeyed  their  voice.  Now  therefore,  I  pray  thee,  pardon  [And  now,  pardon,  I  pray 
thee]  my  sin,  and  turn  again  [return]  with  me,  that  I  may  [and  I  will]  worship  the 

26  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  Samuel  said  unto  Saul,  I  will  not  return  with  thee ;  for 
thou  hast  rejected  the  word  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath 

27  rejected  thee  from  being  king  over  Israel.     And  as  [om.  as]  Samuel  turned  about 

28  to  go  away,  [ins.  and]  he  laid  hold  upon  the  skirt  of  his  mantle,  and  it  rent.  And 
Samuel  said  unto  him.  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  rent  the  kingdom  of  Israel  from 
thee  this  day,  and  hath  given  it  to  a  neighbor  of  thine  that  is  better  than  thou. 

29.  And  also,  the  Strength'*  of  Israel  will  not  lie  nor  repent ;  for  he  is  not  a  man  that 

30  he  should  repent.  Then  [And]  he  said,  I  have  sinned  ;  yet  honour  me  now,  I  pray 
thee,  before  the  elders  of  my  people  and  before  Israel,  and  turn  again  [return] 

31  with  me,  that  I  may  [and  I  will]  worship  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God.  So  [And] 
Samuel  turned  again  [returned]  after  Saul ;  and  Saul  worshipped  the  Lord  [Je- 
hovah]. 

32  Then  said  Samuel  [And  Samuel  said],  Bring  ye  hither  [om.  ye  hither]  to  me 
Agag  the  king  of  the  Amalekites.     And  Agag  came  unto  him  delicately  [cheer- 

33  fully].'"     And  Agag  said,  Surely  the  bitterness  of  death  is  past.     And  Samuel  said, 

«•  [Ver.  IT,  The  natural  translation  is :  "  though  thou  art  little  in  thy  eyes,  art  thou  not  head  of  the  tribes  of 
Israel?"  as  in  Sept. :  after  which  it  would  then  he  better  to  begin  a  new  sentence  and  continue  it  in  rer.  18 .  "  Je- 
hovah anointed  theo  afld  sent  thee."    The  past  rendering,  however,  (as  in  Eng.  A.  V.  Brdmann)  is  possible.— Te.] 

82  [Ver.  18.  The  pron.  is  repeated  here  in  the  Heb.,  probably  by  clerical  error.— Tr.] 

25  [Ver.  20.  There  is  nothing  in  the  Heb.  corresponding  to  "yoa."  The  lE'X  here  introduces  orofio  recta 
(as  oTt  in  later  Greek). — Ta.l 

2f  I  Ver.  20.  Sept.  badly  "^the  voice  of  the  people."— Tr.] 

»  [Ver.  23.  The  Heb.  order,  in  which  the  predicate  precedes  the  subject,  is  more  forcible,  and  not  likely  to  he 
misunderstood  by  most  Eng.  readers.  So  it  is  stronger  to  omit  the  "  as  "  which  is  not  in  the  Heb.  The  word 
rendered  "  iniquity  "  in  Eng.  A.  V.  (I1N)  means  "  nothingness,"  and  is  used  of  sin  in  general,  and  frequently  of 

idolatry  or  idols,  as  here.  The  Vers.',  except  Vulg.  and  Chald.,  are  here  confused.  Chald. :  "  as  the  sin  of  the 
men  who  inquire  by  divination  is  the  sin  of  every  man  who  rebels  against  the  word  of  Jehovah,  and,  as  the  sin 
of  the  people  who  wander  after  errors  (idols)  is  the  sin  of  every  man  who  heaps  up  and  adds  to  the  words  of  the 
prophets."- Te.] 

*  [Ver.  29.  nSJ  is  variously  rendered.    Chald.  and  Syr.  have  same  stem  as  Heb.,  idea  of  power,  eminence ; 

Vulg.,  triumphator ;  Luther,  hdd  (hero);  Martin,  force;  Diodati,  vitforia  (victory);  De  Wette,  vertraum  (confi- 
dence, trust) ;  Van  Ess.,  ractftrteit  (truth) ;  'Brdma.nn,  hort  (retake).  The  Sept.  and  an  anonymous  Greek  version 
misunderstood  this  word,  and  rendered  (as  if  from  VSn)  "  ana  Israel  shall  be  divided  into  two  parts,  and  shall 

not  return."    The  Chald.  paraphrases  in  order  to  avoid  the  anthropomorphic  expressions  of  the  text. — Ta.] 

"  I  Ver.  32.  So  Chaldee.  Sept.,  "  trembling,"  Vulg.,  pinguissimiu  et  tremens,  Aq.  an-4  rpuAjpfns  "  delicately,  dain- 
tily," and  so  Sym.  a3pd?.—TB.]  o,         o>r    . 


CHAP.  XV.  1-35. 


205 


As  thy  sword  hath  made  women  childless,  so  shall  thy  mother  be  childless  among 
women.     And  Samuel  hewed  Agag  in  pieces  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  iu  Gilgal. 

34  Then  [And]  Samuel  went  to  Eamah  ;  and  Saul  went  up  to  his  house  to  Gibeah 

35  of  Saul.  And  Samuel  came  no  more  to  see  Saul  [saw  Saul  no  more]  until  the  day 
of  his  death  ;  nevertheless  [for]  Samuel  mourned  for  Saul ;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
repented  that  he  had  made  Saul  king  over  Israel. 


EXEGETICAL   AND    (JEITICAL. 

Vers.  1-3.  The  divine  commission  to  Said  to  exe- 
cute judgment  on  Amalek.  Ver.  1  is  not  to  be 
connected  chronologically  with  ch.  xii.  (Then.), 
but  continues  the  narrative  of  chs.  xiii.  and  xiv. 
The  solemn  reminder  of  Saul's  royal  anointing 
and  of  Samuel's  divine  mission  to  that  end  refers 
not  to  xi.  15,  but  to  ix.  15 — x.  1.  It  points  to  the 
fact  that  the  following  commission  is  a  divine 
emnmand,  commimicated  by  the  appointed  organ, 
the  prophet  of  God,  and  that  the  bearer  of  the 
royal  office  has  here  to  perform  a  theocratic  mis- 
sion with  unconditional  obedience.  The  "me" 
stands  first  [such  is  the  order  in  the  Heb. — Tr.] 
in  order  to  give  prominence  to  the  official  autho- 
rity, as  bearer  of  which  Samuel  must  needs  have 
felt  himself  obliged  by  Saul's  past  conduct  to 
assert  himself  over  against  him.— Ver.  2.  The 
AmMLekiles  were  a  wild,  warlike  desert-people, 
dwelling  south  and  south-west  of  Judea  in  Ara- 
bia Petrsea,  descended  from  the  same  ancestor  as 
the  Edomites,  and  took  their  name  from  Esau's 
grandson  Amalek  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12,  16 ;  1  Chron. 
1.  S6).  Comp.  Joseph.,  Aniiq.  II.  1,  2,  where 
this  people  is  described  as  an  Edomitic  tribe,  and 
their  territory  said  to  be  part  of  Idumea.  The 
mention  of  the  "  country  of  the  Amalekites  "  in 
Gen.  xiv.  7  is  not  in  conflict  with  their  deriva- 
tion from  Esau's  grandson,  for  this  (Hengst., 
Pent.  II.  303  sq.)  is  merely  a  proleptical  state- 
ment (comp.  Winer,  W.  B.  I.  51,  Anm.  1).*  In 
the  prophecy  of  Balaam  (Num.  xxiv.  20)  it  is 
expressly  mentioned  as  the  first  of  the  heathen 
nations  that  opposed  Israel  as  the  Lord's  people, 
and  whose  destruction  by  Israel  (comp.  ver.  8) 
is  foretold.  The  first  hostile  movement  of  this 
people  is  narrated  in  Ex.  xvii.  8  sq.  Soon  after 
Israel's  exodus  from  Egypt  the  Amalekites  fell 
on  their  wearied  rearguard  in  the  desert  of  Ee- 
phidim,  but  were  defeated  by  Joshua  through 
Moses'  prayer,  and  were  doomed  to  extermination 
by  the  divine  command  (vers.  14,  16).  God's 
command  to  Saul  goes  back  to  these  first  hostili- 
ties of  the  Amalekites  (which  were  often  afterwards 
repeated  in  their  alliances  with  the  Canaanites 
(Num.  xiv.  40  sq.),  with  the  Moabites  (.Judg.  iii. 
18),  and  with  the  Midianites  (Judg.  vii.  12) ), 
the  Amalekites  (according  to  ver.  33)  having 
newly  made  an  inroad,  with  robbery  and  murder, 
on  the  Israelitish  territory. — I  have  noted 
what  Amalek  did  to  Israel,  that  is,  the 
whole  series  of  Amalekite  hostilities,  the  begin- 
ning of  which  is  expressed  in  the  following  words: 
"how  he  withstood  him"  (to  Heb.  Dto  supply 

*  [Another  view  is  that  the  Amalekites  were  an 
ancient  Arabian  trilie  (Gen.  xiv.  1\  afterwards  partially 
fused  with  Edomites  (Gen.  xxxvi.  12,  18).  So  Ewald 
(aesch.  I.  331),  Kuobel  {V.  T.J  221  and  see  Smith's  Bib. 
Diet.  a.  V.  For  the  view  of  the  text  see  Herzog  B.  M., 
«.».— Tb.] 


npnp*  as  in  1  Kings  xx.  12),  because  in  Ex. 
xvii.  14,  16,  Amalek  is  declared  the  doomed 
hereditary  and  deadly  enemy  of  Israel.  Comp. 
Deut.  XXV.  17-19. 

Ver.  3.  The  complete  extermination  of  the 
Amalekites,  persons  and  property,  as  a  righteous 
judgment  of  the  holy  God  (as  is  intimated  iu  the 
noted"  (consideredj  of  ver.  2)  is  enjoined  on 
Saul.  The  phrase  put  everything  under  the 
ban "  [this  is  the  exact  meaning  of  the  Heb. ; 
Eng.  A.  V. ;  "  utterly  destroy," — Tk.]  is  explained 
by  the  following  parallel  phrases  to  mean  "  slay- 
ing," the  "  inferior  being  put  last  iu  each  mem- 
ber "  (Then. ),  and  the  "  both  .  .  and "  expressing 
complete  destruction toi<AomJ  exception. — [The  Ban. 
The  ban,  of  which  we  have  here  a  notable  in- 
stance, was  an  old  custom,  existing  probably 
before  Moses,  but  formulated,  regulated  and 
extended  by  him.  In  its  simplest  form  it  was 
the  devotion  to  God  of  any  object,  living  or  dead. 
(The  object  thus  devoted  was  called  D^.n,  Cherem, 
fi-om  mn,  "to  separate,"  "set  apart  from  com- 
mon use,"  and  from  the  noun  comes,  according 
to  Ewald,  the  Heb.  Hiph.  "to  make  a  thing 
cherem,"  "  put  under  the  ban.")  When  an  Israel- 
ite or  the  whole  congregation  wished  to  devote  to 
God  anything,  man,  beast  or  field,  whether  for 
the  honor  of  God,  or  to  get  rid  of  an  injurious  or 
accursed  thing,  it  was  brought  and  offered  to  the 
priest,  and  could  not  then  be  redeemed  (Lev. 
xxvii.  28) — if  living,  it  must  be  put  to  death.  A 
deep  consciousness  of  man's  sin  and  God's  holi- 
ness underlay  this  law.  The  wicked -thing,  con- 
trary to  the  spiritual  theocratic  life  of  God's 
people,  must  be  removed,  must  be  committed  to 
him  who  was  the  ruler  and  judge  of  the  people. 
And  so  the  custom  had  a  breadth  of  use  as  well 
as  of  meaning  in  Israel  which  it  never  had  in 
other  ancient  nations  (Ew.).  A  city  might  be 
devoted  (Deut.  xiii.  12-17),  or  a  whole  nation  by 
vow  of  the  people  (Num.  xxi.  2),  or  by  command 
of  God  (Ex.  xvii.  l4).  In  such  case  all  human 
beings  and  cattle  were  to  be  slain,  all  the  spoil 
(houses,  furniture,  etc.)  to  be  burned,  the  land 
was  to  lie  for  some  time  fallow,  and  other  things 
to  be  given  to  the  sanctuary.  From  this  strict 
rule  there  were  occasional  deviations  (Num. 
xxxi. ;  Josh.  ix.  3-15),  but  on  special  grounds. 
To  spare  the  devoted  thing  was  a  grave  offence, 
calling  down  the  vengeance  of  God.  In  later 
times  the  ban  was,  doubtless  under  prophetic 
direction,  softened,  and  in  the  New  'Testament 
times  the  infliction  of  death  had  quite  ceased. — 
On  this  whole  subject  see  Ew.,  AUerth.  I.  101  sq. 
(1866),  Herzog  B.  E.,  s.  v.  Bann,  Comm.  of  Ka- 
lisch  and  Bib.  Comm.  on  Lev.  xxvii  — Tb.] 

Vers.  4-9.  How  Said  performs  this  divine  com- 
mand.— Ver.  4.  Saul  summons  the  people  (Heb. 
"make  them  hear,"  the  Pi.  only  elsewhere  in 


*  [That  is,  "  set  array  against,"  instead  of  "  laid  wait 
for,"  as  in  Eng.  A.  V.— Th.J 


206 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


xxiii.  8).  The  whole  of  the  population  fit  for 
war  (see  the  numbers  in  ver.  4)  appears  again  in 
arms,  because  the  powerful  Amalekites  could  be 
overthrown  and  destroyed  only  by  the  full  force 
of  Israel. — Telaim  is  the  same  with  Telem,  a 
southern  city  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  24),  lying, 
therefore,  near  the  Amalekite  territory,  which 
agrees  with  Saul's  choice  of  the  place  for  his  mus- 
tering of  the  army.  The  reading  of  the  Sept. : 
"  in  Gilgal,"  is  an  unfortunate  gloss,  suggested 
by  chs.  xi.  and  xii. — [On  the  numbers  see  "Text. 
and  Gram."  The  separate  mention  of  Judah 
points  possibly  to  a  post-Solomonic  date  for  the 
chapter.  See  Erdmann's  Introduction,  p.  40. — 
Te.]*— Ver.  5.  The  name  of  the  "city"  of  the 
Amalekites,  against  which  Saul  advanced,  is  not 
known.f  Saul  lay  in  ambush  in  the  valley.  To 
this  Thenius  objects  that  nothing  more  is  said 
of  an  ambush,  and  that  Saul  went  openly  to 
work ;  but  the  first  remark  is  of  no  importance, 
since  it  is  not  intended  to  give  a  full  account  of 
the  battle ;  and  as  to  the  second,  Saul  was  able 
to  treat  with  the  Kenites  in  the  manner  described 
the  better  because  he  had  concealed  his  army  in 
a  gorge.  According  to  the  reading  conjectured 
by  Thenius;  "and  he  set  the  battle  in  array" 
(nanbp  -pri,  after  the  Arabic  [and  Tajg.— 
Te.]  :  "he  set  the  people  in  array  there"),  Saul, 
"  already  prepared  for  battle,"  must  have  addressed 
himself  openly  to  the  Kenites.  But  neither  this 
declaration  to  the  Kenites,  who  were  living  in 
the  midst  of  the  Amalekites,  nor  the  witlidrawal 
of  the  former  from  their  midst  could  have  occurred 
as  related,  if  the  Israelitish  army  had  stood  over 
against  the  Amalekites  ready  for  battle.  The 
latter  would  certainly  not  have  looked  quietly  on 
while  Saul  withdrew  the  Kenites  from  them  to 
himself — The  Kenites,  a  small  tribe  of  the  north- 
western Arabian  nomadic  peoples  (in  Canaan  as 
early  as  Gen  xv.  19),  had  shown  friendship  and 
kindness  to  the  Israelites  after  their  departure 
ii-om  Egypt  (Num.  x.  29).  Moses"  brotlier-in- 
law,  Ilooab  (Judg.  i-  16),  belonged  to  them,  and 
under  his  guidance  it  was  that  this  kindness  was 
shown.  According  to  Judg.  i.  16  these  friendly 
Kenites  dwelt  south  of  the  city  Arad  in  the  wil- 
derness of  Judah,  that  is,  near  the  Amalekites, 
and  near  their  original  seat.  Thence  they  had 
descended  up  to  Saul's  time  &rther  into  the 
Amalekite  territory.  Some  of  them  settled  in 
the  north,  as  Heber,  husband  of  Jael  (Judg.  iv. 
11,  17).  Another  branch  of  the  Kenites,  hostile 
to  the  Israelites  and  in  alliance  with  the  Edom- 
ites,  who  dwelt  in  the  caves  of  Arabia  Petrjea, 
and  are  without  ground  regarded  by  Hengsten- 
berg  (BUeam,  p.  190  sq.)  as  a.  totally  distinct 
people,  are  set  forth  in  Num.  xxiv.  21  as  the 
object  of  God's  inevitable  judgment.  The  Ke- 
nites here  mentioned  (they  appear  also  in  the 
history  of  David  as  friends  of  Israel,  1  Samuel 
xxvii.  10;  xxx.  29)  are  withdrawn  from  the 
punishment  which  was  inflicted  on  the  Amalek- 
ites.— Ver.  7.  The  d^eat  of  the  Amalekites  reached 
from  HavUah  to  Shur.  HavUah,  according  to 
Gen.  XXV.  18,  the  boundary  of  the  Ishmaelites, 

*  This  war  aeems  to  be  the  same  as  that  mentioned 
in  xiv.  48;  but  no  date  is  given,  and  the  chronology 
throughout  i.s  difficult.— Tb.] 

t   2yi  is  Hiph.  of  31X.  contracted  from  31X'1,  Ew. 


probably,  therefore  in  the  south-east  on  the  bor- 
der of  Arabia  Petraea  and  Arabia  Felix  (accord- 
ing to  Strabo  16,  767,  the  region  of  the  Chmdo- 
tceans,  which  he  pats  between  the  Nabataei  and 
the  Agraei).    Shur  is  the  present  Wilderness  of 
Jifar,  the  portion  of  the  Arabian  desert  bordering 
on  Egypt,  into  which  the  Israelites  entered  after 
the  exodus  (Ex.  xv    22).     Saul  thus  smote  the 
Amalekites  throughout  their  territory  from  south- 
east towards  the  west  and  northwest. — IHavilah 
and  Shur.    Great  difficulty  attaches  to  the  name 
Havilah  on  account  of  the  different  mentions  of 
it  in  the  Old  Testament.     It  belongs  to  a  Cushite 
(Gen.  x.  7)  and  to  a  Shemitic  Joktanite  (Gen.  x. 
29),  perhaps  thus  denoting  a  region  in  southern 
Arabia  occupied  by  these  two    peojiles.     The 
statement  in  Gen.  ii.  11  throws  no  hght  on  the 
locality.     It  is  difficult  certainly  to  as.sign  to  this 
tribe  (the  Amalekites)  a  limit  so  far  south,  and 
we  should  then  have  to  suppose  a  place  different 
from  those  mentioned  in  the  passages  cited,  and 
have  almost  no  data  for  an  opinion. — Shur  is 
certainly  in  the  border  of  Egypt ;  but  it  is  not 
ea.sy  to  fix  its  exact  position  from  the  Bible- 
statements  about  it  (Gen.  xvi.  7  ;  xx.  1 ;  xxv.  18 ; 
1  Sam.  XV.  7 ;  xxvii.  8 ;  Ex.  xv.  22,  23).    It 
seems  to  be  here  not  a  wilderness,  but  a  town  or 
fortress.     As  the  word  means  "  wall,"  and  Ebers 
has  brought  out  the  fact  that  a  wall  extended  in 
ancient  times  across  the  north-eastern  boundary 
of  Egypt  (whence  the  name  Mizraim,  "the  en- 
closed or  fortified"),  it  is  suggested  by  Wellhau- 
sen  that  the  place  took  its  name  from  the  wall 
near  which  it  was. — Tr.] — Ver.  8.  Agog  ("the 
fiery,"  according  to  the  Arab.)  seems  to  have 
been  the  official  name  of  their  kings.  Num.  xxiv. 
7  (as  Pharaoh  among  the  Egyptians,  and  Abime- 
lech  among  the  Philistines). — That  Saul  did  not 
slay  Agag,  but  took  him  alive,  is  to  be  referred, 
from  what  we  know  of  Saul,  either  to  a  fit  of 
weak  lenity  and  forbearance,  or  to  a  vain  desire 
to  hold  the  king  of  this  people  prisoner  (v.  Ger- 
lach).* — The  whole  people,  that  is,  speaking  gene- 
rally.    Some  survived  of  course ;  the  Amalekites 
appear  afterwards,   xxvii.   8 ;   xxx.   1 ;  2  Sam. 
viii.  12.     Their  complete  annihilation  is  men- 
tioned in  1  Chron.  iv.  43. — Ver.  9.  Besides  thfe 
best  of  the  people,  king  Agag,  the  best  of  the 
property,   that  is,   among  this  people  herds  of 
course,  was  spared ;  for  selfish  reasons  Saul  and 
the  people  were  unwilling  to  destroy  the  best  of 
the  booty.     Besides  the  best  of  the  small  and  large 
cattle,  there  is  specially  mentioned  the  best  of 
the  D'JK'p,  that  is,  the  animals  which  held  the 
second  rank  (so  the  Sing,  denotes  the  second 
after  the  king,  2  Chron.  xxviii.  7,  the  second  of 
brothers,  1  Chron.  v.  12 ;  1  Sam.  viii.  2 ;  xvii. 
13,  and  the  Plu.  gobletfi  of  the  second  rank  in 
value,  Ezra  i.  10).     According  to  this  it  must  he 
supposed  that  the  herds  were  divided  into  groups 
according  to  their  value.     Perhaps,  however,  the 
word  also  means  (Kimchi  and  Tanchum)  "ani- 
mals of  the  second  birth,"  which  were  thought 
better  than  the  others. — [So   Eodiger  in  Ges. 
Thes.,  while  Gesenius  says  incorrectly  that  they 
were  inferior.     Bochart  (Hieroz.  2,  43,  pp.  429- 
431)  renders  "bidentes,"  that  is,  animaU  which 


*  [Or,  to  carry  him  in  triumph  (Sill),  or  because  of 
the  comeliness  of  his  person  (Joseph.). — Tr.] 


CHAP.  XV.  1-35. 


207 


had  shed,  or  were  about  to  shed,  their  two  long 
teeth,  at  which  time  they  were  in  their  prime. 
Other  meanings  have  been  assigned  to  the  word, 
none  satisfactory. — Tk.] — Fat  lambs  also,  fattened 
on  the  meadows,  are  specially  mentioned.  The 
Sept.  reading  "  vineyards"  (and  so  Ew.)  is  to  be 
rejected,  because,  as  Then,  rightly  says,  we  have 
here  to  do  with  things  that  could  be  carried 
along.  Thenius  and  Ewald  [and  Eng.  A.  V.] 
read  (with  Chald.,  Syriac,  Arabic)  "fatlings" 
(D'JDK'O),  instead  of  "second-class"  (as  in  the 
Heb.) ;  but  this  is  suspicious  on  account  of  the 
ease  of  the  change.* — "  And  they  spared  every- 
thing good."  From  this  comprehensive  expres- 
sion, and  especially  from  the  following  statement 
of  what  they  destroyed,  it  is  evident  that  the  idea 
of  the  word  "best"  is  a  loosely-defined  one. 
Namely,  it  expressly  says,  they  destroyed  all 
property  [that  was  worthless.— TB.]t 

Vers.  10-23.  By  command  of  God  Said  is 
caUed  to  account  by  Samuel  for  his  disobedience, 
and  his  excuse  being  set  aside,  is  by  Ood  con- 
demned and  r^ected. — Ver.  10.  Samuel  receives 
a  revelation  from  God  concerning  Saul's  God- 
opposing  conduct.  The  psychological  ba.sis  of 
this  revelation  is  Samuel's  exact  acquaintance 
with  the  condition  of  Saul's  heart,  which  was 
already  poisoned  and  rent  by  self-seeking  and 
self-will.  The  way  and  the  form  in  which  ihe 
word  of  the  Lord  came  to  Samuel  is  not  pointed 
out.  But  it  is  probable  from  what  follows  (Ew.) 
that  it  was  by  a  dream.  The  content  of  the 
divine  word  is  1)  the  declaration:  It  repenteth 
me  that  I  have  made  Saul  king. — ^The 
repentance  of  Ood  is  the  anthropopathic  expres- 
sion for  the  change  of  the  divine  procedure  into 
the  opposite  of  what  the  holy  and  righteous  will 
of  God  had  determined  under  the  condition  of 
holy  and  righteous  conduct  by  men,  when  on 
man's  side  there  has  been  a  change  to  the  oppo- 
site of  this  condition  without  repentance.  The- 
odoret :  "  God's  repentance  is  His  change  in  ad- 
ministration."! The  repentance  of  God  always 
presupposes  a  change  for  the  worse  in  man's 
conduct  towards  God,  whose  holiness  and  justice 
must  consequently  assume  another  relation  to 
man ;  hence  it  cannot  exist  without  accompany- 
ing sorrow  in  the  divine  love  over  the  sin  of 
man,  which  necessitates  a  change  in  God's  action 


*  [On  these  names  see  "Text,  and  Grammat."  No 
satisfactory  rendering  of  tliera  has  yet  been  given." 
-Te.] 

t    n3X7Di  from  the  connection,  refers  to  cattle,  as 

T      T  : 

in  Gen.  xxxiii.  14— nT3DJ.    Ewald  holds  that  this  oan- 

T :  ■  ! 
not  be  Niph.  Part,  from  71130,  "  contempt,"  and  thinks 

the  text  corrupt,  g  126  6,  Anm.  1  [yet  remarks  that  the 
book  of  Samuel  presents  many  examples  of  strange 
words  from  the  popular  dialect].  Perhaps  it  is  a  min- 
gling of  niDJ,  "sucked  out,"  and  nT3J,  "despised" 

T :  ■  T :  ■ 

(Bdttcher).  But  it  is  possible  that  tliis  last  word  was 
corruijted  in  the  popular  language,  so  as  to  produce  al- 
literation with  the  following  word  by  the  arbitrarily  in- 
serted 0-    The  second  predicate  DOJ  is  [Ni.  Partep.] 

from    DOO,  "to  melt,"  the   "ruined,  mangy  cattle." 
Masc.  and  Fem.  here  stand  together  abnormally,  as  in 
1  Kings  xix.  11. 
t  [See  Gill  in  loco  for  a  good  statement  of  this.— Te.] 


on  man's  life ;  but  it  is  too  narrow  a  definition 
to  regard  it  (as  Keil  does,  on  Gen.  vi.  6  and  here) 
merely  as  an  anthropopathic  expression  for  the 
sorrow  of  the  divine  love  over  the  sin  of  man. 
Saul  indeed  remains  the  legitimate  king  of  Israel 
according  to  the  divine  appointment.  But,  since 
he  has  not  remained  the  humble  servant  of  God, 
an  which  he  was  called  to  be  king,  God  the  Lord, 
with  the  deep  sorrow  of  His  holy  love,  must  now 
regard  and  treat  him  as  an  apostate  who  is  in 
conflict  with  the  truth  of  the  theocratic  kingdom. 
This  declaration  of  God's  repentance  itself  in- 
volves the  judicial  decision  of  God,  which,  how- 
ever, is  here  not  yet  expressly  announced ;  rather 
this  divine  word  contains  2)  only  the  ground  of 
God's  repentance:  for  he  is  turned  back 
from  following  me,  and  hath  not  per- 
formed my  commandment  [literally,  word']. 
The  first  clause  denotes  internal  defection  from 
sincere  fellowship  of  life  with  the  Lord  under 
the  figure  of  a  way,  in  which  the  walk  after  God, 
that  is,  in  His  retinue  in  fellowship  with'  him,  is 
performed  in  humble  subjection  to  his  will  and 
command ;  Saul  has  not  observed  Samuel's  ex- 
hortation "  turn  not  aside  from  after  the  Lord  " 
(xii.  20),  and  has  gone  his  own  way  away  from 
God.  The  last  clause:  "and  has  not  kept  my 
word"  is  the  external  form  of  the  defection :  dis- 
obedience in  the  non  fulfilment  of  the  divine 
command.  "  He  has  not  performed  my  word," 
that  is,  has  fallen  away,  has  not  reached  perma- 
nence, fulfilment. — A  two-fold  effect  is  produced 
by  this  revelation  of  God  on  SanmePa  heart. — 
To  Samuel  was  kindled,  namely,  anger 
(supply  ')K,  "  anger,"  as  in  Gen.  xviii-  30 ;  xxxi. 
36 ;  2  Sam.  xix.  43,  and  many  other  places). 
That  it  was  holy  anger  is  clear  from  what  follows ; 
for  Samuel  could  pray  in  his  anger.  The  object 
of  his  anger  was  first,  obviously,  Saul's  defection 
and  disobedience,  and  then  the  therein-involved 
violation  of  the  Lord's  honor  and  thwarting  of 
Hispurposes.  To  render:  "was  sorry"  (J.Schmid: 
doluit  Samudi)  is  inadmissible,  because  the  ex- 
pression always  denotes  anger. — [On  the  difficulty 
here  see  "Text,  and  Grammat."— Tr.]— But  to 
anger  at  Saul's  disobedience  and  frustration  of 
his  holy  mission  Samuel  adds  prayer  for  Saul, 
mighty,  fervent:  he  cried  to  the  Iiord,  and 
persistent,  unremitting:  the  Mirhole  night. — 
The  object  of  the  prayer  was  doubtless  not  release 
from  the  fulfilment  of  the  divine  command  (Ew.), 
but  the  exemption  of  Saul  from  the  sentence  of 
rejection  and  the  forgiveness  of  his  disobedience. 
But  the  hearing  of  such  a  prayer  is  conditioned 
on  the  sincere  repentance  of  him  for  whom  it  is 
made.  This  condition  did  not  appear  in  Saul, 
but  rather  its  opposite.  Therefore  the  picture  of 
the  priestly  mediator,  in  which  character  Samuel 
represents  Saul  before  the  Lord,  changes  into 
that  of  the  judging  prophet,  who  represents  the 
Lord  over  against  Saul.— [Abarbanel  says,  that 
Samuel  was  angry  and  displeased  because  he 
loved  Saul  for  his  beauty  and  heroism  and  as  his 
own  creature  whom  he  had  made  king,  and  that 
he  prayed  all  night  because  God  had  not  revealed 
to  him  Saul's  sin,  and  he  wished  to  know  why 
sentence  was  pronounced  against  him. — Tb.] — 
Ver.  12.  Having  thus  learned  immediately  from 
God  by  this  revelation  his  divine  mission  to  Saul, 
Samuel  after  this  grievous  night  goes  early  to 


208 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


meet  Saul.  On  the  way  he  learns  that  Savl  had 
come  to  Carmel  (Josh.  xv.  55),  now  Kurmul  with 
extensive  ruins  dating  from  ancient  times  and 
the  Middle  Ages,  southeast  of  Hebron  [ten  miles] 
on  the  mountains  of  Judah  (comp.  xxv.  2 ;  xxvii. 
3) ;  that  he  had  there  set  up  a  monument  in  com- 
memoration of  this  great  victory  over  Amalek. 
IT  "the  hand,"  here  denotes  a  monument  of 
victory,  as  in  2  Sam.  xviii.  18,  because  this,  like 
the  hand,  directs  attention  to  what  it  denotes.) 
The  "him"  [=to  him]  is  in  the  whole  connec- 
tion significant,  as  it  brings  out  the  selfish  prin- 
ciple which  actuated  Saul.  He  does  not  give  the 
honor  to  God  the  Lord  by  unconditional  obedience, 
but  he  sets  up  a  monument  in  his  own  honor. — 
pD'l  ["is  turned,  gone  about"]  cannot  mean 
"  went  in  solemn  procession  "  (Buns.),  nor  are  we  to 
read:  "  and  turned  the  chariot,"  as  Then,  does  after 
the  Sept.  whose  translators  did  not  understand  the 
■ia^n  ,  "  passed  on.")  He  passed  over,  namely 
from  Carmel  and  the  neighboring  mountain  across 
the  mountains  of  Judah,  and  then  descended  into 
the  Jordan-valley  to  Gilgal  (xiii.  4).  Saul  went 
to  Oilgal  to  celebrate  his  victory  with  offerings. 
Thenius  and  Ewald  insert  after  "Gilgal"  (from 
Sept.  and  Vulg.)  the  words:  "And  Samuel  came 
to  Saul,  and  behold,  he  was  offering  a  humtroffer- 
ing  to  the  Lord,  the  firstlings  of  the  spoil,  which 
he  brought  from  Amalek,"  supposing  (but  with- 
out sufficient  ground)  that  they  fell  out  of  the 
Heb.  because  the  following  sentence  begins  with 
the  same  words.  It  is  nowhere  hinted  that,  ac- 
cording to  the  view  of  the  narrator,  Samuel  and 
Saul  had  intended  to  meet  on  Mount  Carmel 
(Then.).  The  Sept.  introduced  Saul's  offering 
after  the  analogy  of  xiii.  8  sq.  in  order  to  conform 
this  second  great  sin  of  Saul  to  the  first. — Ver.  13. 
Samuel  took  the  long  journey  to  Gilgal  to  meet 
Saul.  In  the  place  where  he  had  solemnly  pledged 
Saul  and  the  people  to  unconditional  obedience 
(chap,  xii.),  he  now  executes ,;«d(jrmere<  for  disobe- 
dience to  the  divine  will.  The  -psychological  and 
ethical  momenta  of  this  procedure  are  clearly  ex- 
hibited in  the  following  deeply  moving  narrative. 
After  all  that  had  occurred  between  Samuel  and 
Saul  (xiii. — xv.  1),  Samuel's  mere  appearance 
must  have  been  an  accusation  and  a  warning  of 
conscience  for  Saul.  Conscious  of  his  sin,  which, 
however,  hewill  not  confess, — disregarding  it,  and 
deceiving  himself  with  all  the  arts  of  a  heart  en- 
tangled in  hypocrisy  and  lies,  and  alienated  from 
the  Lord, — he  anticipates  Samuel's  accusation 
with  his  defence:  1)  he  not  only  meets,  but  anti- 
cipates, Samuel  with  forced  friendliness  with  the 
greeting:  Blessed  be  thou  of  the  Lord;  and 
2)  straightway  adds  the  assurance:  I  have  per- 
formed the  commandment  [word]  of  the 
Lord. — In  this  he  in  one  respect  tells  the  truth ; 
for  he  had  broken  the  power  of  the  Amalekites. 
But  in  another  respect  he  tells  a  lie;  for  from  sel- 
fish motives  he  had  failed  to  carry  out  the  com- 
mand of  complete  annihilation,  as  given  in  the 
"word  of  the  Lord."— Ver.  14.  Saul  is  convicted 
of  falsehood  by  the  voices  of  the  animals  which  he 
has  spared  contrary  to  God's  command.  Samuel's 
mode  of  citing  them  against  him  by  the  question: 
"  What  mean  these  voices?"  has  an  air  of  holy  hu- 
mor and  cutting  irony. — Ver.  15.  Saul  continues 
to  advance  in  falsehood  and  hypocrisy,  receding 


more  and  more  from  the  truthfulness  of  a  confes- 
sion of  sin  (which  was  his  duty)  by  presenting  a 
two-fold  defence:  1)  "The  people  spared,"  he  de- 
clares; he  does  not  blame  kimsdf.  And  yet  in 
ver.  9  it  is  said :  "Saad  and  the  people  spared."  He 
seeks  to  excuse  himself  as  blameless  by  transferring 
the  blame  to  the  people.  And,  suppose  the  peo- 
ple had  spared  the  good  oxen,  yet  he,  the  gene- 
ral, had  permitted  it;  the  people  dared  not  do  it 
against  his  will.  [Comp.  the  people's  obedience 
to  Saul  in  xiv.  24,  34, 40.— Tr.]  2)  He  seeks  to 
extenuate  and  to  justify  his  transgression  of  the  di- 
vine command  by  pleading  the  holy  purpose  of 

"  sacrificing  to  God."    Whether  now  this 

was  thought  of  or  not,  in  any  case  it  is  hypocrisy, 
by  which  Saul  seeks  to  excuse  himself  and  the 
people.  [Bib.  Comm.:  "Every  word  uttered  by 
Saul  seems  to  indicate  the  break-down  of  his  mo- 
ral character.  One  feels  that  after  this  scene,  Saul 
must  have  forfeited  his  self-respect."  Bishop 
Sanderson  (quoted  by  Wordsworth  in  loco),  in  his 
Lectures  on  Conscience,  II.  ^  13,  exposes  the  futi- 
lity of  the  pretence  that  good  intention  is  a  right 
rule  of  conscience  and  a  good  guide  of  conduct. — 
Tb.] — Ver.  16.  Samuel  interrupts  him  with  the 
exclamation:  "Stayl"  O^n  Imper. apoc. Hiph. 
of  Xi31,  "desist,  cease.")  To  the  false  and  hypo- 
critical speech  of  Saul  he  solemnly  and  sharply 
opposes  what  the  Lord  said  to  him  in  the  night. 
(Instead  of  plu.  npN']  read  sing.)*— Vers.  17-19 
follows  the  powerfiil,  crushing  address  of  Samuel, 
hurled  on  Saul's  conscience  with  the  might  of 
Samuel's  conviction  that  he  now  spoke  as  prophet 
solely  in  the  name  and  stead  of  the  Lord  to  the 
deep-fallen  king. 

First  comes  the  reminder  of  his  elevation  firom 
lowliness  to  the  high  dignity  of  royalty  by  the  fa- 
vor of  the  Lord.  The  question  "  wast  thou  not?" 
sharpens  for  Saul's  conscience  the  sting  concealed 
in  this  recollection.  The  sentence  is  variously 
construed.  Kimchi  renders :  "though  thou seem- 
edst  to  thyself  too  little  and  weak  to  curb  the  peo- 
ple, yet  wast  thou  the  head,  and  shouldst  as  such 
have  done  thy  duty  " — wholly  against  the  connec- 
tion, and  under  the  incorrect  supposition  that 
Samuel  received  Saul's  excuse.  Koster  refers  the 
expression  hypothetically  to  the  future :  "if  thou 
wouldst  henceforward  be  humble,  thou  shouldst." 
But  against  this  is  the  reference  to  the  past  fact: 
"the  Lord  anointed  thee."  Others  (S.  Schmid, 
De  Wette,  Keil)  render:  "when  thou  wast  little, 
thou  wast  made."  But  QK  must  retain  its  mean- 
ing, "if."  Here,  as  in  many  places  (Judg.  xiii. 
16;  Am.  v.  22;  Jer.  v.  2;  xv.  1 ;  xxii.  24;  Job 
ix.  15;  Josh.  i.  18),  it=" although."  Ges.  §  306, 
2,  9  [Conant's  Transl.,  ?  155,  2.9.- Tr.];  Ewald, 
§  355,  1,  6  [16].t  Though  thou  V7ast  little 
in  thine  ovrn  sight. — The  reference  here  to 
Saul's  own  words,  ix.  21,  is  beyond  doubt.  It  is 
the  humiliating  reminder  to  the  haughty  Saul  of 
the  low  position  whence  he  had  been  elevated  to 
the  headship  of  Israel,  and  of  the  modesty  and 
humility  which  he  then  possessed.    "In  thine  eyes." 


*  [See  a  good  note  in  Bib.  Comm.  on  Samuel's  com- 
plete acquiescence  in  the  divine  decision  which  at  first 
(ver.  11)  so  grieved  him,  and  our  duty  always  to  trust 
Sod.— Tr.] 

f  [On  this  construction  see  "  Text,  and  Gramm»t."  in 
toco.— Te.] 


CHAP.  XV.  1-35. 


209 


Samuel  here  indirectly  points  to  the  haughUneaa 
of  his  heart  as  the  deepest  groimd  of  his  defection 
from  the  Lord.  The  Lord  anointed  thee. — 
That  was  God's  gracious  act  by  which  he  had  been 
raised  to  this  height,  and  had  incurred  the  most 
sacred  obligation  to  be  obedient  to  the  Lord  and 
to  keep  the  people  obedient  to  Him.  On  this 
foundation  Samuel  ba-ies  his  eachortation  in  respect 
to  Saul's  guilt  in  this  particular  case. — Ver.  18. 
The  Lord  sent  thee  on  the  [properly  a]  vray 
and  said:  Go,  efc. — It  was  a  distmctly  marked 
way  which  Saul  was  to  go  according  to  the  Lord's 
command,  "after  him;"  it  was  a  divine  mission 
which  he  was  obediently  completely  to  fulfil. 
The  sinners  the  Amalekites. — These  words 
give  the  reason  why  this  people  was  to  be  de- 
stroyed and  not  spared,  because  they  strove  to 
annihilate  God's  people  and  kingdom.*  All  this 
ought  to  have  pledged  thee  to  obedience.  The 
question:  Why  didst  thou  not  obey  the 
voice  of  the  Lord  ? — with  the  axxnisation  which 
it  contains — connects  itself  all  the  more  emphati- 
cally with  the  reference  to  the  duty  of  obedience 
which  the  Lord  Himself  had  laid  ou  him.  The 
following  words  characterize  Saul's  conduct  as 
based  on  avarice  ["didst  fly  upon  the  spoil"]. 
The  "fly,"  as  in  xiv.  32,  expresses  eagerness, 
passionate  craving.f — Vers.  20,  21.  Saul  hard- 
ens himself  still  farther:  1)  in  deeeitfid  self- 
justification,  positively  denying  the  fault  attri- 
buted to  him  (following  exactly  the  order  of 
Samuel's  specifications),  and  affirming  with  em- 
phasis ("^^5)  that  he  had  gone  the  appointed  way 
and  fulfilled  the  mission  assigned  him,  witness  of 
which  was  the  captive  Agag  and  the  annihilated 
Amalekites;  2)  in  vain  and  hypocritical  excuse, 
which  is  a  mere  repetition  of  the  above  pretext 
of  the  people's  act  and  their  purpose  to  sacrifice 
to  the  liord  the  spared  oxen  as  "firstlings  of  the 
spoU."  This  might  have  seemed  a  pious  act,  as 
in  the  similar  case  in  Num.  xxxi.  48  sq.;  but,  as 
all  the  goods  of  the  Amalekites  had  been  devoted — 
that  ia,  consecrated — to  the  Lord,  and  the  living 
things  must  be  kiUed,  no  bumt-ofiering  (accord- 
ing to  Lev.  xxvii.  29)  could  be  made  with  them 
(see  Keil).  Saul  evades  the  fact  that  the  com- 
mand of  God  is:  Every  thing  is  to  be  put  under 
the  ban  (ver.  3).  The  words:  "to  the  Lord  thy 
God"  are  a  sort  of  eaptaiio  bene/oolentice,  an  attempt 
to  curry  favor  [others  see  here,  perhaps  not  so 
well,  an  implied  censure  of  Samuel,  as  if  Saul 
would  say:  "you  rebuke  me  for  serving  the  God 
whom  you  profess  to  serve." — Tb.] 

Vers.  22,  23.  Samuel's  answer  tears  away  all  the 
cloaks  with  which  Saul  had  striven  to  cover  his 
sin,  and  lays  bare  the  deepest  ground  of  evil  in 
his  heart.  Hath  the  Lord  as  great  delight  in 
burnt-offerings  and  sacrifices  as  in  obey- 
ing the  voice  of  the  Lord  ? — To  give  color 
to  his  open  disobedience  to  the  Lord,  Saul  adduced 
his  purpose  to  make  an  offering.  In  opposition  to 
this  is  the  meaning  of  Samuel's  words:  offering, 
brought  with  such  a  disobedient  heart,  cannot  be 
well-pleasing  to  God,  as  is  the  obedience  of  the 
will,  which  subjects  itself  unconditionally  to  the 
wiU  of  the  Lord,  and  brings  itself  as  offering. 

*  Instead  of  0X11^3  read  an-  with  Sept.,  Chald.,  Syr., 
Arab."  "        t      -  ' : 

t  Bl'n  Impf.  Qal.  of  H't?  with  Dag.  forte  impUe. 
Ses.  §re,  Rem.  9. 

14 


External  offerings  are  an  abomination  to  the 
Lord  when  there  is  lacking  the  heart  full  of  obe- 
dient love,  the  humble  consecration  of  the  whole 
man.  The  same  thought  was  repeatedly  ex- 
pressed by  Samuel  (xii.  14,  20,  24)  in  his  ex- 
hortations to  the  people  and  their  king,  with 
the  threat  of  destruction  for  both,  if  they  should 
fail  in  this  time-offering  and  service  in  faithful, 
hearty  obedience  to  the  will  and  commands  of 
God.  This  fundamental  ethical  truth  is  affirmed, 
with  unmistakable  reference  to  these  words  of 
Samuel,  in  the  classical  passages  Ps.  1.  8-14;  li. 
18,  19;  Isa.  i.  11 ;  comp.  16-19;  Mic.  vi.  6-8; 
Hos.  vi.  6 ;  Jer.  vi.  20. — In  the  following  words : 
To  obey  is  better  than  sacrifice,  the  thought 
takes  a  new  turn :  apart  from  what  alone  is  well- 
pleasing  to  God,  only  an  obedient  disposition  of 
mind  is  in  itself  something  good,  the  offering, 
without  such  a  disposition,  is  not  a  good  thing, 
has  no  moral  value.  The  "  fat  of  rams,"  that  is, 
the  pieces  of  fat  offered  on  the  altar  [see  Lev.  i. 
and  many  other  places. — Tb.]. — ^Ver.  23.  The 
thought  is  carried  on  as  follows :  As  the  outward 
work  of  offering  without  answering  devotion  of 
heart  and  life  to  God  with  obedient  mind  has  no 
moral  value,  and  is  not  an  object  of  the  divine 
good-pleasure,  so  disobedience  and  the  thence- 
resulting  rebellion  and  defiant  self-dependence  is 
similar  in  essence  to,  stands  on  the  same  moral 
plane  with  the  outward  wickedness  of  witchcraft, 
that  is,  "  divination  in  the  service  of  anti-godly 
demon-powers"  (Keil),  and  of  idolatry.  [IX 
[Eng.  A.  V.  "iniquity"]  is  "nothingness,"  then 
"false  god"  and  '^idol,"  Isa.  Ixvi.  3,  "idol-wor- 
ship," Hos.  X.  3.  Teraphim  [Eng.  A.  V.  "idola- 
try"] are  household-gods  as  oracle-deities  and 
dispensers  of  good  fortune,  Gen.  xxxi.  19.  Comp. 
Keil,  Archaol.,  I  90  [and  Smith's  Sib.  Diet.,  Arts. 
"Teraphim"  and  "Magic,"  Commentaries  of 
Kalisch,  Delitzsch,  Lange  and  Bih.  Oomm.  on 
Gen.  xxxi.  19.  Samuel's  decided  condemnation 
of  ter^phim-worship  (which  he  clearly  did  not 
regard  as  a  permissible  form  of  Jehovah- worship) 
is  to  be  noted. — Tb.]. — For  the  sake  of  emphasis 
the  predicates  in  both  clauses  stand  before  the 
subjects.  As  in  divination  and  idolatry  the 
living  God  is  denied  and  rejected,  so  is  rebellion 
and  stubbornness  a  defection  from  the  Lord  and 
a  rejection  of  the  Lord.*  This  is  the  ground 
('3)  of  the  declaration  in  ver.  22.  Now  follows 
the  sentence  thus  grounded,  with  sharp  brevity 
concluding  this  part  of  the  scene:  Because 
thou  bast  rejected  the  word  of  the  Lord, 
he  hath  rejected  thee  from  being  king  f — 
Eejected  by  the  Lord,  Saul  is  now  himself  aban- 
doned "to  his  self-love  and  his  passions"  {Berl. 
Bib.). 

Vers.  24-31.  Saul's  vain  striving  with  Samuel 
in  false  pemitenee,  and  SamuePs  sentence  of  rgection. 
Ver.  24  Saul  confesses:  I  have  sinned. — To 
judge  from  his  previous  obstinate  refusal  to  ac- 
knowledge his  wrong,  Samuel's  earnest  and 
powerful  address  must  have  worked  on  his  inner 
life  like  a  circle  of  fire  ever  closing  in  upon  his 


*  [On  the  difBoult  subject  of  the  nature  of  witchcraft 
and  its  treatment  in  the  Old  Testament  see  Art.  "  Magic  " 
in  Herzog's  -B.  E.—ls.'] 

t    [p  with  subst.  may  be  predicate  when  a  precedmg 

closely  attached  verb  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the  sense, 
Ew.  J337i). 


210 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


conscience,  so  that  he  saw  himself  forced  to  aban- 
don his  attempts  at  palliation  and  frankly  make 
this  confession  of  sin.  The  whole  preceding  nar- 
rative shows  that  it  was  extorted  from  him  partly 
by  the  unsparing  revelation  of  his  lies  and  hypo- 
crisy and  the  undeniable  exhibition  of  his  heart- 
rooted  disobedience,  partly  by  the  judicial  deci- 
sion respecting  the  unavertible  consequences  of 
his  defecdon  and  disobedience.  A  confession  of 
sin  induced  by  resulting  evil  and  punishment  is 
often  no  expression  of  true  penitence.  And  it  is 
not  this  with  Savi;  for  though  he  now  confesses 
that  he  has  transgressed  the  commandment  of 
the  Lord,  he  yet  shows  that  he  is  not  thinking 
solely  of  the  Lord,  since  he  adds :  "  and  thy  word." 
Hi  a  conduct  before  and  after  this  throws  light  on 
this  apparently  unimportant  statement  of  his; 
powerftiJly  impressed  by  Samuel's  word,  he  puts 
it  alongside  of  the  word  of  the  Lord ;  he  is  con- 
cerned to  regain  Samuel's  good-will  and  appro- 
bation. This  regard  for  Samuel's  human  autho- 
rity, which  ought  to  vanish  out  of  sight  before 
God's  authority,  springs  from  the  same  root  in 
his  heart  (lack  of  humble  fear  and  simple  obe- 
dience towards  God)  as  the  fear  of  men  and  de- 
sire to  please  men  which  he  himself  now  gives  as 
the  reason  for  his  disobedience :  For  I  feared 
the  people  and  obeyed  their  voice. — Berl. 
Bib.:  "Here  stands  revealed  the  hypocrite,  who 
loved  the  honor  of  men  more  than  the  favor  of 
God.  The  people  must  still  bear  the  blame." 
Instead  of  fearing  God,  he  feared  the  people,  he 
the  king,  who  in  this,  therefore,  was  guilty  of 
unpardonable  weakness ;  he  obeyed  the  voice  of 
the  people  instead  of  God's  voice  out  of  fear  of 
man,  if  indeed  the  people  did  make  the  demand. 
And  yet  in  all  his  confession  of  sinful  regard  for 
men  his  purpose  is  evidently  to  soften  his  guilt 
by  bringing  m  the  people. — [Ex.  xxiii.  2 :  'Thou 
shalt  not  follow  the  multitude  into  evil. — Tb.] — 
He  prays  Samuel:  And  now,  pardon  my  sin. 
He  does  not  turn  straightway  to  God  with  this 
prayer ;  the  "  and  now "  indicates  his  belief  that 
he  might  expect  the  fulfilment  of  his  prayer  in 
return  for  his  confession  of  sin.  Samuel  turns 
from  him,  perceiving  that  the  confession  and 
prayer  do  not  come  from  a  truly  penitent  heart. 
To  this  Saul's  request  refers :  Heturn  with  me 
that  I  may  Tvorship  the  Lord. — Confession, 
renewed  excuse,  cry  for  forgiveness,  request  to 
Samuel  to  remain,  desire  to  approach  God,  all 
follow  one  after  another  in  painful  haste.  Saul 
is  smitten  by  his  conscience ;  but  his  heart  is  not 
broken.  He  nevertheless  gives  not  Ood  the  honor. 
Ver.  26.  Samuel,  seeing  through  him,  shortly 
and  decidedly  rejects  his  request,  and  instead 
repeats  his  previous  judicial  sentence,  because 
Saul's  desire  for  forgiveness  sprang  not  from  a 
penitence  directed  to  God,  but  from  a  self-loving 
penitence,  whose  aim  was  his  own  advantage; 
for  he  did  not  trouble  himself  about  his  having 
dishonored  God,  but  was  afraid  that  he  might 
lose  the  kingdom. — Ver.  27.  Samuel's  turning 
away  from  Saul  was  a  vigorous  confirmation  of 
his  rejection,  and  a  sign  that  he  would  henceforth 
have  no  association  with  him.  The  impression 
which  the  narrative  makes  on  us  of  a  vehement, 
unquiet  and  disordered  mind  is  heightened  to 
the  utmost  by  this  moving  scene  in  which  Saul 
seizes  the  skirt  of  Samuel's  mantle  in  order  to 


arrest  his  departure,  uses  physical  force,  that  is, 
to  attain  his  end :  and  it  was  rent. — [It  is  plain 
that  it  is  Saul  that  tears  Samuel's  garment  unde- 
signedly. Some  Jewish  writers  held  that  Samuel 
symbolically  tore  Saul's  garment  or  his  own 
(Gill). — Te.] — Ver.  28.  Samuel  uses  this  as  a 
symbol  to  show  Saul  that  the  Lord  had  that  day 
reni  the  kingdom  from  him.  The  second  part  of 
Samuel's  address  declares  that  the  theocratic 
kingdom  was  to  be  given  to  another,  "  thy  neigh- 
bor,"—  an  indefinite  expression,  since  Samuel 
did  not  yet  know  whom  the  Lord  had  chosen— 
who  is  better  than  thou,  that  is,  who  would 
walk  obediently  in  the  ways  of  the  Lord.  Before 
it  was  said:  "the  Lord  hath  rejected  thee  from 
the  kingdom;"  now  it  is  said:  the  Lord  hath 
rent  the  kingdom /com  thee.  Samuel,  who  for  the 
third  time  announces  the  rejection  of  Saul  (whose 
spiritual  steadfastness  constantly  diminishes),  ex- 
pressly emphasizes  the  fact  that  the  Lord  has 
rejected  him  not  merely  personally,  but  as  the 
theocratic  king.  In  ch.  xiii.,  on  the  other  hand, 
it  was  declared  that  the  kingdom  should  not  re- 
main permanently  in  his  family.  Though  now 
Saul  retained  the  Idngdom  some  years  after  this 
rejection,  God's  relation  to  him  was,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  apostasy,  completely  altered;  he 
no  longer  looked  on  him  as  the  organ  of  His  will, 
and  withdrew  from  him  the  power  and  gifts  of 
His  Spirit.  His  external  royalty  remained  as  a 
divine  appointment;  but  its  inner  core  was  re- 
jected ;  Saul,  as  bearer  of  the  royal  office,  was 
rejected,  because  he  had  rejected  the  Lord. — Ver. 
29.  Samuel  declares  this  divine  sentence  to  be 
unavertible  and  unavoidable:  And  also  the 
Refuge  of  Israel  will  not  lie  nor  repent; 
for  be  is  not  a  man  that  he  should  repent, 
that  is,  the  judicial  decision,  by  which  the  Lord 
has  inflicted  on  thee  the  penalty  of  rejection, 
remains  unchanged  and  unchangeable  by  reason 
of  His  immutable  wiU.  "And  also"  introduces 
this  sentence  as  something  new="  in  addition  to 
this."  nSJ^"  steadfastness,  permanence,"  then 
subjectively  "trust,  confidence"  (Lam.  iii.  18), 
then  the  object  of  trust,  of  God:  the  JRefiwe* 
[Eng.  A.  V.  Strength].  The  same  declaration 
of  the  unchangeableness  of  the  divine  decisions, 
only  in  reference  to  His  promise  of  blessing,  is  found 
in  Num.  xxiii.  19.  Comp.  Jer.  iv.  28;  Ezek. 
xxiv.  14.  The  apparent  contradiction  between 
this  declaration  ("The  Lord  does  not  repent") 
and  that  in  vers.  11,  35  ("The  Lord  repented") 
is  by  some  expositors  harmonized  by  remarking 
(Clericus)  that  here  (ver.  29)  the  words  are 
said  iJfoirpeTrOf  [as  becomes  God],  and  are 
there  to  be  understood  av&pawoira'Sa^  [after  the 
manner  of  men] ;  but  this  does  not  offer  a 
complete  solution  of  the  question,  since  the  ex- 
pression "  it  repented  the  Lord,"  rightly  under- 
stood after  being  divested  of  its  human  dress,  is 
the  appropriate  expression  of  a  real  manife-station 
of  the  unchangeable  divine  being  and  wUl,  only 
this  latter  must  occupy  a  different  relation  to  the 
man  who  has  himself  changed.  In  contrast  with 
man,  who  repents  because  his  will  changes,  God 
is  here  declared  by  Samuel  to  be  (in  respect  to 
Saul)  the  unchangeable  God,  who  cannot  contra- 
dict Himself,  as  would  be  the  case  if  He  retracted 

*  [On  this  word  see  "  Text,  and  Grammat."— Ta.] 


CHAP.  XV.  1-35. 


211 


His  decision  concerning  the  impenitent  Saul; 
while  in  yer.  41  and  ver.  35  the  same  unchange- 
able God  is  described  in  human  phrase  according 
to  the  changed  relation  which  His  unvarying  holy 
and  righteous  will  must  occupy  to  men  when  they 
recede  from  the  religious-moral  relation  to  Him, 
under  which  He  has  hitherto  in  holiness  and 
righteousness  revealed  Himself. — ^Ver.  30.  Not 
even  by  this  overwhelming  declaration  of  the  ir- 
revocable character  of  God's  sentence,  founded,  as 
it  was,  in  the  unchangeableness  of  His  holy  and 
righteous  will,  is  the  excited  Saul  silenced.  Two 
things,  he  says,  wherein  is  displayed  the  real 
selfishness  and  self-love  of  his  heart.  First  he 
repeats  his  confession  of  sin.  But  it  is  only  in  one 
word :  "  I  have  sinned."  And  that  this  was  a  hy- 
pocritical one  is  shown  by  what  follows : — Yet, 
honour  me  now,  I  pray  thee,  before  the 
elders  of  my  people  and  before  Israel, 
and  return  with  me  that  I  may  [better, 
"andl  will,"— Tb.],  worship  the  Lord  thy 
Ood.  How  many  words,  spoken  with  passionate 
haste,  against  that  one  cold  introductory  word  "  I 
have  sinned ! "  If  the  Lord's  sentence  of  rejec- 
tion is  irrevocable,  Saul  will  at  least  before  men 
save  the  halo  of  royal  honor.  His  inner  man  is 
revealed.  He  did  not  honor  the  Lord  by  obedi- 
ence, and  when  his  disobedience  was  held  up  be- 
fore him,  he  persistently  denied  the  Lord  His 
honor  in  his  impenitent  mind.  Now  comes  to 
hght  the  deepest-lying  ground  of  this  conduct. 
He  is  concerned  about  his  own  honor.  In  his 
self-seeking  he  has  clean  cast  loose  from  the  Lord 
and  withdrawn  into  himself.  [If  Saul  had  been 
really  penitent,  he  would  have  prayed  to  be  hum- 
bled rather  than  to  be  honored  (Gregory,  quoted 
by  Wordsworth). — Tb.].  And  Samuel  re- 
turned after  Saul.  He  then  acceded  to  Saul's 
request,  not,  of  course,  to  yield  to  his  selfish  op- 
position to  God's  honor,  but  to  preserve  unim- 
paired in  the  eyes  of  the  people  the  position  of 
Saul's  kingdom,  which  though  theocratically  re- 
jected, yet  still  in  fiict  by  God's  will  remained, 
and  especially  not  to  be  wanting  in  the  sacrifice 
of  the  people. 

Ver.  32 sq.  What  Saul  had  disobediently  ne- 
glected, Samuel  executes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord, 
namely,  the  extermination  of  AmaJek  by  slaying 
king  Agag. — Agag  appeared  before  Samuel  cheer- 
fully; the  word  occurs  in  Ps.  xxix.  17  in  the 
sense  of  "joy."  His  words :  Surely,  the  bit- 
terness of  death  is  past  agree  with  his  joyful 
mood.  S.  Schmid  sees  in  them  the  feigned  cou- 
rageousness  which  cowards  can  put  on.  Others 
understand  a  real  heroic  contempt  of  death  in  the 
presence  of  death.  Probably,  however,  Agag,  not 
having  been  slain  by  Saul,  was  all  the  surer  of 
life  when  he  was  led  from  the  king  to  Samuel 
[since  Samuel  was  an  oldman  and  a  priest.— Tb.] . 
—Ver.  33.  Samuel's  words,  however,  must  have 
immediately  shown  him  his  error.  They  pre- 
suppose that  Agag  had  acted  with  great  cruelty 
in  his  marauding  and  military  expeditions  :  "  As 
thy  sword  has  made  women  childless,  so  shall  thy 
mother  be  the  most  childless  [or,  be  childless] 
among  women;"  that  is,  "because  in  her  son 
she  loses  at  the  same    time  the  king   of  her 


people"  (Bunsen). — There  can  be  nothing  sur- 
prismg  in  Samuel's  "  hewing  Agag  in  pieces  "  for 
one  who  from  the  theocratic  point  of  view  regards 


Agag's  death  as  a  necessity  founded  in  the  divine 
decree,  and  sees  in  Samuel  the  divine  instrument 
for  the  fulfilment  of  the  divine  will,  coming  in 
place  of  him  who  in  spite  of  his  call  thereto  has 
refused  obedience  and  service.  Grot. :  "  When 
kings  abandoned  their  duty,  God  often  executed 
His  law  by  prophets  "  1  Kings  xviii.  40.  [Samu- 
el's act  was  not  one  of  revenge,  not  an  individual 
execution  of  justice,  but  a  simple  carrying  out  for 
the  people  of  the  ban-sentence  pronounced  against 
Amalek  by  Jehovah. — Tb.]. — Ver.  34  so.  The 
notice  that  Samuel  returned  to  Samah  and  Saul 
to  Oibeah  is  a  significant  introduction  to  the  im- 
portant statement  that  henceforth  Sa/nrnd  broke  off 
all  communication  mth  Savi :  He  saw  him  no 
more  to  the  day  of  his  death.  Maurer : 
"  He  went  to  see  Saul  no  more."  This  does  not 
contradict  xix.  24,  according  to  which  Saul  once 
more  met  him.  All  intercourse  with  Saul  on  Sa- 
muel's side  ceased  from  now  on,  since  God  had 
rejected  him,  and  Samuel  could  have  met  him 
only  as  messenger  and  prophet  of  God.  From 
this  also  we  see  that  Saul's  kingship,  though  still 
one  de  facto,  yet  from  this  time  lost  its  theocratic 
relation.  God's  ambassador  was  recalled  from 
him ;  the  intercourse  of  the  God  of  Israel  with 
Saul  through  His  Spirit  came  to  an  end,  because 
Saul,  sinking  step  by  step  away  from  God,  had  by 
continued  disobedience  and  increasing  impeni- 
tence given  up  communion  with  God. — In  keep- 
ing with  the  above  mention  of  Samuel's  fervent, 
continued  prayer  for  Saul  is  the  statement:  "For 
Samuel  mourned  for  Saul ;"  this  was  the  Aitmoji 
sorrow  for  this  highly-gifted,  highly-favored,  and 
hopelessly-sunken  man ;  then  follows  the  deeply 
pathetic  statement :  "The  Lord  repented,  etc.;" 
this  was  the  divine  sorrow  over  the  loss  of  this 
chosen  instrument. 


HI8TOEICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  When  the  Scriptures  speak  of  God's  repent- 
ance, anger,  zeal,  and  the  like,  ascribing  to  Him 
human  affections  and  dispositions,  and  conse- 
quently changes,  we  cannot  regard  these  anthro- 
popathisms  as  mereh/  figurative  statements  ;  these 
representations,  after  leaving  out  the  ungodly 
human  element,  as  Nitzsch  {Syst.,  g  79  A.  2)  re- 
marks, have  "  realness  and  validity ;  it  is  not  a 
human,  but  a  divine  movement  that  is  spoken  of, 
and  we  must  therefore  deny  that  it  is  sinful  and 
passionate,  but  not  that  it  is  efficient  and  true." 
The  anthropopathic  representations  set  forth  a 
real  relation  of  the  living  God  to  ipan  who  bears 
His  image,  only  described  from  a  human  stand- 
point. They  arfi  the  means  of  maintaining  vigor 
rously  and  effectively  the  thought  of  the  living 
God  and  His  real  relation  to  man,  and  of  saving 
it  from  being  dissipated  in  abstractions.  Kling 
admirably  says  on  the  two  passages  in  point  in 
this  chapter  (Art.  "Eeue"  in  Herzog) :  "The 
latter  (ver.  29  "he  does  not  repent")  refers  to  the 
firm,  irrevocable  resolution  to  give  the  kingdom 
to  a  better  man  ;  the  repentance  (ver.  11)  looks  to 
the  fact  that  Saul,  an  humble  man  when  he  was 
called  and  fitted  to  discharge  his  duty  in  faith 
and  obedience,  was  now  changed;  exalted  himself 
in  his  office,  would  be  his  own  master,  and,  set- 
ting aside  God's  express  command,  followed  his 
own  pleasure.     Thus  he  showed  himself  no  longer 


212 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


fit  to  be  king  in  Israel,  God's  people,  and  the  di- 
vine will,  which  made  him  king,  changed  to  the 
opposite, — a  repentance  which  betrays  no  muta- 
bility in  God,  but  rather  reveals  His  constancy 
alongside  of  the  mutability  of  man,  His  unvarying 
will  that  the  humbly  obedient  shall  be  king  in 
larael." 

2.  Persistent  impemitence  towards  the  holy  and 
righteous  God,  as  it  is  exemplified  in  Saul,  has 
its  deepest  ground  in  the  unwillingness  to  subor- 
dinate one's  own  self,  especially  one's  own  will 
to  the  holy  will  and  the  gracious  will  of  God.  It 
leads  to  hypocrisy,  which  seeks  to  cover  its  own 
wrong  with  works  of  external  piety,  or  lays  the 
blame  on  outward  circumstances  and  other  men. 
Before  the  irrefragable  self- revelation  of  the  holy 
and  righteous  God  the  impenitent  man,  despite 
his  concealing  lies  and  hypocrisy,  must  ever  re- 
veal new  hidden  sins,  ever  involve  himself  from 
step  to  step  in  new  sins,  till  the  deepest  depth  of 
his  sinful  heart  is  displayed  in  self-seeking,  self- 
love,  and  self-will ;  and  if  the  sinner  will  not  even 
then  humble  himself  and  take  refuge  in  the  grace 
of  God,  there  comes  the  judgment  of  inner  hard- 
ening, by  which  the  man  becomes  insusceptible  to 
the  influences  of  God's  Spirit  and  word,  and  inca- 
pable of  turning  to  God,  since  the  will  confirms 
itself  in  permanent  opposition  to  God ;  the  end  is 
the  divine  judgment  of  rejection.  See  the  sepa- 
rate steps  of  this  process  in  the  Exposition  of  the 
Section. 

3.  The  word:  "Obedience  is  better  than  sacri- 
fice" is  the  refutation  of  a  twofold  error:  1)  that 
man  can  gain  God's  approval  by  outward  works, 
apart  from  a  spirit  of  true  obedience  in  which 
heart  and  will  are  given  up  and  subjected  to  Him ; 
2)  that  man  can  by  such  works  absolve  himself 
from  the  performance  of  moral  duties,  and  escape 
the  guilt  and  punishment  of  his  disobedience  to 
God. — This  declaration  further  indicates  the  true 
relation  between  the  ceremonial  law  and  the  moral 
law.  The  holy  usages  of  the  former,  especially 
sacrifices,  do  not  occupy  towards  the  demands  of 
the  latter  the  relation  of  the  Outward  to  the  In- 
ward. "  Every  ceremonial  law  is  moral ;  the  out- 
ward act  is  never  enjoined  but  for  the  sake  of  the 
inward  thing,  what  it  pictures  —  represents. 
Never  is  there  body  without  spirit.  But  the 
fleshly  sense  would  have  none  of  the  spirit,  and 
laid  hold  solely  of  the  body,  which  thus  isolated 
became  a  corpse."  Hengst.  Eird.  zu  Ps.  1.  That 
word  contains  the  principle  of  and  lays  the  foun- 
dation for  the  position  which  the  prophetic  Order 
(after  Samuel's  example)  takes  towards  the  sacri- 
ficial worship  and  the  fulfilment  of  the  ceremonial 
law  in  general.  Not  the  offering  absolutely  is  re- 
jected, but  the  outward  work  without  the  root  of 
love  to  God  (Deut.  vi.  5)  alnd  of  the  obedience 
whence  alone  it  can  spring  as  fruit  well-pleasing 
to  God.  On  the  relation  between  the  teaching 
of  the  Mosaic  law  and  this  prophetical  doctrine 
(which  dates  from  this  word  of  Samuel)  of  the 
necessity  of  the  sacrifice  of  a  pious  heart  and  an 
humbly  obedient  will  in  contrast  with  external 
service  according  to  the  prescriptions  of  the  ritual 
law,  Oehler  (Herz.  XII.  228)  says:  "The  pro- 
phets, by  bringing  out  the  difference  between  the 
ritual  and  moral  laws,  and  by  declaring  the 
merely  outward  service  to  be  in  itself  worthless — 
and  valid  only  as  the  expression  of  a  godly  will, 


merely  logically  developed  Mosaism,  which  in- 
deed commonly  puts  the  moral  and  the  ritual,  the 
inward  and  the  outward  immediately  side  by  side, 
but  therein  indicates  not  unclearly  the  sense  and 
aim  of  its  teaching,  partly  by  basing  all  laws  on 
the  divine  elective  grace  and  the  divine  holiness, 
partly  in  the  fact  that  even  the  ritual  ordinances 
of  the  Law  every  where  display  a  spiritual  mean- 
ing, and  thus  awaken  a  dim  conception  of  moral 
duties.  On  the  other  hand,  Prophecy  by  insert- 
ing in  its  pictures  of  the  Messianic  times  essen- 
tial features  of  the  old  ceremonial,  shows  that  it 
holds  fast  the  divine  significance  and  warranty 
of  the  ritual  law." 


HOMILETICAL  AND  PBACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  Berlenb.  Bible  :  Although  Saul  was 
rejected  by  God  on  account  of  his  disobedience,  yet 
God  left  him  still  king,  so  that  he  was  bound  to 
carry  out  the  will  of  God. — [Henry:  Samuel 
plainly  intimates  that  he  was  now  about  to  put 
Saul  upon  a  trial,  in  one  particular  instance,  whe- 
ther he  would  be  obedient  to  the  command  of  Grod 
or  no.  And  the  making  of  this  so  expressly  the 
trial  of  his  obedience,  did  very  much  aggravate  his 
disobedience. — Gill:  And  whereas  he  had  been 
deficient  in  one  instance  before,  for  which  he  had 
been  reproved  [chap,  xiii.],  he  suggests  that  nme 
he  should  take  care  to  observe  and  do,  particu- 
larly and  punctually,  what  should  be  enjoined 
him. — Tr.]  It  is  impossible  to  be  truly  a  king 
and  to  rule  in  the  church,  if  one  does  not  yet  know 
the  voice  of  the  Lord,  and  cannot  distinguish  it 
from  the  voice  of  reason  and  nature. 

Vers.  2,  3.  Starke:  God's  judgments,  though 
they  come  slowly,  yet  come  certainly  and  at 
the  right  time  (Exodus  xxxii.  34).  —  [Hall: 
He  that  thinks,  because  punishment  is  deferred, 
that  God  hath  forgiven  or  forgot  his  offence,  is 
unacquainted  with  justice,  and  knows  not  that 
time  makes  no  difference  in  eternity. — Tr.] — 
SoHLiER :  When  God  the  Lord  commands  such 
a  war  of  annihilation,  then  this  is  no  war  of  hu- 
man vengeance ;  still  less  is  it  an  ambitious  war 
of  conquest — but  it  is  a  judgment  of  divine 
wrath. 

Ver.  6.  Crambb:  We  must  beware  of  com- 
munion with  the  ungodly,  that  we  may  not  be 
swept  away  with  them  (Rom.  xviii.  4). — Osian- 
der  :  God  requites  to  the  pious  even  their  fore- 
fathers' good  works  and  benefits,  which  they  have 
done  to  their  neighbor.  Who  then  will  say  that 
it  is  vain  to  serve  God  (Mai.  iii.  14). — Schlieb: 
Thus  does  every  good  thing  reward  itself;  nothing 
remains  forgotten;  often  in  later  centuries  the 
seed  sown  in  an  old  past  yet  every  where  cornea 
up  gloriously,  and  children  and  children's  children 
derive  advantage  from  the  good  done  by  the  fa- 
thers.—Vers.  8,  9.  Starke:  Not  what  seems  to 
us  good  are  we  to  do,  but  what  God  will  have 
from  us  (Jer.  vii.  23).  Avarice  leads  to  great 
sins,  especially  to  untimely  compassion  (1  Tim. 
vi.  10).— S.  SoHMiD :  No  one  is  more  foolish  than 
he  who  wishes  to  be  wiser  than  God,  and  ventures 
to  explain  God's  word  and  commandments  ac- 
cording to  what  seems  good  to  him.— Vers.  10, 11. 
"It  repenteth  me."— Beblenb.  Bible:  Such 
feelings  must  in  the  case  of  God  be  understood  in 
a  divine  manner,  and  not  as  in  the  case  of  diange- 


CHAP,  XV.  1-35. 


213 


able  men  in  a  human  manner;  they  must  be  un- 
deretood  more  in  the  effect  than  in  the  affection, 
of  God's  unchangeable  righteousness,  which  moves 
Him  to  withdraw  His  special  grace  and  to  withhold 
His  hand,  the  cause  of  every  change  that  takes 
place  among  His  creatures. — [Gill:  Though 
God  repented  He  made  Saul  king,  He  never  re- 
pents of  His  making  His  saints  kings  and  priests 
for  Himself.  His  outward  gifts  He  sometimes 
takes  away,  as  an  earthly  crown  and  kingdom ; 
but  His  gifts  and  callings  which  are  of  special 
grace  are  without  repentance.  Bom.  xi.  29. — Tk.] 

Ver.  12.  OsiANDEB :  The  lost  sheep  we  must 
diligently  seek,  if  perhaps  thw  may  be  brought 
to  the  right  way. — Ver.  13.  [Henry  :  Thus  sm- 
ners  think  by  j  ustifying  themselves  to  escape  being 
judged  of  the  Lord ;  whereas  the  only  way  to  do 
that  is  by  judging  ourselves. — Tb.] — Starke 
[from  Hall]  :  No  man  brags  so  much  of  holi- 
ness as  he  that  wants  it  (Lu.  xviii.  11,  12). — 
[Wordsworth  :  Here  is  a  proof  that  a  man  may 
be  blinded  by  his  own  self-will,  and  that  he  may 
imagine  that  his  own  way  is  right,  while  it  is 
leading  him  to  the  gate  of  death  (Prov.  xiv.  12 ; 
xvi.  25).  It  is  not  enough  for  a  man  to  be  ap- 
proved by  his  own  conscience ;  but  it  is  necessary 
to  regalate  the  conscience  by  God's  Will  and 
Word  (Acta  xxvi.  9;  1  Tim.  i.  13).— Tr.]— 
Vers.  14,  15.  S.  Schmtd:  God  knows  how  to 
bring  men's  sins  to  light,  however  great  the  care 
with  which  they  may  be  cloaked. — Starke:  No- 
thing remains  concealed,  and  sooner  than  the  sins 
of  the  ungodly  should  fail  to  be  reported,  the  ir- 
rational creatures  themselves  must  reveal  them. 
[Hall:  Could  Saul  think  that  Samuel  knew  of 
the  asses  that  were  lost,  and  did  not  know  of  the 

oxen  and  sheep  that  were  spared  ? Much 

less  when  we  have  to  do  with  God  Himself  should 
dissimulation  presume  either  of  safety  or  secrecy. 
Can  the  God  that  made  the  heart,  not  know  it  ? — 
Tr.]— Ver.  15.  [From  Hall]  :  It  is  a  shameful 
hypocrisy  to  make  our  commodity  the  measure 
and  rule  of  our  execution  of  God's  command,  and 
under  pretence  of  godliness  to  intend  gain. — Osi- 
ANDER :  Hypocrites  will  not  come  right  out  with 
the  confession  of  their  sin,  but  desire  always  to 
excuse  and  palliate  it. — Bbbl.  Bible  :  Beware 
of  covering  thy  ungodly  heart  with  the  cloak  of 
religion,  and  consider  that  the  day  is  coming  on 
which  God  will  make  manifest  what  is  hidden  in 
•  darkness  and  the  counsel  of  men's  hearts  (1  Cor. 
iv.  5). — Ver.  16.  S.  Schmid:  We  must  not  look 
to  what  hypocrites  say  of  themselves,  but  to  what 
God's  word  says  of  them. — Berl.  Bible  :  Hold 
on !  speak  not  many  vain  words  to  cloak  and  to 
palliate !  The  stitches  do  not  hold.  Happy  he 
in  whose  spirit  there  is  no  guile  (Ps.  xxxii.  2). 
[Scott:  The  unhumbled  heart,  however,  will 
never  be  at  a  loss  to  excuse  or  palliate  the  most 
evident  criminality;  and  it  will  always  be  neces- 
sary for  preachers  to  drive  sinners  from  their  sub- 
terfuges, to  show  them  the  malignity  and  aggra- 
vation of  their  offences,  to  silence  their  objections 
and  excuses,  and  urge  conviction  upon  their  hearts, 
though  the  convincing  Spirit  of  God  alone  can  ren- 
der the  means  effectual  (Jo.  xvi.  8, 11).— Tb.] 

Ver.  20.  Cramer;  That  is  the  way  with 
hypocrites,  that  they  make  themselves  fair,  and 
yet  are  not  washed  from  their  fllthiness  (Pro- 
verbs XXX.  12).    They  boast  of  their  works,  and 


their  hand  kisses  their  mouth  (Job  xxxi.  27 ; 
Luke  xviii.  11). — Bebl.  Bible:  Saul  makes  his 
cause  worse  and  worse,  while  he  wishes  to  be 
guiltless,  yea,  even  to  be  in  the  right  towards  God, 
as  if  he  had  executed  every  thing  quite  well,  even 
after  Samuel  had  already  censured  him  and  sought 
to  arouse  his  conscience.  It  is  accordingly  not 
only  a  single  sin,  but  many  there  come  together. 
He  contradicts  the  prophet,  he  denies  that  he  has 
been  disobedient ;  he  raakes'light  of  his  fault,  even 
if  any  fault  were  granted,  and  throws  it  to  and  fro 
from  himself  to  the  people ;  he  uses  the  service 
of  God  for  a  pretext  and  cloak  of  excuse,  like  a 
vUe  hypocrite  who  has  little  respect  for  God's 
omniscience.  See  what  tricks  corrupt  nature  can 
devise  ?  How  crafty  it  is  in  its  concealment ! 
How  many  kinds  of  subterfuges  it  employs  to  de- 
fend itself ! — Ver.  21.  Osiandbr:  It  is  a  horrible 
crime  when  any  one  wishes  to  cloak  his  avarice, 
disobedience  and  other  crimes  with  religious  de- 
votion (Jo.  xii.  4-6). — Berl.  Biblb:  How  many 
engaged  in  God's  worship  deceive  themselves 
herein,  who  think  it  is  enough  to  offer  something 
temporal  to  the  Lord,  when  meanwhile  they  are 
constantly  maintaining  their  own  disposition  and 
their  own  will! — [Scott:  When  the  Lord  ex- 
pressly says,  "Thou  shalt,"  and  His  rational  crea- 
ture dares  to  persist  in  saying,  "I  will  not,"  whe- 
ther the  contest  be  about  an  apple  or  a  kingdom — 
it  is  "stubbornness"  and  "rebellion" — a  contempt 
of  the  commandment  of  God,  and  a  daring  insult 
to  His  majesty  and  authority.  — Tr.] — J.  Lanoe  : 
Even  in  the  Levitical  worship  God  always  and 
chiefly  looked  to  the  inner  (Ezek.  vi.  6 ;  Ps.  li. 
18,  19).  My  fellow  Christian!  make  thy  Chris- 
tianity then  consist  not  in  the  outward  but  in  the 
inward,  and  worship  God  in  spirit  and  truth  (Jo. 
iv.  24). — Bebl.  Bible:  May  we  then  take  good 
care  that  even  when  we  mean  to  render  the  Lord 
service  or  obedience,  we  yet  beware  of  our  choice 
and  fancy,  and  follow  only  the  traces  of  the  divine 
will,  and[  thereby  escape  from  ourselves  or  break 
and  tame  our  own  will.  Obedience  is  the  mother- 
grace,  the  parent  of  all  virtues.  It  makes  the  eye 
see,  the  ear  hear,  the  heart  think,  the  memory 
remember,  the  mouth  speak,  the  foot  go,  the 
hand  work,  and  the  whole  man  do  that,  yea, 
that  alone,  which  is  conformed  to  the  will  of 
God.  All  these  and  other  things  are  valuable 
only  in  so  far  as  they  agree  with  the  will  of  God. 
Ver.  23.  S.  Schmid  :  It  is  a  dreadful  fault 
when  one  wishes  to  make  light  of  gross  sins. 
An  honest  servant  of  God  represents  the  great- 
ness of  the  sins  according  to  the  tnith  and  pre- 
scription of  the  word  of  God. — Tube.  Bible:  God 
rejects  no  one  unless  he  is  before  rejected  by  Him. 
— ^Bebl.  Bible  :  It  is  impossible  for  him  who  is 
not  obedient  to  God  to  lay  any  command  upon 
men.  That  is  what  these  words  and  the  aim  of 
God  therein  mean. — The  authorities  must  not 
proceed  according  to  their  own  will  and  notion, 
but  in  everything  must  take  God's  word  and  will 
for  their  rule. — If  He  does  not  drive  them  (the 
apostate  rulers)  from  their  position,  like  as  He 
did  Nebuchadnezzar,  but  leaves  them  ruling,  as 
He  also  did  Saul  for  a  while,  yet  they  are  and 
remain  rejected  in  His  might,  and  vainly  write 
themselves  "  by  the  grace  of  God,"  when  He  Him- 
self does  not  "so  acknowledge  them. — [On  vers. 
22,  23,  there  is  a  sermon  by  Jeremy  Taylor, 


214 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


chiefly  on  rebellion,  in  which  he  uses  singular 
arguments  to  justify  religious  persecution. — Tb.] 

Ver.  24.  Osiandee  :  That  is  the  way  with 
hypocrites,  that  they  do  not  outright  and  freely 
confess  their  sins,  but  push  the  guilt,  as  far  as 
ever  they  can,  from  themselves  upon  others. — 
Ver.  26.  Bbrl.  Bib.  :  Every  one  wonders  that 
God,  who  is  yet  so  full  of  compassion,  does  not 
forgive  Saul,  though  elsewhere  He  never  refuses 
forgiveness  to  any  repented  sin.  But  it  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  longing  after  forgiveness  in  Saul 
proceeded  from  no  such  repentance  as  God  had  in 
view,  but  from  a  self-loving  repentance,  which 
had  only  its  own  advantage  as  aim.  For  he  was 
not  troubled  that  he  had  dishonored  God,  but 
was  in  fear  that  he  might  lose  the  kingdom. — 
Ver.  29.  Osiander  :  Although  God,  so  long  as 
we  do  not  repent,  does  not  change  His  threaten- 
ings,  but  certainly  carries  them  into  execution, 
yet  if  we  earnestly  repent  and  better  our  lives,  He 
does  repent  of  the  evil  which  He  had  threatened 
to  do  us  if  we  had  gone  on  in  sin  ^  Jer.  xviii.  7 
sqq.) ;  and  such  a  change  is  not  instability  in 
God,  but  grace  and  goodness. 

Ver.  30.  Beblenburoer  Bible:  "Honor 
me,  I  pray  thee."  That  shows  what  he  is 
mainly  concerned  about  (Jno.  v.  44 ;  xii.  43) ; 
loss  and  shame  he  would  like  to  escape,  and 
as  he  cannot  deceive  God,  he  wishes  to  de- 
ceive men  by  the  appearance  of  God's  favor. — 
WiTERT.  Bib.  :  Hypocrites  bewail  and  lament  in 
their  repentance  only  the  chastisements  they  have 
to  suffer,  and  not  their  sins ;  they  seek  only  their 
own,  and  not  God's  honor  (1  Kings  xxi.  27).— 
[S.  Gregory  (in  Wordsworth)  :  If  Saul  had 
been  really  penitent,  he  would  have  prayed  to 
be  humbled,  rather  than  to  be  honored. — W.  M. 
Taylor  :  There  came  to  the  son  of  Kish  a  tidal 
time  of  favor,  which  if  he  had  only  recognized 
and  improved  it,  might  have  carried  him  not 
only  to  greatness,  but  to  goodness.  But  he  proved 
faithless  to  the  trust  which  was  committed  to 
him,  and  became  in  the  end  a  worse  man  than 
he  would  have  been,  if  no  such  privileges  had 

been  conferred  upon  him As  his  life  wore 

on,  the  good  features  in  his  character  disappeared. 
— Tr.]— Ver.  33.  S.  Schmid:  Although  the 
right  of  retaliation  has  no  place  in  personal 


jevenge,  yet  it  is  righteously  exercised  in  public 
judgments  (Lev.  xxiv.  20).  To  execute  God's 
strict  judgment  with  a  spirit  free  from  all  thirst 
for  vengeance,  is  no  barbarity. 

J.  DisSELHOPF  on  vers.  1-21.  The  fall  of  King 
Said  shows:  1)  How  unrepented  and  only  white- 
washed sin  at  the  first  severe  temptation  breaks 
out  as  manifest  and  criminal  self-seeking;  2) 
How  this  self-seeking  is  so  blinding  as  to  tell 
itself  and  others  the  lie  that  it  is  a  labor  for  the 
Lord. — The  same  on  vers.  20-23.  Sac/rifice  or  obe- 
dience? 1)  A  sacrifice  which  lacks  obedience  of 
heart  is  an  abomination  in  the  sight  of  God ;  2) 
Where  obedience  of  heart  is,  there  is  also  the 
true  sacrifice,  well-pleasing  to  God. — The  same 
OB  veis.iS-Sl.  BeiwareofaSauPsconfesswn.  That 
you  may  do  this,  it  is  necessary  to  know  two 
things:  1)  What  a  Saul's  confession  is;  2)  What 
a  Saul's  confession  works. 

Vers.  1-11.  Gocffs  curse  and  blessing:  1)  Long 
delayed,  but  not  revoked;  2)  At  last  fulfilling 
itself  according  to  God's  truth  and  righteousness. 

Vers.  22-3.  Sacrifice  and  obedience ;  1)  Sacrifice 
without  obedience  (worthless  in  the  sight  of  the 
Lord,  perilous  for  men) ;  2)  Obedience  the  best 
sacrifice  (on  what  ground,  with  what  blessed  re- 
sult). 

Vers.  10-31.  Seeming  repentance  before  the  Lord: 

1 )  How  it  conceals  from  the  Lord  the  root  of  sin 
in  the  heart;  2)  draws  the  garment  of  self-right- 
eousness over  sin ;  3)  thereby  leads  from  sin  to 
sin ;  and  4)  drives  on  towams  the  judgment  of 
hardening  and  rejection. 

[Ver.  11.  The  Lord  repented:  1)  in  what  sense, 

2)  for  what  reasons,  3)  with  what  results.  (Comp. 
"Exeg."  on  vers.  11  and  29,  and  "Hist,  and 
Doct.,"  No.  1.) — Ver.  11.  Praying  in  vain. — 
Vers.  11,  16.  Grieving,  but  faithful.— Vera.  12, 
13.  The  glory  and  the  shame  of  Saul — his  vic- 
tory, his  disobedience,  his  efiorts  to  hide  and  pal- 
liate his  offence.  (This  would  embrace  nearly 
the  whole  chapter.) — Vers.  20-1.  Eclectic  obe- 
dience.— Ver.  23.  The  rejecter  rejected.  Comp. 
Eom.  i.  24,  26,  28 ;  John  iii.  18,  19.— Ver.  27. 
Clinging  to  the  religious  teacher,  while  not  cling- 
ing to  religion. — Vers.  30-1.  Worshipping  to  save 
appearances. — Ver.  32.  To  be  without  fear  of 
death  is  not  proof  of  preparation  for  death. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  XVI.  1-13.  215 


THIRD  DIVISION. 

THE  DECLINE  OF  SAUL'S  KINGDOM,  AND  THE  ELEVATION  OF  DAVID.    FROM 
SAUL'S  REJECTION  TO  HIS  DEATH. 

Chapters  XVI.— XXXI. 


FIRST  SECTION. 

Eaily  History  of  David,  the  Anointed  of  the  Lord. 

Chap.  XVL 

I.  Ounce  and  Anointing  of  David  as  King  through  Samuel.  Chap.  XVI.  1-13. 

1  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Samuel,  How  long  wilt  thou  mourn  for  Saul, 
seeing  I  have  rejected  him  from  reigning  over  Israel  ?  Fill  thine  horn  with  oil, 
and  go,  I  will  send  thee  to  Jesse  the  Bethlehemite,  for  I  have  provided'  me  a  king 

2  among  his  sons.  And  Samuel  said,  How  can  I  go  ?  If  Saul  hear  it,  be  will  kill 
me.     And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said.  Take  an  heifer  with  thee,  and  say,  I  am  come 

3  to  sacrifice  to  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  call  Jesse  to  the  sacrifice,'  and  I  will 
show  thee  what  thou  shalt  do ;  and  thou  shalt  anoint  unto  me  him  whom  I  name 

4  unto  thee.  And  Samuel  did'  that  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  spake,  and  came  to 
Bethlehem.     And  the  elders  of  the  town   [city]*  trembled  at  his  coming  [went 

5  tremblingly  to  meet  him],  and  said,  Comest  thou  peaceably  [in  peace]  ?'  And  he 
said,  Peaceably  [In  peace] ;  I  am  come  to  sacrifice  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah] ; 
sanctify  yourselves,  and  come  with  me  to  the  sacrifice.'  And  he  sanctified  Jesse  and 

6  his  sons,  and  called  them  to  the  sacrifice.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  they  were 
come,  that  he  looked  on  Eliab  and  said,  Surely  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  anointed  is 

7  before  him.  But  [And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  Samuel,  Look  not  on  his 
countenance  [appearance],'  or  [nor]  on  the  height  of  his  stature,  because  [for]  I 
have  refused  him ;  for  the  Lord  [JehovaK]  seethe  not  as  man  seeth,  for  man  looketh 

8  on  the  outward  appearance,  but  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  looketh  on  the  heart.  Then 
[And]  Jesse  called  Abinadab,  and  made  him  pass  before  Samuel.     And  he  said, 

9  Neither  hath  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  chosen  this  [him].  Then  [And]  Jesse  made 
Shammah  to  pass  by.    And  he  said.  Neither  hath  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  chosen  this 

10  [him].     Again,  [And]  Jesse  made  seven  of  his  sons  to  pass  before  Samuel.    And 

TEXTUAL  AND  GEAMMATICAL. 

•  [Ver.  1.  Literally  "fleen."    For  similar  use  of  nSI  see  Sen.  xxii.  8 ;  Deut.  xzxiii.  21. — Tn.] 

2  [Ver.  3.  Chald.  has  "sacrificial  meal,"  perhaps  simply  as  a  connected  fact,  perhaps  to  avoid  apparent  in- 
fringement on  priestly  functions.    Vulg.  has  victimam,  other  VSS.  as  Heb. — Tr.] 

»  [Ver.  4.  Sept. :  "  all  that  the  Lord  spake  to  him."— Te.] 

*  [Ver.  4.  It  is  better  to  give  a  uniform  rendering  to  Tj;,  the  distinction  between  "  town  "  and  "  city  "  not 
being  found  in  Heb.— Ta.] 

'  [Ver.  4.  Literally:  "is  thy  coming  peace?  and  he  said,  peace."  Sept.  inserts  at  the  end  of  the  verse  the 
words  "  0  Seer."— Ta.] 

'  [Ver.  S.  Sept. :  "  and  rejoice  with  me  to-day,"  probably  a  free  reference  to  the  festive  character  of  the  sacri- 
ficial meal ;  so  Ohald  has  "  meal "  Instead  of  "  sacrifice."— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  7.  inSIn,  Sept.  oi/rw,  Erdmann  "  gestalt,"  properly  the  whole  personal  appearance.  Vulg.  vulttim, 
whence  perhaps  Eng.  A.  V.    Luther,  "  geatalf—lR.'] 

'  [Ver.  7.  These  words  wanting  (but  understood)  in  the  Heb.,  are  found  in  the  Sept.  "  God  seeth,"  and  are  for 
clearness  better  retained.    Chald.  and  Syr.  omit  as  Heb. ;  Vulg.  supplies  the  words :  egojudico.—T&.i 


216 


THE  FIKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


11  Samuel  said  unto  Jesse,'  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  not  chosen  these.  And  Samuel 
said  unto  Jesse,  Are  here  all  thy  children  [the  young  men]  ?  And  he  said.  There 
remaineth  yet  the  youngest,  and  behold,  he  keepeth  the  sheep.     And  Samuel  said 

12  unto  Jesse,  Send  and  fetch  him,  for  we  will  not  sit  down  till  he  come  hither.  And 
he  sent  and  brought  him  in.  Now  [And]  he  was  ruddy,'"  and  [om.  and]  withal 
of  a  beautiful  countenance  [with  beautiful  eyes  withal],  and  goodly"  to  look  to 

13  [at].  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said,  Arise,  anoint  him,  for  this  is  he."  Then 
[And]  Samuel  took  the  horn  of  oil,  and  anointed  him  in  the  midst  of  his  brethren. 
And  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  cami  upon  David  from  that  day  forward. 
So  [And]  Samuel  rose  up  and  went  to  Ramah. 

»  [Ver.  10.  Sept.  (Vat.  but  not  Alex.)  omits  "unto  Jesse,"  perhaps  (Wellhausen)  because  Jesse  was  supposed 
not  to  know  Samuel's  purpose.    In  ver.  6  Samuel's  "  said  "  is  equivalent  to  "  thought."— Tb.] 

10  [Ver.  12.  This  word  'JDIS  is  found  only  here,  1  Sam.  xvii.  42  and  Gen.  xxv.  26,  and  in  the  two  last  passages 

seems  to  refer  to  the  color  of  the  skin.  The  ancient  VSS.  do  not  decide.  Cbald.  and  Syr.  use  same  word  here  as 
in  Gen.  xxv.  25;  Vulg.  rufus,  Sept.  irvppaKTjs.  Some  moderns  render  "red-haired."  Levy  renders  the  Chald. 
**  red-eyed." — Tk.] 

"  [Ver.  1 2.  Sept. :  "  goodly  in  appearance  to  the  Lord,"  and  "  for  he  is  good,"  to  preserve  the  moral  aspect 
of  the  act  in  reference  to  ver.  7. — Te.] 


exegetical  and  critical. 

Ver.  1,  exhibiting  Samuel  in  deep  grief  for 
Saul,  connects  itself  immediately  with  xv.  35.  We 
find  him  here  in  the  same  sorrow  in  which  we 
left  him.  Samuel  mourned  for  Saul  in  view  of  the 
great  gifts  of  grace  which  he  liad  received,  but  had 
nullified  and  lost  by  his  disobedience  and  impe- 
nitence, in  view  of  the  Lord! a  honor,  wliich  he  had 
violated,  and  in  view  of  the  j>e<mle,  for  whom  he 
had  by  his  conduct  turned  GoJs  blessing  into  a 
curse.  Samuel's  grief  was  an  expression  of  the 
same  love  which  drove  him  to  intercession  for 
Saul  and  at  the  same  time  filled  him  with  holy 
anger  (xv.  11).  It  was  sorrow  for  Saul's  rejection, 
but  there  was  not  (Brenz,  Tremellius)  connected 
with  it  prayer  for  the  restoration  of  Saul  to  his 
former  relation  to  God  and  for  the  renewal  of  his 
kingdom,  of  which  nothing  is  said. — The  ques- 
tion :  How  long  ?  contains  a  divine  reproof,  in- 
dicating (so  the  words  :  "  seeing  I  have  rejected 
him  from  being  king  over  Israel " )  that  Samuel 
by  his  deep,  long-continued  grief  over  Saul's  con- 
dition (a  lamentable  one  under  all  circumstances 
and  evermore)  was  out  of  sympathy  with  God  and 
God's  decrees  and  ways,  which  are  clearly  an- 
nounced in  these  words  and  in  xv.  35.  Calvin  : 
"  The  excellent  prophet  here  displays  something 
of  human  weakness.  Samuel  here  looked  on  a 
vessel  made  by  the  invisible  hand  of  God  Himself' 
utterly  broken  and  minished,  and  his  emotion 
thereat  shows  his  pious  and  holy  affection, — ^yet 
he  is  not  without  sin  ;  not  at  all  that  the  feeling 
is  evil,  but  because  it  is  excessive."  From  his 
own  sad  thoughts  and  feelings  Samuel  is  directed 
through  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  to  the  thoughts 
and  the  wi  11  of  the  Lord  in  respect  to  the  Theoc- 
racy, as  organ  of  which  Saul  is  rejected.  [Comp. 
the  similar  dealing  with  Elijah,  1  Ki.  xix. — Tr.]. 
The  Lord  commands  him  to  enter  into  His  ways, 
which  are  to  lead  to  the  choice  and  consecration 
of  another  as  instrument  of  the  royal  authority  of 
God  over  His  people.  The  divine  command  is : 
Go  and  anoint  one  of  the  sons  of  Jesse 
the  Bethlehemite,  whom  I  have  chosen 
to  be  king  over  Israel. — This  command  pre- 
supposes an  exact  acquaintance  on  Samuel's  part 
with  Jesse  and  his  house,  and  the  presence  in  hie 


family  of  the  conditions  necessary  for  the  theo- 
cratic kingdom.  That  the  family  was  a  wealthy 
one  is  certain  from  ver.  11.  That  true  godliness 
and  piety  reigned  in  it  appears  from  Samuel's  ac- 
quaintance and  intercourse  with  it,  and  the  sacri- 
fice which  he  held  in  the  house. — Ver.  2.  Here- 
tofore Samuel  had  grieved  for  Saul — now  he  fears 
him :  How  can  I  go  ?  if  Saul  hear  it  he  will 
slay  me.  — This  protest  against  the  plain  direc- 
tion of  the  voice  of  God  rests  naturally  on  the  fact 
that  Saul  was  still,  notwithstanding  the  divine 
sentence  of  rejection,  rightful  king  of  Israel,  and 
would  regard  the  designation  of  another  to  the 
office  (if  it  could  not  be  kept  concealed  from  him) 
as  an  act  of  treachery  and  revolt,  even  though 
Samuel  should  plead  the  divine  command  in  his 
justification.  He  will  kill  me," — to  explain 
these  words,  therefore,  we  need  not  suppose  that 
the  evil  spirit  had  already  driven  Saul  to  mad- 
ness. Even  if  that  were  the  caise,  Saul  might  in 
his  seasons  of  quiet  also  resolve  to  slay  the  be- 
trayer of  the  kingdom. — This  fear  of  Samuel  is 
overborne  by  inspired  direction  as  to  what  he  is 
to  do  to  conceal  the  act ;  he  is  to  go  to  hold  a  sa- 
crificial feast,  and  so  announce  himself.  This 
divine  command  supposes  that  Samuel  did  not 
confine  his  circuits  to  certain  holy  places  (vii.  16) 
where  the  people  appeared  in  large  numbers,  but 
visited  other  places  to  hold  public  divine  service, 
and  that  Jesse  consequently  could  not  be  sur- 
prised at  his  appearing  in  Bethlehem  for  such  a 
purpose.  Berl.  Bib.:  "  People  must  have  been 
accustomed  to  Samuel's  coming  to  this  place  and 
the  other  to  sacrifice,  which  was  very  proper  for 
a  prophet,  especially  at  the  time  when  Shiloh  was 
desecrated."  This  throws  a  new  light  on  Samuel's 
combination  of  priestly  work  with  prophetical. — 
No  shade  of  untruthfulness  rests  on  tliis  command. 
As  Saul's  anointing  (x.  16)  was  concealed,  so  Da- 
vid's anointing  also  is,  according  to  the  divine 
will,  yet  to  remain  a  seeret.  Samuel  was  to  keep 
this  secret.  Its  concealment  behind  the  sacrifice 
was  not  a  lie.*  Calvin :  "  It  is  to  be  observed 
that  he  practiced  no  simulation,  but  said  what  was 
true,  namely,  that  he  had  come  to  sacrifice ;  but 
he  put  fraud  on  no  one,  he  deceived  no  one,  he 

*  [On  the  obvious  political  reason  for  this  secresy  see 
Bib.  Comm.  and  Wordsworth  in  toco.— Te.] 


CHAP.  XVI.  1-13. 


217 


used  no  bad  arts,  but  conformed  to  the  divine 
command,  because  it  was  not  meet  to  publish 
God's  design,  when  as  yet  God  wished  it  to  be 
concealed; — here  lurked  no  falsehood,  and  the 
end  was  good,  unconnected  with  fraud  or  treach- 
ery, but  God  wished  David's  anointing  to  be  care- 
fully kept  as  a  secret  deposit,  so  to  speak,  and  a 
pledge." — Ver.  3.  The  performance  of  the  divine 
commission  in  the  sacrificial  feast.  Three  direc- 
tions are  to  be  distinguished :  1)  Samuel  is  to  in- 
vite Jesse  to  the  sacrifiaud  meal;  it  is  a  slain- 
offering  (n3T)  that  is  spoken  of,  with  which  was 
connected  a  feast ;  he  is  to  be  associated  with 
Jesse  in  the  feast  in  the  narrower  circle  of  the 
family.  "  Call  in  the  sacrifice  "  is  construct,  proean. 
for  "call  to  take  part  in  the  sacrifice;"  2)  Sa- 
muel is  to  await  direction  from  above.  "  I  will  tell 
thee  what  thou  shalt  do."  This  exhibits  the  spe- 
cifically divine  factor  (of  which  Samuel  is  to  be 
organ)  in  the  choice  of  the  new  king  of  Israel ;  3) 
He  is  to  aTioint  as  king  him  whom  God  shall 
name. — Ver.  4.  And  Samuel  did,  etc.  The 
troubled  condition  of  soul  which  could  not  accept 
God's  thoughts  and  ways  disappeared  before  the 
strict  obedience  of  the  will,  which  bowed  before  the 
Lord's  will.  The  elders  of  Bethlehem 
came  tremblingly  to  meet  bim  ■vritb.  the 
question :  Comest  thou  in  peace  ?  (The 
Sitig.  1DS<''J  "  said,"  because  one  spoke  in  the  name 
of  all.  Comp.  Judg.  viii.  6;  Num.  xxxii.  25).  This 
question  does  not  mean  "  Has  a  misfortune  occurred, 
as  the  cause  of  thy  coming  ?"  nor  does  it  express  fear 
of  punishment  for  some  special  misdoing  (in  the 
pillaging)  in  the  Amalekite  war,  but  it  is  the  in- 
voluntary utterance  of  the  fear  which  Samuel's 
sudden,  unexpected  appearance  produced;  for 
though  he  no  longer  formally  held  the  office  of 
judge,  he  yet  appeared  here  and  there  (as  for- 
merly in  his  judicial  circuits)  to  make  unexpected 
visitation  and  exercise  his  watch-office  as  prophet. 
On  such  occasions  it  was  his  principal  care  to  ad- 
minister earnest  rebuke,  and  to  remove  the  evil 
that  he  found.  To  this  refers  the  fright  of  the 
elders  at  meeting  him,  and  the  question  whether 
he  came  in  peace  or  for  good? — Ver.  5.  He  an- 
swers the  question  in  the  affirmative  and  so  quiets 
the  Bethlehemites,  declares  the  purpose  of  his 
coming  to  be  to  institute  a  sacrifice  for  the  people 
of  Bethlehem,  and  directs  them  to  sanctify  them- 
selves and  take  part  with  him  in  the  sacrifice.  The 
"  sanctifying"  means  the  consecration  of  the  per- 
son to  the  service  of  God  by  washing  the  body  and 
putting  on  clean  garments  as  symbol  of  the  clean- 
sing of  the  soul  for  communion  with  the  holy  God. 
Comp.  Gen.  xxxv.  2 ;  Ex.  xix.  10,  22.  (The  same 
pregnant  construction  here  as  in  ver.  3).  While 
directing  the  elders  to  take  part  in  the  offering, 
Samuel  gives  a  special  invitation  to  Jesse  and  his 
sons  (by  the  same  direction,  to  sanctify  them- 
selves) to  partake  of  the  sacrificial  meal  with  him. 
[It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  Heb.  text  here 
makes  no  difference  between  the  invitation  to 
Jesse's  fiimily  and  the  general  invitation  to  the 
elders.  The  Sept.  and  the  Chald.  make  the  for- 
mer refer  to  the  sacrifice  and  the  latter  to  the  sa- 
crificial meal.  It  seems  that  there  was  a  special 
meeting  with  Jesse  and  his  sons,  but  it  is  not  so 
stated  in  the  text.  After  ver.  5,  indeed,  nothing 
more  is  said  of  the  sacrifice,  the  narrative  taking 


this  for  granted,  and  going  on  to  the  main  occur- 
rence.^TE.]. — After  the  ark  was  removed  from 
the  Tabernacle  and  Shiloh  had  thus  ceased  to  be 
the  place  of  worship  and  sacrifice  for  Israel,  there 
were  several  places  where  altars  for  sacrifices  were 
erected.  The  oflering  of  the  sacrifice  is  here  to 
be  put  after  ver.  5,  and  not  (Then.)  after  the 
words  "  in  the  midst  of  his  brethi-en  "  ver.  13,  for 
the  ■'  coming  "  in  ver.  6  refers  to  the  feast,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  words  in  ver.  11,  "  we  will  not  sit 
down,"  and  from  the  general  connection.  Samuel 
thought  (lit.,  said)  that  Jesse's  eldest  son,  Eliah, 
was  surely  the  Lord's  anointed. — Ver.  7.  The 
difference  is  sharply  stated  between  the  divine 
thoughts  and  human  judgment  according  to  hu- 
man standards.  The  voice  of  God  inwardly  teaches 
Samuel  two  things  :  1)  in  respect  of  Eliab's  per- 
son, he  is  not  to  infer  from  his  imposing  exterior 
that  he  was  the  chosen  of  the  Lord.  With  this 
humbling  correction,  which  connects  itself  with 
vers.  1,  2,  he  is  taught  2)  a  general  truth  respect- 
ing the  difference  between  divine  and  human 
modes  of  thought  and  judgment:  Not  what  man 
sees — to  which  we  must  supply  the  words  ''  sees 
the  Lord."  This  ellipsis  is  not  so  hard  as  to  re- 
quire us  to  suppose  (Then.)  that  these  words  have 
fallen  out  of  the  text.  The  thought  naturally  fills 
itself  out  from  what  precedes.  The  ground  of  the 
truth,  that  human  judgment  and  divine  judgmefnt  are 
not  the  same  but  different,  is  now  declared. — For 
man  looks  on  the  eyes,  but  the  Iiord  looks 
on  the  heart,  that  is,  man  judges  according  to 
the  outward  appearance, — the  expression  "  the 
eyes"  is  not  (with  Sept.)  to  be  exchanged  for 
"  countenance,"  but  to  be  retained  as  signifying 
the  outward  appearance,  which  concentrates  itself 
in  the  eyes,  in  contrast  with  the  heart  or  the  centre 
of  the  inner  life,  whence  springs  man's  will  and 
his  whole  spiritual  frame.  Not  according  to  the 
agreeable  appearance  which  commends  itself  to 
the  eyes,  but  according  to  the  moral  worth  hidden 
in  the  depths  of  the  heart,  according  to  the  dis- 
position of  soul  that  pleases  Him  does  the  Lord 
judge,  who  proveth  the  heart  and  the  reins.* — 
Ver.  8.  The  same  decision  is  announced  with  re- 
ference to  the  second  son,  Abinadab.  And  so  ver. 
9  as  to  the  third,  Shammah.  Thus  Jesse  made 
seven  of  his  sons  pass  before  Samuel.  But  Sa- 
muel's decision,  according  to  the  voice  of  God 
within  him,  is  always  negative.  The  "  he  said  " 
in  vers.  8  and  9  refers  to  Samuel,  and  =  "  he 
thought."  We  are,  therefore,  not  thence  to  sup- 
pose that  Samuel  had  communicated  to  Jesse  the 
object  of  his  mission.  It  is  not  till  ver.  10  that 
the  words  "  to  Jesse "  are  added,  expressly  indi- 
cating an  address  of  Samuel  to  him:  the  Lord 
hath  not  chosen  these.  It  does  not,  how- 
ever, follow,  even  from  these  words,  that  Samuel 
made  Jesse  a  sharer  in  the  divine  secret.  Ac- 
cording to  the  following  narrative  none  of  the 
family  (David's  father  and  brothers),  know  any- 
thing of  David's  high  destiny.  That  address  to 
Jesse  is  merely  a  negative  declaration  that  the 
divine  selection,  with  which  Samuel  was  con- 
cerned, and  which  in  the  absence  of  express  inti- 
mation of  its  nature,  might  refer  to  the  prophetic 
office,  rested  on  none  of  these  seven  sons.  Sa- 
muel 's  word  was  by  reason  of  its  indefiniteness  a 

*  [See  Ps.  vii.  9 ;  1  Chr.  xxviii.  9 ;  Luke  xvi.  15.— Te.] 


218 


THE  FIBST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


riddle,  whose  solution  Jesse  was  to  attain  only 
from  the  following  development  of  the  Iiistory  of 
his  youngest  son.— Ver.  11.  To  Samuel's  question 
whether  these  are  all  the  young  men,  Jesse  an- 
swers that  the  youngest  yet  remains.*  The  pro- 
phet of  the  Lord  is  not  satisfied  with  the  presen- 
tation of  the  seven  sons;  he  bids  the  father  send 
for  the  youngest,  before  they  sit  down  to  the  sa- 
crificial meal.  3D3  =:  "  we  will  not  surround," 
namely,  the  table,  we  will  not  sit  around  it  to  eat 
till  he  come.  So  De  Wette,  Ewald,  Maurer.  The 
explanation  :  "  we  will  not  turn  about,  namely,  to 
proceed  to  something  else,  but  will  remain  here 
waiting"  (Then.,  Bott.)  does  not  suit  the  situation 
as  given  by  the  context. — Ver.  12.  David's  ap- 
pearance, ruddy,  of  the  color  of  the  hair,  red  hair 
being  regarded  in  the  East  (as  contrasting  with 
the  usual  black  color)  as  especially  beauti&l.  D^ 
(as  xvii.  42 ;  Eccles.  ii.  16)  used  adverbially  := 
at  the  same  time,"  "  v/ithal ;"  beautiful  of  eyes 
and  good,  pleasing  in  appearance.  In  this  young- 
est son  were  united  the  beauty  of  the  oldest,  and 
that  which  is  well-pleasing  to  the  Lord,  what 
"  the  Lord  looks  on,"  a  heart  and  mind  after  the 
will  and  good  pleasure  of  the  Lord  (ver.  7).  And 
so  the  divine  decision  is  announced  to  Samuel : 
Arise,  anoint  him,  for  this  is  he.  He  is 
thus  freed  from  all  doubts  and  suspicions.  Sure 
of  his  course,  Samuel  (ver.  13)  performs  the  ce- 
remony of  anointing  David  (the  object  and  mean- 
ing of  the  act  being  still  an  enigma  to  Jesse  and 
his  other  sons)  in  the  midst  of  his  brethren  or  from 
among  [Germ,  unter^  his  brethren ;  the  Heb.  pre- 
position (3[^p3)  may  mean  either.  Thenius 
adopts  the  latter  on  the  ground  that  the  brothers 
had  gone  away,  but  this  is  not  required  by  the 
narrative.  Samuel's  words  in  the  second  half  of 
ver.  11  rather  imply  that  they  were  all  there. 
[Abarbanel  and  Philippson  also  adopt  this  view 
of  the  word,  "  among  "  his  brethren,  that  is,  "  he 
alone  of  his  brethren,"  because  this  better  ex- 
plains their  after  ignorance. — Tb.].  In  any  case 
the  special  significance,  which  God  designed  this 
anointing  to  have,  was  hidden  from  them.  An- 
ointing was  always  a  symbol  of  the  divine  impar- 
tation  of  the  Spirit  from  above  on  the  Anointed. 
The  impartation  began  immediately  for  David : 
The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  came  upon  David 
from  that  day  forward.— This  could  not  have 
happened,  if  the  religious-ethical  conditions  had 
not  been  present  in  David's  heart.  This  impar- 
tation of  the  Spirit  was  (along  with  the  general 
gift  of  the  divine  Spirit)  the  special  endowment 
with  gifts  and  powers  for  the  special  theocratic 
royal  calling,  to  which  David  was  chosen  and 
consecrated  by  this  anointing  according  to  divine 
decree  and  will.  The  word  "  from  that  day  for- 
ward" denotes  the  continuity  of  the  impartation 
of  the  Spirit  to  David's  inner  life,  and  indicates 
its  unbroken  development  under  the  guidance  of 
the  divine  Spirit  to  full  fitness  and  capacity  for 
the  royal  calling.  Keil  properly  calls  attention 
to  the  fact  that  nothing  is  here  said  of  any  expla- 
natory word  of  Samuel  touching  this  point,  as  in 
Saul's  anointing,   chap.   x.  1.     Whether  David 


*  fin  1  Chr.  ii.  13-16  only  seven  sons  of  Jesse  are  men- 
tioned ;  one  may  have  died  in  youth.  The  Syr.  and 
Arab,  write  Elihu  (1  Chr.  xxvii.  18)  as  seventh  and  David 
as  eiglith.— Tb.] 


was  now  informed  by  Samuel  of  the  meaning  of 
the  act  is  uncertain.  Most  probably  he  was  not 
informed,  since  it  was  performed  in  the  presence 
of  the  brothers,  and  its  object  was  (according  to 
the  will  of  God)  to  remain  concealed  from  them 
and  the  people.  [It  seems  likely  that  a  royal 
destiny  for  David  would  be  the  last  thing  in  the 
minds  of  his  brothers,  for  his  higher  intellectual 
and  spiritual  gifts  were  apparently  at  this  time 
unknown  to  them.  Gradually  the  course  of  events 
led  them  and  the  people  (so  Abigail  xxv.  30)  and 
probably  Saul  (xxiii.  17)  to  look  on  David  as 
Saul's  successor,  and  David  would  receive  inti- 
mations concerning  his  destiny  from  Samuel. 
There  is,  therefore,  no  serious  difficulty  in  under- 
standing the  silence  of  the  brothers  in  the  suc- 
ceeding history. — Tb.].  Samuel  ■went  to  Ha- 
mah.  That  David  was  in  constant  communication 
with  him  (and  perhaps  with  the  prophetic  school 
there)  is  quite  certain  from  the  following  history. 
Comp.  xix.,  XX.  sq.  In  this  intercourse  with  the 
prophet  of  the  Lord  he  learned  the  meaning  of 
Samuel  s  enigmatical  act,  and,  under  the  progres- 
sive occupation  and  enlightenment  of  his  inner 
life  by  the  Spirit  from  above,  received  the  know- 
ledge of  the  duties  of  his  royal  calling  and  the 
preparation  to  fulfill  them.  For  the  present  hia 
election  and  anointing  to  be  king  of  Israel  re- 
mained a  divine  secret. 


HISTORICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  afiairs  of  the  kingdom  of  God  go  their 
way  without  break  or  halt  according  to  God's 
high  thoughts  and  decrees,  though  human  sin  and 
its  attendant  judgment  (as  in  Saul's  case),  or  hu- 
man weakness  (as  in  Samuel's  immediate  grief 
for  Saul)  may  seem  to  hinder  the  plans  of  the 
divine  wisdom.  "  In  the  history  of  Israel  the 
concealing  curtain  of  human  purpose  and  action 
is  lifted,  and  the  thus  unveiled,  all-moving  and 
all-guiding  hand  of  Him  of  whom  it  is  written, 

'  He  worketh  all  things  according  to  the  counsel 
of  his  own  will'  (Eph.  i.  11),  appears  therein" 
(F.  W.  Krummacher,  David,  p.  1).  But  it  is  also 
precisely  by  human  sin  and  foolishness  that  the 
history  of  God's  kingdom  under  the  guidance  of 
the  divine  wisdom  and  providence  receives  new 
occasions  and  impulses  to  wider  and  higher  de- 
velopment according  to  the  aims  which  God  seta 
before  Himsself 

2.  Samuel's  grief  for  Saul,  transgressing  the 
bounds  set  by  God  and  thus  displeasing  to  Him, 
is  easily  explicable  psychologically  not  merely 
from  natural  human  feeling,  but  also  from  Sa- 
muel's theocratic  calling  and  prophetic  official 
interest.  Considered  from  this  point  of  view  also 
it  is  not  in  conflict  with  Samuel's  immovable  pro- 
phetic opposition  to  Saul  and  his  sentence  of  re- 
jection, but  is  at  the  same  time  the  most  striking 
refutation  of  the  false  conception  of  Samuel's  re- 
lation to  Saul  in  this  prophetic-judicial  bearing 
towards  him,  which  makes  the  latter  a  pitiable 
sacrifice  to  priestly  jealousy  and  one-sidedness  (see 
the  literature  in  Winer,  to  which  is  to  be  added 
M.  Dunker,  Oeschichte  des  Alterthums  I.). 

3.  The  concealing  of  the  truth,  when  there  is 
no  design  to  deceive,  when  its  utterance  is  required 
by  no  duty,  and  when  the  interests  of  the  moral 
order  of  the  world  and  of  the  kingdom  of  God  are 


CHAP.  XVI.  1-13. 


219 


in  no  wise  injured,  ia  far  from  being  untruthfulnesa, 
much  less  falsehood ;  it  is  rather  duty  and  obedi- 
ence to  the  divine  will. 

4.  The  begim/nmgs  of  David's  theocratic  life,  as 
they  present  themselves  in  his  election  and  call- 
ing to  be  king  of  Israel,  have  their  roots  (when  we 
look  back  in  the  light  of  the  divine  history  of  re- 
velation) in  the  consecrated  ground  of  a  family  in 
Judah  distinguished  in  history  for  piety  and  god- 
liness, which  belonged  with  its  traditions  to  the 
shepherd-city  of  Bethlehem.  The  family  whence 
Jesse  sprang  was  from  the  beginning  one  of  the 
most  prominent  in  the  tribe  of  Judah.  One  of  its 
ancestors,  Nahshon,  stood  at  the  head  of  the  whole 
tribe  in  the  march  through  the  wilderness  (Euth 
iv.  20;  Num.  i.  7;  ii.  3).  "How  remarkably 
the  noblest  and  loveliest  theocratic  piety  was 
nourished  in  this  family,  even  in  the  degenerate 
times  of  the  Judges,  appears  in  the  history  of  Euth 
and  Boaz ;  the  latter  a  type  of  theocratic  integrity, 
the  former  a  truly  consecrated  flower  of  heathen- 
dom turning  longingly  to  the  light  of  divine  reve- 
lation in  Israel"  (Kurtz  in  Serz.  III.,  299).  Jesse, 
the  son  of  Obed,  was  the  grajidson  of  this  Boaz. 
His  intimacy  with  Samuel  speaks  for  his  piety 
and  that  of  his  family.  David  was  the  noblest 
scion  of  this  family,  far  excelling  his  brothers 
(vers.  7,  10)  in  heart-piety  and  theocratic  feeling. 
His  posture  of  heart,  which  stood  the  divine  test 
and  was  well-pleasing  to  God,  was  the  fruit  of  the 
piety  of  his  father's  house,  whence  sprang  the 
humble,  consecrated  disposition*  in  which,  after 
his  anointing,  he  ripened  more  and  more  in  soul 
under  the  guidance  of  God's  Spirit  to  his  high 
calling  of  theocratic  royalty,  coming  by  manifold 
experiences  to  a  constantly  clearer  knowledge  of 
this  calling,  and  so  guided  by  the  Lord  that  not 
only  the  riddle  of  his  dumb  consecration  was  ever 
approaching  solution,  but  also  "  from  the  course 
of  events  (connected  with  Samuel's  former  words 
to  Saul)  others,  as  Jonathan,  and  even  Abigail, 
concluded  that  David  was  destined  to  be  king, 
xxiii.  17 ;  xx.  30"  (v.  Gerl.). — But  also,  when 
we  look  forward  in  the  light  of  divine  revelation, 
the  early  part  of  David's  consecrated  life  contains 
many  typical  elements  as  factual  prophecies  or 
preiigurations  of  the  future.  His  shepherd-Iife,f 
continued  after  he  was  anointed,  in  which  on  the 
one  hand  self-consecrated  he  immerses  himself  in 
the  contemplation  of  God's  revelation  in  nature 
and  in  His  word,  and  on  the  other  hand  must  be 
ready  at  any  moment  to  meet  the  greatest  dangers 
and  exhibit  boldness  and  prowess  (xvii.  34-37), 
presents  on  these  two  sides  types  of  his  religious 
life  as  king,  the  Spirit  of  God  developing  on  the 
basis  of  this  double  natural  ground  two  sides  of 
his  character,  which  not  merely  co-exiat,  but  are 
interwoven  with  each  other:  1)  iniensivdy  the 
innermost  concentration  and  immersion  of  his 
thoughtful,  meditative  heart  into  the  depths  of 
God's  revelation  of  His  power,  grace,  and  wisdom 
in  nature,  word,  history,  and  into  the  depths  of 

*  [That  is  to  say,  the  insitruction  and  example  of  his 
father's  house  was  God's  means  of  developing  this  dis- 
position in  him.  Piety  is  never  inherited,  bat  is  always 
thia  direct  creation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God  (John  iii. 
C).-Tb.] 

t  [The  care  of  the  flocks,  perhaps  an  honorable  occu- 
pation in  earlier  times  (Jacob,  Moses),  was  in  later  times 
usually  given  to  inferiors,  as  servants  and  younger 
children.— Tb.] 


the  sinful  human  heart,  whence  sprang  in  his 
psalms  partly  the  inspired  praise  of  God  with  fur- 
therance and  deepening  in  every  direction  of  tlie 
knowledge  of  God,  partly  advance  in  the  know- 
ledge of  the  natural  grace-lacking  condition  of  the 
human  heart ;  2)  extensively  his  admirable  energy 
and  heroic  courage  in  the  life  of  conflict,  which 
he  had  evermore  to  lead.  In  the  hiddenness  of 
his  royal  calling  from  the  people,  the  gradual 
ripening  of  his  inner  life  for  his  oflice  and  the 
lowliness  of  the  sphere  whence  he  was  raised  to 
the  throne,  he  is  a  type  of  Christ  who,  sprung 
from  him  according  to  the  flesh,  and  by  the  pro- 
phets called  "Son  of  David"  and  "Sprout  of 
Jesse "  (Isa.  xi.  1,  10),  passes  his  holy  youth  in 
privacy,  gradually  develops  therein  for  his  Mes- 
sianic calling,  and  then  at  the  end  of  this  divine- 
human  development  steps  forth  from  the  lowliness 
of  a  natural-human  life  as  the  king  of  Israel,  who 
completes  in  his  person  and  work  God's  revelations 
for  the  establisliment  of  His  kingdom  on  earth, 
and  therein  enters  on  the  war  of  subjugation 
against  the  ungodly  world.  From  David's  quiet 
anointing  in  the  modest  family-circle  at  Bethle- 
lem  to  be  King  David,  up  to  the  birth,  in  the  ob- 
scurity of  a  stall  at  Bethlehem,  of  the  "  Son  of 
David,"  the  "  King  of  the  Jews,"  there  is  an  un- 
broken series  of  divine  revelations,  the  beginning 
and  end  of  which  are  bound  together  by  the 
descent  of  the  Saviour  of  the  world  from  the  Tribe 
of  Jvdah  "  according  to  the  flesh."  And  as  hea- 
thendom entered  the  principal  line  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah  (whence  came  Jesse's  house  and  David) 
in  three  distinguished  women,*  thus  sharing  in 
the  derivation  of  the  Messiah  from  Jesse's  fa- 
mily,— and  so  the  impulse  implanted  (by  the  fun- 
damental blessing.  Gen.  xii.  3)  in  the  seed  of 
Abraham  towards  union  with  heathendom,  which 
takes  mostly  a  thoroughly  perverted  direction  in 
all  Israel's  early  history,  showed  itself  in  this 
family  (consciously  or  unconsciously)  in  a  normal 
and  truly  theocratic  way — so  we  see,  at  the  end  of 
this  development  of  the  kingdom  of  God  in  Israel 
which  goes  from  Bethlehem  to  Bethlehem,  hea- 
thendom approaching  in  Bethlehem  the  new-born 
king  of  the  Jews  (having  a  natural  right  in  Him 
because  of  its  natural  God-ordained  share  in  His 
incarnation)  in  order  to  pay  Him  its  homage. 
[This  last  statement  expresses  a  parallelism,  not 
a  typical  relation.  That  certain  heathen  women 
accepted  the  God  of  Israel,  and  that  certain  hea- 
then astronomers  believed  in  the  divinely-sent 
king  of  the  Jews  are  both  facta  illustrative  of  the 
promise  to  Abraham,  but  we  cannot  call  them 
type  and  antitype,  since  they  express  not  an  essen- 
tial principle,  but  a  concomitant  phenomenon  of 
the  fact  of  redemption.  So  the  numerous  cases 
in  which  God  raised  His  servants  from  low  to 
high  position  (as  in  David's  life)  are  illustrations 
of  a  mode  of  divine  action,  and  thus  parallel  to 
our  Lord's  history,  but  the  relation  of  the  events 
in  the  Old  and  New  Covenants  is  not  that  of  type 
and  antitype,  since  they  express  an  incidental  and 
not  an  essential  spiritual  principle.  David,  as 
prophet  and  king,  is  a  type  of  the  true  prophet 
and  king,  and  his  experiences  as  a  spiritual- 
minded  man  answer  to  the  experiences  of  the  man 


*  [Tamar  (Gen.  xxxviii.),  Kahab  (Matt.  i.  5).  Buth  (Euth 
iv.  16),  to  which  some  add  Bathsheba  (or,  Bathshua),  but 
this  is  uncertain. — Te.] 


220 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Jesus;  but  we  cannot  apply  the  term  typical  (with- 
out an  unworthy  lowering  of  its  meaning)  to  all  the 
outward  resemblances  between  their  lives. — Tr.] 
5.  The  word:  "Man  looks  on  the  eyes,  God 
looks  on  the  heart,"  like  that  other:  "Obedience  is 
better  than  sacrifice"  (xv.  22)  refers  to  the  right 
condition  of  heart  in  a  truly  pious,  humble  disposi- 
tion towards  God  the  Lord.  As  we  see  clearly 
the  difference  between  God's  vxyrd  and  man's,  be- 
tween God's  thmghte  and  man's,  when  Samuel 
says  to  himself  "this  or  that  one  is  the  chosen 
one,"  and  the  Spirit  from  above  says  to  his  heart 
"  no,"  and  points  him  to  one  of  whom  he  had  not 
thought, — so  we  see  according  to  their  dilTerent 
standards  the  difference  between  divine  and  hu- 
man judgment.  The  natural  man  judges  according 
to  the  outward  and  visible;  God,  who  proves  and 
knows  the  heart  and  the  reins  (Ps.  cxxxix.  1,  2 ; 
xUv.  22  [21] ),  judges  according  to  the  character  of 
the  heart  and  the  direction  of  the  will,  according 
to  the  disposition  of  soul. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PEACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  Beblenb.  Bible:  We  may  indeed 
have  compassion  upon  every  one  who  is  wretched 
because  of  his  sin ;  but  when  God's  rejection  is 
seen  in  continual  hardening,  that  man  must  be 
given  over  to  God's  righteous  judgment. — God 
demands  in  the  souls  He  sets  apart  for  Himself 
and  for  the  guidance  of  others,  such  a  dying  to 
all  things,  that  He  does  not  allow  them  to  regard 
any  other  interest  than  His,  whatever  reason  may 
be  alleged. — Schlibr  :  The  Lord  reproves  Sam- 
uel, who  had  indeed  meant  well,  but  had  not 
thought  rightly ;  even  a  Samuel  had  to  subject 
himself  to  God's  will,  and  with  his  whole  mind 
and  life  send  himself  forward  in  God's  ways. 
— Ver.  2  sc^q.  Stabke  :  Faintheartedness  and 
feebleness  is  found  even  in  the  best  saints.  Matt, 
viii.  26. — [Henet:  From  this  it  appears  1.  That 
Saul  was  grown  very  wicked.  2.  'That  Samuel's 
faith  was  not  very  strong. — Tr.] — S.  ScHMiD: 
In  doubtful,  trying  and  perilous  circumstances  it 
is  best  to  ask  God  for  counsel. — Ceambb.:  A 
wise  man  is  silent  until  he  sees  his  time ;  but  a 
fool  cannot  wait  for  the  time,  Eccl.  xx.  7 ;  Eccl. 
iii.  7 ;  Gen.  xxxvii. ;  Jud.  xvi.  16. — J.  Lange  : 
There  is  a  great  difference  between  an  untruth, 
when  one  says  what  is  false,  and  silence,  when 
one  prudently  keeps  to  himself  what  it  is  not 
necessary  for  others  to  know,  x.  15,  16. — [We 
are  not  bound  to  tell  everything  unless  we  profess 
to  be  so  doing,  or  the  person  asking  has  such 
peculiar  relations  to  us  as  to  warrant  his  expect- 
ing it.  From  failing  to  distinguish  between  de- 
ception and  concealment,  some  persons  condemn 
concealment  and  many  justify  deception.  See 
an  excellent  discussion,  with  particular  reference 
to  this  passage,  in  Thobnwell's  "  Discourses  on 
Truth." — Te.] — Berl.  Bible:  Samuel  speaks 
the  truth,  though  he  does  not  speak  all  the  truth, 
but  partly  conceals  and  partly  reveals,  according 
to  his  present  design. — Ver.  5.  J.  Lange:  So 
too  the  worthy  appropriation  of  the  atonement 
of  Christ  unto  salvation  must,  according  to  the 
evangelical  covenant  of  grace,  be  made  with  real 
inner  purification,  Isa.  i.  16. — Ver.  6.  S.  Schmid  : 
Human  wisdom,  however  great,  may  yet  be 
easily  deceived    accordingly  even  the  wisest  men 


must  take  care  not  to  be  too  hasty  in  deciding. — 
Ver.  7.  Cramer  :  God  looks  not  at  the  outward 
work,  but  at  the  heart,  and  judges  according  to 
what  His  eyes  see,  Isa.  xi.  3 ;  Acta  x.  34. — ^Bebl. 
Bible:  Men  decide  only  according  to  the  ap- 
pearance, and  so  are  commonly  deceived;  but 
the  Lord  looks  to  the  depths  of  the  heart,  its 
most  delicate  movements,  and  our  character, 
which  is  all  clear  to  Him,  and  better  known  than 
we  are  to  ourselves,  Ps.  vii.  10 ;  cxxxix. ;  Heb. 
iv.  12,  13. — True,  deep-grounded  humility  of 
heart  is  the  only  "appearance"  in  man  that 
pleases  God  (Isa.  Ivii.  15) ;  to  this  He  looks  as 
the  ground  of  all  virtues,  for  in  it  Hia  fear  has 
place.  But  where  there  is  hidden  pride,  the  fear 
of  God  is  easily  neglected. — [W.  M.  "Taylor: 
We  must  not  undervalue  attention  to  the  sym- 
metrical discipline  of  the  physical  fi-ame.  Yet 
muscularity  is  not  Christianity,  and  bodily  beauty 
is  not  hoUness.  The  character,  therefore,  ought 
to  be  the  principal  object  of  attention. — Te.] — 
Osiandee:  Christians  too  must  not  be  judged 
by  the  outward  walk,  since  commonly,  through 
the  infirmities  of  their  flesh,  they  have  a  had 
appearance,  while  hypocrites,  on  the  contrary, 
make  a  good  show  in  their  life,  2  Tim.  iii.  5 ; 
Matt.  vii.  15;  Eom.  ii.  20. — [This  is  true  as 
regards  a  mere  plausible  exterior ;  but  Christians 
should  be  judged  by  their  actions,  Matt.  vii.  20. — 
Te.] — Ver.  9  sqq.  S.  Schmid:  God  knows  how 
to  try,  often  and  long,  the  patience  of  believers 
to  their  good,  that  He  may  confirm  them  in  their 
faith  and  patience. — ^Ver.  11.  God  is  wont  to  ex- 
alt the  lowly,  that  they  may  always  remember 
their  lowliness,  and  not  be  proud,  but  glory  only 
in  God  who  has  exalted  them,  1  Cor.  i.  27  sqq., 
31.  [Scott:  Nor  does  He  favor  our  children 
according  to  our  fond  partialities ;  but  often  most 
honors  and  blesses  those  who  have  been  the  least 
regarded. — Tr.] — Ver.  13.  Cbamer:  Christians 
are  temples  and  dwellings  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  2 
Cor.  vi.  19. — S.  Schmid:  When  we  have  done 
our  duty  as  commanded  by  God,  we  have  to 
leave  the  rest  to  God's  government.  Matt  x  23. 
Vers.  1-13.  F.  W.  Keummachee  :  Call  and 
anointing  of  the  shepherd-youth:  1)  By  what  this 
was  occasioned,  2)  How  it  was  performed. — [Ver. 
7.  Henry:  "The  Lord  looketh  on  the  heart." 
1.  He  knows  the  heart.  2.  He  judges  of  men  by 
the  heart. — Tr.]— J.  DissELHorr  (I%e  History 
of  King  David,  14  sermons) :  The  secret  of  the 
choice:  1)  The  Lord  does  not  choose  those  who 
by  peculiar  gifts  of  nature  are  distinguished  above 
others,  but  2)  He  chooses  those  who  faithfully 
profit  by  the  greater  or  less  measure  of  God's 
grace  which  is  granted  them,  3)  Who  show  this 
faithfulness  by  pure  zeal  and  obedience  in  the 
labor  entrusted  to  them,  and  4)  Those  who  even 
after  some  success  in  their  labor  do  not  boastfully 
press  themselves  forward,  but  remain  in  silent 
humility  and  quiet  seclusion  till  the  Lord  brings 
them  forth. 

[Ver.  1.  Remedies  for  improper  mourning:  1) 
Submission  to  the  will  of  God  ("I  have  rejected 
him");  2)  Diligence  in  present  work  for  God 
("  fill  thy  horn  and  go") :  3)  Hope  that  God  will 
bring  a  better  future  ("I  have  provided  me  a 
king"). — Ver.  4.  Why  do  men  so  shrink  from 
religious  teachers? — Vers.  6-12.  Difficulty  of  »<- 
lecting  mem  for  important  positions :  1)  Causes ;  a) 


CHAP.  XVI.  14-23.  221 


Intrinsic  difficulty  of  properly  estimating  charac- 
ter. 6)  Management  of  partial  friends.  2)  Les- 
sons: a]  To  avoid  haste  in  deciding.  6)  To 
make  diligent  inquiries,  c)  To  seek  special 
Divine  guidance. — Ver.  12.  The  youth  of  David. 
Handsome,  energetic,  brave,  talented  and  accom- 


plished, of  good  family,  devout — faithfully  pur- 
suing an  humble  calling  which  developed  manli- 
ness, and  trusting  God  for  the  unknown  future — 
O  the  glorious  possibilities  of  youth  1  (Comp. 
KiTTO,  "Savi and  David"  p.  197  sqq.,  Maurice, 
"Prophets  amd  Kings,"  p.  38  sq.)— Tr.] 


n.  The  Da/rhening  of  SaaiVs  Mind  by  the  EvU  Spirit,  amd  David!  s  First  Appearamee 
at  tlie  Cov/rt  of  Said  as  Harpist, 

Vers.  14r-23. 

14  But  [And]  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  departed  from  Saul,  and  an  evil 

15  spirit  from  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  troubled  him.     And  Saul's  servants  said  unto  him, 

16  Behold  now,  an  evil  spirit  from  God^  troubleth  thee,     Let  our  lord  now  command 

thy  servants  which  [pm.  which]  are  before  thee,  to  [and  let  them,  or  they  will] 

seek  out'  a  man  who  is  a  cunning  player'  on  a  [the]  harp;  and  it  shall  come  to  pass, 
when  the  evil  spirit  from  God  is  upon  thee,  that  he  shall  play  with  his  hand,  and 

17  thou  shalt  be  well.     And  Saul  said  unto  his  servants.  Provide  me  now  a  man  that 

18  can  play  well,*  and  bring  him  to  me.  Then  answered  one  of  the  servants  [And 
one  of  the  young  men  answered]  and  said,  Behold  I  have  seen  a  son  of  Jesse  the 
Bethlehemite,  that  is  cunning  in  playing*  and  a  mighty  valiant  man  and  a  man  of 
war  and  prudent  in  matters*  and  a  comely  person,  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  with 

19  him.    Wherefore  [And]  Saul  sent  messengers  unto  Jesse,  and  said,  Send  [ins.  to] 

20  me  David  thy  son,  which  is  with  the  sheep.  And  Jesse  took  an  ass"  laden  with 
bread,  and  a  bottle  [skin]  of  wine,  and  a  kid,'  and  sent  them  by  David  his  son 

21  unto  Saul.     And  David  came  to  Saul,  and  stood  before  him,  and  he  loved  him 

22  greatly,  and  he  became  his  armor-bearer.    And  Saul  sent  to  Jesse,  saying,  Let 

23  David,  I  pray  thee,  stand  before  me,  for  he  hath  found  favor  in  my  sight.  And 
it  came  to  pass,  when  the  eviP  spirit  from  God  was  upon  Saul,  that  David  took  an 
[the]  harp,  and  played  with  his  hand,  so  [and]  Saul  was  refreshed,  and  was  well, 
and  the  evil  spirit  departed  from  him. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

>  [Ver.  15.  Tlie  Heb.  text  here  uniformly  designates  the  source  of  righteous  influence  aa  "  the  Spirit  of 
Jehovah,"  and  the  source  of  evil  influence  as  "evil  spirit,"  "evil  spirit  of  God,"  or  "evil  spirit  from  Jehovah," 
the  significance  of  the  last  preposition  being  obvious ;  except  in  ver.  23,  where  it  is  "  spirit  of  God,"  and  Sept., 
Chald.,  Syr.,  Arab,  and  Eng.  A.  V.  there  insert  "evil:"  in  xix. 9  it  is  "evil  spirit  of  Jehovah,"  and  there  Sept. 
writes  "God,"  instead  of  Jehovah,  Ohald.  and  Eng.  A.  V.  insert  "from  "  before  "Jehovah,"  and  Arab,  omits  the 
divine  name.  ElsSwhere  throughout  the  Old  Testament  the  Divine  Spirit  is  called  either  "  Spirit  of  God "  or 
"Spiritof  Jehovah."— Te.1  ,  ,   ,  ,      „  ,      „     . 

'  [Ver.  16.  This  clause  is  difficult  in  the  Heb.,  and  varies  in  the  ancient  TSS.    Chald.  follows  the  Heb. ;  Sept. 

takes  1'12j^  as  subject,  omits  1J jnN,  and  renders :  "  let  thy  servants  now  say  before  thee  and  seek,"  where 

"Bay"for  "si)eak"isnot  tolerable  (we  should  expect  ^3^  instead  of  IDN);  Vnlg.:  "let  our  lord  command, 

and  thy  servants  who  are  before  thee  will  seek,"  where  TJsS  is  made  to  qualify  "servants"  (so  in  Eng.  A.  V.), 

contrary  to  usage,  which  demanils  that  it  stand  after  a  verbal  conception ;  Syr.  omits  the  speech  of  the  servants 
in  ver.  16,  and  goes  on  in  ver.  16 :  "  thy  servants  are  before  thee,  let  them  seek."    As  the  Heb.  now  stands,  the 

words  'aS  OU  must  form  a  separate  clause;  but  the  construction  is  thus  harsh.  If  we  could  omit  '>37  (which, 
however,  is  sustained  by  all  the  VSS.),  an  easy  reading  would  be  given:  "let  our  lord  now  command,  and  thy 
servants  will  seek." — The  use  of  the  second  pers.  suffix  when  the  verb  is  in  the  third  pers.,  though  not  the  usual 
construction,  occurs  elsewhere,  as  2  Sam.  xiv.  11. — Tr.  I 

'  rVer.  16.  The  partcp.  as  complement  of  the  verb  "  to  know."    See  Bw.,  Gr.  §  285,  e,  and  Ges.  g  142,  4.— Ts.] 

*  [Vers.  17  and  IS.  Infin.  as  complement,  Ges  J  142.— Te.]  . 

'  [Ver.  18.  Or,  "  in  speech,"  as  in  margin  of  Eng.  A.  V. ;  but  "  affairs  "  seems  to  suit  the  connection  better 

Chald.  "counsel,"  Vulg.,  Syr.  and  Erdmaun  "word."  In  Isa.  iii.  3  tJ?nS  is  "enchantment,"  though  the  phrase 
is  rendered  by  Jewish  commentators  "  clever  in  discourse  "  (Philippson}.    Comp.  1  Sam.  xviii.  14.— Te.] 

•  [Ver.  20.  Sept.  "oraer"  or  "  homer"  (yoiiuip),  on  which  Wellh.  rightly  says  that  bread  was  not  reckoned  by 
measure;  he  proposes  to  read  a  numeral  here  instead  of  iTon,  unce  bread  was  usually  counted  by  loaves. 

But  we  may  follow  the  ancient  VSS.,  which  render  "  ass-load  of  bread."— Ta.] 
'  [Ver.  20.  Fully:  "a  kid  of  the  goats."- Tb.] 
'  [Ver.  23.  See  note  1  on  ver.  16.— Te.] 


222 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


EXEGETICAL  AND    CRITICAL. 

Ver.  15.  Observe  the  eliarp  contrast  between 
the  statement  in  ver.  13 :  "  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
came  upon  David,"  and  that  which  here  imme- 
diately follows:  The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  de- 
parted from  Saul, — The  Spirit  is  meant  which 
Saul  received  in  consequence  of  his  anointing, 
and  by  which  he  became  another  man,  that  is,  a 
man  full  of  great  royal  thoughts,  courage  of  faith 
and  inspiration.  The  cause  of  the  departure  of 
the  divine  Spirit  from  him,  as  given  in  the  nar- 
rative, was  his  rejection  by  the  Lord,  and  his  per- 
sistent, impenitent  pride  and  disobedience  of  heart 
towards  the  Lord. — Berl.  Bib. :  "  No  doubt  Saul 
took  his  rejection  to  heart,  and,  instead  of  yield- 
ing humbly  to  God's  righteous  judgment  and 
bowing  beneath  God's  mighty  hand,  gave  him- 
self up  to  displeasure  and  discontent  at  God's 
holy  ways,  and  was  therefore  given  over  to  the 
power  of  an  evil  spirit,  which  vexed  him  and 
sometimes  even  drove  him  to  madness." — And 
an  evil  spirit  from  the  Lord  troubled  him; 
literally,  fell  upon  him  and  frightened  him  (njj^3)i 
Ps.  xviii.  5.  The  narrator  means  to  describe 
Saul's  condition  as  one  of  anxiety  and  terror, 
which  was  produced  in  him  by  an  einl  spirit.  This 
spirit  (called  in  ver.  23  also  the  evil  spirit),  is,  ac- 
cording to  the  narrative,  not  the  condition  itself 
of  gloomy  melancholy  and  torturing  anguish,  but 
an  objective  power,  which  produced  it.  It  is  a 
wicked  spiritual  power,  which  came  upon  him  as 
the  opposite  of  the  good,  holy  spirit  which  he  had 
once  possessed,  and  goaded  him  to  rage  and  mad- 
ness (xviii.  10, 11),  hnding  its  occasion  in  the  con- 
flict within  his  soul  and  in  the  passionateness  of 
his  nature,  which,  after  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  left 
him,  was  unbridled.  It  came  on  Saul  frcm,  the 
Lord;  that  is,  the  Lord  gave  him  over  to  the 
power  and  might  of  this  spirit  as  punishment  for 
his  disobedience  and  defiant  self-will;  for  this  rea- 
son this  spirit  is  called  in  vers.  15,  16  "  an  evil 
spirit  of  God,"  and  in  ver.  23  simply  "  a  spirit  of 
God ;"  that  is,  one  that  came  from  God.  [It  seems 
clear  that  the  evil  spirit  here  cannot  be  resolved 
into  simple  melancholy  without  doing  violence 
to  the  narrative  (so  the  demons  of  the  N.  T.). 
Reasons  for  melancholy  and  madness  may  be 
found  in  Saul's  life  and  character  (see  the  patho- 
logical and  p.sychologioal  aspects  of  his  case  treated 
by  Kitto,  Maurice,  Krummacher,  Ewald,  and 
others),  but  over  and  above  these  the  narrative 
speaks,  as  Erdmann  says,  of  an  objective  spiritual 
wicked  power,  which  had  strange  control  over 
him.  This  possession  by  the  spirit  was  in  accord- 
ance with  psychological  conditions,  yet  distinct 
from  them,  and  was  controlled  by  the  almighty 
God  of  Israel.  We  have  here  tJie  proof  of  the 
belief  in  evil  spirits  by  the  Israelites  many  cen- 
turies before  the  exile,  a  belief  very  general,  no 
doubt,  though  not  as  ftilly  developed  here  as  in 
"  Job."— Te.]— The  servants  of  Saul  speak  of  this 
cause  of  his  mental  condition  in  order  (ver.  16) 
to  counsel  him  to  let  them  find  a  skilful  harpist, 
that  he  may  be  healed  by  the  strains  of  music  of 
his  suffering  of  soul.  Saul  having  commanded 
this  (ver.  17),  one  of  the  young  men  of  the  court 
(ver.  18)  mentioned  the  son  of  Jesse,  whom  he 
himself  knew.    In  order  to  induce  Saul  to  call 


him  to  court,  he  describes  him  at  length,  as  not 
merely  a  harpist,  but  also  what  would  especially 
recommend  him  to  Saul,  a  valiant  man,  a  man  of 
war,  an  eloquent  man  [or  prudemt — Te.],  a  comay 
person,  with  whom,  the  Lord  is.  All  these  charac- 
teristics appear  clearly  in  David's  history ;  their 
combination  in  this  description  shows  that  the 
young  man  was  well  acquainted  with  him.  His 
beauty  of  person  has  already  been  mentioned  in 
ver.  12.  He  had  showed  his  bravery  and  war- 
like spirit,  if  not  in  battle,  yet  in  conflict  with  rar 
venous  beasts  for  his  herd  (xvii.  34  sq.)  His  piety 
and  communion  with  the  Lord,  the  culminating 
point  of  the  description,  has  already  been  referred 
to  in  vers.  12,  13.  His  eloquence  is  a  new  fea- 
ture and  characterizes  the  future  psalmist. — Ver. 
19.  The  message  to  Jesse  to  send  his  son  to  court. — 
Ver.  20.  Jesse  is  soon  ready.  He  sends  his  son 
with  presents  appropriate  to  a  herdsman  and 
countryman.  From  this  it  appears  that  it  was 
still  customary  to  bring  presents  as  a  sign  of  obe- 
dience and  subjection,  see  on  x.  4.  The  Heb. 
text,  in  spite  of  its  difficulty,  is  to  be  retained; 
render :  an  ass  laden  with  bread,  linn,  not,  as 
Sept.,  iprii  "since  bread  was  not  reckoned  by 
measures"  (Keil).  Clericus :  "  an  ass  laden  with 
bread,  with  a  skin  of  wine  and  with  a  kid,  so  that 
David  might  have  nothing  to  carry."  Maur. : 
"  an  ass  laden  with  bread,"  &c.  Compare  the 
apruv  rpel^  ivotif  (=  Tpicni  &vo>v  (pnprlov)  [three 
asses  of  bread  =  a  load  of  three  asses]  of  the  tra- 
gic poet  Sosibius. — Ver.  21.  So  David  came  to 
Saul  and  stood  before  him;  that  is,  served  him. 
Becoming  fond  of  him,  Saul  retained  him  and 
placed  him  among  his  armor-bearers,  entrusted 
him,  therefore,  with  a  military  service,  informing 
Jesse  (ver.  22)  that  his  son  would  remain  with 
him. — Ver.  23.  David's  playing  had  the  eflect 
of  rdiemng,  freeing  Saul  from  his  suffering,  so  that 
he  became  well  again ;  when  he  heard  the  music, 
the  evil  spirit  departed  from  him.  The  power  of 
musical  sounds  over  Saul  was  such  that  his  gloomy 
mood  vanished.  Many  illustrations  from  heathen 
writers  of  the  wholesome  effect  of  music  on  the 
mind  are  given  by  Cleric,  Grot.,  and  Bochart,  in 
the  Sieros.,  p.  I.,  1,  II.,  c.  44  (I.,  p.  511  sqq.  ed. 
RosenmuUer).  [Bochart  also  inquires  whether 
David's  songs  to  Saul  were  sacred  or  secular  (see 
Browning's  poem  "  Savi"),  and  how  music  had 
power  over  the  evil  spirit.  See  Kitto,  "Said  and 
David,"  p.  202  sq. — On  the  nature  of  the  instru- 
ment which  David  used,  the  harp,  hinnor,  see  on 
X.  5,  and  the  Bill. -Dictionaries  and  books  on 
Archaeology.  Whether  the  kinnor  was  played 
with  the  hand  or  with  a  plectrum  (either  would 
suit  the  statement  in  ver.  23)  is  uncertain. — Tb.] 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  To  be  rejected  by  the  Lord  for  continued 
disobedience  and  hardness  of  heart  against  the 
chastening  and  guidance  of  His  Spirit,  is  identical 
with  the  departure  from  the  heart  6f  the  Spirit  of 
God,  which  can  dwell  and  be  efficient  only  where 
heart  and  will  are  turned  to  the  light  from  above. 
But  when  the  Spirit  of  God  departs  from  the  man, 
he  is  not  simply  left  to  himself,  but,  as  Saul's  ex- 
ample shows,  his  heart  becomes  the  abode  of  the 
evil  spirit.  Theodoret :  "  Where  the  divine  spirit 
departs,  the  wicked  spirit  comes  in  his  place. 


CHAP.  XVI.  14-23. 


223 


This  should  teach  us  to  pray  with  David :  Take 
not  thy  Holy  Spirit  from  me."  Man  is  governed 
either  by  the  Spirit  from  above  or  by  the  spirit 
from  beneath ;  there  is  no  third  course.  For  he  is 
as  little  isolated  in  the  invisible  as  in  the  visible 
world;  he  must  be  part  of  the  organism  of  the 
one  or  the  other  of  the  invisible  worlds ;  he  be- 
longs either  to  the  kingdom  of  light  or  to  the 
kingdom  of  darkness ;  he  is  guided  either  by  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  or  by  the  evil  spirit,  according 
as  he  decides  for  a  permanent  attitude  of  heart 
and  direction  of  will  to  this  side  or  that.  But 
Saul's  example  teaches  still  more,  namely,  the 
divine  causality  in  the  position  of  the  rejected 
man  under  the  power  of  the  evil  spirit :  He  gives 
the  apostate,  reprobate  man  into  the  power  of  the 
evil  spirit,  permits  the  latter  to  control  him;  when 
man  by  continued  conscious  opposition  to  Him 
renders  His  Spirit  inefficacious  He  righteously  pun- 
ishes him  by  giving  him  over  to  the  evil  spirit,  who 
must  serve  God,  and  can  do  nothing  except  the 
Lord,  who  is  almighty  over  aU  spirits,  give  him  a 
field  within  the  moral  order  of  the  world,  in  which, 
for  the  execution  of  His  punitive  justice,  even 
the  power  of  the  evil  one  must  be  subservient  to 
Him.  Therefore  the  wicked  spirit  is  here  called 
a  spirit  "from  the  Lord."  * — The  consequence  of 
the  possession  of  the  inner  life  by  the  evil  spirit 
is  not  merely  its  sunderanoe  and  derangement 
(there  being  of  necessity  conflict  partly  between 
the  divine  nature  of  the  soul  and  its  indwelling 
ungodly  inclinations  and  passions,  and  partly 
among  these  last  them-^elves),  but  at  the  same 
time  the  filling  of  the  heart  with  wicked  thoughts, 
dark  melancholy,  and  the  spirit  of  hatred,  the 
perversion  and  dedication  of  the  natural  noble 
gifts  of  the  spirit  and  heart  (so  richly  possessed 
by  Saul)  to  the  service  of  the  kingdom  of  evil. 
But  in  all  this  there  is  presupposed  as  back-ground 
not  a  merely  physical  suflfering,  but  a  correspond- 
ing ethical  determination  of  the  inner  life  against 
God.  "  There  is  much  sulTering  and  melancholy 
which  has  its  origin  in  purely  bodily  sickness ;  as 
soon  as  the  sickness  ceases,  the  melancholy  also 
ceases.  But  there  is  also  to-day  much  heaviness 
of  mind,  which  has  its  ground  in  the  kingdom  of 
darkness"  (Schlier.).f 

2.  The  counter-picture  to  Saul,  who  is  con- 
trolled by  the  evil  spirit,  is  David,  under  the 
guidance  and  discipline  of  the  Spirit  of  God  from 
his  anointment  on.  His  divinely-bestowed  natu- 
ral gift  of  poetry  and  music  is  not  merely  sancti- 
fied and  consecrated  by  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord,  but 
also  powerfully  developed  and  intensified,  and  by 
the  Lord's  ordination  taken  into  the  service  of  His 
merciful  love ;  for  this  love  is  seen  in  that  He 
makes  David's  art  alleviate  Saul's  sufiTerings,  and 
in  the  depth  of  Saul's  soul  makes  the  chords  of  the 
godlike  man  resound  in  the  demon-possessed  nar 
ture  and  drown  its  tones.  The  power  to  set  forth 
the  Beautiful  as  the  Harmonious  in  music  is  a 
natural  gift  of  God's  grace,  which,  employed  in 
the  service  of  sin  and  of  the  kingdom  of  darkness, 

*  [On  the  relation  of  the  spiritual  influence  on  Saul  to 
the  regenerating  power  of  the  Holy  Spirit  as  taught  in 
the  N.  T.,  see  Hodge's  Theol.,  II.,  660  sq.  (especially 
6!i6,._TB.l 

t  LOn  the  possibility  of  demoniac  possession  at  the 
present  day,  and  on  the  general  subject  of  the  power  of 
571I  spirits  In  the  ancient  and  modem  world,  see  Mr. 
R.  8.  Poole's  Art.  "  Magic  "  in  Smith's  Bii.  Xfefc— Ts.]      I 


robs  music  of  its  divine  nobility  and  misuses  it  for 
the  furtherance  of  the  kingdom  of  evil  in  the  hu- 
man heart  and  in  the  world ;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
(as  in  David's  case),  developed  according  to  its  God- 
implanted  laws,  and  under  the  guiding  discipline 
of  God's  Spirit,  checks  and  expels  the  power  of  eyil, 
rouses  again  the  nobler  feelings  of  human  nature 
(created  by  and  for  God),  and  restores  at  least  for 
a  time  the  disturbed  harmony  of  the  life  of  the 
soul.  David's  harp-playing  before  Saul  is  the 
prelude  to  the  harpings  and  songs  which  flowed 
from  the  heart  of  the  future  royal  singer. 

3.  With  the  beginning  of  his  service  at  the 
court  of  Saul,  David,  under  the  wonderful  guidance 
of  God's  hand,  whence  he  had  through  Samuel 
received  the  royal  anointing,  enters  on  the  path 
of  inner  and  outer  development  till  he  ascends  the 
throne.  It  was  tlie  way  of  external  cultivation 
and  preparation  for  the  representative  side  of  the 
kingdom  by  the  experiences  and  knowledges 
which  he  gained  at  the  royal  court  concerning  all 
that  pertained  to  the  fulfilment  of  the  royal  call- 
ing, but  also,  what  is  far  more  important,  a  way 
of  deep  suffering,  which  must  needs  have  served 
to  try  and  tempt,  but  also  to  purify,  prove  and 
confirm  him,  and  establish  his  inner  life  in  com- 
munion with  his  God ;  from  this  school  of  suf- 
fering, whose  experiences  afterwards  resound 
throughout  his  Psalms,  he  comes  forth  as  a  man 
who  has  been  educated  from  shepherd-boy  to 
king. 

XSd'pi  in  the  itudy  of  Da/md^s  life:  Chandler's 
Life  of  David  (abounds  in  illustrations  from  clas- 
sic antiquity,  and  is  polemical  against  Bayle); 
Ewald's  History  of  Israel;  Stanley's  Jewish  Church 
(brilliant  in  description);  Schlier's  Said  and 
Krummacher's  David  ('devotional);  Stahelin's 
David  (strictly  scientific) ;  F.  D.  Maurice,  Pro- 
phets and  Kings  of  0.  T.  (fresh  and  clear) ;  Kit- 
to's  Saul  and  David  (in  Dadly  Sib.  Illust.) ;  W. 
M.  Taylor's  David,  1875  (excellent) ;  Graetz,  Oes- 
chichte  der  Juden;  Apocrypha  relating  to  David 
in  Fabricius,  Codex  Pseud.  Vet.  Test.,  Tom.  I.;  Le- 
gends concerning  him  in  Koran,  Suras  ii.,  xxxviii.; 
Weil's  Biblical  Legends  of  the  Mussulmans  ;  Baring- 
Gould's  Legends  of  0.  T.  Cfiaracters.  See  also  Jo- 
sephus.  Antiquities  VI.  8 — VII.  15 ;  Wilberforce's 
Heroes  of  Hebrew  History;  and  Articles  in  the 
Dictionaries  of  Herzog,  Smith,  Fairbaim,  and 
Ersch  and  Grube.  Voltaire  and  Bayle  deal  with 
David's  life  in  an  unworthy  spirit. — Tk.] 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  14.  Calvin:  As  God  grants  His  gifts 
richly  to  those  who  serve  Him  in  the  obedience 
of  faith,  so  He  withdraws  them  again  from  those 
who  are  slothful  in  employing  them,  that  we  may 
not  believe  God  is  under  obligation  to  us.  God 
does  indeed  distribute  His  gifts  richly  and  abun- 
dantly, but  He  also  demands  from  us  the  right  use 
of  them,  that  tliey  may  subserve  His  aims.  Who- 
ever, then,  does  not  give  back  to  God  what  He  has 
received  from  Him,  will  certainly  soon  lose  it. — 
Ceameb  :  He  who  will  not  let  himself  be  ruled 
by  the  Spirit  of  God,  drives  it  out ;  and  where 
that  is  driven  out,  there  is  no  third  state  possible, 
but  the  evil  spirit  goes  in  again,  Luke  xi.  23  sq. — 
Vers.  15,  16.  Schmid:  We  should  have  compas- 
sion even  upon  those  who  by  their  sins  have 


224 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


drawn  on  themselves  God's  chastisement,  and 
should  give  them  counsel  as  to  how  their  case  may- 
be bettered. — [  Ver.  18.  David  was  a  brave  soldier 
and  a  famous  musician.  There  is  a  very  unwise 
notion  abroad  in  America  that  to  perform  well  on 
musical  instruments  is  something  effeminate.  But 
the  Hebrews  thought  not  so,  nor  did  the  Greeks, 
nor  do  the  Germans.— Te.]— Ver.  19.  Osiander  : 
God  gradually,  more  and  more,  draws  His  people 
forward  and  exalts  them ;  yea.  He  leads  them  by 
degrees  from  one  ground  to  another  even  unto 
eternal  life.— Ver.  23.  Cramer:  Only  God's 
word  and  believing  prayer  can  drive  out  Satan 
with  his  assaults,  Eph.  vi.  17,  18.  —  Schlier  : 
There  is  a  wonderful  power  in  song  and  the  harp 
over  the  human  heart;  how  much  sorrow  and  an- 
guish retreat  before  it— how  much  of  the  power 
of  darkness  is  broken ;  where  song  and  the  harp 
dwell  in  the  fear  of  God,  there  the  power  of  evil 
spirits  gives  way,  there  the  good  spirits  come,  hell 
is  silent,  heaven  comes  down. — F.  W.  Ketimma- 
OHER :  We  ask,  "  Did  the  harmonies  banish  the 
demon  ?"  No  1  But  the  higher  mood  into  which 
the  king  was  brought  by  them  sufficed  at  least  to 
give  the  affliction  less  room  for  working  on  his 
mind,  while  against  a  full,  clearly  conscious  life 
of  faith  on  Saul's  part,  the  power  of  the  evil  spi- 
rit would  have  been  utterly  wrecked. — SoHLtEE : 
Thoroughly  better  would  it  have  been  for  him  if 
he  had  been  converted — if  he  had  earnestly  re- 
pented. But  of  repentance  Saul  would  know  no- 
thing; he  let  himself  be  cheered,  but  he  would 
not  turn  about.  If  our  sins  give  to  the  kingdom 
of  darkness  power  over  us,  then  we  must  repent. 
He  who  chooses  to  persevere  in  sin  and  cannot 
acknowledge  his  guilt,  should  not  wonder  for- 
sooth if  he  finds  no  peace.  Evil  conscience,  evil 
guest.  No  peace,  nor  any  rest  I  But  the  word 
stands  fast  forever  that  the  Lord  makes  the  up- 
right to  prosper.  —  Wueet.  Summary:  The 
mourning  of  this  world  and  the  heaviness  pro- 
ceeding from  an  evil  conscience  can  be  relieved 


by  no  harping  nor  any  diversion,  if  forgiveness 
of  sins  is  not  earnestly  sought  and  gained,  and 
the  heart  is  not  truly  bettered. 

Vers.  13-23.  J.  Disselhofp:  The  anointingof 
the  chosen,  one:  1)  Whom  the  Lord  chooses  for  His 
servant.  He  causes  before  His  work  to  be  anointed 
with  power  from  on  high ;  2)  The  anointing  does 
not  at  once  give  the  throne,  but  it  first  leads  into 
lowliness;  3)  The  anointing  does  not  annihilate 
natural  gifts  and  powers,  but  sanctifies  them  and 
fits  them  for  the  service  of  the  Lord. 

Vers.  14-23.  F.  W.  Ketjmmacher :  Theharper: 

1)  How  David  came  to  Saul;  2)  What  he  experi- 
enced at  the  king's  court. 

Ver.  14.  Man  is  under  the  dominion  either  of  the 
holy  or  of  the  evil  spirit:  1)  Statement  of  this  truth. 

2)  Indication  of  the  opposite  consequences  in  the 
two  cases.  3)  Application  of  the  solemn  warn- 
ings therein  contained. 

[Ver.  21.  "And  he  loved  him  greatly."  1) 
Saul,  with  all  his  faults,  a  loving  man.  Comp. 
xxiv.  16.  2)  David  an  eminently  hvahle  youtL 
Some  of  the  qualities  which  made  him  such  are 
indicated  in  ver.  18:  handsome^  accomplished, 
brave  and  soldierly,  prudent,  pious.  (Highly 
creditable  to  a  youth  to  gain  the  love  of  old  men.) 

3)  The  Lord  loved  David,  and  caused  his  fellow- 
men  to  love  him.  Vers.  13, 18.  Comp.  Gen.  xxxix. 

Vers.  17-22.  Exa/mple  of  the  young  harper  David : 
1)  Improvement  of  youthful  leisure  a  preparation 
for  the  work  of  life.  2)  Something  in  itself  unim- 
portant often  the  providential  occasion  of  great 
results.  But  note:  a.)  It  can  only  be  the  occasion; 
the  causes  must  together  be  as  great  as  the  effect. 
b)  There  must  be  disciplined  character,  or  occa- 
sions will  be  in  vain.  3)  A  youth  leaving  home 
for  scenes  of  temptation  is  safe  if  "  the  Lord  is 
with  him."  (Comp.  W.  M.  TAYliOR,  David,  Ser- 
mon III.) 

Egbert  Browning's  finest  poem  is  on  "Saul," 
depicting  his  madness,  and  the  eflfect  of  David's 
harp  and  song. — ^Tr.] 


SECOND  SECTION. 

Saul's  New  War  with  the  Philistines  and  David's  Ez:ploit  with  its  Diverse  Con- 
sequences for  Him  and  for  his  Relation  to  Saul. 

Chaptees  XVII.— XIX.  7. 

I.  The  two  Camps  and  Goliath's  arrogant  Challenge. 

Chap.  XVII.  1-11. 

1  Now  [And]  the  Philistines  gathered  together  their  armies  to  battle,  and  were 
gathered  together  at  Shochoh  [Socoh],  which  belongeth  to  Judah,  and  pitched 

2  between  Shochoh  [Socoh]  and  Azekah,  in  Ephes-dammim.'     And  Saul  and  the 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  1.  This  name  ia  variously  spelled  in  the  VSS.  Sept.,  Vat,  'Ei^epinA'  (omission  of  s  and  r  for  d),  Aq.  Ir 
TTtpaTi  AonnCij.,  Syr.  Ophafsemin  ffor  Opnaaremin,  a  common  mode  of  inversion  in  Syriao  writing  of  proper  names, 
and  r  for  d),  Arab.  Pnarsamin  fafter  the  Syriao),  Viilg.  finibus  Dommim  (confines  of  Dommim,  a  translation  of  the 
first  part  of  the  Hob.  word).  These  readings  establish  the  form  In  the  text,  which,  however,  appears  in  1  Chron. 
xi.  13  as  Pas-dammim  (Sept.  *o<ro8af«iv,  Syr.  Pasi  demayo  [Pasi,  or  well  of  the  waters],  Vulg.  Phesodomim,  Arab, 
well  of  Bethlehem  [after  Syr.]),  probably  a  shortened  form  of  our  word.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  XVII.  1-54.  225 


men  of  Israel  were  gathered  together,  and  pitched   by  [in]  the  valley  of  Elah 

3  [of  the  Terebinth],  and  set  the  battle  in  array  against  the  Philistines.  And 
the  Philistines  stood  on  a  [the]  mountain  on  the  one  side,  and  Israel  stood 
on  a   [the]   mountain   on  the  other  side,  and  there  was  a  valley   [the  ravine 

4  was]  between  them.  And  there  went  out  a  champion'  out  of  [from]  the  camp 
of  the  Philistines,  named  Goliath,  of  Gath,   whose  height   was  six   cubits  and 

5  a  spaa.  And  he  had  an  helmet  of  brass  [copper]  upon  his  head,  and  he  was  armed 
with  [clothed  in]  a  coat  of  mail  [corselet  of  scales] ;  and  the  weight  of  the  coat 

6  [corselet]  was  five  thousand  shekels  of  brass  [copper].  And  he  had  greaves'  of 
brass  [copper]  upon  his  legs,  and  a  target  [javelin]  of  brass  [copper]  between  his 

7  shoulders.  And  the  staff  of  his  spear  was  like  a  weaver's  beam,  and  his  spear's 
head*  weighed  six  hundred  shekels  of  iron ;  and  one  bearing  a  shield  [the  shield- 

8  bearer]  went  before  him.  And  he  stood  and  cried  unto  the  armies  [ranks]^  of 
Israel,  and  said  unto  them.  Why  are  ye  come  out  to  set  your  battle  in  array  ?  am 
I  not  a  [the]  Philistine,  and  ye  servants"  to  Saul  ?  choose  you  a  man  for  you,  and 

9  let  him  come  down  to  me.  If  he  be  able  to  fight  with  me,  and  to  [om.  to]  kill  me, 
then  will  we  be  your  servants ;  but  [and]  if  I  prevail  against  him  and  kill  him, 

10  then  shall  ye  be  our  servants  and  serve  us.  And  the  Philistine  said,  I  defy  the 
armies  [ranks]  of  Israel  this  day ;  give  me  a  man  that  we  may  fight  together. 

11  When  [And]  Saul  and  all  Israel  heard  these  words  of  the  Philistine,  [ins.  and] 
they  were  dismayed  and  greatly  afraid. 

II.  David  and  Goliath.  Vers.  13-54. 

12  Now  [And]  David  was  the  son  of  that  [this]  Ephrathite  of  Bethlehem-Judah, 
whose  name  was  Jesse ;  and  he  had  eight  sons ;  and  the  man  went  among  men  for 
an  old  man  in  the  days  of  Saul  [the  man  in  the  days  of  Saul  was  old,  advanced  in 

13  years].'  And  the  three  eldest  sons  of  Jesse  went  and  followed  [had  followed]' 
Saul  to  the  battle ;  and  the  names  of  his  three  sons  that  went  to  the  battle  were 

14  Eliab,  the  first-born,  and  next  unto  him  Abinadab,  and  the  third  Shammah.     And 

15  David  was  the  youngest ;  and  the  three  eldest  followed  Saul.     But  [And]  David 

16  went  and  returned  from'"  Saul  to  feed  his  father's  sheep  at  Bethlehem.    And  the 

17  Philistine  drew  near  morning  and  evening,  and  presented  himself  forty  days.  And 
Jesse  said  unto  David  his  son.  Take  now  for  thy  brethren  an  ephah  of  this  parched 
coi'n,  and  these  ten  loaves,  and  run  [carry  them  quickly]  to  the  camp  to  thy  breth- 

*  [Ver.  4.  Chald.  (misunderstanding  the  Heb.,  but  serving  to  establish  the  text)  "  a  man  from  between  them," 
Syr.  "giant."  The  Vulg.  curiously  renders  "spurious,"  that  is,  according  to  explanations  suggested  in  Poole's 
Synopsis,  "giant,"  because  giants  wore  looked  on  as  despising  the  Jaws  of  marriage,  born  of  uncertain  father.''', 
hence  called  " sons  of  the  earth."    The  rendering  "giant,"  "mighty  man,"— "one  distinguished  among  (t'3) 

men,"  or  "a  man  of  sons  (D'W)."— Tb.] 

*  T 

'  [Ter.  6.  In  the  Heb.  Sing.,  but  according  to  all  the  ancient  VSS.  Plu.— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  7.  Literally  "  flame,"  from  the  flashing  of  the  metal,  Aq.,  Th.,  <^A5f  StJparo?. — Tr.] 

5  [Ver.  8.  It  seems  better  to  express  in  the  tra,nslation  the  distinction  between  "army"  (njriD  ,7'n  ,iO]f) 
and  "ranks"  (j"i3'Tj;0).— Tb.] 


'  [Ver.  8.  Sept.  writes  badly  "Hebrews,"  and  omits  Art.  before  "Philistine."  "The  phrase  'the  Philistine'  is 
conceived  from  the  stand-point  of  the  Jewish  narrator  "  (Wellh.). — Tb.] 

'  [Ver.  12.  This  word  (rwn)  is  grammatically  impracticable ;  it  no  doubt  belongs  to  the  original  textj  being 

the  Redactor's  reference  to  the  preceding  narrative,  ch.  xvi.,  and  in  order  to  indicate  this  reference  in  the  trans- 
lation, the  word  is  rendered  "  this,"  instead  of  "  that."  It  is  retained  in  Chald.,  Vulg.,  Greek  (oStoj,  impossibly), 
and  omitted  (on  account  of  the  difficulty)  in  Syr.,  Arab. — On  the  omission  of  vers.  1-2-31  in  the  Vat.  Sept.,  see  Erd- 
mann  in  Introd.  and  Exposition. — Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  12.  This  corrected  reading  is  adopted  (from  the  Syriac)  also  by  Maurer,  Thenius,  Wellhausen,  and  by 
Erdmann.  Bib.  Comm.  prefers  the  reading  of  the  Vulg. :  "  old  and  of  a  great  age  among  men  "  (J?3  being  taken 
elliptioally  for  0'iW2  K3).  which,  however,  is  hardly  defensible.  The  inversion  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  not  allowable. 
The  Chald.  has  (in  Jesse's  honor) :  "the  man  in  the  days  of  Saul  was  old,  counted  among  the  choice  young  men." 
So  in  Talmud,  Berakoth  58, 1,  the  explanation  is ;  "  he  went  forth  with  the  army,  and  went  in  with  the  army,  and 
taught  in  the  army "  (but  Philippson  renders :  "  he  had  a  retinue  "1.  These  attempts  all  do  violence  to  the  text, 
which  in  its  present  form  yields  no  good  sense,  but  becomes  natural  and  easy  when  we  substitute  D'JK?  or 

O'O'  for  D'B'JX.    See  Erdmann's  Exposition.— Tb.] 

'  T  ■  T  -: 

•  [Ver.  13.  This  construction  is  explained  by  the  grammarians  as  pluperfect;  yet  its  difBoultness  suggests 
an  insertion  of  O  ?n  by  clerical  error,  possibly  from  the  following  clause.  At  the  same  time  this  whole  para- 
graph is  marked  by  grammatical  harshness,  due  to  the  connection  which  the  Redactor  keeps  up  with  ch.  xvi 

"  [Ver.  16.  Some  MSS.  have  D.J;D  instead  of  hj^li,  and  one  inserts  3  before  "  Bethlehem."— Tb.] 
15 


223  THE  FIKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


18  ren;  And  carry  these  ten  cheeses  [pieces  of  cheese"]  unto  the  captain  of  their 
thousand,  and  look  how  thy  brethren  fare,  and  take  their  pledge  [and  bring  a 

19  token"  from  them].     Now  [And]  Saul  and  they  and  all  the  men  of  Israel  were" 

20  in  the  valley  of  Elah  [of  the  Terebinth],  fighting  with  the  Philistines.  And  David 
rose  up  early  in  the  morning,  and  left  the  sheep  with  a  keeper,  and  took,  and  went, 
as  Jesse  had  commanded  him,  and  he  {om.  he]  came  to  the  trench  [wagon-rampart] 
as  [and]  the  host  was  going  forth'*  to  the  fight  and  [ins.  they]  shouted  for  the  bat- 

21  tie.     For  [And]  Israel  and  the  Philistines  had  [om.  had]  put  the  battle  in  array 

22  army  against  army  [line  against  line].  And  David  left"  his  carriage  [baggage] 
in  the  hand  of  the  keeper  of  the  carriage  [baggage],  and  ran  into  the  army  [ranks], 

23  and  came  and  saluted  [asked  after  the  welfare  of]  his  brethren.  And  as  he  talked 
with  them,  behold,  there  came  up  the  champion,  the  Philistine  of  Gath,  Goliath 
by  name  [Goliath  the  Philistine  by  name,  of  Gath"],  out  of  the  armies  [from  the 
ranks"]  of  the  Philistines,  and  spake  according  to  the  same  words ;  and  David 

24  heard  them.     And  all  the  men  of  Israel,  when  they  saw  the  man,  fled  from  him, 

25  and  were  sore  afraid.  And  the  men  of  Israel  said,  Have  ye  seen  this  man  that  is 
come  up  ?  surely  [for]  to  defy  Israel  is  he  come  up ;  and  it  shall  be  that  the  man 
who  killeth  him,  the  king  will  enrich"  him  with  great  riches,  and  will  give  him 

26  his  daughter,  and  make  his  father's  house  free  in  Israel.  And  David  spake  to  the 
men  that  stood  by  him,  saying.  What  shall  be  done  to  the  man  that  killeth  this 
Philistine,  and  taketh  away  the  reproach  from  Israel  ?  for  who  is  this  uncircum- 

27  cised  Philistine,  that  he  should  defy  the  armies  [ranks]  of  the  living  God  ?  And 
the  people  answered  him  after  this  manner,  saying.  So  shall  it  be  done  to  the  man 

28  that  killeth  him.  And  Eliab,  his  eldest  brother,  heard  when  he  spake  unto  the 
men,  and  Eliab's  anger  was  kindled  against  David,  and  he  said,  Why  camest  thou 
down  hither?  and  with  whom  hast  thou  left  those  few  sheep  in  the  wilderness?  I 
know  thy  pride  and  the  naughtiness  of  thine  heart ;  for  thou  art  come  down  that 

29  thou  mightest  see  the  battle  (for  to  see  the  battle  art  thou  come  down).  And 
David  said.  What  have  I  now  done?    Is  there  not  a  cause  [Was  it  not  a  word 

30  merely^'}  ?     And  he  turned  from  him  toward  another,  and  spake  after  the  same 

31  manner ;  and  the  people  answered  him  again  after  the  former  manner.  And  when 
[om.  when]  the  words  were  heard  which  David  spake,  [ins.  and]  they  rehearsed 
them  before  Saul ;  and  he  sent  for  him. 

32  And  David  said  to  Saul,  Let  no  man's  heart  fail  because  of  him ;  thy  servant 

33  will  go  and  fight  with  this  Philistine.  And  Saul  said  to  David,  Thou  art  not  able 
to  go  against  this  Philistine  to  fight  with  him,  for  thou  art  but  a  youth,  and  he  a 

34  man  of  war  from  his  youth.  And  David  said  unto  Saul,  Thy  servant  kept  his 
father's  sheep,  and  there  came  a  [the]  lion  and  a  [the]  bear,'^  and  took  a  lamb" 

35  out  of  the  flock ;  And  I  went  after  him  and  smote  him  and  delivered  it  out  of  hia 
mouth  ;  and  when  he  arose  against  me,  I  caught  him  by  his  beard,"  and  smote  him 

36  and  slew  him.  Thy  servant  slew  both  the  lion  and  the  bear ;  and  this  uncircum- 
cised  Philistine  shall  be  as  one  of  them,^  seeing  he  hath  defied  the  armies  [ranks] 

"  JVcr.  18.  Properly  "thick  curds."— Tb.] 

^  pVer.  18.  Aq.  irvfi-fii^tv  (intercourse),  Sym.  fi.i.<T<f>o<ftopiav  (pay),  Th.  6  eixv  xpTJ^ovm^  Chald.  "tlieir  welfare,"  Syr. 
"message." — Th.J 

^  [Ver.  19.  Or,  if  this  be  a  part  of  Jesse's  speech,  "are;"  so  Erdmaon. — Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  20.  The  Art.  is  to  be  omitted  before  xy',  otherwise  7''nni,  etc.,  must  be  the  Aocus.  after  t(3"l, 

which  gives  an  unnatural  sense,  and  breaks  the  connection  with  ^J?ini- — Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  22.  The  Heb.  is  more  lively :  "  put  his  baggage  from  him  upon  the  hand,"  etc. — Tk.] 
!•  [Ver.  23.  So  the  Heb.  requires.    The  champion's  name  was  "Goliath  the  Philistine."— Tb.] 
"  [Ver.  2H.  On  the  Kethib  and  Qeri  see  Erdmann,  Exposition.— Tk.] 

'8  [Ver.  26.  The  unusual  Hiph.  form  (omission  of  ohireq)  ia  perhaps  from  assimilation  to  the  preceding  word, 
the  doubled  Nun  depressing  the  pretonic  syllable.    Similar  form  in  1  Sam.  xiv.  22. — Tb.] 
'•  [Ver.  29.  So  also  Erdmann,  Philippson,  Sib.  Com.,  and  the  ancient  VSS.— Tb.] 
i>  1  Ver.  34.  On  the  Art.  and  HN  see  the  Exposition.    Maurer  proposes  to  render  flN  "  with,"  equivalent  ti) 

"  and."    So  Kimnhi  and  Junius  in  2  Kings  vi.  6.— Te.1 

21  [Ver.  34.  The  nt  f™  Hfe'  is  a  remarkable  instance  of  a  perpetuated  clerical  error.    Norzi  and  De  Eossi 

state  that  all  MSS.  and'  early  Edd.  read  nfc' ;  but  the  Ed.  of  Athias  has  retained  the  erroneous  form  which  is  cor- 
rected by  some  other  editors  (as  Walton). — TeJ 

22  rVer.  35.  Sept.  "throat;"  other  VSS.  as  Heb.— Te.]  „ 
"  [Vbt.  36.  Sept.  here  inserts :  "  shall  I  not  go  and  smite  him,  and  take  away  to-day  the  reproach  from  Israel? 

»o  nearly  the  Vulg.— an  insertion  from  ver.  20.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  XVII.  1-54.  227 


37  of  the  living  God.  David  said  moreover  [And  David  said],  The  Lord  [Jehovah] 
that  delivered  me  out  of  the  paw  [hand]"  of  the  lion  and  out  of  the  paw  [hand]  of 
the  bear,  he  will  deliver  me  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistine.     And  Saul  said  unto 

38  David,  Go,  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  be''  with  thee.  And  Saul  armed  David  with 
his  armor  [clothed  David  with  his  military  dress],  and  he  lom.  he]  put  an  helmet'^ 
of  brass  [copper]  upon  his  head,  also  he  [and]  armed  [clothed]  him  with  a  coat  of 

39  mail  [corselet  of  scales].  And  David  girded  his  sword  upon  his  armor  [dress]  and 
he  [pm.  he]  assayed"  to  go,  for  he  had  not  proved  it.     And  David  said  unto  Saul, 

40  I  cannot  go  with  [in]  these,  for  I  have  not  proved  them.  And  David  put  them 
off  him.  And  he  took  his  staff  in  his  hand,  and  chose  him  five  smooth  stones  out 
of  the  brook,  and  put  them  in  [into]  a  [the]  shepherd's  bag*"  which  he  had,  even 
[namely]  in  [into]  a  [the]  scrip  f^  and  his  sling  was  in  his  hand,  and  he  drew  near 
to  the  Philistine. 

41  And™  the  Philistine  came  on  and  drew  near  [the  Philistine  drew  nearer  and 

42  nearer]  unto  David,  and  the  man  that  bare  the  shield  went  before  him.  And  when 
[pm.  when]  the  Philistine  looked  about  [pm.  about]  and  saw  David,  [ins.  and]  he 
disdained  him,  for  he  was  but  [om.  but]  a  youth  and  ruddy  and  of  a  fair  counte- 

43  nance.*"    And  the  Philistine  said  unto  David,  Am  I  a  dog,  that  thou  comest  to 

44  me  with  staves  ?  And  the  Philistine  cursed  David  by  his  gods.  And  the  Philis- 
tine said  to  David,  Come  to  me,  and  I  will  give  thy  flesh  unto  [to]  the  fowls  of 

45  the  air  and  to  the  beasts  of  the  field."  Then  said  David  [And  David  said]  to  the 
Philistine,  Thou  comest  to  me  with  a  [om.  a]  sword  and  with  a  [om.  a]  spear  and 
with  a  [om.  a]  shield  [javelin],  but  I  come  to  thee  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] of  hosts,  the  God  of  the  armies  [ranks]  of  Israel,  whom  thou  hast  defied. 

46  This  day  will  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  deliver  thee  into  my  hand,  and  I  will  smite  thee 
and  take  thine  head  from  thee,  and  I  will  give  the  carcasses''  of  the  host  [army] 
of  the  Philistines  this  day  unto  [to]  the  fowls  of  the  air  and  to  the  wild  beasts  of 
the  earth,  that  [and]  all  the  earth  may  [shall]  know  that  there  is  a  God  in  Israel 

47  [Israel  hath  a  God].  And  all  this  assembly  shall  know  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
saveth  not  with  sword  and  spear ;  for  the  battle  is  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's],  and  he 

48  will  give  you  into  our  hands.  And"  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  Philistine  arose  and 
came  [went]  and  drew  nigh  to  meet  David,  that  David  hasted  and  ran  toward  the 

49  army  [line]  to  meet  the  Philistine.  And  David  put  his  hand  in  [into]  his  bag, 
and  took  thence  a  stone,  and  slang  it,  and  smote  the  Philistine  in  his  forehead,  and 

«  [Ver.  37.  Th.  "  mouth."    The  word  "  hand  "  should  be  retained,  in  the  sense  of  "  power."— Tr.] 

*  [Ver.  37.  The  unapocop.  Impf.  sometimes  occurs  in  optaiive  sense,  as  in  1  Sam.  iii.  17,  niffj?'.— Te.] 

">  [Ver.  .38.  Instead  of  ^3l'n  some  MSS.  and  edd.  have  j;3l'3.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  39.  Sept.  eKoirimre,  "  labored  in  going,  went  with  difficulty,"  as  if  they  read  S/V,  which  is  not  a  bad 

sense.    Sym.  gives  lo-Kofex,  "  limped,"  and  so  other  (anonymous)  Grk.  VSS.  ex""^""'*''.  which  may  represent  the 

text-word  or  ns'?.    The  Vulg.  renders  "  began  "  (and  so  Erdmann),  and  Syr.,  Arab.,  Chald.,  "  did  not  wish."   The 

Heb.  word  (Vsin)  more  commonly  means  "  to  be  content,  willing,"  but  in  some  cases  expresses  determination, 

resolution,  making  up  one's  mind  to  a  thing.  Thus  In  Dent.  1.  6  Moses  "  detormines,  takes  in  hand."  to  explain 
the  law,  and  in  Josh.  xvil.  12  the  Canaanites  "  resolved  and  carried  out  their  resolution  "  to  dwell  in  the  land. 
Here  David  resolves,  undertakes  to  walk  in  armor,  because  he  had  not  tried  it ;  if  he  had  tried  it  before,  he  would 
not  have  made  such  a  resolution.  Thus  in  the  Heb.  stem  lies  the  conception  of  "  resolving "  with  the  added 
idea  frequently  that  the  attempt  is  made  to  carry  out  the  resolution,  so  that  the  Eng.  "  undertake,  assay,  begin, 
succeed  in  (when  the  undertaking  is  carried  out),  fail  (when  the  undertaking  is  not  carried  out),"  may  m  differ- 
ent connections  properly  render  it.  So  a  similar  determination  is  often  found  in  the  Heb.  and  Chald.  n^X, 
which  with  the  neg,  means  "  resolve  not  to  do  a  thing." — We  may  then  maintain  the  Heh.  text  against  the  Sept., 
and  we  see  that  the  Chald.  and  Syr.  have  introduced  mto  their  translation  the  expression  of  the  failure  which  is 

expressed  in  the  context,  and  may  be  involved  in  the  Heb.  7K"1. — Te.] 

28  [Ver.  40.  "  Fixture  "  is  not  a  good  word ;  but  pome  general  term  is  needed  for  Heb.  ^73,  like  Germ.  gerHth 

OTieug.  The  double  name  here  is  suspicious;  the  second  Is  omitted  by  Vulg.,  and  translated  tU  crvKKoy^o  by 
Sept. ;  but  both  are  given  in  Chald.  and  Syr.  One  may  be  a  gloss.— Instead  of  "  smooth  stones,"  L.  de  Dieu  ren- 
ders "  parts  of  stones,"  i,  e,  "  sharp  pieces,"  and  refers  to  Isa.  Ivii.  6. — Tk.J 

*  [ver.  41.  This  verse  is  omitted  in  Sept.,  but  is  in  keeping  with  the  liveliness  of  the  whole  description. — Te.] 
»  [Ver.  42.  Sopt.  and  a  few  MSS.  read  "eyes."— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  44.  Some  VSS.  and  MSS.  have  "  earth."— Te.] 

'2  [Ver.  46.  In  the  Heb.  the  word  is  Sing.;  comp.  Am.  viii.  3  for  collective  force.  To  this  Wellhausen  objects 
that  the  collective  sense  is  inadmissible  before  'S  DiTVi,  and  therefore  prefers  the  Sept.  reading  "  thy  corpse 

and  the  corpses  of  the  camp;"  yet  1J3  may  here  easily="mass  of  corpses,"  as  Chald.  "putrid  flesh." — Te.] 

n  [Ver.  48.  The  simpler  form  of  this  verse  In  the  Sept. :  "  and  the  Philistine  arose,  and  went  to  meet  David  " 
seems  not  so  much  in  accordance  with  the  tone  of  the  narrative  as  the  more  elaborate  expression  of  the  Heb. 
— Te.] 


228 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


50,  the  stone  sank  into  his  forehead,  and  he  fell  upon  his  face  to  the  earth.  So  [And]"* 
David  prevailed  over  the  Philistine  with  a  [om.  a]  sling  and  with  a  [pm.  a]  stone, 
and  smote  the  Philistine  and  slew  him,  but  [aud]  there  was  no  sword  in  the  hand 

51  of  David.  Therefore  [And]  David  ran  and  stood  upon  the  Philistine,  and  took 
his  sword,  and  drew  it  out  of  the  sheath  thereof,  and  slew  him  and  cut  off  his  head 
therewith.     And  when  [^om.  when]  the  Philistines  saw  their  champion  was  dead, 

52  [ins.  and]  they  fled.  And  the  men  of  Israel  and  of  Judah  arose  and  shouted,  and 
pursued  the  Philistines  until  thou  come  to  the  valley  [ravine°'J  and  to  the  gate 
of  Ekron.     And  the  wounded  of  the  Philistines  fell  down  by  the  way  to  Shaaraim, 

53  even  [aud]  to  [as  far  as]  Gath  and  to  [as  far  as]  Ekron.  And  the  children  of 
Israel  returned  from  chasing  after  the  Philistines,  and  they  spoiled  their  tents 

54  [camps].  And  David  took  the  head  of  the  Philistine,  and  brought  it  to  Jerusalem, 
but  [and]  he  put  his  armour  [trappings]  in  [into]  his  tent. 

"  f  Ver.  50.  This  recapitulatory  verae  (quite  in  the  Heb.  manner)  is  omitted  in  Sept. — Te.] 
"  rVer.  52.  Erdmann  and  others  take  the  Sept.  reading  "Gath"  (HJ),  instead  of  "ravine"  (X'J)t  a  not  im- 
probaole  correction ;  yet  the  VSS.  sustain  the  Heb.  reading,  which,  moreover,  as  the  more  difficult,  would  easily 
be  changed  into  the  obvious  "  Gath."  It  is  better  to  retain  Shaaraim  as  a  proper  name,  as  a  more  natural  geo- 
graphical description  of  the  direction  of  the  rout ;  the  rendering :  "  in  the  gate-way,**  moreover,  as  a  climax, 
ought  to  follow,  not  precede,  the  words:  "and  to  Gath  and  to  Ekron." — Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CEITICAL. 

Vers.  1-11.  The  camps  of  the  Philistines  and  the 
Israelites  confronting  one  another.  Ooliath's  appear- 
ance on  the  scene  and  hia  arrogant  challenge.  The 
power  of  the  Philistines  was  not  broken;  they 
rose  with  renewed  strength  against  Israel,  and 
made  another  attempt  to  reduce  them  to  subjec- 
tion. The  Philistine  army  assembled  at  Socoh,  now 
Shuweikeh.  This  is,  however,  not  the  Socoh  (also 
called  Shuweikeh)  three  German  [fourteen  Eng- 
lish] miles  southwest  of  Hebron  on  the  spurs  of 
the  mountains  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  48),  but  the 
Socoh  west  of  these  mountains  in  the  plain  of  Ju- 
dah, about  four  German  [nineteen  English]  miles 
southwest  of  Jerusalem,  and  about  three  German 
[fourteen  Eng.]  miles  southwest  of  Bethlehem 
(Josh.  XV.  35)  in  Wady  Sumt  (Acacia^valley), 
which  Eobinson,  II.,  604  [Am.  ed.,  11.,  20,  21] 
regards  as  the  same  with  Terebinth- valley  (ver.  2 ), 
while,  according  to  Thenius,  "  the  latter  is  proba- 
bly to  be  looked  for  in  a  branch  of  that  Wady,  in 
Wady  S<lr,  which  runs  up  towards  Beit-Nusib." 
Azekah,  whither  (Josh.  x.  10)  Joshua  pursued  the 
five  kings  who  were  besieging  Gibeou,  from  Gibe- 
on,  that  is,  to  the  southwest.  Its  position  is  in 
general  determined  by  that  of  Ephes-dammim,  the 
present  ruins  of  Damum,  about  one  Germ,  [four 
and  three-fourths  Eng.]  mile  northeast  of  Shu- 
weikeh. The  rendezvous  of  the  army  was  Socoh, 
the  camp  was  at  Ephesdammim.  On  the  nature 
of  the  ground,  according  to  Eobinson,  see  Bitter, 
XVI.  114  sq.*— Ver.  2.  The  Israelitish  army  as- 
sembled and  encamped  in  the  Terebinth-valley. 
As  the  Israelites  must  have  moved  from  the  north- 
east, the  Terebinth-valley  must  be  placed  north- 
east of  the  Philistine  position,  and  regarded  as  a 
plain  in  Wady  Sur  or  Maasur. — Ver.  3.  The  posi- 
tion of  the  opposing  armies  towards  tlie  mountain,  on 
the  declivity  of  the  mountain  (this  is  not  in  con- 
flict with  the  Israelitish  position  in  the  Terebinth- 
vale,  if  we  suppose  lowlands  descending  from  the 
heights),  the  two  separated  by  the  still  deeper  bed 
of  a  brooie,  is  vividly  described. — Ver.  4.  Goliath 
comes  forwaird — description  of  his  person.    He  is 

*  rSeo  Arts.  "Socoh,"  "Azekah,"  "Ephesdammim,"  in 
Smith's  Bib.-Dict.—lts..] 


called  "the  man  of  the  midst,"  middleman  [cham- 
pion] because  he  advances  between  the  two  armies 
(vers.  8,  9)  to  decide  the  matter  by  single  combat. 
(Maurer :  "  D]J3,  interval  between  two  things,  here 
between  two  armies  {rd,  /iSTalx/iia,  Eur.  Phosn.  v. 
1285,  on  which  the  Schol.  says:  "the  space  be- 
tween armies  where  single  combats  took  place), 
whence  O'JSn  t!''K,  one  who  decides  a  contest  by 
single  combat  between  two  army-Hnes."  Sept 
Al.,  'AjUfffffniof  (ver.  23),  error  for  6  iieaalot).  See 
examples  of  similar  single  combats  among  the 
Oriental  nations  in  StaheUn's  "  Leben  Davids," 
Bas.  1866,  p.  4.*  Neither  of  the  armies  dares  to 
attack.  Saul  and  Israel  feared  the  Philistines, 
instead  of  bravely  attacking  the  hereditary  enemy 
of  the  Theocracy  in  reliance  on  the  help  of  the 
Lord.  The  explanation  is  found  in  Saul's  false 
attitude  towards  the  Lord.  "  The  king  reckons 
only  with  human  factors,  believing  that  he  has 
forfeited  all  claim  to  help  from  above.  What 
wonder  that  his  position  seems  to  him  in  general 
doubtful,  and  he  thinks  it  prudent — unbelief 
makes  us  cowards — to  act  merely  on  the  defensive." 
(F.  W.  Krummacher.)  The  plu.  "out  of  the 
camps  of  the  Philistines"  does  not  justify  us  in 
accepting  the  arbitrary  rendering  of  the  Sept., 
"  out  of  the  ranks;"  it  refers  to  the  various  camp- 
divisions  out  of  which  Goliath  came  (comp.  Ew.  J 
178  d). — Oath,  one  of  the  five  Philistine  capital- 
cities,  has  now  disappeared  without  trace.  When 
Joshua  destroyed  the  giant  race  of  the  EnoHm 
(Josh.  xi.  21  sq.)  in  this  region,  there  remained 
some  of  them  only  in  Gaza,  Gath,  and  Ashdod 
(ver.  22).  Goliath's  height  is  given  exactly:  six 
cubits  and  a  span.  The  change  in  the  Sept.  of  the 
six  to  four  is  due  to  the  desire  to  give  plausibility 
to  what  seemed  incredible.  According  to  Thenius 
(die  cdthebr.  Langen  und  Sohlmasse  in  den  Thed- 
Stud,  und  Krit.,  1846,  p.  117  sq.)  Goliath's  height 
was  9  feet  1  inch  (Parisian).f  See  in  Then,  and 
Keil  {Qmims.  on  this  verse)   examples  of  like 


*  [Examples  from  classic  history  in  Chandler's  "i)(i- 
md.'^— Tr.] 

t  [According  to  other  computations  the  cubit  was 
eighteen  inches,  and  the  span  nine  inches,  Goliath's 
height,  therefore,  nine  feet  nine  inches.  The  ooppe^ 
shekel  is  by  some  estimated  at  a  little  over  an  ounce.— 
Smith's  Bib.-Dict,  "  Weights  and  Measures.*'— Tb.J       • 


CHAP.  XVII.  1-64. 


229 


tallness  in  ancient  and  modem  times.     The  skele- 
tons of  Pusio  and  Secundilla,  mentioned  by  Pliny 
(N.  H.  7,  16)  were  a  Paris  inch  longer  [10  ft.  3 
in.  Roman  measure.]     [Keil  mentions  a  giant 
who  came  to  Berlin  in  the  year  1857,  who  was  as 
tall  as  Goliath ;  and  "  Chang,  the  Chineie  giant, 
lately  in  England,  was  7  feet  8  inches  high"  (Bib. 
Qm).    On  the  giants  of  the  Bible  see  the  dic- 
tionaries of  Winor  (Riesen),  Herzog  {id.),  Smith, 
and  Fairbaim. — Te.]. — Vers.  5-7.  Goliath's  arms 
are  in  keeping  with  his  b9dily  size:  13  copper- 
helmet;  2)  scale-corselet;  (nif;pt?p,    according  to 
Num.  xi.  9  sq. ;  Deut.  xiv.  9  sq. ;  Ezek.  xxix.  4 
=  "scale"),  a  harness  or  corselet  made  of  over- 
lapping metallic  plates  {<poXi.iuTiv,  Aq.  "clad  with 
scales'^,  not  of  chain-rings.     Such  scale-corselets 
were  common  in  ancient  oriental  wars.     See  Lay- 
ard,  "  Nineveh  amd  its  Bemains,"  II.  4,  and  Bochart, 
Phal.  III.  13.     [Also  Kitto,  "Said  and  David," 
p.  211  sq.,  and  Philippson  in  loco.']     The  weight 
of  the  corselet,  or  coat-of-mail,  was  5000  shekels ; 
the  shekel  was  not  a  fall  German  loth   [half- 
ounce] ;  Then.:   "about  139  Dresden  pounds." 
The  corselet  probably  defended  far  down  the 
body,  as  we  see  in  the  pictures  of  Assyrian  war- 
riors in  Layard's  "  Nineveh."     3)  copper-greaves 
on  the  legs.     (Head  plu.  "  greaves,"  as  in  all  an- 
cient VSS.)     These  greaves  did  not  cover  the 
thighs  (Bunsen),  which  in  oriental  fashion  were 
protected  by  the  corselet.    4)  a  copper-lance  be- 
tween his  shoulders.     The  Heb.  "lance"  (jl'TS), 
is  to  be  retained  in  spite  of  the  reading  "shield" 
(JJD)  in  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Arab.    The  text  is 
confirmed  by  ver.  45,  "  where  the  shield  would  be 
out  of  place,  with  two  offensive  arms"  (Then.).* 
As  the  ancients  carried  even  their  swords  on  their 
shoulders  (11.  2,  45 ;  Bochart,  Sieroz.  1,  2,  8),  there 
is  nothing  strange  in  his  carrying  ths  javelin 
"between  the  shoulders."     5)  a  spear,  whose  shaft 
(read  j*.;?  for  yV},  comp.  2  Sam.  xxi.  19 ;  1  Chr.  xx.  5) 
was  like  a  weaver's  beam,  and  whose  head  weighed 
600  shekels  of  iron,  "  somewhat  over  16J  Dresden 
pounds,  quite  in  keeping  with  the  other  state- 
ments" (Then.).    Vers.  8-11.  Goliath's  contemp- 
tuous and  fear-inspiring  cliallenge.     Ver.  8.  He 
stood  and  cried  to  the  ranks  of  Israel :  Why 
are  ye  in  battle  array?  behold,  I  represent  the 
whole  Philistine  people,  and  ye  are  servants  of 
Saul.    Send  one  of  you  to  fight  with  me,  and  "  let 
him  come  down  to  me ;"  Goliath  was  standing, 
namely,  in  the  valley,  beneath  the  Israelites  who 
were  encamped  on  the  hill-side. — Ver.  9.   The 
proposed  agreement  to  decide  the  question  of  sub- 
jection by  the  single  combat,  which,  in  Goliath's 
opinion,  would  undoubtedly  result  in  favor  of  the 
Philistines.    Clericus  here  cites  the  combat  be- 
tween the  Horatii  and  the  Curiatii,  and  the  agree- 
ment (Liv.  1. 23)  between  the  Romans  and  Albans 
"  that  the  nation,  whose  citizens  conquered  in  the 
combat,  should  rule  the  other  in  peace." — Ver.  10. 
Goliath's  scorn  and  contempt  of  Israel  lay  not 
merely  in  the  reproach  that  they  were  Saul's 
slaves  and  in  the  tone  of  his  words,  but  also  in  the 
challenge  itself,  because  it  was  not  answered.f — 

*  [It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  VSS.  had  a 
different  reading  from  the  Heb.;  they  were  misled  by 
the  position  of  the  kidon  (lance)  between  the  shoulders. 
Bee  Bnohart,  flieroz.  II.,  136-140.— Te.]  ,„,..,    ^v. 

t  FThe  Cliald.  adds  in  ver.  8:  "I  am  that  Goliath  the 
Philistine,  of  Gath,  that  slew  the  two  sons  of  ftli,  tne 


Ver.  11.  Fear  and  trembling  take  possession  of 
Israel  with  Saul  at  the  head.  F.  W.  Krum- 
macher:  "Israel  is  afraid,  because  its  king  is. 
They  dare  not  in  childlike  spirit  appropriate  the 
promises  of  Jehovah.  The  wings  that  should 
bear  them  up  in  trustful  upsoaring  to  the  Lord 
of  Hosts  are  crippled." 

Vers.  12-31.  David  in  the  camp — his  prepara- 
tion for  the  combat  with  Goliath. — Ver.  12.  The 
full  account  of  the  person  and  family  of  David 
tells  what  we  already  know  from  chap,  xvi.,  and 
yet  reads  as  if  nothing  had  been  said  of  his  ori- 
gin. This  suggests  that  the  Redactor  of  the  Book 
here  appends  and  works  in  a  narrative  concern- 
ing David,  which  began  with  the  family  history, 
and  then  related  the  combat  with  Goliath  and  its 
occasion.  This  view  is  supported  by  the  "that" 
or  "this"  (HTn),  which  is  evidently  added  in 
order  to  connect  the  words  with  xvi.  1.  Vulg. 
properly:  "the  above-mentioned  Ephrathite." 
The  last  words  of  ver.  12  relating  to  Jesse,  the 
"  Ephrathite  "  (that  is,  of  Ephrath,  the  old  name 
of  Bethlehem,  Gen.  xlviii.  7,  see  Ruth  i.  1,  2),  are 
diflScult.  The  rendering,  with  retention  of  the 
text,  "was  come  among  theweah"  (D.  Kimchi,  S. 
Schmid,  Keil)  [Eng.  A.  V.  "went  among  men"] 
is  opposed  to  the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  Heb. 
(D'tyJN)  =  "people,  men."  Bunsen's  explana- 
tion: "belonged  to  the  men  of  standing"  is,  by  his 
own  judgment,  possible  only  by  an  arbitrary  inser- 
tion, and  is  otherwise  meaningless.  [Comp.  the 
Targura :  belonged  to  the  ITU,  the  vigorous  young 
men. — Tr.]  Hitzig  (see  in  Thenius)  renders: 
"  he  was  an  old  man  among  men,"  which  arbitrarily 
omits  KS,  "went."  It  seems  best,  with  Grotius, 
Thenius^  after  Sept.,  VulgH  Syr.,  Arab.,  to  substi- 
tute "in  years"  (O'JE'I)  instead  of  the  text,  and 
render  "he -was.  advameed  in  years."  This  phrase 
indeed  is  not  found  elsewhere,  but  we  have  the 
similar  phrase  ''advanced  in  days"  (Gen.  xxiv. 
1;  Josh.  xiii.  l)  =  aged.  This  statement  of  Jes- 
se's age  gives  the  reason  why  he  does  not  him- 
self go  into  the  field,  but  only  his  three  oldest 
sons.  In  the  pluperfect  "went ....  had  gone  (Ew. 
§  346  c,  A.  3 — "the  verb  standing  in  sequence  is 
then  explained  as  plup.  by  means  of  its  own 
perf.")  we  have  a  trace  of  the  effort  of  the  Redac- 
tor to  work  the  new  narrative,  to  which  the  sim- 
ple "went"  belonged,  into  the  whole  history; 
The  pluperfect  was  necessary  here,  because  the 
account  of  David's  family  carries  us  into  a  time 
anterior  to  the  already  related  appearance  of  Go- 
liath.* While  we  have  here  eight  sons  of  Jesse 
(and  so  xvi.  10  sq.),  only  seven  are  named  in  1 
Chr.  ii.  13-15,  David  being  there  the  seventh. 
Clericus  rightly  supposes  that  there  the  name  of 
one  of  David's  brothers  is  by  error  omitted.  The 
name  of  the  third,  here  and  xvi.  6-9  written 
Shammah,  is  Shimeah  in  1  Chr.  ii.  13  [Eng.  A.  V.: 
Shimmi  perhaps  .after  Vulg.— Tb.]   and  xx.  7, 


priests  Hophni  and  Phinehas,  and  carried  oaptiye  the 
ark  of  the  covenant  of  Jehovah,  and  brought  it  to  the 
house  of  Dagon,  my  Error,  and  the  Philistines  have  not 
honored  me  by  making  me  captain  oyer  a  thousand 
.  what  great  thing  has  Saul  done  that  you  should 
make  him  king?"  This  Targum  (of  the  fourth  century) 
has  not  a  few  such  fanciful  expressions  of  the  simple 
and  graphic  Heb.  text.— Te.]  _  * ., 

*  [Da  this  construction  see  "  Text,  and  Grammat. 
— Te.] 


230 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Shimei  in  2  Sam.  xxi.  21  [so  Kethib,  but  Qeri  is 
Shimeah;  Erdmanu  writes  'J"??*,  putting  the 
vowels  of  the  Qeri  under  the  Kethib,  comp.  1 
Kings  i.  8. — Te.]  and  Shimeah  in  2  Sam.  xiii.  3, 
32.— Ver.  14.  The  words:  and  the  three  eld- 
est followed  Saul  are  a  repetition  of  the  state- 
ment in  ver.  13,  and  show  the  pains  the  Redactor 
took  to  introduce  his  new  material  clearly  and 
connectedly. — Ver.  15.  Here  the  narrator  takes 
up  the  "and  David"  of  ver.  12,  after  having  ex- 
plained that  the  three  oldest  brothers  had  followed 
Saul  to  the  war.  David  was  "  going  and  returning  " 
from  Saul  to  feed  his  fathers  sheep  in  Bethle- 
hem ;  that  is,  he  did  not  remain  constantly  at  the 
court  of  Saul,  but  went  back  and  forth,  to  court, 
and  then  home  to  attend  to  his  pastoral  duties. 
Tills  he  could  do,  since  Saul  was  not  always  in 
the  gloomy  state  which  required  David's  harp. 
Inasmuch  as  it  appears  from  what  follows  that 
this  gcnng  and  returning  from  Saul  was  not  from 
the  theatre  of  war  (for  then  he  would  already 
have  given  account  of  his  brothers,  and  also  his 
appearance  there  surprises  them),  it  must  have 
fallen  in  the  time  before  Saul  went  to  the  war. 
According  to  this  David  was  not  constantly  at  the 
court  of  Saul,  and  from  time  to  time  exchanged 
the  harp  for  the  shepherd's  staff.  Although,  ac- 
cording to  xvi.  21,  he  is  Saul's  armor-bearer,  he  is 
yet  not  with  him  in  the  iield ;  he  is  even  (ver.  33)  a 
boy  ignorant  of  war,  and  (ver.  28)  an  unauthorized 
spectator  of  the  battle.  This  has  been  regarded 
as  in  conflict  with  ch.  xvi.,  and  therefore  the  sec- 
tion vers.  12-31  has  been  declared  to  be  a  later 
interpolation  (Mich.,  Eichh.,  Dath.,  Berth.,  after 
the  Vat.  Sept.,  which  omits  it),  or  by  another 
author  than  that  of  ch,  xvi.,  and  in  conflict  with 
the  latter  (De  Wette,  Then.,  Ew.,  Bleek,  Winer, 
Stahelin).  But  it  is  unnecessary  to  suppose  a 
contradiction  here.  If  Joab,  the  General,  had 
tem  armor-bearers  (2  Sam.  xviii.  15;  comp.  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  37),  King  Saul  would  certainly  have  more 
than  one,  as  to  which  note  that  in  xvi.  21  it  is 
not  said  that  David  became  the  armor-bearer  of 
Saul  [properly:  "he  became  an  armor-bearer  to 
M.XD.." — Tb.].  As  totally  unpracticed  in  war  (so 
ch.  xvi.  supposes  him  to  be),  David,  notwith- 
standing his  enrolment  among  the  court-esquires 
(armor-bearera),  could  not  be  needed  by  Saul  in 
war,  and  he  needed  not  to  be  taken  along  for  bis 
music,  because  in  the  midst  of  military  affairs 
Saul's  mind  was  concentrated  on  one  point,  held 
by  one  thought.  Finally,  the  words  of  xvi.  21, 
22,  do  not  exclude  the  supposition  that  David 
went  to  and  fro  to  his  father;  they  rather  open  a 
way  for  it,  since  his  service  with  Saul  had  respect 
to  a  definite  end,  which  no  longer  existed  when 
Saul's  condition  of  mind  was  for  a  long  time  bet- 
ter. And  so  this  statement  in  ver.  15  may  be 
very  well  harmonized  with  that  of  xvi.  21-23; 
they  do  not  exclude  each  other.  The  sentence 
[ver.  15]  is  to  be  taken,  in  connection  with  the 
second  half  of  ver.  14,  in  a  pluperfect  sense,  and 
as  an  addition  of  the  Redactor's,  the  aim  of  which 
is  to  furnish  the  connection  between  xvi.  21,  22, 
and  the  following  narrative  of  David's  visit  from 
Jesse  to  the  army,  which  is  from  another  source 
than  ch.  xvi.— [ParajjArose  of  vers.  12-17:  "Let 
us  leave  the  army  lor  the  present  in  order  to 
introduce  another  personage.    David  was  the  son 


of  a  Bethlehemite  named  Jesse  (already  men- 
tioned in  ch.  xvi.),  who,  an  old  man,  did  not 
himself  go  to  the  war,  but  had  sent  his  three 
oldest  sous.  The  youngest,  David,  had  been  at 
Saul's  Court,  but  bad  been  going  to  and  fro  to  his 
father'^  house.  It  was  while  the  Philistine 
champion  above-mentioned  was  daily  offering 
his  challenge  (for  he  repeated  it  forty  days)  that 
Jesse  determined  to  send  David  to  his  brethren." 
— Tr.]. — Ver.  16  connects  itself  in  content  with 
ver.  8,  and  prepares  the  way  for  the  progress  of 
the  narrative,  in  order  to  show  how  David's  con- 
duct on  the  field  of  battle  over  against  the  bearing 
of  the  Philistine  was  motived  by  the  insolence  of 
the  latter.  Thenias:  "If  vers.  12-31  were  inter- 
polated, this  explanatory  insertion  could  not  be 
accounted  for  at  all." — Ver.  17.  ''Parched  peas" 

C"?i^  .S'SjJ,  Lev.  xxiii.  14;  2  Sam.  xvii.  28)  [or 
"parched  grain." — Tb.J. — According  to  Thenius 
the  Ephah^Z  Dresden  pecks.  "And  carry  them 
quickly  to  thy  brethren,"  that  is,  the  parched 
grain  and  the  bread. — [Bib.  Comm.:  "All  the 
circumstances  necessary  for  the  undei-standing  of 
the  narrative  having  been  explained,  it  now  pro- 
ceeds more  smoothly." — Tb.]-V  er.  18.  "  Cheeses," 
that  is,  pieces  of  cheese  or  curds  (literally,  milk, 
so  the  ancient  VSS.).  The  word  cannot  mean 
"milk-portion,"  that  is,  one  milking  of  a  cow 
(Mich.,  Schulz),  since,  as  Then,  properly  remarks, 
D.avid  could  not  have  carried  ten  such  portions 
with  the  rest  of  his  load.  This  gift  David  is  to 
carry  to  the  captain  over  a  thousand,  the  chili- 
arch,  under  whose  command  his  brothers  were. 
A  sketch  from  military  folk-life,  such  as  we  often 
even  now  see.     "And  inquire  of  their  welfare" 

(D17B'7),  comp.  2  Sam.  xi.  7;  Gen.  xixvii.  14; 
2  Kings  X.  3. — And  take  their  token,  that 
is,  take  a  token  from  them,  "that  we  may  see 
and  know  that  they  are  well,  and  that  thou  hast 
been  with  them "  (Bed.  Bib.).  The  old  exposi- 
tors have  here  made  unnecessary  difficulty.  The 
pledge  was  a  token,  which,  though  David  had  seen 
them,  would  be  of  special  value  to  the  father's 
heart  as  an  immediate  sign  from  their  own  hands 
of  their  being  alive  and  well  (in  place  of  a  letter). 
— Ver.  19  is  not  an  explanatory  remark  of  the 
Narrator  or  Redactor,  but  a  part  of  Jesse's  speech 
to  David,  who  is  thus  instructed  ,where  to  find 
his  brothers ;  we  must  therefore  render  in  present 
time:  "And  Saul  .  .  .  ore  in  the  terebinth- vale." 
— [This  construction  is  favored  by  the  phrase: 
"  and  they,"  which  seems  more  appropriate  in 
.Jesse's  mouth.  Yet  the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V. 
is  allowable. — Tr.] — Ver.  20  relates  the  arrival 
of  David  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  thus  intro- 
duces us  into  military  life.  'jiU^D*  means  properly 
"  wagon-track ;"  it  is  doubtful  how  it  is  to  be  ren- 
dered here  and  in  xxvi.  5,  7.  The  Complut. 
Sept.  translates  by  uTpoyyiiAaaig,  "  rounding,"  in 

accordance  with  the  meaning  of  ''J^,  "to  be 
round,"  and  the  usual  form  of  ancient  camps 


*  ^"^^J^IO  f^"S.  A. v.:  "trench"]  the  n  is  to  be 
taken  with  Thenius  as  n  local  (comp.  x.  10,  nn;?3jn)i 
and  not  as  feminine  ending.  [So  Gesenins  and'Bux- 
toH',  but  Wmer  and  PUrst  as  the  masoretio  pointing 


CHAP.  XVn.  1-54. 


231 


(Winer,  B.-W.  I.  681).  This  pointa  not  to  a 
wagon-rampart,  but  to  the  round  circnmvallation. 
Vulg.  wrongly:  "ad  locum  MagcUa. — [The  Syr. 
has  "camp,"  the  Chald.  " fortitication,"  the  Arab, 
"army"  or  "camp."  Erdmann  renders  "camp- 
waU,"  Philippsou  "wagon-rampart,"  Bib.-Chm. 
"wagons,"  i.  e.  "wagon-rampart,"  Calvin,  "the 
place  of  wagons."  This  last  seems  to  be  the  lite- 
ral meaning  of  the  word  (so  margin  of  Eng.  A. 
v.),  and  best  suits  the  circumstances  of  1  Sam. 
xxvi.  5,  7 ;  the  wagons  were  made  into  a  fortifi- 
cation or  rampart.  The  renderings  of  Syr.  and 
Arab,  are  general,  of  the  nature  of  paraphrases. 
— Te.]  "The  host"  is  not  connected  with  the 
preceding  verb  ("and  came  to  the  host"),  but 
begins  an  independent  sentence,  in  which  the 
original  construction  "and  the  host  which"  is 
interrupted  by  the  phrase  "and  they  shouted," 
the  subject  of  which  ia  supplied  from  "host."* — 
And  they  shouted  in  the  battle,  that  is, 
raised  the  war-cry.  We  need  not  change  the 
Heb.  prep,  "in"  to  "to;"  it  is  a  pregnant  con- 
struction :  they  shouted  as  men  do  in  battle  [or 
better  "they  shouted  (and  advanced)  into  the 
battle." — Te.] — Ver.  21  gives  the  position  of  the 
opposing  armies. — Ver.  22.  "His  baggage,"  the 
present  that  he  had  to  deliver  [and  anything  else 
that  he  might  have  with  him. — Te.] — "He  came 
and  ashed  after  his  brothers,  in  order  to  learn  of 
their  well-being."  Clericus :  "  for  he  knew  that 
the  tribe  of  Judah  was  in  the  front,  Num.  ii.  3 ; 
X.  14."f — Ver.  23.  Goliath's  advance,  already 
described  in  ver.  4,  and  here  repeated,  first  direete 
David's  attention  to  him,  and  incites  him  to  the 

resolution  to  fight  the  champion.  Hlfy  [Eng. 
A.  V.  "came  up"]  is  not  "came  on"  (De  Wette), 
but "  ascended,"  that  is,  he  came  over  the  valley  so 
near  to  the  Israelites,  that  he  advanced  some  dis- 
tance up  the  height  on  which  they  were  encamped, 
in  order  to  throw  more  contempt  into  his  chal- 
lenge.—(The  Kethib,  nnj?DD,  can  be  rendered 
neither  caterva  hominum  (Gesen.),  nor  hca  plana 
(ni1;gD),  nor  speluncse  (finj^D)  ;  these  meanings 
give  no  good  sense.  It  is  better  to  take  the  Qeri 
with  Sept.  and  Vulg.  [Chald.]  "ranks,"  or,  still 
better  with  Then.  [Syr.]  the  Sing,  "the  line.")— 
Surprising  is  the  description  of  Goliath:  "Goli- 
iath  the  Philistine  his  name,"  instead  of  "  Goliath 
his  name,  the  Philistine  of  Gath,"  as  the  Vnlg. 
[so  Eng.  A.  v.]  translates.  We  need  not,  how- 
ever, transpose  the  Heb.  text  (Then.),  since  in 
the  popular  language  "Goliath  the  Philistine" 
may  have  become  a  proper  name.  We  see  here 
too  that  the  author  is  drawing  from  a  narrative 
whose  description  of  Goliath  (which  the  author 
retains,  though  he  had  already,  ver.  4,  described 
him)  contained  this  popular  designation  of  the 
grant.— Ver.  24.  Even  the  sight  of  Goliath  fills 
the  Israelites  with  fear  and  trembling. — Ver.  25.  J 
—The  '3  [Eng.  A.  V.  "surely"]  after  "have  ye 
seen  ?"  gives  the  ground  of  the  exhortation  therein 
contained  to  get  ready  with  anger  at  Goliath's 


*  [On  this  oonstraetion  see  "  Text,  and  Grammat." 
The  better  translation  is ;  "  and  he  came  to  the  ram- 
part, and  the  host  was  going  forth  to  the  fight,  and  they 
shoaled."  eic— Te.] 
t  [This  is  a  rash  conclusion  of  Clericus.— Te.1 
X  The  1  in  DH^Nin  with  the  unusual  Dagh.  dirimens 

(as  in  X.  24)— oomp.'Ew.  528  (!>)  with  §71. 


insolent  bearing  towards  Israel;  it  corresponds 
to  Germ,  ja,  Eng.  surely.  Comp.  Mic.  vi.  3 ;  Job 
xxxi.  18;  Ges.  1 155,  1,  e  (d). — And  the  man 
-who  shall  kill  him,  him  'will  the  king 
enrich,  etc.  This  indicates  that  Saul  had  al- 
ready issued  a  proclamation,  urging  the  combat 
with  the  giant.  As  generals  and  princes  were 
accustomed  to  encourage  to  such  deeds  of  arms 
by  ofiering  large  prizes  (Josh.  xv.  16 ;  Judg.  i. 
12 ;  2  Sam.  xviii.  11 ;  1  Chron.  xi.  6),  so,  accord- 
ing to  the  talk  which  passed  among  the  people, 
Saul  had  promised  the  highest  possible  reward  to 
the  conqueror  of  Goliath :  great  riches,  his  daugh- 
ter to  wife,  and  freedom  from,  taaation.  This  last 
is  the  meaning  of  'iJ'Sn,  not,  as  Ewald  holds, 
elevation  to  the  ranh  of  free  lord,  or  baron,  as  the 
middle  rank  between  king  and  subjects. — [The 
word  is  synonymous  with  our  "  free ;"  see  its  use 
in  Ex.  xxi.  2 ;  Deut.  xv.  12 ;  Job  iii.  19 ;  xxxix. 
5 ;  Ps.  Lxxxviii.  5  (6),  of  slaves  set  free,  of  a  dead 
man  free  from  the  cares  of  life,  of  the  wild  ass  at 
liberty.  Here  probably  of  freedom  from  taxes. — 
Te.].* — As  in  ver.  ~7  the  people  give  the  same 
answer  to  David's  question  (ver.  26),  which  sup- 
poses this  offering  of  rewards  to  be  a  usual  thing, 
we  must  conclude  that  Saul  actually  made  these 
promises  (though  nothing  is  afterwards  said  of 
their  fulfilment),  especially  as  the  same  thing  is 
repeated  in  ver.  27.  From  Saul's  tendency  to 
rash  and  exaggerated  action,  and  from  his  change- 
ableness,  we  can  easily  understand  both  the  pro- 
mise and  his  unwillingness  to  perform  it. — Ver. 
26.  The  ground  and  justification  of  David's  ques- 
tion concerning  the  reward  of  slaying  the  Philis- 
tine is  furnished  by  the  high  nigmficamce  of  the 
deed  as  expressed  in  the  words :  "  and  take  away 
the  reproach  from  Israel ;"  this  significance  lends 
the  deed  such  value  that  Saul,  in  David's  opinion, 
must  assign  it  a  high  prize. — For  ^^ho  is  this 
Philistine,  ete. — These  words  do  not,  in  the  first 
instance  express  David's  desire  to  fight  the  Phi- 
listine (Keil),  but  they  contain  the  ground  of  the 
preceding  thought,  that  the  insult  offered  Israel 
by  the  Philistine  must  be  wiped  out.  This  ground 
lies  in  the  contrast  (already  indicated  in  the  pre- 
ceding words  "the  Philistine  .  .  .  Israel")  be- 
tween the  stand-point  of  the  Philistine  as  an 
un^yircwmeised  who  has  no  community  with  the 
living  God,  and  stands  outside  of  God's  covenant 
with  Israel,  and  the  stand-point  of  this  covenant- 
people,  which  is  expressed  in  the  words:  "ranks 
of  the  living  Ood.''  How  should  this  insult  of  the 
unclean  Philistine  cleave  to  the  people  of  Israel, 
who  are  consecrated  to  the  living  God,  whose 
battle-line,  therefore,  is  also  devoted  to  him? 
The  living  God  is  emphasized  over  against  the 
dead  idols  of  the  Philistines.  Since  the  Philis- 
tine has  reviled  the  people  of  Ood,  the  covenant- 
people  of  the  Lord,  he  has  (firected  his  scorn  and 
derision  against  the  living  God  Himself;  and  he 
who  does  the  deed  that  takes  away  this  reproach 
from  Israel,  will  have  God  on  his  side,  and  do 
the  deed  with  God's  help.  In  these  words  David 
is  seized  with  holy  anger,  whose  fire  flames  up 
from  his  theocratic  sense  of  honor,  to  which  vio- 
lence is  done  by  the  Philistine's  challenge.  His 
words  already  indicate  his  calling,  which  he  has 

*  [This  throws  incidental  light  on  the  development 
of  the  political  organization  in  Israel,  since  we  have 
here  apparently  a  regular  system  of  taxes. — Ta.] 


232 


THE  FIKST  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


received  from  the  Lord,  to  rouse  the  people  of 
Israel,  by  awakening  a  new  and  vigorous  theo- 
cratic spirit,  oat  of  the  lethargy  into  wiiich  they 
had  fallen  in  respect  to  their  hereditary  foe  under 
the  steadily  sinking  Saul  (a  lethargy  illustrated 
in  the  repeated  and  unanswered  challenge  of  Go- 
liath), to  the  height  of  a  true  theocratic  life. — 
\_Bib.  Com..  "The  expression  'the  living  God' 
occurs  first  Deut.  v.  26,  then  Josh.  iii.  10;  2 
Kings  xix.  4 ;  twice  in  the  Ps.  (xUi.  2 ;  Ixxxiv. 
2),  four  times  in  the  Prophets,  and  frequently  in 
the  New  Testament.  It  is  generally  in  contrast 
to  false  gods  (1  Th.  i.  9,  etc.)." — Besides  Isa. 
xxxvii.  4,  17;  Jer.  x.  10;  xxiii.  36;  Hos.  i.  10 
(ii.  1);  comp.  similar  expressions  in  Ps.  xviii. 
46 ;  Jer.  xliv.  26,  and  the  asseveration  of  Jehovah 
"as  I  live"  and  the  significance  of  the  divine 
name  "  I  am  that  I  am."— Tb.]— Ver.  28.  Over 
against  David  appears  his  oldest  brother  Eliab  as 
the  representative  of  a  totally  difierent  disposi- 
tion. His  words  show  not  merely  complete  lack 
of  brotherly  love  for  David,  but  bitterness  and 
hatred  towards  him.  In  contrast  with  David's 
holy  anger,  his  unholy  anger  Ls  kindled  at  David's 
talk  with  the  soldiers.  Perhaps  envy  and  ambi- 
tion lay  at  the  bottom  of  this.  His  two  q  uestions : 
1)  'Why  hast  thou  come  down  ? — the  doiim 
refers  to  the  relatively  elevated  position  of  Beth- 
lehem— and  2)  'With  -whom  hast  thou  left 
those  few  sheep  in  the  wilderness?  1) 
express  the  thought :  "  Thou  hast  nothing  to  do 
here,  belongest  not  here,"  indicating  a  haughty, 
quick-judging  nature,  and  2)  reproach  David 
with  neglect  of  duty  as  keeper  of  his  father's 
flocks.  While  all  David's  thought  and  feeling  is 
on  the  great  national  disgrace  and  its  removal, 
and  his  mind  is  concerned  with  plans  for  saving 
the  honor  of  Israel  and  Israel's  God,  Eliab  in  his 
low  and  blind  zeal  thinks  only  of  the  flock  of 
sheep  and  the  possible  loss  to  them  from  lack  of 
oversight ;  the  type  of  a  narrow  soul,  incapable 
of  great  thoughts  and  deeds.  But  from  the  re- 
proach of  inconsiderate  neglect  of  duty,  he  passes 
to  a  two-fold  serious  accusation:  I  knovr  thy 
arrogance  and  the  naughtiness  of  thy 
heart,  for  to  see  the  battle  art  thou  come 
down. — His  zeal  blinded  by  envy  and  jealousy, 
he  ascribes  David's  visit  to  the  worst  motives:  1) 
rnide,  in  that  he  wishes  to  rise  above  his  .shep- 
herd-life and  play  a  part  in  the  war,  and  2)  bad- 
ness of  heart,  according  to  the  connection  wicked- 
ness, brutality,  in  that  he  wishes  to  enjoy  himself 
and  please  his  eyes  in  the  battle.  In  Eliab's 
words  we  see  the  dispo.sition  which  he  falsely  and 
with  hate-blinded  zeal  ascribes  to  his  brother.— 
As  he  forms  in  word  and  bearing  the  sharpest 
contrast  to  David,  so  David's  conduct  towards 
him  (ver.  29)  is  in  sharpest  contrast  to  him.  His 
answer  is  quiet,  passionless,  but  a  decided  and 
explicit  disavowal  of  the  wrong  angrily  charged 
on  him.— What  have  I  now  done?  that  is, 
nothing  that  I  have  done  gives  ground  for  the 
reproaches  and  accusations  which  you  have  ad- 
dressed to  me.  Opposed  to  the  "  done  "  {^ry\!3y\ 
is  the  following  "word"  (131). — Was  it  not 
a  word  merely  ?— This  is  not :  Was  it  not  a 
command  f  namely,  of  my  father,  to  come  hither, 
must  I  not  obey  (Luther,  Gesen.)  ?  for  this  would 
be  unintelligible  to  Eliab  from  its  brevity.  David 


would  have  expressed  himself  more  definitely,  if 
he  had  meant  his  father's  command.  The  reply 
refers  to  the  word  (ver.  26)  which  David  had 
spoken,  as  appears  from  what  follows ;  and  so  the 
ancient  VSS.  The  sense  is:  Is  not  this  word 
permitted  me?  Can  I  not  seek  information  by 
such  a  word  ? — Ver.  30.  David  turned  from  Eliab 
to  another  with  the  same  question,  and  received 
the  same  answer.  The  meaning  of  131  ("  word") 
here  and  ver.  31  in  reference  to  ver.  26  confirms 
the  view  of  its  meaning  in  ver.  29. — Ver.  31. 
"  In  the  presence  of  Saul,"  not  ''  to  Saul," 
"markedly  expressive  of  respectful  aanounce- 
ment"  (Then.).  David's  zeal  exhibited  to  the 
people  for  the  honor  of  the  Lord  and  of  Israel 
was  the  cause  of  his  again  appearing  before  Saul, 
and  the  preparation  for  the  deed  of  heroism  by 
wliich  he  was  to  save  the  honor  of  Israel  and  its 
God  against  the  scorn  of  the  Philistine. 

Vers.  32—40.  David's  conversation  with  Saul  on 
his  resolution,  and  his  preparation  for  the  comiat 
unlh  Goliath. 

Ver.  32.  Let  no  man's  heart  fail  because 
of  him.— To  read  (Then,  after  the  Sept.)  "my 
lord"  ('J1K),  instead  of  "man"  (D1KJ  destroys 
the  general  character  of  the  alBrmation,  which  is 
here  so  appropriate ;  for,  according  to  ver.  24,  the 
fear  of  the  Philistine  was  universal  in  Israel. — 
"  Heart,"  here^"  courage ;"  comp.  Germ,  beherzt- 
heit  [literally  " heartedness ;"  so Eng.  "courage," 
from  French  casur,  "heart."— Tb.].— The  Pron. 
"  him  "  is  better  referred  to  the  Philistine;  Then. 
refers  it  to  Saul  [let  not  my  lord's  heart  fail  him  "], 
and  Vulg.  renders  in  eo,  "  in  him."  David  first 
expresses  the  general  thought,  "  no  man's  courage 
must  fail  on  his  account,"  and  then  individualizes 
it  in  the  words  "I  will  exhibit  such  a  manly 
courage." — In  this  exhortation  to  courageousness 
David  expresses  his  own  stout  courage  over 
against  the  universally  feared  Philistine,  and  the 
want  of  courage  in  Israel.  As  proof  of  his  courage 
he  announces  his  determination  to  undertake  imme- 
diately the  combat  with  this  Philistine- — Ver.  33. 
Against  this  Saul  repre-seuts  that  David  as  a 
youth  cannot  venture  on  a  battle  with  this  man, 
who  had  been  a  warrior  from  his  youth.  [In  xvi. 
18  David  is  designated  by  the  same  term,  "man 
of  war,"  which  liere  describes  Goliath ;  but  this 
term  would  naturally  have  different  meanings  as 
used  by  the  young  man  in  ch.  xvi.  and  by  Saul 
here,  and  moreover  the  contrast  here  rather  rather 
refers  to  the  ages  of  the  two  antagonists.  David 
might  seem  to  Saul's  retainer  a  brilliant  young 
"  warrior,"  and  yet  as  a  .stripling  seem  to  Saul  un- 
able to  cope  with  this  experienced  "  warrior." — 
Tb,.]— Ver.  34  sq.  To  this  remark  of  Saul  David, 
in  order  to  show  his  courage  and  strength,  replies 
by  narrating  a  victorious  combat  with  a  lion  and 
a  bear,  which  he  had  while  keeping  his  father's 
flocks.  The  Art.  [omitted  in  ver.  34  in  Eng. 
A.  v.— Te.]  before  " lim"  and  "bear"  is  better 
undei-stood  as  representing  David's  immediate 
view  of  the  animals  in  his  description  [the  lion 
which  I  now  in  imagination  see  before  me],  than 
a.s  pointing  them  out  as  the  well-known  animals.* 
(nx  before  3nn  is  sign  of  the  Ace,  Ew.  ?  277  d, 

*  [On  the  varieties  of  lion  and  bear  found  in  Palestine 
anciently  and  now,  see  the  Arts,  in  Smith's  jBi6.-i>ic(.- 
Tn.] 


CHAP.  XVII.  1-54. 


233 


Bottcher:  "As  nx  before  the  ^ominofise  is  always 
either  limiting  or  emphasizing  (Jer.  xlv.  4; 
xxxviii.  16  Keth. ;  Ezek.  xliv.  3  cd.),  the  form 
'amd  ■what  the  bear  was'  very  naturally  ex- 
presses the  sense  'amd  even  the  bear;'  for  the 
black,  ugly  bear  seemed  to  the  Hebrew  still  more 
dreadful  than  the  noble  lion,  and  stands  after  the 
latter  in  a  climax  (Hos.  xiii.  7  sq. ;  Am.  v.  19; 
Prov.  xxviii.  15 ;  Sir.  xlvii.  3)."  Comp.  2  Sam. 
xvii.  8,  where  special  strength  and  courage  are 
ascribed  to  the  bear. — HT  ig  clerical  error  for  niJ.j 
As  we  cannot  suppose  that  the  two  animals  united 
in  a  robbery,  David  must  be  regarded  as  here 
combining  two  combats,  one  with  a  lion,  the  other 
with  a  bear.  The  constant  u.se  of  the  singular 
sufSx  (ver.  35),  which  with  two  subjects  is  sur- 
prising, is  not  to  be  explained  (Keil)  by  sup- 
posing that  David  here  combines  the  two  exploits, 
"  killed  the  one  beast  and  the  other ;"  for  not  only 
does  the  "beard"  not  suit  the  bear,  but  the  im- 
pression made  on  us  by  the  narrator  is  that  he  is 
thinking  of  one  animal,  not  of  two.  It  is  better 
to  understand  ver.  35  of  the  lion,  since  he  is  first 
named  in  ver.  34,  and  the  following  statement 
suits  him  only.  Against  this  cannot  be  urged 
the  impropriety  of  speaking  of  a  lion's  beard,  for 
the  ancients  frequently  mention  it,  Hom.  11., 
15,275;  17,109;  Mart.  x.  9.  Thus  in  the  words 
"tiiere  came  the  lion  and  the  bear,"  there  is  a 
vivid  description  of  David's  killing  the  lion,  evi- 
dently with  his  shepherd's  staff.  See  2  Sam.  xxiii. 
20,  where  it  is  related  of  Benaiah,  a  captain  of 
David's,  that  he  killed  a  lion  in  a  pit.  On  the 
fact  that  lions  are  killed  with  sticks  by  the  Arabs 
see  Thevenot,  Voyage  de  Levante,  II.,  13.  Comp. 
Eosenm.,  JBibl.  Thierreich,  p.  132.*  Ver.  36. 
Here  David  first  says  expressly  that  he  slew  both 
beasts.  He  expresses  his  confident  conmction  that 
he  will  likewise  slay  the  Philistine.  "  The  Philis- 
tines, this  unoircumcised,  shall  be  as  one  of  them." 
But  at  the  same  time  he  grounds  ("  seeing  that") 
this  conviction  and  certainty  of  victory  on  Goliath's 
vnckedness,  his  defiance  of  the  ranks  of  the  living 
God,  wherein  we  again  see  David's  strong  and 
clear  consciousness  of  the  theocratic  significance 
of  this  battle  between  the  Philistines  and  the 
Israelites,  whose  covenant-God  is  contemned  in  His 
people  and  their  army,  and  who  therefore  cannot 
abandon  His  people's  cause,  which  is  His  own.-^ 
Ver.  37.  David  again  declares  the  ground  of  his 
confidence  that  he  will  conquer  Goliath,  namely, 
his  trust  in  the  mighty  help  of  the  Lord,  which 
he  founds  on  his  experience  of  that  help  in  the 
combat  with  the  lion  and  the  bear.  The  expe- 
rience of  the  i/ord's  help  is  the  foundation  of 
hope  for  new  help. — Saul  accordingly  permits 
him  to  go  to  the  fight,  and  assures  him  that  the 
Lord  will  be  with  him. — Ver.  38  sq.  "His  gar- 
ments" (^'''^5)  can  from  this  connection  mean  only 
garments  which  pertained  to  warlike  equipment 
(iviii.  4),  over  which  the  sword  was  girded. — 
Ver.  39.  That  David  puts  on  Saul's  armor  shows 
that  he  was  of  about  the  same  stature  with  him. 
[Not  necessarily,  since  the  armor  may  have  been 
capable  of  change  of  size  by  tightening. — Tb.] 

*  [See  Boohart,  Bierroz.  III.,  cap.  IV.,  who  renders  "the 
lion  or  the  bear,"  and  .'lo  refers  the  exploit  to  either, 
which  seems  better.  "  Beard  "  may  be  used  in  a  general 
way  for  "  chin."    See  "  Text,  and  Grammat."— Tb.] 


David  cannot  go,  he  says,  in  these  garments,  not 
because  tliey  are  too  large,  but  because  he  is  not 
accustomed  to  them.  He  sees  that  they  would 
only  hinder  him  in  the  fight,  and  lays  them  ofi^ — 
Ver.  40.  He  exchanges  the  armor  for  his  shep- 
herd's implements,  staff  and  sling.  The  latter 
was  as  necessary  to  the  shepherds  as  the  former, 
in  order  to  keep  off  the  wild  beasts.  David  must 
therefore  have  been  well-practiced  in  its  use. — 
See  an  example  of  skill  with  the  sling  among  the 
Benjamiuites,  Judg.  xx.  16.  So  he  advanced 
against  the  Philistine. 

Vers.  41-54.  David's  victory  over  Goliath. 

Ver.  41.  The  mutual  approach  of  David  and 
Goliath  is  here  again  described  in  a  very  lively 
manner:  Goliath  dre'W  nearer  and  nearer  to 
David,  in  consequence  of  David's  approach  to  him 
(ver.  42).  V.  42.  As  he  comes  nearer  Goliath  looks 
more  closely  at  David  and  despises  him,  seeing 
in  him  not  a  warrior,  but  a  pretty  youth.  This 
account  tallies  exactly  with  xvi.  12. — Ver.  43  sq. 
The  Sept.  reads :  "  Am  I  as  a  dog,  that  thou  comest 
against  me  with  sta^and  stones?  and  David  said. 
Nay,  but  worse  than  a  dog."  The  Plu.  "staves" 
seemed  to  them  strange,  and  was  therefore  changed 
info  the  Sing.,  and  this  occasioned  the  additional 
words.  It  stands,  as  Keil  observes,  "  in  scornful 
exaggeration  of  what  seemed  to  the  Philistine  the 
wholly  unsuitable  armor  of  David."  The  words : 
"  worse  than  a  dog,"  do  not  suit  David's  charac- 
ter ;  they  would  be  excessive  abuse.  The  Philis- 
tine's word :  "  am  I  a  dog  f"  sets  forth  his  feeling 
of  insult  at  David's  coming  against  him  with  a 
staff,  which  was  ordinarily  employed  not  against 
men,  but  against  beasts.  And  the  Philistine 
cursed  David  by  his  god.  Here  is  shown 
the  innermost  contrast  which  comes  into  play  in 
the  battle  between  Israelites  and  Philistines :  the 
contrast  between  the  living  God  and  His  people 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  idolatrous,  antitheo- 
cratic  world  on  the  other.  Similar  are  the  scorn- 
ful defiances  which  warriors  of  antiquity  mutually 
gave  at  the  beginning  of  a  combat. — On  ver.  44 
comp.  Ezek.  xxix.  5. — Ver.  45  sq.  David's  answer  to 
Goliath's  reproaches  contains  in  an  advancing 
line  of  thought  the  most  important  elements  of 
his  character :  1)  he  expresses  most  sharply  that 
contrast  between  their  two  stand-points  in  their 
religious-moral  aspect :  Thou  comest  to  me  rely- 
ing on  thine  own  strength  and  thy  powerful  ar- 
mor, but  I  come  to  thee  in  the  name  of 
Jehovah  Sabaoth,  the  God  of  the  ranks 
of  Israel,  whom  thou  hast  defied.  The 
name  of  the  Lord  is  for  David  the  totality  of  all 
the  revelations  by  which  the  living  God  has 
made  Himself  known  and  named  among  His 
people.  Of  these  elements,  which  form  the  con- 
ception of  the  name  of  God,  he  here,  suitably  to 
the  sihiation,  adduces  those  which  characterize 
Him  in  respect  to  His  warlike  and  ruling  power 
as  Captain  and  Conqueror  of  His  people  (Ps.  xxiv. 
10).  The  words,  whom  thou  hast  defied,"  form 
the  factual  ground  of  David's  second  declaration, 
ver.  46 :  The  Lord  will,  because  I  come  against 
thee  in  His  name,  give  thee  into  mine  band, 
&c.  David  expresses  his  certainty  of  victory, 
but  at  the  same  time  afiirms  that  it  will  be_ God's 
deed.  Triumphal  heroic  courage  before  victory, 
and  humble  bowing  before  God  as  the  bestower 
of  victory  are  here  united  in  David.     The  ren- 


234 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


dering  of  the  Sept. :  thy  corpse  and  the  corpses  (of 
the  army,  &c.)  is  no  doubt  occasioned  by  the 
strangeness  of  the  Sing.  [Eng.  A.  V.  has  Plu. 
"carcasses."  See  Text,  and  Gramm.— Tr.] . 
"  Corpse"  (1.J3)  is  to  be  taken  collectively.— 3) 
By  the  help  which  God  the  Lord  will  grant  His 
people  in  this  victory,  all  the  world  will  know  that 
Israel  has  a  God,  not:  "that  God  is  for  Israel." 
The  sense  is :  The  other  nations  will  learn  that 
God  does  not  suffer  Himself  to  be  mocked  in  His 
people,  but  as  their  covenant-God  helpfully  and 
mightily  espouses  their  cause. — Ver.  47.  4)  To- 
gether with  the  knmledge,  which  reaches  beyond 
Israel  to  the  heathen  nations,  that  Israel  has  a  pro- 
tecting and  saving  God,  for  Israel  themselves 
(here  called  "  all  this  assembly  ")  the  blessing  of 
this  not  doubtful  victory  will  be,  that  they  shall 
know  that  the  Lord  needs  not  external  mighty  means, 
as  sword  and  spear,  for  His  help ;  for  His  is  the 
battle,  by  His  almighty  will  the  issue  of  the  battle 
is  determined  in  His  people's  favor,  arms  of  war 
do  not  secure  His  help,  but  His  power  alone  se- 
cures success,  even  when  not  those  arms  but 
seemingly  feeble  means  are  employed.  He 
gives  the  enemy  into  the  hand  of  His  people. — 
Ver.  48  sq.  Ooliath's  approach  to  David  at  the 
beginning  of  the  combat  is  minutely  and  vividly 
described;  as  well  as  David! s  preparation  for  the 
battle,  and  its  speedy  termination.  David's  un- 
broken courage  is  made  more  evident  by  the  re- 
mark that  he  went  "  toward  the  line"  to  meet  the 
Philistine.  The  stone  flung  from  the  sling  reached 
Goliath's  forehead.  The  addition  in  the  Sept. 
"  through  the  helm,"  is  a  superfluous  interpretation. 
If  his  forehead  and  face  were  covered  by  the  front 
of  the  helm,  the  stone  might  indeed  penetrate 
through  the  latter.  But  it  may  also  be  supposed 
that  Goliath,  confident  of  victory,  advanced 
against  the  despised  shepherd-lad  with  uncovered 
forehead.  Comp.  W.  Vischer,  Antike  Schleuder- 
geschosse  [Ancient  Slings],  Basel,  1866,  p.  5,  where 
he  speaks  of  slingers  who  could  hit  the  part  of 
the  enemy's  face  at  which  they  aimed. — Ver.  50 
sq.  expressly  declares  the  superiority  of  David 
over  Goliath  with  sling  and  stone,  in  accordance 
with  David's  words,  ver.  47,  that  victory  is  not 
determined  by  strength  of  warlike  arms.  To  this 
refers  also  the  added  statement,  "  David  had  no 
sword  in  his  hand,"  which  is  at  the  same  time  the 
reason  for  the  following  statement,  namely,  the 
slaying  of  the  giant  with  his  own  sword,  with 
which  David  cut  off  his  head.  After  the  fall  of 
Goliath  the  terrified  Philistines  take  to  flight, 
without  trying  a  battle.  The  Israelites  raised  the 
battle-cry,  and  pursued  them. — Ver.  52.  The  text 
reads:  ^' up  to  a  ravine."  This  gives  no  good  sense, 
since  the  ravine  between  the  two  armies  cannot 
be  meant,  nor  can  we  suppose  such  an  indefinite 
locality,  the  word  not  having  the  Article.  As 
Gath  and  Ekron  are  afterwards  named  as  the 
limit  of  the  pursuit,  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that 
here  4<]J  ["ravine"]  stands  by  error  for  HJ  [Gath]. 
D").J^Ef  '^?!?.?  is  usually  understood  of  a  city,  Shaor 
rim:  "on  the  road  as  far  as  Shaarim.''  Thenius' 
objection,  that  no  such  city  is  mentioned  else- 
where, is  not  tenable,  for  see  Josh.  xv.  3^.  The- 
nius renders  after  the  Sept.  "  in  the  way  of  the 
fates,"  understanding  by  this  the  whole  space 
etween  the  ovUr  and  inner  gate,  since  city  gates 


were  in  the  form  of  a  building,  enclosing  a  space, 
and  so  had  two  doors  (2  Sam.  xviii.  24) ;  against 
which  is  partly  the  absence  of  the  Art.,  partly  the 
double  1^,  "  up  to,"  as  the  sign  of  direction  and 
progress.  According  to  the  usual  viewthe  Phi- 
listines fled  along  the  road  from  Shaarim  partly 
towards  Gath,  partly  towards  Ekron,  and  many 
of  them  were  slain.  "  This  direction  of  the  flight 
resulted  from  the  nature  of  the  country.  The 
Wady  Sumt,  where  the  combat  took  place,  passes 
northward  from  Socoh,  turns  after  two  or  three 
miles  westward  by  the  village  Sakarieh  (D'Tja', 
Sept.  Josh.  XV.  36,  J,aKapifi),  emptying  into  the  War' 
dy  Simchim ;  about  a  mile  from  this  is  the  village 
of  Ajiur,  which  is  held  to  be  ancient  Gath  (Bob.  II. 
606-8  (Am.  Ed.,  II.,  66,  67) ;  Bitter,  XVI.,  91), 
and  so  the  Philistines  fled  through  the  valley  that 
Bobinson  also  traversed  in  his  excursion  from 
Jerusalem  to  Gath.*  Another  portion  of  the 
Philistines  remained  in  Wady  Sumt  and  fled 
northward,  where  the  Wady  Sumt  takes  the  name 
W^ady  Surar,  in  which  lies  the  present  city  Akir." 
Stahelin,  Das  Leben  David's,  p.  7  sq. — Ver.  53. 
From  this  hot  pursuit  of  the  Philistines  up  to 
their  cities  the  Israelites  turned  back  to  spoil  the 
enemy's  camp. — Ver.  54.  David  carried  Goliath's 
head  to  Jerusalem.  ThLs  is  no  anachronism,  since 
only  the  fortress  of  Jebus  on  mount  Zion  was  then 
in  the  hands  of  the  Jebusites,  the  city  Jerusalem 
being  already  in  possession  of  the  Israelites  ( Jash. 
XV.  63;  Judg.  i.  21).  But  why  should  not  this 
city  be  selected  as  the  place  of  deposit  of  this 
trophy,  since  it  was  the  nearest  to  the  field  of 
battle?    Goliath's  arms,  on  the  contrary,  he  put 

into  his  dwelling.  /HX  [usually  =  "  tent,"  as  in 
Eng.  A.  V. — Tk.]  is  the  ancient  word  for  dwdling, 
as  in  iv.  10;  xiii.  2;  2  Sam.  xviii.  17  ;  xix.  8;  xx. 
1,  and  here  the  old  homestead  in  Bethlehem  is 
meant.  It  is  no  contradiction  that  we  afterwards 
(xxi.  9)  find  the  sword  of  Goliath  in  the  sanctuary 
at  Nob  ;  for  meantime  it  might  have  been  carried 
thither  to  be  permanently  kept  as  sign  of  the  vic- 
tory granted  Israel  by  the  Lord  over  their  old 
hereditary  enemy. 

HISTOEICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  David  and  Ooliath,  with  the  two  armies,  re- 
present the  immediate  contrast  of  the  godly  and 
antigodly  life,  of  the  Theocracy  and  the  Anti- 
theocracy  within  the  world;  on  one  side  the  sincere 
humility,  which  bows  beneath  the  hand  of  the 
living  God,  will  be  only  His  instrument,  only 
seeks  His  honor,  only  strives  after  the  ends  of 
His  kingdom,  and  is  therefore  By  God  highly 
exalted — on  the  other  side  the  pride  and  arro- 
gance, which  boldly  lifts  itself  above  everything 
divine,  puts  it«  trust  only  in  earthly  human  power, 
pursues  God's  kingdom  and  honor  with  scorn  and 
contempt,  stands  up  perpetually  against  God's 
people  to  oppress  them,  but  is  at  last  cast  down 
and  judged  by  the  Lord. 

[At  the  end  of  the  Psalter  the  Sept.  has  an  addi- 
tional Psalm  referring  to  this  combat,  as  follows: 
"  This  is  the  autographic  (though  supernumerary) 
Psalm  of  David,  composed  when  he  had  the  sin- 
gle combat  with  Goliath.     I  was  little  among  my 


•  [Robinson  declines  to  fix  Gath ;  Mr.  J.  L.  Porter  (in 
Smito's  Bib.-Sict.)  places  it  on  the  Tel-es-Safleh.— Te.] 


CHAP.  XVII.  1-54. 


235 


biethren,  and  youngest  in  the  house  of  my  father. 
I  kept  my  father's  sheep,  my  hands  made  an  or- 
gan, my  fingers  joined  together  a  psaltery,  and 
who  will  tell  it  to  my  lord?  He  is  the  Lord,  He 
heareth.  He  sent  His  messenger  and  took  me 
from  the  sheep  of  my  father,  and  anointed  me 
with  the  oil  of  His  anointing.  My  brethren  were 
handsome  and  tall,  and  the  Lord  was  not  well 
pleased  with  them.  I  went  forth  to  meet  the 
Philistine,  and  he  cursed  me  by  his  idols ;  and  I 
drew  his  sword  from  his  side,  and  beheaded  him, 
and  took  away  reproach  from  the  children  of 
Israel." 

This  is  certainly  not  genuine  (it  is  given  also 
in  the  Syriac,  Arabic,  and  .Ethiopic  versions), 
but  it  sets  forth  the  religious-theocratic  spirit 
with  which  David  viewed  the  conflict.  We  might 
have  expected  that  David  would  thus  celebrate 
his  victory;  but  there  is  no  trace  in  the  Heb.  of 
such  a  Psalm. — Tb.] 

2.  David  and  Eliai  represent  vriihin  the  people 
of  Ood  the  contrast  between  the  disposition  which 
looks  above  to  the  honor  and  the  ends  of  the  living 
God,  and  that  which  looks  to  earthly  possession 
and  earthly-worldly  interests,  which  is  not  capa- 
ble of  recognising  ideal  moral  motives  in  others, 
but  judging  by  itself,  ascribes  to  them  only  low 
and  selfish  aims.  Selfishness,  passionately  roused 
by  envy  and  jealousy,  hinders  a  just  judgment  of 
the  bearing  and  conduct  of  brethren,  and  leads  to 
wicked  accusation  against  them. 

3.  He  alone  can  perform  great  things  for  the 
kingdom  of  God  in  its  conflict  with  the  hostile 
world,  who  like  David  1)  resists  and  overcomes 
himself  and  shows  true  manly  courage  in  pa- 
tiently bearing  the  injustice  of  misunderstanding 
and  calumniation,  and  not  repaying  evil  with 
evil ;  2)  is  filled  with  the  fire  of  holy  anger  against 
ungodliness  and  sin,  and  of  holy  enthusiasm  for 
the  cause  and  honor  of  the  Lord ;  3)  expects  not 
victory  from  his  own  strength  and  human  might, 
but  trusts  in  the  Lord  alone. 

4.  That  the  wcyrld  hostile  to  God's  kingdom  can 
long  unpunished  visit  its  scorn  on  the  truth  of  the 
eternal  and  living  God,  is  commonly  a  result  of 
the  inner  weakness,  disorder,  and  timidity  of  the 
members  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  When,  there- 
fore, there  arises  a  man  from  their  midst  who  with 
mighty  word  and  deed  encounters  and  conquers 
the  foe,  this  is  a  direct  interposition  of  God's 
hand  in  the  development  of  His  kingdom,  and 
such  a  man  is  His  chosen  instrument  for  the  cast- 
ing down  of  the  haughty  worldly  powers,  and  for 
a  new  gathering  together  and  elevation  of  His 
people. 

5.  Those  men  of  God,  who  contend  for  the  honor 
and  cause  of  the  Lord  and  His  kingdom  on  earth, 
are,  in  unshakable  reliance  on  Him,  sure  of  their 
victory  precisely  because  they  have  not  their  own 
honor  in  view,  and  do  not  set  their  hope  on  human- 
earthly  might.  As  their  trust  in  their  own  strength 
vanishes,  their  trust  in  the  Lord's  help  increases, 
which  is  not  dependent  on  anything  creaturely. 
A  life  hidden  in  God  is  the  source  of  the  most 
courageous  testimony  and  the  greatest  prow&ss, 
and  in  the  name  of  God  opposes  the  most  inimi- 
cal powers  of  this  world,  joyously  certain  of  the 
victory  of  the  Lord's  cause  and  of  the  ends  of  his 
kingdom. 


See  further    the  remarks  in  the  Exegetical 
Exposition. 

HOMILETIOAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

[Ver.  10.  Scott:  Degenerate  professors  of 
religion  often  receive  just  rebukes  ii-om  most 
decided  enemies.  ...  In  human  accomplish- 
ments the  opposers  of  the  truth  of  God  have  fre- 
quently possessed  an  undisputed  superiority; 
confiding  in  this,  they  have  defied,  and  still  do 
defy,  the  advocates  of  spiritual  truth  to  engage 
with  them ;  and  they  dream  of  a  total  and  decided 
victory.— Tr.]— Ver.  14  sqq.  Schliek:  David 
is  acquainted  with  the  Fourth  Commandment, 
and  knows  that  for  him  God's  way  always  goes 
in  God's  commandment.  No  one  has  blessing 
and  success  in  life  who  has  not  in  youth  learned 
obedience.— Ver.  16.  Lange:  Without  a  divine 
call  one  should  not  go  into  the  peril  of  conflict. — 
[This  remark  seems  inappropriate  here.  The 
Israelites  had  every  call  of  patriotism  and  honor, 
but  they  did  not  heed.— Tb.]— Schmer:  They 
are  the  best  rulers,  in  great  things  as  in  small, 
who  have  first  themselves  learned  to  hearken 
and  serve.  The  best  training  for  command  is 
obedience. —  ["  Forty  days."  Two  pictures,  every 
morning  and  evening:  the  giant  and  boastful 
warrior,  with  huge  weapons,  stalking  forth  and 
defying  Jehovah  and  His  people — and  ten  miles 
away  the  quiet  youth,  tending  his  sheep,  bearing 
crook  and  sling  and  harp,  trusting  Jehovah,  and 
all  unconscious  of  his  splendid  destiny. — Ver.  20. 
Hall  :  If  his  father's  command  dismiss  him,  yet 
will  he  stay  till  he  have  trusted  his  sheep  with  a 
careful  keeper.  We  cannot  be  faithful  shepherds, 
if  our  spiritual  charge  be  less  dear  unto  us ;  if, 
when  necessity  calls  us  from  our  flocks,  we  de- 
pute not  those  who  are  vigilant  and  conscionable. 
— Tr.] — Ver.  22.  Schmid  :  Often  is  that  which 
to  man  appears  thoughtless  and  rash,  a  work  of 
the  special  Providence  of  God.  So  we  must  not 
be  over-hasty  in  judging. 

Ver.  23.  Stabkb:  To  revile  and  talk  big  is 
the  manner  of  Satan  and  all  his  comrades.  Ps. 
Ixxiii.  8.  O  man,  guard  against  it. — To  pious 
souls  nothing  is  more  painful  than  when  they  are 
compelled  to  hear  the  ungodly  revile  God.  Ps.  x. 
1  sq. — [Ver.  24.  Taylor:  Which  of  us  is  not 
sometimes  brought  almost  to  a  stand-still,  when 
he  surveys  the  ignorance,  infidelity,  intemperance 
and  licentiousness  by  which  we  are  surrounded  ? 
It  seems  to  us,  in  moments  of  depression,  as  if 
these  evils  were  stalking  forth  defiantly  before 
the  armies  of  the  living  God,  and  laughing  them, 
Goliath-like,  to  scorn ;  and  our  courage  is  apt  to 
cool  as  we  contemplate  this  show  of  force.  But 
we  must  not  allow  these  feelings  to  prevail.  The 
God  of  David  liveth,  and  He  will  still  give  us 
success.— Tr.]— Ver.  20.  Hall:  While  base 
hearts  are  moved  by  example,  the  want  of  exam- 
ple is  encouragement  enough  for  an  heroical 
mind.  See  ver.  23. — ^Ver.  28.  Osiandeb:  See 
what  envy  does :  how  hateful  it  makes  pious  peo- 
ple, and  how  it  is  wont  to  excite  bitter  hate  and 
aversion  among  brethren  1  Prov.  xiv.  30. — 
Schmid:  Wrath  and  envy  interpret  everything 
in  the  worse  sense,  however  good  it  may  be  in 
itself. — Hall  :  There  is  no  enemy  so  ready  or  so 
spiteful  as  the  domestical. — [Scott  :  In  times  of 


236 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


general  formality  and  lukewarmne8s,  every,  de- 
gree of  zeal  which  implies  a  readiness  to  go  fur- 
ther, or  venture  more  in  the  cause  of  God,  than 
others  do,  will  be  censured  as  pride  and  ambition ; 
and  by  none  more  than  near  relations  and  negli- 
gent superiors:  and  such  censures  will  seldom 
be  unmingled  with  unjust  insinuations,  slanders 
and  attempts  to  blacken  a  man's  character. — 
Tb.] 

Ver.  29.  StAEKB:  We  must  not  be  turned 
away  from  the  execution  of  the  divine  will  by 
bad  or  by  good  words,  by  favor  or  by  disfavor. 
— Hall:  He  is  fitted  to  be  God's  champion, 
that  hath  learned  to  be  victor  of  himself. — 
[Taylor  :  When  we  are  assailed  in  our  home, 
or  beyond  it,  with  scorn  and  derision,  let 
us  remember  that  our  real  conflict  in  such  a 
case  is  not  with  the  acorner,  but  with  ourselves. 
Let  our  effort  be  put  forth  not  to  silence  him,  but 
to  control  ourselves,  and  then  we  shall  succeed  in 
obtaining  a  victory  over  both. — Tb.] — Ver.  30: 
ScHLiER :  If  you  wish  to  show  manly  spirit,  con- 
quer yourself;  if  you  wish  to  be  brave,  subdue 
your  wrath,  and  learn  to  curb  yourself;  if  you 
wish  to  do  great  deeds,  show  it  in  little  things, 
show  it  in  the  duties  of  common  life,  show  it  in 
the  things  which  the  world  counts  for  little,  but 
which  are  highly  esteemed  in  the  sight  of  God. — 
Beel.  Bible  :  David  troubles  himself  little  as  to 
whether  he  is  praised  or  blamed,  if  only  God  is 
glorified  through  him. — [Hall:  He  whom  the 
regard  of  others'  envy  can  dismay,  shall  never  do 
ought  worthy  of  envy.  Never  man  undertook 
any  exploit  of  worth,  and  received  not  some  dis- 
couragement in  the  way. — Tr.] — Ver.  32.  Cra- 
mer :  In  need  and  peril  one  should  look  not  alone 
to  his  weakness  and  the  greatness  of  the  peril,  but 
to  God  the  Almighty  (2  Chron.  xx.  12;  2  Kings 
xix.  14). — Calvin  :  God  often  works  in  an  ex- 
traordinary manner  in  those  who  undertake  a 
great  and  glorious  work.  We  must  therefore 
carefully  distinguish  the  general  and  ordinary 
powers  of  the  faithful  servants  of  God  from  their 
special  and  extraordinary  gifts.  When,  there- 
fore, we  undertake  to  do  something  great  and  dif- 
ficult, we  should  earnestly  prove  ourselves  as  to 
whether  our  powers  suffice  for  it,  and  whether  we 
trace  in  ourselves  the  movement  and  impulse  of 
divine  power,  through  which  alone  there  is  pro- 
mised us  a  happy  result.— [Ver.  33.  Hall:  Da- 
vid's greatest  conflict  is  with  his  friends:  the 
overcoming  of  their  dissensions,  that  he  might 
fight,  was  more  work  than  to  overcome  the  enemy 
in  fighting. — Tb.] 

Ver.  34.  J.  Lange:  Temptations,  when  they  are 
rightly  regarded  and  directed,  serve  to  strengthen 
onr  joy  of  faith  (Bom.  viii.  35  sq.). — Ver.  36. 
Cramer  :  When  God  has  once  given  us  help  we 
must  always  remember  it,  and  encourage  ourselves 
therewith  for  the  future  (2  Cor.  i.  8;  2  Tim.  iv. 
16). — Berl.  Bible  :  In  this  way  are  the  saints 
accustomed  to  strengthen  and  increase  their  faith 
through  their  experience;  and  so  must  we  also 
learn  to  do  (2  Cor.  i.  10). — Calvin:  On  the  mani- 
festations of  God's  grace  which  we  have  received 
we  should  build  our  hope  for  the  future;  for  God 
is  always  like  Himself,  and  His  almightiness  con- 
stantly the  same,  and  those  who  call  on  Him  He 
is  always  ready  to  help.— Osiandeb  :  He  who  re- 
proaches God's  people,  reproaches  God  Himself. — 


Ver.  37.  Starke  :  God  often  produces  the  greatest 
things  by  trifling,  and  to  outward  appearance  con- 
temptible means  and  instruments.— Calvin  :  Da- 
vid goes  not  into  the  conflict  clothed  with  human 
armor,  but  persists  iu  the  confidence  firmly  rooted 
in  his  soul,  that  God  will  without  human  equip- 
ment give  him  the  victory  over  death.     For  Gotrs 
power  and  strength  needs  no  human  means ;  it  is 
sufficient  unto  itself,  and  need  borrow  nothing 
elsewhere. — Berl.  Bible  :  He  who  wishes  to  as- 
sure himself  of  victory  must  throw  away  such 
weapons,  and  fight  with  the  pure  and  simple  word 
of  God. — [Hall  :  It  is  not  to  be  inquired  how  ex- 
cellent anything  is,  but  how  proper.     Those  things 
which  are  helps  to  some,  may  be  incumbrances  to 
others.     An  unmeet  good  may  be  as  inconvenient 
as  an  accustomed  evil. — Vers.  39,  40.   David's 
weapons  were  really  best  suited  to  his  under- 
taking.    With  heavy  armor  he  would  have  been 
no  match  at  aU  for  the  giant ;  but  lightly  armed, 
he  could  keep  at  a  distance  and  might  destroy 
him  with  his  missiles.     "Fight  the  devil  with 
fire,"  is  a  very  foolish  proverb,  for  with  that 
weapon  he  will  assuredly  beat  us.     In  like  man- 
ner some  imperfectly  educated  preachers  attempt 
to  meet  the  skepticism  of  the  day  by  preaching 
about  "Science,"  "Philosophy,"  or  "Criticism," 
when  they  might  accomplish  greatly  more  by 
speaking  of  tho.se  experimental  and  practical  sub- 
jects which  they  know  how  to  handle. — Te.] 

Ver.  42  sqq.  Schmid:  He  who  despises  his 
enemy  before  he  has  tried  him,  acts  very  unrea- 
sonably.— Cramer:  An  undeserved  curse  does 
not  stick  (Matt.  v.  11).— Beel.  Bible:  The  world 
always  despises  believers  as  a  worthle.ss,  unarmed 
mass,  not  at  all  furnished  with  carnal  power. — 
Simple  souls  have  no  other  weapons  than  the 
cross  and  tranquillity.  Therefore  are  they  de- 
spised by  haughty  men. — Ver.  44.  Staekb: 
Cur.sing  and  big  talk  are  the  proper  work  of  god- 
less people.  Seldom  ever  was  there  a  good  end 
of  ostentation.  Presumption  is  at  once  the  pre- 
sage and  cause  of  ruin  [from  Hall]. — Schmid: 
God  requites  to  the  godless  upon  their  own  head 
the  evil  which  they  threaten  and  seek  to  carry 
out  against  the  pious.  Ps.  vii.  17  [16] ;  cxl.  10 
[9]. — Ver.  45  sqq. — Schmid:  Against  God  no 
weapons  avail,  no  strength,  yea,  not  the  whole 
world. — Starke:  There  is  no  better  fighting  than 
under  the  shield  of  the  Almighty  (Ps.  cxl.  1  sq.) 
—Berl.  Bible:  The  shield  that  covers  me  is 
faith,  my  sword  is  the  strength  of  God,  in  which 
I  have  put  all  my  confidence ;  my  spear  is  the 
entire  freedom  from  all  selfhood,  so  that  I  seek 
no  other  interest  than  that  of  God.  In  such  equip- 
ment, namely  in  entire  self-devotion,  as  I  do  not 
trouble  myself  about  the  result,  I  venture  all  I 
am  and  have.  [Maurice  :  In  this  story  every- 
thing is  said  to  make  us  feel  the  feeblene.ss  of  the 
Israelitish  champion;  everything  to  remind  ns 
that  the  nation  of  Israel  was  the  witness  for  the 
nothingness  of  man  in  himself,  for  the  might  of 
nian  when  he  knows  that  he  is  nothing,  and  puts 
his  trust  in  the  living  God.  .  .  .  And  this  is  the 
sense  which  human  beings  want  now  as  in  times 
of  old.  ...  To  disbelieve  this  is  to  fall  down  and 
worship  brute  force,  to  declare  that  to  be  the  Lord, 
How  soon  we  may  come  through  our  refinements, 
our  civilization,  our  mock  hero-worship,  to  that 
la-st  and  most  shameful  prostration  of  the  human 


CHAP.  XVII.  1-54. 


237 


spirit,  God  only  knows. — Tr.] — Ver.  46.  Calvin  : 
God's  action  is  of  such  a  kind  that  by  His  great 
deeds  He  draws  all  to  wonder,  and  constrains  even 
godless,  scornful  men  to  bow  before  His  doing, 
and  against  their  will  to  confess  that  it  is  not  man's, 
but  God's  work. — Ver.  47.  Cbamee:  Where  hu- 
man help  gives  out,  divine  help  begins  again, 
that  the  honor  may  be  God's  (Judg.  vii.  2). 

Ch.  XVII.  1-50.  J.  Disselhoff:  The  first  send- 
ing of  the  anointed  one  otU  of  stillness  into  strife :  1 )  He 
does  not  seek  to  hurry  out  of  the  stillness  into  the 
peril  of  the  strife :  but  he  goes  with  confidence 
when  he  is  sent ;  2)  He  seeks  in  the  strife  not  his 
own  interest,  but  only  the  honor  of  his  Lord  and 
the  welfare  of  His  people ;  3)  His  only  weapon  is 
faith  in  the  living  God  and  His  cause,  and  this 
weapon  is  his  victory. — F.W.  Krtjmmacher  :  Da- 
vid  and  Goliath :  1)  Israel's  need,  and  2)  The  di- 
vine de6d  of  deliverance  through  David. 

Vers.  1-11.  The  deeime  conflict  between  thepeople 
of  Ood  and  the  world  which  is  hostile  to  Ood :  1)  The 
two  camps,  which  stand  over  against  each  other 
(vers.  1-3) ;  2)  The  weaponed  might  in  which  the 
enemy  comes  forth  to  challenge  the  host  of  Israel 
(4-8) ;  3)  The  decision  as  to  servitude  or  domi- 
nion, with  which  this  conflict  is  occupied  (9) ;  4) 
The  proving  which  the  people  of  God  have  to 
stand  in  presence  of  the  challenge  to  this  conflict 
(10,  11). 

Vers.  12-31.  Sow  the  Lord  leads  Sis  servants,  in 
order  to  prepare  them  for  the  victorious  conflict  for 
tiie  honor  of  Bis  name :  1)  Out  of  retirement  into 
the  stirring  life  of  the  world,  vers.  12,  13,  (comp. 
with  xvi.  17-23) ;  2)  Out  of  the  conflict-stirred 
world  into  the  stillness  (vers.  14,  15) ;  3)  Out  of 
the  stillness  into  the  conflict  of  the  world  (vers. 
17-31). 

Vers.  32-41.  The  brave  spirit  of  a  soldier  of  Ood 
over  against  the  might  of  the  enemy :  1)  Wherein 
it  shows  itself:  a)  In  the  strength  and  encmira^e- 
ment  with  which  it  can  lift  up  the  dejected  hearts 
of  otliers  (ver.  32  a) ;  b)  In  the  bold  resolution 
with  which  it  goes  to  meet  the  mighty  foe  in  con- 
flict notwithstanding  his  apparent  superiority 
(32  6) ;  c)  In  the  endurance  of  the  temptation 
and  assault  which  are  prepared  for  it  by  taking 
counsel  with  flesh  and  blood  (33) ;  2)  Whereon 
it  grmmds  itself:  o)  On  the  help  of  the  Lord 
already  experienced  in  victorious  conflict  (vers. 
34-36  o,  37) ;  b)  On  the  prize  of  the  conflict,  the 
hmor  of  the  Lord  (36  6) ;  c)  On  the  divine  equip- 
ment assumed  instead  of  carnal  weapons,  namely, 
the  power  of  the  Lord  (38-41). 


Vers.  42-54.  Faith  contendirtg  with  the  world  for 
the  honor  of  the  Lord :  1)  CaMed  forth  by  scoffing 
at  the  Lord's  honor  (42-44) ;  2)  Ready  for  conflict 
in  the  Lord's  name  (45) ;  3)  Sure  of  victory  in 
reliance  on  the  Lord's  help  (46-48) ;  4)  Cfrovmed 
with  victory  through  the  Lord's  might  (49-54). 

Vers.  42-47.  The  batde-cry  in  the  kingdom  of 
God:  "  The  battle  is  the  Lord's."  l)The  enemy 
is  the  enemy  of  the  Lord  and  of  His  kingdom 
42-44) ;  2)  The  armor  is  the  name  of  the  Lord 
(45) ;  3)  The  combatants  are  the  people  of  the 
Lord,  whom  He  acknowledges  as  His  possession 
(46) ;  4)  The  victory  is  the  gift  of  the  Lord,  unto 
the  honor  of  His  name  (47-54). 

Vers.  48-54.  The  defeats  which  are  prepared  for 
the  world  by  the  kingdom  of  Ood:  1)  Through  what 
sort  of  combatants  f  Through  such  as  a)  -like 
David  heroically  lead  the  van  of  God's  host  and 
decide  the  conflict  (ver.  48),  and  b)  such  as 
bravely  bring  wp  the  rear,  perseveringly  pursuing 
the  already-smitten  foe.  2)  With  what  sort  ^ 
weapons  f  a)  With  weapons  which  they  them- 
selves have  according  to  their  calling  through 
God's  grace  and  wield  in  reliance  on  God's  help 
(ver.  49),  and  6)  with  weapons  which  they  take 
from  the  foe,  in  order  to  give  him  the  finishing 
stroke  with  his  own  weapon  (50,  51).  3)  With 
what  sort  of  result?  a)  In  respect  to  the  foe: 
Annihilation  of  his  power  on  his  own  ground 
(52),  and  6)  in  respect^  the  booty,  rich  gains 
(53,  54). 

[Vers.  8-11.  "A  many  \)  Often  in  civil  and 
religious  conflicts  one  man  is  wanted  to  fight  the 
battles  of  his  brethren — the  need  of  the  hour  is  a 
man.  2)  Often  Providence  is  preparing  the  man, 
not  far  away — perhaps  no  one  would  now  dream 
that  he  is  the  man — his  pursuits  would  not  sug- 
gest it,  nor  the  character  he  has  thus  far  deve- 
loped— his  friends  do  not  know  what  is  in  him 
(xvi.  11 ;  xvU.  28) — the  enemy  may  despise  him 
at  his  first  appearance  (43,  44).  3)  Yet  looking 
back  one  can  always  see  that  there  was  no  acci- 
dent— that  he  had  the  suitable  combination  of 
native  qualities — and  that  his  pursuits  gave  the 
requisite  training. 

Vers.  28-30.  Bavid  amd  his  brother.  1)  The 
elder  brother  slow  to  recognize  that  his  younger 
brother  is  a  grown  man.  2)  The  unjust  judg- 
ment and  unmerited  public  rebuke.  3)  The 
young  man's  self-contained  and  conciliatory  reply. 
4)  His  quiet  perseverance  in  acting  out  the  sacred 
impulse  within  (ver.  80,  comp.  ver.  26). — Te.] 


238  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


ni.  The  Immediate  Consequmces  of  DavicHs  Exploit  in  Sespect  to  his  Sdation  to  Satd. 

David  at  the  Royal  Court;  his  Friendship  with  Jonathan;  Saul's  Hatred  toward* 
Him;  Saul's  Attempt  on  his  Iiife. 

Chapteb  XVII.  55— XVIII.  30. 

1.  David  at  the  Royal  Court. 

Chap.  XVII.  55-58. 

55  And*  when  Saul  saw  David  go  [going]  forth  against  the  Philistine,  he  said  unto 
Abner,  the  captain  of  his  host,  Abner  [pm.  Abner],  "Whose  son  is  this  youth?  [ins. 
Abner].    And  Abner  said.  As  thy  soul  liveth,  O  king,  I  cannot  tell  [do  not  know]. 

56,  57  And  the  king  said,  Inquire  thou  whose  son  the  stripling  is.  And  as  David 
returned  from  the  slaughter  of  the  Philistine,  Abner  took  him  and  brought  him 

58  before  Saul,  with  [and]  the  head  of  the  Philistine  [ins.  was]  in  his  hand.  And 
Saul  said  unto  him.  Whose  son  art  thou,  thou  [om.  thou]  young  man  ?  .  And  David 
answered  [said],  /  am  [om.  I  am]  the  [The]  son  of  thy  servant  Jesse  the  Bethle- 
hemite. 

2.  DavicCs  Friendship  with  Jonathan.     -He  is  made  General  of  the  Army. 
Chattes  XVIII.  1-5. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  had  made  an  end  of  speaking  unto  Saul,  that  the 
soul  of  Jonathan  was  knit  with  the  soul  of  David,  and  Jonathan  loved  him  as  his 

2  own  soul.    And  Saul  took  him  that  day,  and  would  let  him  no  more  go  home 

3  [would  not  let  him  return]  to  his  father's  house.   Then  [And]  Jonathan  and  David 

4  made  a  coveuant,  because  he*  loved  him  as  his  own  soul.  And  Jonathan  stripped 
himself  of  the  robe  that  was  upon  him,  and  gave  it  to  David,  and  his  garments 
[war-dress],  even  to  his  sword,  and  to  his  bow,  and  to  his  girdle. 

5  And  David  went  out  whithersoever  Saul  sent  him,  and  behaved  himself  wisely.' 
And  Saul  set  him  over  the  men  of  war,  and  he  was  accepted  in  the  sight  of  all  the 
people,  and  also  in  the  sight  of  Saul's  servants. 

3.  David  is  hcUed  by  King  Savl.    Vers.  6-16. 

6  And  it  came  to  pass  as  they  came,  when  David  was  [om.  was]  returned  from  the 
slaughter  of  the  Philistine,*  that  the  women  came  out  of  all  the  cities  of  Israel, 
singing  and  dancing,*  to  meet  King  Saul,  with  tabrets,  with  joy  and  with  instru- 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  65.  The  passage  xvii.  65— xviii.  6  is  omitted  by  Vai  Sept.,  but  by  no  other  annient  version.  Whether 
it  was  wanting  in  the  Heb.  MSS.  used  by  the  Alexandrian  translators,  or  omitted  by  them  to  avoid  an  apparent 
contradiction,  it  is  almost  impossible  with  onr  present  lights  to  decide.  We  do  not  know  what  MSS.  they  had. 
Erdmann  and  others  regard  tne  passa.ee  not  aa  an  interpolation,  but  as  an  account  taken  from  an  authority  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  xvi.  14-2.3,  and  irreconcilable  with  it.  For  a  proposed  reconciliation  see  Erdmann's  Introduc- 
tion and  Note  and  Remark  of  Translator  in  the  Exposition  following.— Tk.] 

2  [Ver.  3.  The  Sing.  pron.  is  due  to  the  fact  that  "  Jonathan "  is  the  real  subject  in  the  foregoing  clause. 

8  fVer.  5.  The  verb  73fe?  means  in  Hiph.  properly  "to  act  prudently ;"  but  there  is  sometimes  connected 

-T 

with  this  the  notion  of  success,  a.'  probably  throughont  this  chapter.    1  is  to  be  anpplied  before  the  verb.— Tii.] 

*  [Ver.  6.  Margin  of  Eng.  A.  V.  "Philistines,"  and  so  the  Arab.;  the  other  V8S.  have  the  Sing.,  which  is  to  he 
preferred  here,  though  the  return  at  the  end  of  the  campaign  is  meant,  because  the  slaying  of  Goliath  was  its 
most  prominent  event. — Tr.] 

»  [Ver.  6.  The  Heb.  is  difficult.  The  Sept.  has  merely;  "And  the  dancers  came  out  to  meet  David,"  de„ 
omitting  the  first  clause  perhaps  to  avoid  the  statement  that  David  excited  Saul'sjealousy  on  the  day  of  his 
combat  with  Goliath,  and  yet  was  afterwards  preferred  by  liim  to  places  of  honor.  This  difficulty  is  removed  if 
we  suppose  this  verse  to  refer  to  the  end  of  the  campaign  fPhilippsonl. — Chald.has  "to  praise  with  dances,"  Syr. 


CHAP.  XVII.  55— XVIII.  30.  239 

7  meuts  of  music  [triangles].     And  the  women  answered  one  another  as  they  played, 

8  and  said,  Saul  hath  slain  his  thousands,  and  David  his  ten  thousands.  And  Saul 
was  very  wroth,'  and  the  [this]  saying  displeased  him ;  and  he  said,  They  have 
ascribed  [given]  unto  David  ten  thousands,  and  to  me  they  have  ascribed  [given] 
but  thousands  ;  and  what  can  he  have  more  but  the  kingdom?  [there  remains  for 

9  him  only  the  kingdom.]"    And  Saul  eyed'  David  from  that  day  and  forward. 

10  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the  morrow  that  the  evil  spirit  from  God  came  upon 
Saul,  and  he  prophesied*  in  the  midst  of  the  house  ;  and  David  played  [was  play- 
ing] with  his  hand  as  at  other  times,  and  there  was  a  javelin  in  Saul's  hand  [and 

11  Saul's  javelin  was  in  his  hand].  And  Saul  cast'  the  javelin,  for  he  [and]  said,  I 
will  smite  David  even  to  [I  will  pin  David  to]  the  wall  with  it  lorn,  with  it].   And 

12  David  avoided  out  of  his  presence  [turned  away  from  him]  twice.  And  Saul  was 
afraid  of  David,  because  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  with  him,  and  was  departed  from 

13  Saul.     Therefore  [And]  Saul  removed  him  from  him,  and  made  him  his  [om.  his] 

14  captain  over  a  thousand ;  and  he  went  out  and  came  in  before  the  people.  And 
David  behaved  himself  wisely  in  all  his  ways,  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  with 

15  him.     Wherefore  when  [And]  Saul  saw  that  he  behaved  himself  very  wisely,  [ins. 

16  and]  he  was  afraid  of  him.  But, all  Israel  and  Judah  loved  David,  because  he 
went  out  and  came  in  before  them. 

4.  SauVs  Artful  Attempt  against  David! s  Life  in  the  Offer  of  Marriage  with  his  Daughter.  Vers.  17-30. 

17  And"  Saul  said  to  David,  Behold  my  elder  daughter  Merab,  her  will  I  give  thee 
to  wife ;  only  be  thou  valiant  for  me,  and  fight  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  battles. 
For  [And]  Saul  said.  Let  not  my  hand  be  upon  him,  but  let  the  hand  of  the  Phi- 

18  listines  be  upon  him.  And  David  said  unto  Saul,  Who  am  I?  and  what"  is  my 
life,  or  lorn,  or]  my  father's  family  in  Israel,  that  I  should  be  son-in-law  to  the 

19  king  ?  But  it  came  to  pass  at  the  time  when  Merab,  Saul's  daughter,  should  have 
been  given  to  David,  that  she  was  given  unto  Adriel,"  the  Meholathite,  to  wife. 

20  And  Michal,  Saul's  daughter,  loved  David ;  and  they  told  Saul,  and  the  thing 

21  pleased  him.  And  Saul  said,  I  will  give  him  her,  that  she  may  [and  she  shall]  be 
a  snare  to  him,  and  that  [om.  that]  the  hand  of  the  Philistines  may  [shall]  be 
against  him.  Wherefore  [And]  Saul  said  to  David  [ins.  the  second  time],'*  Thou 
shalt  this  day  be  my  son-in-law  in  the  one  of  the  twain  [om.  in  the  one  of  the  twain]. 

renders  the  second  word  "drums."  Wellhausen  proposes  to  substitute  (after  the  Sept.)  nnvinBn  for 
D'E/Sn.  According  to  Ew.,  2  339  o  we  may  translate :  "  for  song  and  dance ;"  but  this  is  di£Boult  here  on  account 
of  the  Art.  and  the  nature  of  the  words,  and  it  iieems  better  to  change  the  Art.  n  into  7  and  render  as  in  Vulg. 
and  Eng.  A.  v.,  or  with  Theniua  to  insert  3,  and  render  "  song  with  dancing."— The  Kethib  "to  sing"  (soChald. 
and  Syr.)  is  preferable  in  the  latter  case,  the  Qeri  "  for  song  "  in  the  former.— Tk.j 

•  [Ver.  8.  These  two  clauses  are  omitted  in  the  Sept.,  which  has  thu.s  a  noticeable  simplicity  and  directness 
in  its  narrative,  but  loses  much  of  the  warmth  and  life  of  the  Heb.  To  reject  these  clauses  as  "  exaggerated  " 
and  "psychologically  inaccurate  "  (Wellhausen)  is  obviously  carrying  subjective  criticism  too  far.  The  histori- 
cal authority  is  every  way  in  favor  of  the  Heb.  text. — Tr.] 

'  [Ver.  9.  Keth.  Partcp.  of  stem  y\y,  Qeri  of  st.  [';;.  Sept.  omits  vers.  9-12,  as  to  which  see  remark  on  ver. 
8.  This  passage  may  he  omitted  without  injuring  the  sense ;  but  it  adds  to  the  vividness  of  the  narrative,  agrees 
with  xvi.  lJ-23,  and  rests  on  the  same  authority  as  the  other  portions  of  the  chapter.— Tn.l 

»  [Ver.  10.  Erdmann  and  Philippson:  "raved,"  and  so  Wordsworth  and  the  Targum;  the  Syr.,  Arab,  and 
Vulg.  and  most  Eng.  commentators  (Patrick,  Gill,  Clarke,  Bib.  Com.)  render  "prophesy."    See  the  Exposition. 

•'[Ver.  11.  The  Greek  (Alex.  MS.)  and  Chald.  have  ''lifted,"  as  if  from  Hbo,  and  this  seems  better  0^'\), 
since  it  does  not  appear  that  he  actually  cast  the  weapon  (see  xix.  10).— Te.] 

M  [Ver.  17.  The  passage  vers.  17-19  is  omitted  in  Sept.  (Vat.),  namely,  the  story  of  Merab,  perhaps  as  appa- 
rently useless  in  advancing  the  narrative.  The  name  Merab  means  "  increase."  Comp.  in  Eng.  the  well-known 
"Increase  Mather."-TE.] 

"  rVer.  18.  Literallv"  who  is  my  life?"  which  is  explained  by  the  following  clause;  but  this  clause  is  not 
therefore  necessarily  a  marginal  (unauthorized)  addition.  The  Alex.  Sept.  has :  "  what  is  the  life  of  my  father  s 
family  ?"  which  is  clear,  but  unsupported. — Te.J 

«  [Ver.  19.  Some  MSS.  and  VSS.  have  Azriel.— Te.] 

'» [Ver.  21.  The  Heb.  text  (D'flE'S)  seems  to  be  supported  by  all  the  VSS.  (the  clause  Is  omitted  In  Vat. 
Sept.).  The  translation  here  given '(which  is  that  of  Thenins,  Erdmann,  Wordsworth,  B{b.  Co»i.)  is  the  most 
satisfactory  as  to  sense ;  but  its  correctne.«s  is  open  to  doubt.  Philippson  renders :  "  with  the  second,  the  older 
Eng.  Comms.  follow  the  Targ. :  "in  one  of  the  two."  Theodotion  has  the  ingenious  rendering;  eiri  rais  Suo-ii;, 
and  another  Gr.  VS. :  ^.f.'  aip&et.  The  Arab,  outs  the  knot  by  translating :  "1  wish  thee  to  be  my  son-in-law, 
herein  forsaking  the  Syr.,  which  has  "in  both  of  them."  Some  Jews  held  that  David  married  both  the  daugh- 
ters.—Te.] 


240 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  MMUEL. 


25 
26 


27 


22  And  Saul  commanded  his  servants,  saying,  Commune  [Speak]  with  David  secretly, 
and  say,  Behold  the  king  hath  delight  in  thee,  and  all  his  servants  love  thee ;  now, 
therefore,  be  the  king's  son-in-law.     And  Saul's  servants  spake  these  words  m  the 

23  ears  of  David.     And  David  said,  Seemeth  it  to  you  a  light  thing  to  be  a  [the] 

24  king's  son-in-law,  seeing  that  I  am  a  poor  man  and  lightly  esteemed?  And  the 
servants  of  Saul  told  him,  saying.  On  this  manner  spake  David. 

And  Saul  said.  Thus  shall  ye  say  to  David,  The  king  desireth  not  any  dowry 
but"  an  hundred  foreskins  of  the  Philistines,  to  be  avenged  of  the  king's  enemies. 
But  Saul  thought  to  make  David  fall  by  the  haud  of  the  Philistines.  And  when 
lorn,  when]  his  servants  told  David  these  words,  [ins.  and]  it  pleased  David  well 
to  be  the  king's  son-in-law;  and  the  days  were  not  expired."  Wherefore 
[And]  David  arose  and  went,  he  and  his  men,  and  slew  of  the  Philistines  two" 
hundred  men,  and  David  brought  their  foreskins,  and  they  [better  om.  they"]  gave 
them  in  full  tale  to  the  king,  that  he  might  be  the  king's  son-in-law.     And  Sanl 

28  gave  him  Michal  his  daughter  to  wife.  And  Saul  saw  and  knew  that  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  was  with  David,  and  thai  [om.  that]  Michal,'^  Saul's  daughter,  loved 

29  him.     And  Saul  was  yet  the  more  afraid  of  David,  and  Saul  became  [was]  David  s 

30  enemy  continually.  Then"  [And]  the  princes  of  the  Philistines  went  forth.  _  And 
it  came  to  pass,  after  [as  often  as]  they  went  forth,  that  David  behaved  himself 
more  wisely  than  all  the  servants  of  Saul,  so  that  his  name  was  set  by. 

"  [Ver.  25.  Some  MSS.  have  DS  '3.  which  is  not  necessary,  since  ^2  alone  may  mean  "but;"  or  it  may  be 

taken  as="  for."— Te.J 

15  rver.  26.  This  clause  is  omitted  in  Vat.  Sept.    See  on  ver  8.— Te.] 

'«  [Ver.  27.  This  number  is  sustained  by  all  the  VSS.  except  Vat.  Sept..  which  has  "one  hundred,"  probably 
to  avoid  an  apparent  contradiction.  Here  the  presumption  is  not  in  favor  of  the  smaller  number  (WeUhaasen), 
but  in  favor  of  the  harder  reading.  Wellh.  refers  to  2  Sam.  iii.  14,  where  the  Heb.  has  100,  and  the  Syr.  200,  which 
perhaps  shows  a  disposition  to  exaggerate,  but  cannot  be  regarded  as  decisive  against  our  text. — Te.] 

I'  [Ver.  27.  The  Sing,  is  found  in  Sept.,  Aq.  and  Theod.,  ao  well  as  in  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Arab.— Tb.] 

1"  [Ver.  28.  Sept. :  "  all  Israel,"  which  is  better  suited  to  the  context— Te.] 

»  [Ver.  30.  This  verse  is  omitted  in  Sept.  (Vat.).— T».] 


EXEOETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  55-58.  David  at  the  royal  court,  his  lineage 
better  known,  and  himself  permanently  taken 
up. — On  the  relation  of  this  section  to  xvi.  14-23 
(the  two  coming  from  different  sources),  and  to 
the  general  narrative,  see  the  full  discussion  in  the 
Introduction,  p.  16sqq.  Considering  the  unde- 
niable difference  between  the  account  here  (where 
Saul  is  ignorant  of  David's  person  and  family), 
and  that  in  xvi.  14-23,  (where  Saul,  after  nego- 
tiation with  Jesse,  takes  David  to  his  court,  and 
keeps  him  till  the  outbreak  of  the  war),  and  con- 
sidering the  vain  attempts  which  have  been  made 
to  harmonize  this  difference,  we  accept  Niigels- 
bach's  conclusion  (Herz.  xiii.  402) :  "All  attempts 
at  reconciliation  failing,  we  can  only,  till  a  satis- 
factory explanation  is  found,  suppose  that  these 
two  accounts  come  from  really  different  and  dis- 
crepant sources."  [Without  laying  stress  on  the 
fact  that  Saul  here  inquires  after  David's  father, 
and  not  after  David  himself  (which,  though  urged 
by  Houbigant,  Chandler,  Wordsworth,  and  others, 
does  not  seem  to  amount  to  anything),  we  may 
still  insist  that  the  two  accounts,  though  different, 
are  not  necessarily  discrepant  in  the  sense  that 
both  cannot  be  true.  It  is  only  necessary  to  admit 
that  David's  absence  at  home  had  been  long  (and 
there  is  no  exact  chronological  datum),  that  Saul 
had  rarely  seen  him  except  in  moments  of  mad- 
ness, that  Abner  had  been  absent  from  court  when 
David  was  there,  and  that  the  personal  appearance 
of  the  latter  had  changed  (suppositions  which, 
taken  singly  or  together,  are  not  improbable),  and 
Saul's  ignorance  becomes  natural.    These  old  nar- 


ratives, giving  brief  and  partial  views  of  occur- 
rences, may  well  sometimes  seem  to  contradict 
each  other,  and  it  is  wise  (as  NageLsbach  hints) 
in  view  of  the  historical  authority  of  the  Heb. 
text,  at  least  to  suspend  our  judgment. — ^Te.] 

Ver.  55.  We  need  not  taie  the  verbs  here  aa 
Pluperf.  (Then.,  Keil,  &c.),  since  this  narrative 
Ls  to  be  regarded  simply  as  an  addition  to  the 
preceding.  In  their  context  vers.  55,  56  belong 
after  ver.  40  and  form  a  supplement  to  the  vivid 
description  of  David's  advance  against  Goliath. 
The  words  "against  the  Philistine"  refer  to  the 
close  of  ver.  40.  Saul's  question  is  to  be  under- 
stood not  merely  of  David's  father  and  family, 
but  also  of  his  person.  According  to  this  Saul 
does  not  know  him.  The  question  and  Abner's 
answer  must  necessarily  be  taken  in  connection 
with  the  surprise  and  astonishment  felt  at  David's 
bold  procedure.  Saul's  question  could  not  be  an- 
swered till  David's  return;  it  is  therefore  men- 
tioned here,  and  connected  with  David's  appear- 
ance before  Saul  under  Abner's  guidance. — Vers. 
57,  58.  The  concluding  words  of  ver.  57 :  "  and 
the  head,"  &c.,  show  that  this  statement  is  to  be  put 
between  ver.  53  and  ver.  54.  According  to  this 
Abner's  leading  David  to  Saul  was  occasioned 
by  the  latter's  question.  David's  words  in  ver. 
58  are  not  to  be  regarded  as  forming  his  whole 
answer ;  from  xviii.  1  we  infer  that  he  had  a  some- 
what long  conversation  with  Saul. 

2.  Ch.  xviii.  1-5.  Damd^ s  friendship  with  Jam- 
than  and  permcment  residence  at  SavJ^s  court  as  com- 
mander of  the  army.  Ver.  1.  The  consequence 
of  this  conversation  was  the  formation  of  a  friend- 
ship between  David  and  Jonathan,  as  is  indicated 
by  the  words:   "when  he  had  ceased  speaking 


CHAP.  XVU.  55— XVIU.  30. 


241 


with  Saul."  The  word  "knit"  (H'lE'pj  as  in 
Gen.  xliv.  30)  denotes,  under  the  figure  of  a  chain, 
the  firm  union  and  inseparable  unity  of  souls  in 
friendship,  expressing  the  thought  that  their  inner 
lives  of  reeling  work  deeply  into  each  other,  and 
80  each  has  perpetually  fast  hold  of  the  other. 
Clericus:  "In  almost  all  languages  friendship 
is  considered  as  a  union  of  souls  bound  together 
by  the  band  of  love."  Grotius:  "An  admirable 
description  of  friendship.  So  Aristotle  (Nicom. 
IX.  8)  has  noted  that  friends  are  called  one  soul. 
The  same  thing  is  set  forth  by  the  Lat.  concordia 
and  the  Greek  6/iovoia.  Papinius  says  that  souls 
are  bound  together." — And  Jonathan  loved 
him  as  his  own  soul.  To  the  conception  of 
firmness  is  here  added  the  idea  of  iniiemess  of 
friendship,  the  compUte  identification  of  essence  of 
two  souls.*  (The  Kethib  has  the  rarer  contracted 
suffix  'i,  the  Qeri  the  commoner  IH-.    Ew.  §  249 

b). — David's  heroic  courage,  firm  trust  in  God, 
and  splendid  feat  of  arms  had  won  him  Jona- 
than's heart.f — Ver.  2.  Not  till  after  the  narra- 
tive of  this  friendship  follows  the  statement  that 
Saul  took  David  permanently  to  court:  he  took 
him,  that  is,  into  his  service,  and  allowed  him  not  to 
return  to  his  father's  house,  as  he  had  done  in  ch. 
ivii.  15;  the  words  presuppose  that  David  had 
desired  to  return  thither.  That  Saul  virtually 
ordered  David's  permanent  stay  with  him  imme- 
diately after  their  conversation  (Keil)  is  not  neces- 
sarily to  be  assumed.  Rather  from  the  sequence  of 
the  sentences  it  seems  as  if  the  narrator  intended 
to  connect  the  rise  of  the  friendship  of  David  and 
Jonathan  with  the  friendly  relation  which  Saul 
first  assumed  in  his  conversation  with  David,  and 
then  to  set  forth  David's  permanent  stay  at  court 
as  a  consequence  of  this  friendship. — Ver.  3. 
Jonathan's  love  for  David  (he  loved  him  as  his 
own  soul)  is  the  ground  of  this  solemn  and  formal 
sealing  of  their  friendship.  The  amencmt  indi- 
cates the  mutualness  of  the  love  which  they 
pledged  one  another.  Geot. :  "they  mutually 
promised  perpetual  friendship,"  comp.  xx.  3. — 
Ver.  4  is  closely  attached  to  ver.  3  in  so  far  as 
here  by  the  gift  of  the  upper  garment,  the  robe 

C7'J?p)  and  the  separate  parts  of  the  war-equip- 
ment to  David,  the  conclusion  of  the  covenant  of 
friendship  on  Jonathan's  part  is  solemnly  con- 
firmed. Clericus  supposes  that  the  object  of 
this  gift  was  to  enable  the  poorly-clad  David  to 
appear  at  court  in  seemly  dress.  But  the  mention 
of  the  several  weapons,  which  together  make  a 
complete  war-outfit,  rather  suggests  that  Jonathan 
wished  to  honor  David  as  the  military  hero;  and 
this  manner  of  sealing  their  friendship  was  a  proof 
that  the  two,  as  heroes,  equally  crowned  by  God 
with  victorj',  could  love  one  another,  and  that 
Jonathan  was  far  from  feeling  envy  and  jealousy 
of  David  for  his  heroic  deed.  Jonathan's  here 
taking  the  initiative  is  in  keeping  with  his  position 
at  court  as  king's  son  in  respect  to  the  young  shep- 
herd. His  clothing  David  with  his  own  war-dress 
is  sign  that  his  hearty  friendship  sets  aside  the 


*  [The  German  (obviously  by  oversight)  has;  "and 
he  loved  Jonathan  as  his  soul,"  and  explains  it  as  the 
expression  of  the  formation  of  friendship  on  David's 
part.— Tr.J 

t  [Jonathan's  conduct  no  less  exhibits  his  own  lofty 
and  generous  nature  {Sib.  Com.).— Ta.] 

16 


barrier  which  his  rank  and  position  would  raise 
between  them  in  the  first  instance  on  the  common 
ground  of  the  theocratic  chivalry,  as  whose  repre- 
sentatives they  had  come  to  love  one  another. 
[Philippson:  The  gift  of  one's  own  garment, 
esjpecially  by  a  prince  to  a  subject,  is  in  the  East 
still  the  highest  mark  of  honor.  So  in  "  Esther  " 
(ch.  vi.)  Mordecai  is  clothed  in  the  king's  appa- 
rel.— Tb.] — Ver.  5  belongs  to  what  goes  before  as 
the  declaration  of  the  honorable  position  which 
David  (along  with  this  relation  to  Jonathan)  took 
at  Saul  s  court,  as  generally  beloved  in  his  oflice 
and  calling.  First,  his  position  was  a  military  one ; 
for  that  the  "went  out"  (which  is  to  be  taken  sepa- 
rately, and  not  connected  with  the  following)* 
refers  to  war,  and  not  to  "general  business" 
[Clericus]  is  plain  not  only  from  the  following 
account  which  mentions  not  only  military  under- 
takings for  Saul,  but  also  from  the  statement  of 
the  position  of  General  which  he  received  in  con- 
sequence of  his  success  in  what  was  entrusted  to 
him,  and  from  the  account  of  the  military  equip- 
ment which  Jonathan  (ver.  4)  presented  to  him. 
In  all,  -whereto  Saul  sent  nim,  he  was  suc- 
cessful.—His  warlike  undertakings  were  for- 
tunate and  succestfvl.  The  Verb  (7''3tJ'n)  means 
"  to  act  prudently,  wisely "  and  then  to  be  suc- 
cessful," asin  Josh.i.7  [Eng.A.V.  "prosper"]. 
It  always  refers  to  conduct,  "to  act  wisely,  and 
then  to  be  prosperous  in  one's  undertakings." 
Saul  set  him  over  the  men  of  -war,  that  is, 
made  him  a  military  oflBcer.  He  was  appointed 
commander  of  a  body  of  soldiers. — David  soon 
attained  to  high  consideration  and  acceptance  in 
the  eyes  of  all  the  people,  and  also  in  the  sight 
of  Saul's  servants. — By  this  term  we  are  to 
understand  the  ofiicials  at  Saul's  court.  David's 
winning  loveliness  of  character  is  here  brought  out 
more  strongly  by  the  statement  that  he  did  not 
excite  the  envy  and  jealousy  of  his  fellow-officials 
at  court.  Clericus:  "he  pleased  even  the  courtiers, 
who  are  commonly  envious,  especially  of  those 
who  have  newly  found  favor  with  the  king." 
This  idea  is  involved  in  the  "and  also"  [=  and 
even].  [Philippson:  "As  he  was  afterwards 
promoted  to  be  chiliarch,  he  must  here  have  been 
made  centurion."     But  see  on  ver.  13. — Tb.] 

3.  Vers.  6-16.  Here  is  related  how  Soiti's  deadly 
hatred  against  David  springs  from  envy  and 
jealousy.  As  the  section  xvii.  54-58  lays  the 
foundation  for  David's  permanent  stay  at  the 
royal  court — and  as  the  section  vers.  1-5,  being 
the  summary  description  of  David's  personal  rela- 
tions to  Saul's  family  as  Jonathan's  friend,  and 
to  the  court-officials  and  the  people  as  military 
commander,  explains  what  is  afterwards  said  of 
David's  relation  to  Jonathan  and  of  his  military 
career — so  in  this  section,  vers.  6-16,  we  have  the 
cause  of  the  deadly  hate  which  Saul  henceforth 
bore  in  his  heart  against  David,  there  being  pre- 
served (a  fact  to  be  noted)  in  ver.  5  a  significant 
silence  as  to  Saul's  feeling  towards  him,  only  the 
friendly  disposition  of  Jonathan  and  of  the  offi- 


*  [Erdmann  translates  (not  so  well):  "And  David 
went  out;  everywhere,  whither  Saul  sent  him,  he  was 
prudent  (successful)."  This  is  to  avoid  supplying 
"and"  before  "was  prudent;"  it  seems  better  (with 
Chald.,  Syr.)  to  supply  "  and."  See  "  Text,  and  Gram." 
— Tb.] 


242 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


cials  and  people  being  mentioned.    That  no  strict 
chronological  advance  is  attempted  in  the  narra- 
tive in  xvii.  55  sq.  is  clear  from  the  above  re- 
marks.    As  in  ch.  xvii.  ver.  55  belongs  as  to  its 
contents  to  ver.  40,  and  ver.  57  belongs  next  to 
ver.  54,  no  ver.  6  here  is  not  connected  in  context 
and  time  immediately  with  ver.  5,  but  goes  back 
to  xvii.  52,  53.   In  vers.  1-4  is  told  what  happened 
to  David  immediately  after  his  victory  over  Go- 
liath ;  he  became  Jonathan's  friend,  and  was  jper- 
manently  fixed  at  court.     That  was  the  immediate 
result  of  his  exploit  (which  decided  the  issue  of 
the  war  with  the  Philistines.)     In  ver.  5  we  have 
a  further  consequence:  Saul  employs  David  in 
warlike  enterprises  against  the  Philistines,  and 
gives  him  command  of  a  body  of  troops.     But, 
according  to  xvii.  52,  53,  the  war  with  the  Philis- 
tines was  not  ended  by  the  victory  over  Goliath ; 
on  the  contrary,  they  were  again  several  times  de- 
feated, and  their  camp  was  plundered  by  the  vic- 
torious Israelites  on  their  return  from  pursuit. 
That  Saul  in  thus  finishing  the  war  employed 
David  as  a  bold  leader  is  clearly  stated  in  ver.  5, 
wherewith  is  also  summarily  told  how  David  in 
his  new  position  won  the  favor  of  the  people  and 
also  of  Saul's  servants,  while  it  is  not  said  that 
Saul  in  appointing  him  to  oflSce  bestowed  his 
favor  on  him.    The  narration  of  ver.  6  now,  going 
back  to  xvii.  53,  connects  itself  with  the  return 
of  the  people  and  of  David  from  the  concluded 
war,  in  order  to  point  out  how  on  this  occasion 
Saul's  ill-will  and  hatred  towards  David  arose, 
on  which  is  founded  the  whole  of  the  following 
narrative  of  the  relation  between  David  and  Saul. 
The  "  OS  they  came"  refers  to  the  return  of  the  whole 
army  from  the  happily  ended  war  (comp.  xvii. 
53) ;  at  the  same  time  is  mentioned  David! s  return 
with  express  reference  to  his  victory  over  Goliath, 
which  had  determined  the  successful  issue  of  the 
war,  in  order  to  bring  inio  its  proper  historical 
connection  the  honor  which  then  accrued  to  him. 
This  return  of  David,  therefore  (along  with  the 
whole  army),  is  not  synchronous  with  his  return 
to  Saul  in  xvii.  57  immediately  after  the  killing 
of  the  Philistine,  but  occurred  after  the  victory 
over  the  whole  Philistine  army  was  completedf. 
Here  began  Saul's  envy  and  hatred  against  David. 
There  is,  therefore,  no  contradiction  between  the 
statement  that  Saul  kept  David  by  him  and  gave 
him  a  military  command  (vers.  2,  5),  and  the 
following  statement  (ver.  6  sq.)  that  in  conse- 
quence of  the  honor  shown  David  he  conceived  a 
lasting  hatred  against  him  (ver.  9). — We  have  the 
description  of  the  festive  reception  given  by  the 
women  from  all  the  cities  of  Israel  to  the  return- 
ing victorious  army,  Saul  at  its  head.    In  the 
words:  with  song  and  dance  the  Art.  [in 
Heb.]  points  to  the  usual  employment  of  song  and 
dance  m  such  receptions.     They  met  Saul  'with 
tabrets,  with  joyful  outcry,  and  with  tri- 
angles.   Here  T\na\S  ["joy"],  standing  between 
the  two  instruments  of  music,  must  denote,  in  dis- 
tinction from  the  song  of  joy,  the  joyful  cry  which 
accompanied  the  beating  of  the  tabreti.    For 
dances  accompanied  by  tabrets  see  Ex.  xiv.  20. — 
Ver.  7.  The  women  performed  an  antiphonal  song; 
"  they  answered  one  another  in  turn"  (Cleric). 
The  Partcp.  (^ipntoD  [Eng.  A.  V.  "played"]) 
means  perhaps  alternate  dancing,  corresponding 


to  the  alternate  song  (Winer :  Contredance  s.  v. 


Tanz),  along  with  the  choral  dancing 
The  Piel  of  pn^,  "laugh,"  properly  =  "sport, 
play,"  e.  g.,  of  children  on  the  street,  Zech.  viii. 
5.*— The  song:  "Saul  hath  slain  his  thousands, 
and  David  his  ten  thousands"  (comp.  xxi.  12  and 
xxix.  5) — a  part  of  a  folk-song,  which  shows  the 
great  consideration  in  the  sight  of  the  people 
which  David  had  obtained  by  his  victory  over 
Goliath. — Ver.  8.  Saui  was  very  wroth  that  greater 
honor  was  paid  to  David  than  to  him.  And 
there  is  yet  only  the  kingdom  for  him, 
that  is,  for  him  to  obtain.  In  this  outburst  of 
wrath  he  expresses  in  a  curt  ejaculation  the  well- 
founded  anticipation  that  the  so  highly  honored 
David  would  receive  the  royal  dignity  in  his 
place.  Clericus:  "especially  since  Samuel  had 
more  than  once  predicted  that  it  would  pass  into 
another  family." — Ver.  9.  From  this  point  dated 
the  evil,  curious  eye  with  whidi  Saul  henceforth 
looked  on  David.f  Clericus;  "in  these  words 
we  see  envy  and  jealousy."  Luther:  "And 
Saul  looked  sourly  on  David."  It  is  an  express 
statement  of  the  continuous  bitterness  of  Saul 
against  David  from  now  on. — Vers.  10, 11.  Saul's 
anger  against  David  rises  to  madness  and  to  murder- 
ouspurpose.  The  evil  spirit  from  God  came 
upon  Saul.     Comp.  xvi.   14:   "!<3jm  [Eng. 

A.V.  "prophesied;"  Erdmann,  "raved"],  thein- 
fluence  of  the  evil  spirit,  analogous  to  the  ecstatic 
condition  of  inspiration  in  which  the  good  spirit 
from  God  put  the  prophets :  he  raved,  raged.  The 
old  condition  of  internal  disorder  again  came  over 
Saul,  nowheightcned  by  envy  and  jealousy  against 
David.  As  in  xvi.  23,  David  seeks  by  playing  on 
the  harp  to  mitigate  Saul's  rage.  But  a-s  he  was  its 
object,  the  madness  takes  the  formof  an  attempt  on 
his  life.  The  Aarp  in  DavicCs  hand  and  the  spear  in 
SauTs  hand — taking  the  place  of  the  sceptre,  xxii. 
6 — are  here  put  in  sharpest  contrast  to  one  ano- 
ther.— [Saul's  condition  of  mind  is  neither  that 
of  simple  madness  nor  that  of  true  prophecy. 
He  is  under  the  control  of  a  power  higher  than 
himself;  but  it  is  an  evil  power.  For  the  precise 
expression  of  this  supernaturally-determined  con- 
dition of  mind  and  soul,  in  which  the  whole  spi- 
ritual energy  of  the  man  moves  freely,  yet  m  a 
sphere  into  which  it  is  supernaturally  brought, 
becoming  for  the  time  one  with  the  spirit,  the 
Heb.  has  no  other  word  than  naba  (K3J),  and  the 
Eng.  no  other  word  than  prophesy.  E.  P.  Smith 
("Prophecy  a  Preparation  for  Cferisi,"  11.  54  sq.) 
points  out  a  difference  between  the  Niphal  (gene- 
rally but  not  always  used  of  true  divine  propnecy) 
and  the  Hithpael  (generally  but  not  always  of 
false  prophecy),  and  we  may  here  render:  "he 
acted  the  prophet"  (so  here  Junius);  but  it  is 
desirable  to  exhibit  in  the  translation,  if  possible, 
the  supernatural  element.  Whether  the  Eng. 
"prophesied"  wiU  bear  the  meaning  "spoke 
like  a  prophet"  or  "raved  supernaturally"  is 
doubtful :  but  it  is  so  used  of  false  prophets  in 
Eng.  A.  V.  in  1  Kings  xxii.  10  (Hithp.)  and  12 

(Niph.).— Tr.]— Ver.  11.   ('7B;i,  Hiph.  of  '"B' 


*  [And  see  Judg.  xvi.  25  for  its  use  on  festiye  ocoor 
sions. — Te.] 

t    [.IJ^,  "eyeing,"  Denom.  from  vy,  "eye." 


CHAP.  XVn.  55— XVin.  30, 


243 


properly  "  to  stretch  out  longitudinally,"  comp. 
Ps.  xxxvii.  24).    As  it  is  not  said,  that  Saul 
actually  threw  the  spear  against  the  wall  (as  in 
xix.  10),  the  sense  rather  is:  ''he  purposed  to 
throw;"  and  we  are  to  suppose  a  threatening 
movement  of  the  arm.* — David  turned,  with- 
ArevT  before  this  threatening  movement.     Tunce 
he  did  so;  this  supposes  that  Saul  twice  lifted 
his  spear.    This  also  proves  that  Saul  only  moved, 
did  not  throw  the  spear,  as  in  xix.  10.     Bunsen 
well  observes :  "  If  Saul  actually  threw  the  spear, 
we  could  not  understand  David's  twice  retiring. 
Saul  held  the  spear  in  his  hand,  and  David  stood 
so  near  him  that  he  could  save  himself  only  by 
withdrawing."     This  is  therefore  not  the  same 
thing  as  what  is  told  in  xix.  9,  10,  where  Saul 
actually  throws  the  spear,  which  pierces  the  wall. 
The  Sept.  has  after  its  manner  arbitrarily  omitted 
this  section  vers.  9-11,  because  it  wrongly  assumed 
the  identity  of  the  two  accounts. — ^Ver.  12  relates 
how  Saul's  heart  was  divided  between  fierce  envy 
and  fear  of  David ;  the  latter  became  an  object 
of  fear  to  him.    The  reason  given  for  this  is  that 
the  Lord  toos  with  David,  and  was  departed  from 
Said.    Through  the  honor  accorded  David  for 
his  God-given  victory  Saul  became  aware  of  what 
had  already  taken  place,  namely,  that  he  was 
forsaken  and  rejected  by  the  Lord. — Ver.  13. 
Enmity  against  David  (bom  of  envy  and  jeal- 
ousy) and  fear  of  him  (as  one  specially  blessed 
by  God)  led  Saul  to  remove  him  from  his  presence. 
— He  made  him  captain  over  a  thousand. 
This  means  a  different  military  position  from 
that  mentioned  in  ver.  5,  "  whether  it  denotes  a 
higher  position  than  the  first,  or  the  latter  means 
an  undefined  promotion,  as  to  which  we  can  now 
hardly  determine  with  certainty"  (Keil). — He 
went  out  and  in  before  the  people  is  to  be 
understood  of  David's  military  undertakings. — 
Ver.  14.   Here  as  before  (ver.  5)  David  is  in 
everything    prosperous.     Whereby    Saul's  fear 
(which  had  led  him  to  remove  David  from  his 
side)  is  only  increased,  he  was  afraid  of  him  (ver. 
15) ;  for  he  saw  afresh  that  Qod  was  with  David 
(ver.  14),  but  was  departed  from  him. — Ver.  16. 
The  love  of  the  whole  people  for  him  now_  grew 
still  greater,  his  consideration  rose  still  higher. 
This  must  needs  have  increased  Saul's  fear,  and 
along  with  it  his  envy  and  jealousy.     So_  Saul's 
condition  of  soul  is  portrayed  in  progressive  de- 
velopment with  psychological  truthfulness.     Of 
this  nothing  is  said  in  ver.  5,  not  a  word  of  Saul's 
feeling  towards  David's  success.    Here,  therefore, 
in  vers.  15,  16,  we  have  not  the  same  situation 
(as  if  from  a  different  source)  as  in  ver.  5._   The 
difference  between  them  and  the  advance  in  the 
exhibition  of  Saul's  inner  life  and  his  attitude 
towards  David  is  obvious.f 

4.  Vers.  17-30.  Sav^s  attempt  on  David^s  life  in 
connection  with  his  marriage  with  his  daughter. 
In  fulfilling  his  promise  to  give  his  daughter  to 
the  conqueror  of  Goliath  (xvii.  25),  Saul  takes 
occasion  to  prepare  the  way  for  David's  death 


*  FPor  a  different  pointing  of  the  verb—"  he  lifted," 
see  "  Text,  and  Gram."  Erdmann's  rendering  is  allow- 
able, but  rare.— Te.] 

t  [The  separate  mention  of  Israel  and  Jadah  m  ver. 
IC  points  to  the  independence  and  separateness  or 
Judah  even  at  that  time  (Bib.  Com.),  and  perhaps  also 
to  a  post-Solomonio  date  for  the  authorship  of  the  book. 
-Tu.] 


in  battle  with  the  Pliilistines  by  requiring  him 
to  inflict  a  heavy  defeat  on  them,  thus  artfully 
hoping  to  get  rid  of  him.     Such  a  murderous 
purpose  Saul  doubtless  had  when,  after  the  fail- 
ure of  his  murderous  attempt  in  the  house,  he 
gave  David  command  over  a  thousand.     A  clear 
light  is  thus  thrown  on  his  new  appointment  here 
to   a  definitely  determined   military  position. — 
Ver.  17.  ''  My  old.est  daughter "  (Heb.  large,  as 
in  xvi  11  small=yotmgest).    Saul's  words :  only 
be  valiant,  etc.,  are  not  to  be  taken  as  a  condi- 
tion, for  the  condition  of  receiving  Saul's  daugh- 
ter to  wife  was  the  conquest  of  Goliath ;  but  they 
contain  an  obligation  which  Saul  lays  on  him, 
and  which  David  is  to  accept  in  return  for  the 
honor  of  becoming  Saul's  son-in-law.    Such  ex- 
hortation and  expectation  on  Saul's  part  would 
not  seem  strange  to  David,  since  in  his  continued 
wars  against  the  Philistines  Saul  needed  valiant 
heroes  as  leaders  of  his  soldiers.    It  was  also  in 
itself  perfectly  proper  for  Saul  to  say  to  David : 
"  Fight  the  battle  or  wars  of  the  Lord ;"  for  in 
thus  designating  Israel's  wars  against  the  Philis- 
tines, he  expresses  the  same  idea  which  David 
expressed  in  the  words  (xvii.  36,  47):  "He  has 
defied  the  ranks  of  the  living  God,"  and  "  The 
battle  is  the  Lord's."     These  wars  were  "the 
wars  of  Jehovah,"  because  Israel,  whom  the  Phi- 
listines oppressed,  was  God's  chosen  covenant- 
people,  in  which  the  kingdom  of  God  was  to  take 
shape  within  the  territory  contested  by  the  Phi- 
listines, in  attacking  whom,  therefore,  the  Philis- 
tines were  trying  to  make  void  God's  purpose  of 
salvation.    So  must  God  needs  oppose  these  ene- 
mies of  His  people  and  of  the  holy  affairs  of  His 
kingdom.     And  this  is  the  meaning  of  the  title 
of  that  old  collection  of  songs.  Num.  xxi.  14: 
"  Book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Lord."     And  as  it  was 
the  war  of  God  Himself,  the  combatants  therein 
were  necessarily  sure  of  the  Lord's  assistance. — 
But  behind  this  proper  language  of  Canaan  was 
hid  Saul's  cunning  and  wickedness  towards  David. 
— Sanl  thought:  My  hand  shall  not  be 
on  him,  but  the  hand  of  the  Philistines 
shall  be  on  him. — This  "bethought"  shows 
the  same  disposition  in  Saul  as  the  same  expres- 
sion [Eng.  A.  V.  "said"]  in  ver.  11.     There  he 
had  stretched  out  hand  and  spear ;  but  the  deed 
had  not  come  to  performance.     Here  Saul  re- 
solves that  David  shall  not  die  by  his  hand ;  but 
guile  shall  lead  him  to  the  depired  end.    So  deep- 
sunken  is  he  morally  and  intellectually  that  he 
seeks  to  avoid  only  the  outward  completion  of 
the  evil  deed  with  his  own  hand,  separates  be- 
tween the  criminal  hand  and   the  wicked  heart, 
and  besides  covers  his  wickedness  with  the  hypo- 
critical tongue,  which  speaks  zealously  for  the 
things  of  the  Lord.     Serl  Bib.:  "The  finer  the 
words  the  greater  the  deceit.     Further,  he  would 
rather  see  the  Philistines  triumph  than   David 
survive." — Ver.  18.    David's  artless    simplicity 
and  honest  humility  are  here  sharply  contrasted 
with  Saul's  artfulness  and  trickiness.     As  hereto- 
fore the  struggle  between  Saul's  better  and  worse 
impulses  and  the  progress  of  the  latter  has  been 
set  forth  with  admirable  delicacy  and  clearness, 
BO  now,  on  the  other  hand,  David's  disposition 
and  character  is  most  excellently  exhibited  by 
the  simple  narration   of  his  conduct. — By  the 
question:  Who   am   I?    David   intimates  the 


244 


THE  FIRST  book;  OF  SAMUEL. 


distance  between  his  insignificant  person  as  shep- 
herd-lad and  the  high  honor  offered  him.  The 
question:  "n  '0  [Eng.  A.  V- :  "what  is  my 
life?"]  does  not  refer  to  David's  life;  for  if  it 
mean  his  personal  life,  it  involves  a  tautology 
with  the  preceding,  and  reference  to  his  offiaud 
life  does  not  suit  the  connection,  where  the  point 
is  only  of  his  person  and  family,  apart  from  the 
fact  tliat  grammatically  the  personal  interrogative 
pron.  [so  in  the  Eng. :  "who  is  my  life?"— Tr.] 
does  not  suit  the  noun  ''life."  Nor  can  it  mean 
in  general  position  in  life;  D"n  never  means  this. 
KeU,  in  defence  of  this  view,  says,  that  "'D 
refers  to  the  persons  of  the  class  of  society  to 
which  David  belonged,"  in  which  he  admits  that 
it  is  not  the  neuter  real  [Germ,  sachiiche. — Tr] 
conception  "  condition  of  life,"  but  the  fundamen- 
tal meaning  of  the  word  "The  living"  that  is 
here  employed;  "for  'D  never  refers  to  things, 
but  always  to  persom"  (Bottcher).  The  word 
means  here  (as  ri'n  in  Ps.  Ixviii.  11;  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  11,  13)  a  troop,  people,  or,  from  the  con- 
nection :  "my  folks,  my  family."  See  Ew.  g  179 
b  To  this  is  added:  My  Kither'a  family. — 
In  his  own  eyes  David  seems  too  insignificant  in 
person,  in  family  and  the  House  of  his  father 
to  be  .son-in-law  to  the  king* — Ver.  19.  "  In 
the  time  of  giving,"  that  ia,  when  she  ought 
to  have  been  given.  Ew.  §  237  o:  "  When 
the  time  is  clear  from  the  connection,  a  fu- 
ture event  may  be  expressed  by  the  Inf.  with 
3."  Comp.  Deut.  xxiU.  14;  2  Kings  ii.  2. — 
Saul  did  not  keep  his  word ;  for  some  reason 
he  gave  Merab  to  Adriel,  the  Meholathite  to  wife, 
"  which  cannot  surprise  us,  considering  Saul's 
capricious  disposition  in  his  advanced  age" 
(Stahelin,  Leben  Davids,  p.  11).  A  place,  Abel- 
raeholah,  is  mentioned  in  Judg.  vii.  22,  in  Manas- 
seh,  west  of  the  Jordan.— The  section  vers.  17-19  is 
arbitrarily  omitted  in  the  Sept.  because  the  transla- 
tors did  not  understand  why  Saul  failed  to  keep  his 
promise,  and  why  his  action  was  so  contradictory 
or  undecided. — One  really  does  not  see  why  the 
oscillating,  self-contradictory  Saul,  governed  by 
the  momentary  whims  of  his  discordant  soul, 
should  not  have  been  guilty  of  such  breach  of 
faith.  Thenius'  confident  assertion  "that  these 
verses  contain  nothing  but  a  popular  story  made 
out  of  the  fact  related  in  ver.  20  in  imitation  of 
Jacob's  marriage  with  Leah  and  Rachel,"  is 
wholly  without  ground.  To  such  an  imitation 
there  is  lacking  agreement  in  the  chief  features 
of  the  two  narratives. 

Vers,  20-30.  Michal  becomes  the  wife  of 
David,  who  issues  victoriously  out  of  the  great 
dangers  in  battle  with  the  Philistines,  into  which 
Saul  had  sent  him  to  a  certain  death,  as  he 
hoped.  That  it  is  expressly  said  of  Michal : 
She  loved  David,  does  not  warrant  the  conclusion 
that  Merab  did  not  love  him,  and  was  therefore 
not  given  to  him.  The  reason  for  this  is  not 
mentioned,  simply  because  Saul's  procedure  was 
arbitrary.  Perhaps  there  was  at  this  moment  no 
war  with  the  Philistines  in  which  he  might  have 


*  [On  the  text  of  this  verse  see  "Text,  and  Gram." 
Philippaon  explains:  "My  life .oiTered  in  battle  would 
be  a  poor  gift,"  which,  however,  tlie  text  will  hardly 
bear.— Tb.] 


looked  for  David's  destruction.     It  pleased  Saul 
that   Michal  loved  David.     Between  the  trans- 
piring of  Michal's  love  and  Merab's   marriage 
we  must  suppose  a  space  of  time,  during  which 
Michal's  love  was  developed. — Ver.  21.  Michal 
was  to  be  a  snare  to  David,  that  is,  Saul  would 
impose  such  conditions  on  him  in  the  marriage 
as  would  secure  his  death:  on  her  account  or 
occasion  the  hand  of  the  Philistines  should  be  on 
him  (comp.  v.  25) :— D'fipa  [Eng.  A.  V.  in  the 
one  of  the  twain,"  see  "  Text  and  Gram."]  is  liter- 
ally:   in    two    [feminine].      Accordingly    it   is 
proposed  to  render   (as  Bunsen) :    David  is  to 
make  a  double  marriage  with  Merab  and  Michal, 
as  Jacob  did ;  in  this  case  (so  Tremell.)  ver.  19 
is  to  be  taken  as  Pluperfect:  "she  had  been  given." 
Similarly,  S.  Schmid,  only  he  takes  ver.  19  in 
this  way,  that  Saul  excused  himself  to  David, 
and  offered  to  restore  Merab  to  him,  she  having 
been  already  married  to  another ;  but  if  he  did  not 
wi.sh  this,  he  should  at  least  marry  Michal.     Or 
it  is  rendered :  "  Twice  shalt  thou  sue  for  my  alli- 
ance " — having  failed  in  Merab's  case,  thou  shalt 
succeed  in  Michal's  (Cler.) ;  or  it  is  translated  in 
duabus  rebus  gener  mens  eris  hodie  [in  two  things* 
thou  shalt  be  my  son-in-law  to-day]  (Vnlg.),  or, 
"  by  the  second  thou  shalt  contract  an  sdliance 
with  me  to-day"  (S.  Schmid  in  the  2d  ed.  of  the 
Bib.  Heb.  of  Ev.  v.  d.  Hooght,  Lips.,  1740).  But 
all  tnese  renderings  are  materially  [that  is,  as  to 
content;  German,  sachlich. — Ts.]  and  linguisti- 
cally untenable.      The  difiBculty  lies  in   their 
taking  the  numeral  as  a  cardinal  number.    But 
there  are  passages  where  it^the  second  time,  as 
undoubtedly  in  Job  xxxiii.  14,  and  Nehemiah 
xiii.  20.    If  now  we  connect  the  word  with  the 
following  (according  to  the  accents),  it  reads :  "  a 
second  time  wilt  thou  become  my  son-in-law," 
that  is,  according  to  the  explanation  first  given 
by  Bunsen :  ''  The  first  time  by  the  betrothal  to 
Merab  (afterwards  broken  off),  the  second  time 
by  the  actual  marriage  with  Michal."    Bunsen 
remarks  that  this  explanation  is  forced  and  gram- 
matically hard,  as  to  which  (1)  grammatically  the 
"  second  time"  is  justified  by  the  above-cited  pas- 
sages,  and   (2)  as    to  comterd  or  meaning   this 
view  is  fiir  less  difiicult  and  suspicious  than  that 
preferred  by  Bunsen,  though  it  must  be  confessed 
to  be  open  to  the  objection  that  the  first  marriage 
did  not  actually  take  place. — Keil's  explanation ; 
"in  a  second  way  thou  shalt  be  my  son-in-law,"  is 
unclear,  and  the  rendering  "second  way"  seems 
not  grammatically  sustained. — We  escape  all  the 
difficulties  of  a  connection  with  what  follow.^  if, 
with  De  Wette    and    Thenius,  neglecting   the 
accents  (which  cannot  be  finally  decisive),  we 
connect  with  the  preceding  and  translate:  "And 
Saul  said  to  David  the  second  time  "  (understand- 
ing the  first  time  to  be  in  ver.  17 ). — Thenius  thinks 
that  the  words  "And  Saul  said  *  *  *  *  to-day" 
[Eng.  A.  V.  "Saul  said  *  *  *  *  twain"]  are  an 
interpolation  by  the  same  hand  as  vers.  17-19, 
(1)  because  Saul  would  not  have  made  the  propo- 
sition first  himself  and  thm  through  the  courtiers 
(ver.  22) ;  (2)  because  he  certainly  acted  only 
through  others,  the  better  to  conceal  his  shameful 

Surpose,  and  (3)  because,  ii  Said  had  spoken  first 
irectly  to  David,  we  should  expect  al^o  a  direct 

»v*  tS,'^'  '.^'  ''y  ''^o  deeds— killing  Goliath  and  slaying 
the  Philistmes  (ver.  25.)— Tb. 


CHAP.  XVII.  55-XVIII.  30. 


245 


answer  from  David  (as  in  ver.  18).  But  these 
three  reasons  seem  insufficient  to  establish  his 
view ;  for  (1)  it  does  not  appear  why  Saul  should 
not  first  make  this  proposition  Mmsdf,  when  we 
recollect  that  David  returned  no  answer,  and  he 
thought  it  necessary  to  employ  the  agency  of  the 
courtiers*;  (2)  in  making  the  j)roposition  him- 
self he  could  the  better  conceal  his  purpose,  as  he 
had  not  performed  his  first  promise  to  David, 
and  might  now  seem  to  make  it  good  by  offeriag 
his  second  daughter;  (3)  David's  experience  of 
deceit  was  sufficient  to  make  him  silent  at  first  in 
respect  to  Saul's  ofier.  O.  v.  Gerlach  here  well 
says:  "Saul  proposed  this  matter  to  David; 
but  the  latter  did  not  answer,  as  he  knew  Saul's 
vacillation,  and  distrusted  him;  it  therefore 
needed  the  persuasion  of  others  to  induce  him  to 
come  into  Saul's  views." — Ver.  22sq.  In  the  fluent 
discourse  of  the  courtiers  we  see  (1)  something 
of  the  flattering,  conciliatory  tone  usual  in  such 
circles,  and  (2J  Saul's  lively  interest  in  the  suc- 
cess of  his  plan  to  destroy  David  through 
Michal's  love.  Saul's  servants  were  to  speak 
mth  David  "  in  secret,"  that  is,  "  as  if  they  did 
it  behind  the  king's  back "  (Keil). — David! s  an- 
swer  (ver.  23)  is  two -fold:  (1)  he  affirms  the 
great  importance  of  such  a  step  as  marrying  the 
king's  daughter — referring  to  the  distance  be- 
tween him  and  the  honor  for  which  he  was  to 
strive,  and  probably  also  herein  alluding  to  Saul's 
former  breach  of  faith  in  respect  to  Merab,  which 

Sroceeded  from  contempt  for  his  person;  (2)  he 
eclares  himself  too  poor  to  furnish,  a  dowry  suita- 
ble for  a  king's  daughter.  As  to  the  dowry,  or 
"  morning-gift,"  see  Gen.  xxxiv.  12. — Ver.  25. 
In  consequence  of  the  courtiers'  report  of 
David's  reasons  for  declining  the  marriage, 
Saul  advances  another  step.f  To  attain  his 
end  he  dispenses  with  the  usual  dowry,  and 
demands  only  a  hundred  foreskins  of  Philis- 
tmes  (Jos.  Ant.,  vi.  10-27,  600  heads)  I  It  is 
herein  supposed  that  the  Philistines  were  again 
attacking  Saul.  This  appears  also  from  the  fact 
that  David  was  in  this  way  to  show  that  he  had 
killed  a  hundred  Philistines,  to  avenge  the 
king  of  bis  enemies.  Thus  Saul  thought  to 
put  David  out  of  the  way  by  the  hand  of  the 
Philistines.— Ver.  26.  David  accepts  Saul's  pro- 
position the  more  gladly  as  the  demand  was  in 
keeping  with  his  military  calling,  and  he  was  to 
win  Michal  by  a  heroic  achievement.  And  the 
days  were  not  expired,  that  is,  the  time  to  the 
marriage,  or  the  time  set  by  Saul  for  the  perform- 
ance of  the  warlike  deed,  though  Saul  is  not  ex- 
pressly said  to  have  set  any  limit.  Ewald  ex- 
plains that  the  time  for  the  marriage  vrith  Merab 
was  not  yet  expired  [so  Bib.  Com. — Tb.]  ;  but  it 
is  more  natural  to  refer  to  the  marriage  with 
Michal.— Ver.  27.  David  marched  to  battle  with 
his  men,  that  is,  with  the  thomand  which  had 
been  assigned  him  (ver.  13),  not  with  a  few 
valiant  followers  (as  Ewald,  Bunsen,  and  others 
hold,  because  with  a  large  body  there  would  have 

*  [That  is,  David's  silence  as  to  Saul's  proposition  ex- 
plains why  the  latter  had  recourse  to  his  courtiers  --IE. J 

t  It  is  unnecessary  to  read,  with  Sept.,  Vulg^Chald., 
»nd  others,  0«  '3,  instead  of  '3.  Maurer:  Here,  as 
often  elsewhere,  after  a  negative,  '3  signifies  "but,"  or 
rather  "for"  in  this  sense:  the  king  desires  no  dowry, 
but  (for)  he  desires  a  hundred  Philistine  foresbms. 


been  no  danger);  we  are  to  suppose/ tliat  David 
attacked  a  large  Philistine  force,  as  is  intimated 
in  the  words  ''  he  slew  among  the  Philistines  two 
hundred  men,"  which  he  could  not  have  done 
with  a  small  party.  David  doubly  fulfills  Saul's 
demand  by  bringing  two  hmdred  foreskins.  And 
they  cowiied  out  the  f-uU  nwmher.  The  arbitrary 
method  of  the  Sept.  is  seen  in  their  reading  "  one 
hundred "  from  ver.  25  instead  of  "  two  hun- 
dred." [Many  modern  critics,  neglecting  ihe 
spirit  of  the  narrative,  prefer  the  Sept.  reading  to 
the  Heb.,  referring  also  to  2  S.  iii.  14.  Ignoring 
the  enthusiasm  and  prowess  of  David,  they  insist 
on  an  arithmetical  correctness  in  his  slaughter,  as 
if  a  youthful  warrior  on  such  an  occasion  would 
not  rejoice  in  going  beyond  the  mark.  In  2  S. 
iii.  14  David  properly  mentions  the  price  de- 
manded by  Saul ;  all  beyond  was  not  price,  but 
free  gift. — Tb.]  Ver.  28  sq.  Here,  similarly,  the 
Sept.  for  "  Michal,  Saul's  daughter,"  puts  "  all 
Israel."  Bunsen:  "A  completely  unfounded 
change  of  the  Heb.  text,"  taken  from  ver.  16. 
The  issue  of  the  hostile  schemes  set  on  foot 
against  David  is  the  opposite  of  what  Saul 
intended.  The  narrative  asserts  not  only  that 
God  was  with  David,  but  also  that  Saul  knew  it. 
Michal's  lave  to  David,  and  Saul's  haie,  which  had 
grown  into  permanent  enmity,  are  here  sharply  con- 
trasted. "  Saul  was  yet  the  more  afraid  "  points 
back  to  vers.  12-15.  Saul's  perception  of  the  fact 
that  David  was  under  God's  special  protection 
only  increased  the  feeling  that  he  himself  was 
forsaken  and  rejected  by  God,  who  shielded  Da- 
vid against  his  wicked  designs.* — Ver.  30  stands 
in  pragmatic  connection  with  the  following  nar- 
rative of  Saul's  conduct  towards  David,  whose 
brilliant  exploits  against  the  Philistines  and 
rising  reputation  still  more  inflamed  the  jealousy 
and  hatred  of  Saul. 

HISTORICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  history  of  sin  in  Saul's  inner  life 
shows  a  steady  and  rapid  progress  in  evil  after  it 
had  gained  footing  and  mastery  in  his  heart. 
When  a  man  once  gives  place  to  passion  in  his 
soul,  he  comes  more  and  more  into  its  power,  and 
is  at  last  completely  ruled  by  it,  and  driven  even 
more  violently  on  from  sin  to  sin.  "He  that 
doeth  sin  is  the  slave  of  sin." — Jealousy,  which, 
in  a  heart  that  has  lost  God's  love  and  honor  as 
its  centre,  is  born  of  selfishness  (wanting  all  love, 
honor,  joy  for  itself  alone),  has  always  for  its 
companion  envy  of  the  successes,  the  honor  and 
the  good  fortune  of  others.  From  erniry  come  gra- 
dually hatred  and  enmity,  and  then,  by  hidden  or 
by  open  ways,  murder—  "  he  who  hateth  his  brother 
is  a  murderer."  Parallel  to  the  example  of  Saul 
are  those  of  Cain  and  Jose/ph's  brothers. 

2.  With  the  deeds  which  God  the  Lord  per- 
forms in  the  history  of  his  kingdom  through 
chosen  instruments,  whom  He  has  thereto  pre- 
pared and  enabled  by  the  wise  leadings  of  His 
grace,  are  often  connected  immediate  conse- 
quences, which  (like  the  consequences  of  David's 
victory  for  liim,)are  of  far-reaching  importance 

*  si'lS  contracted  from  X'^;.and  prefix  S— Ew.  §328  c. 
Olshausen,  Or.,  pp.  297, 530,  regards  it  as  a  clerical  error 
for  SY'7. 


^G 


THE  FIKST  BOOIK  OF  SAMUEL. 


for  their  further  course  in  life,  and  provide  them 
with  broader  and  higher  equipment  of  the  inner 
and  outer  life  for  greater  taslta  which  are  assigned 
them  for  the  kingJom  of  God.  And  the  more 
willingly  they  thus  enter  the  school  of  suffering 
and  conflict,  as  David  did,  the  more  do  they 
grow  in  humility,  obedience,  and  childlike  sub- 
mission to  God's  will,  but  the  more  also  do  they 
learn  the  truth  of  the  word :  God  gives  grace  to 
the  humble.  He  makes  the  upright  to  prosper.  He 
who,  like  David,  walks  humbly  and  obediently  in 
God's  ways,  unmoved  by  the  good  fortune  granted 
him,  or  by  the  trials  and  conflicts  which  often 
come  upon  him  out  of  such  good  fortune  through 
tlie  sins  of  others,  sees  himself  everywhere  led 
by  the  Lord's  hand,  and  accompanied  by  His 
blessing. 

3.  True  friendship  in  two  souls  must  be  rooted 
in  a  like  attitude  of  the  heart  to  a  loving  God, 
must  exhibit  itself  in  a  mutual  unselfish  devotion 
of  heart  in  love  which  is  based  on  a  common  love 
to  the  Lord,  and  must  approve  itself  in  the  school 
of  suffering. 

4.  In  the  character-pictures  which  it  presents 
to  us  (as  is  clear  in  the  history  of  Saul  and 
David),  Holy  Scripture  never  exhibits  a  pause  in 
religious-moral  life,  bat  always  holds  up  the 
mighty  "  Either  ***  Or,"  which  man  has  to 
decide, — either  forward  on  the  way  in  which  man 
walks  at  the  hand  of  God  with  giving  up  of  his 
own  will  and  humble  obedience  to  the  will  of 
God,  or  backwards  with  uncheckable  step,  when 
man  puts  God's  guidance  from  him,  and,  follow- 
ing his  own  will,  suffers  not  God's  will  to  be 
accomplished  in,  on,  and  through  himself. 

[Maurice:  {Prophets  and  Kings  of  the  Old 
Test.) :  I  have  not  tried  to  ascertain  the  point  at 
which  the  moral  guilt  of  Saul  ends  and  his  mad- 
ness begins ;  the  Bible  does  not  hint  at  a  settle- 
ment of  that  question.  It  is  enough  for  us  to 
know,  and  to  tremble  as  we  know,  that  the  loss 
of  all  capacity  for  discerning  between  right  and 
wrong  may  be  the  rightful  and  natural  result  of 
indulging  any  one  hateful  passion.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  comforting  to  believe  that  there  are 
conditions  of  mind  to  which  we  must  not  and 
dare  not  impute  moral  delinquency ;  a  still 
greater  and  deeper  comfort  to  know  that  in  these 
conditions,  as  well  as  those  where  there  is  most  of 
wilful  wrong,  God  may  still  be  carrying  on  His 
great  and  wonderful  work  of  ''  bringing  souls  out 
of  darkness  and  the  shadow  of  death,  of  breaking 
their  bonds  asunder."  There  are  glimpses  of 
light  in  the  later  life  of  Saul  which  must  be  re- 
ferred to  the  divine  source. 

Chandler  {Life  of  David,  p.  60) :  David,  in 
the  destruction  of  the  Philistines,  acted  contrary 
to  no  rules  of  religion  and  morality ;  for  the  men 
he  destroyed  were  the  enemies  of  his  country,  in 
a  state  of  actual  war  with  his  prince  and  people, 
and  therefore  lawful  prize  wherever  he  could  lav 
hold  of  them— Tb.] 

HOMILETICAT,  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1  sq.  J.  Lange  :  To  love  good  people,  and 
that  in  such  a  way  that  one  loves  and  esteems 
them  for  the  good  he  sees  in  them,  is  a  sign  that 
one  is  good  himself.— Schlieb  :  True  friendship 
is  a  gift  of  God,  and  God  grants  it  to  those  who 


fear  Him,— Bebl.  Bible  :  The  connection  which 
God  establishes  between  trul^  converted  men  is 
almost  indescribable.  There  is  an  incomprehen- 
sible something  that  out  of  two  such  souls  makes 
a  single  one  in  God.  No  blood  relationship  or 
natural  friendship  comes  up  to  this,  because  such 
a  union  proceeds  from  utter  conformity.  When 
men  have  experienced  such  a  oneness  of  soul, 
they  make  with  each  other  an  everlasting  cove- 
nant.— [Ver.  3.  Tayloe  :  A  league  of  friend- 
ship, which  for  sincerity,  constancy,  and  romantic 
pathos,  is  unrivalled  in  the  annals  of  history, 
whether  sacred  or  profane. — Tb.] 

Ver.  4.  ScHMiD :  True  and  genuine  love 
delights  to  show  itself  also  by  outward  signs. — 
Cbemee:  They  are  true  friends  who  help  not 
only  in  prosperity  but  also  in  necessity. — F.  W. 
Keummacheb  :  These  two  loved  each  other 
truly  in  God,  to  whose  service  they  had  devoted 
themselves  in  holy  hours  of  consecration,  and 
their  views,  judgments,  opinions  and  strivings 
were  completely  harmonious. — When  such  con- 
ditions concur,  there  grows  up  the  sweet  flower 
which  the  apostle,  in  distinction  from  universal 
love,  calls  ''  peculiar."  There  blooms  the  friend- 
ship, which,  rooting  itself  in  similarity  of  sanc- 
tified natural  disposition,  and  working  an  im- 
provement of  this  on  both  sides,  takes  one  of  the 
highest  places  among  earthly  blessings.  There 
knits  itself  the  communion  of  heart,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  one  man  becomes  to  another,  as 
it  were,  a  living  channel,  through  which  there 
incessantly  streams  upon  him  a  fulness  of  re- 
frashing  consolation  and  encouragement,  enrich- 
ing his  inner  life. — Ver.  5.  Schlieb  :  The  Lord 
makes  everything  right  and  good !  That  God 
who  so  wonderfully  led  David,  and  even  in  the 
least  and  most  trifling  things  trained  him  up  for 
his  calling,  will  also  lead  us  by  the  hand  step 
after  step,  and  if  we  let  ourselves  be  led,  will 
certainly  lead  everything  to  a  good  result.  Let 
us  always  hold  to  the  old  saying :  As  God  will, 
hold  I  still  1 — Ver.  7.  F.  W.  Keummacheb  :  Let 
us  always  celebrate  our  heroes,  perpetuate  their 
memory  in  monuments,  twine  laurel  crowns  for 
all  who  have  done  good  service  for  the  common 
weal,  or  through  their  creative  gifts  have  enlarged 
the  domain  of  elevating  and  wholesome  ideas. 
Only  let  us  not  forget,  through  whatever  of  great, 
noble  and  blessed  is  achieved  by  the  sons  of 
man,  to  be  reminded  first  of  the  Father  of  spirits, 
from  whom  every  good  and  perfect  gift  comes 
down  to  us,  and  let  us  in  humility  and  modesty 
give  to  Him,  before  all  others,  the  honor  which  is 
His  due. — Ver.  8.  Staeke  :  Where  prosperity 
comes,  envy  soon  follows  (Gen.  xxivii.  8,  Dan. 
vi.  1-5).  [Henby  :  Now  begin  David's  trou- 
bles, and  they  not  only  tread  on  the  heels  of  his 
triumphs,  but  take  rise  from  them;  such  is  the 
vanity  of  that  in  this  world  which  seems  great- 
est.— Scott:  Lavish  commendations  of  those 
whom  we  love  and  admire,  in  such  -  world  as 
this,  often  prove  a  real  injury. — Tb.] 

V-  9.  sq.  F.  W.  Keummacheb:  Were  it 
granted  us  in  our  own  local  circles  everywhere  to 
look  behind  the  curtain,  who  knows  how  often  we 
too  should  behold  like  scenes  I  Scenes  of  a  wild 
outpouring  of  an  injured  feeling  of  honor,  or  of 
unrestrained  vexation  at  losses,  or  of  flaming 
and  heart-consuming  envy,  so  that  we  too  coulo 


CHAP.  XVII.  55— XVIII.  30. 


247 


not  avoid  designating  these  paroxysms  by  the  ex- 
pression ''demoniacal." — Beel.  Bible:  Selfish- 
ness occasions  a  deadly  jealousy,  for  it  makes 
one  grudge  the  tavors  which  God  grants  to 
others. — Schlier  :  If  everything  had  gone  on 
so,  if  all  the  people  had  continually  shouted  to 
meet  the  bold  hero,  how  easily  might  pride  have 
taken  possession  of  him,  how  easily  might  he 
have  fallen  from  his  humility,  and  become  full 
of  vanity  and  assumption.  Therefore  God  the 
Lord  took  him  into  His  own  school,  and  such  a 
school  of  trouble  is  indeed  bitter,  but  it  is  good 
and  wholesome,  and  he  who  learns  in  it  first 
rightly  becomes  a  man  after  God's  own  heart. — 
F.  W.  KeummACHEE:  Scarcely  one  trying  con- 
dition of  life  can  be  thought  of,  in  which  David 
had  not  found  himself  at  some  time  or  other 
during  his  pilgrimage.  Even  for  his  own  sake, 
that  he  might  not  be  exalted  above  measure 
through  the  abundant  favors  vouchsafed  unto 
him,  he  needed  continual  reminders  of  his  de- 
pendence on  Him  who,  on  high  and  in  the  sanc- 
tuary, dwells  with  those  who  are  of  contrite  and 
humble  spirit.  Besides,  David  was  to  become 
even  for  thousands  of  years  a  loved  and  comfort 
ing  companion  to  the  weary  and  oppressed  of 
every  sort,  and  for  that  reason,  also,  no  cup  of 
trouble  must  pass  him  by  untasted. — [Scott  :  For 
every  great  and  good  work  a  man  must  expect  to 
be  envied  by  his  neighbor ;  no  distinction  or  pre- 
eminence can  be  so  unexceptionably  obtained, 
but  it  will  expose  the  possessor  to  slander  and 
malice,  and  perhaps  to  the  mo.st  fatal  conse- 
quences. But  such  trials  are  very  useful  to  those 
who  love  God ;  they  serve  as  a  counterpoise  to 
the  honor  put  upon  them,  and  check  the  growth 
of  pride  and  attachment  to  the  world ;  they  ex- 
ercise them  to  faith,  patience,  meekness,  and 
communion  with  God  ;  they  give  them  a  fair  op- 
portunity of  exemplifying  the  amiable  nature 
and  tendency  of  true  godliness,  by  acting  with 
wisdom  and  propriety  in  the  most  difficult  cir- 
cum.stances ;  they  make  way  for  increasing  expe- 
rience of  the  Lord's  faithfulness,  in  restraining 
their  enemies,  raising  them  up  friends,  and 
affording  them  His  gracious  protection;  and 
they  both  prepare  them  for  those  stations  in 
which  they  are  to  be  employed,  and  open  their 
way  to  them :  for  in  due  time  modest  merit  will 
shine  forth  with  double  lustre. — Te.] — Ver.  10. 
Cramer  :  When  one  opens  the  door  of  his  heart 
to  the  devil  by  envy,  pride,  scorn,  sour  looks 
and  rudeness,  he  is  not  far  off,  but  soon  enters  in 
with  his  hellish  forces  (Gen.  xxxvii.  8,  18  sq.). 
WuET.  SuMM. .  How  unhappy  is  a  man  who  has 
turned  away  from  God,  and  yet  will  not  acknow- 
ledge and  confess  his  guilt,  but  still  assumes  that 
he  is  in  the  right !  This  makes  him  discontented 
with  God,  and  grudging  and  hostile  to  others 
who  are  favored  by  God. — Ver.  11.  Staeke 
[from  Bp.  Hall]  :  It  is  well  for  the  innocent  that 
wicked  men  cannot  keep  their  own  counsel. 
[Henry  :  Compare  David,  with  his  harpin  his 
hand,  aiming  to  serve  Saul,  and  Saul,  with  his 
javelin  in  his  hand,  aiming  to  slay  David  ;  and 
observe  the  sweetness  and  usefulness  of  God's 
persecuted  people,  and  the  brutishness  and  bar- 
barity of  their  persecutors.— Te]  .—Ver.  12.  Osi- 
andee  :  God  turns  away  the  blows  of  enemies, 
BO  that  they  are  in  vain  and  do  no  damage.— 


Starke:  Those  who  have  in  God  a  gracious 
father  and  a  protector  are  feared  by  others 
(Mark  vi.  20).— Ver.  13.  S.  Schmid:  The 
evil  which  ungodly  men  threaten  and  do  to  the 
pious  God  knows  how  to  change  into  something 
good  (Gen.  1.  20). — Ver.  15.  Schmid  :  One  can 
avenge  himself  on  envious  men  in  no  better  and 
nobler  wa^,  than  when  with  God's  help,  he 
behaves  himself  wisely,  and  seeks  in  prayer  the 
increase  of  the  divine  blessing. — Ver.  16. 
Starke  :  When  ungodly  men  think  to  lessen  the 
honor  and  consideration  of  the  pious,  it  is  often 
so  much  the  more  increased. — Chrysostom  (3 
Homilies  on  David  and  Said )  .•  But  that  holy 
man  even  after  all  this,  continued  caring  for  the 
other's  interests,  and  incurring  perUs  to  promote 
his  safety,  and  taking  place  in  the  ranks  in  all 
battles,  and  preserving  by  his  own  perils  the  one 
who  wished  to  slay  him,  and  neither  in  words 
nor  in  deeds  did  he  provoke  that  savage  wild 
beast,  but  in  aU  things  yielded  and  was  obedient. 
— Te.]. 

Ver.  17.  Friendlier  face,  worse  rogue ;  therefore 
try  the  spirits  (Psa.  xxviii.  3,  Iv.  22  [21] ).  [Saul 
a  hypocritical  pretender,  both  to  paternal  afiection 
(comp.  vers.  20-21),  and  to  pious  devotion,  "  tha 
Lord's  battles." — Te.] — Osiandee:  Hypocrites 
persuade  themselves  that  they  have  done  no  evil 
if  only  they  do  not  put  their  own  hand  to  it, 
although  they  manage  to  do  it  through  others. — 
Starke  :  A  true  Christian  must  also  be  a  good 
soldier,  and  fight  the  Lord's  battles  (2  Tim.  li.  5, 
iv.  7). — Ver.  18.  A  pious  man  is  even  in  prospe- 
rity humble  of  heart. — Berl.  Bible:  This  hu- 
mility of  David  may  teach  us  much.  He  knew 
well  that  he  was  to  be  king,  and  that  God  had 
caused  him  to  be  anointed  thereto ;  yet  he  never 
spoke  of  such  a  favor,  but  rather  gives  it  to 
be  understood  how  utterly  nothing  he  is,  and 
how  unworthy  he  thought  himself. — Ver.  20. 
ScHLiEE :  When  God  does  not  give  us  some- 
thing which  we  have  desired,  we  should  be  cer- 
tain that  our  wish  would  not  have  been  good  for 
us,  and  should  be  not  less  certain  that  God  has 
something  better  in  store  for  us. — Ver.  22. 
Staeke  :  One  should  not  let  himself  be  used  for  the 
purpose  of  causing  others  to  fall. — Ver.  23.  Beel. 
Bible:  A  truly  humble  man  never  seeks  his 
own  honor,  even  though  opportunities  should 
occur  in  which  he  might  well  do  so.— Simplicity 
and  uprightness  put  all  the  devices  of  evil  sub- 
tlety to  shame.  And  those  who  always  go 
straight  forward  often  catch  those  who  wanted  to 
catch  them. — Ver.  29.  Osiandee  :  The  greater 
injustice  and  violence  any  one  does  to  innocent 
people,  the  more  must  he  be  afraid  of  them. 

[Henry  :  Observe  how  God  brought  good  to 
David  out  of  Saul's  projects  against  him.  1.  Saul 
gave  him  his  daughter  to  be  a  snare  to  him,  but 
that  marriage  made  his  succeeding  Saul  less  invi- 
dious. 2.  Saul  thought  by  putting  him  upon 
dangerous  service  to  have  him  taken  off,  but  that 
very  service  increased  his  popularity  and  facili- 
tated his  coming  to  the  crown.  Thus  God  makes 
the  wrath  of  man  to  praise  Him,  and  serves  His 
designs  of  kindness  to  His  own  people  by  it. — Tr.] 

Vers.  1-2.  F.  W.  Keummacher.  The  fruit 
which  David  personally  gained  from  his  triumph 
over  Ooliath  was  threefold :  a  joyful  a<:gui'iition,  a 
perilous  honor,  r.nd  a  threatening  displeasure. 


248 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


[Ver.  12.  Taylor.  Three  lessons  from  this 
chapter:  (1)  The  evil  of  centering  our  thoughts 
and  plana  entirely  on  ourselves.  This  was  the 
root  of  Saul's  misery.  (2)  The  servant  of  God 
may  expect  to  encounter  adversity  in  an  early 
stage  of  his  career.  (3)  The  wisest  course  in 
time  of  danger  is  to  do  faithfully  his  daily  duty, 
and  leave  our  case  with  God. — Tr.] 

Chap,  xviii.  Disselhoff  ;  Pleasure  and  Bur- 
den, or,  Temptation  and  Victory:  (1)  In  the  plea- 
sure lies  the  temptation,  (2)  in  the  burden  lies 
the  power  to  overcome. 

[Vers.  1-4.  .Jonathan,  the  man  of  generous  soul. 

(1)  Generous  in  admiring.  (a)  Not  jealous, 
though  his  own  military  fame  is  eclipsed,  (i) 
Fully  appreciating  the  merit  of  a  new  and  ob- 
scure man.  (c)  Admiring  not  only  a  brilliant 
exploit,  but  modest,  graceful  and  devout  words 
(David's  "speaking,"  comp.  xvii.  37,  45-7,  and 
remember   that  he  was  a  poet  of  rare  genius). 

(2)  Generous  in  proposing  friendship,  where  he 
might  80  naturally  have  indulged  jealousy  (as  his 
father  did).  Love  at  first  .sight,  seeking  perma- 
nent union.  (Hall  :  "  A  wise  soul  hath  piercing 
eyes,  and  hath  quickly  discovered  the  likeness  of 
itself  in  another.  *  *  *  *  That  true  corre- 
spondence that  was  both  in  their  faith  and  valor, 
hath  knit  their  hearts.")  (3)  Generous  in  giving, 
what  was  not  only  valuable  and  suitable  to  his 
ftiend's  present  wants,  but  honorable  as  being  as- 


sociated with  himself. — Generosity,  shown  in  mu- 
tual appreciation  and  mutual  benefits,  is  the  basis 
of  sweet  and  lasting  friendship— and  in  general, 
it  is  one  of  the  noblest  traits  of  human  character. 

Vers.  1-9.  How  David  gained  a  friend  and  an 
enemy.  (Hall  :  "  David's  victory  had  a  double 
issue,  Jonathan's  love  and  Saul's  envy,  which 
God  so  mixed  that  the  one  was  a  remedy  of  the 
other.") 

Vers.  5-30.  David's  prudence.  (1)  Amid  the 
perils  of  sudden  prosperity.  The  shepherd-youth 
honored  with  the  friendship  of  the  prince,  the 
plaudits  of  the  multitude,  military  command,  the 
prospect  of  entering  the  royal  family — but  he  be- 
haved wisely  and  prospered  all  the  more. 
(Henry:  "Those  that  climb  fast  have  need  of 
good  heads  and  good  hearts."  Hall  :  "  Honor 
shows  the  man.  *  *  *  *  He  is  out  of  the  danger 
of  folly,  whom  a  speedy  advancement  leaveth 
wise."  Comp.  Joseph  and  Daniel.)  (2)  Amid 
the  plots  of  jealous  rivals— Saul,  the  courtiers— 
but  he  avoids  the  javelin  of  rage,  and  foils  the 
cunning  of  hypocrisy.  (3)  Amid  provocations 
to  wrath,  by  promises  broken  (ver.  19),  and  fresh 
demands  (25).  The  brilliant  young  warrior  and 
poet  as  prudent  as  a  sage  statesman — for  tlu, 
Lordxoas  with  him  (vers.  12,  14,  28). 

Ver.  17.  The  shrinking  hand  and  the  scheming 
heart. 

Vers.  28-9.  Growing  prosperity,  growing  hate. 
— Tb.] 


THIRD   SECTION. 
Open  Deadly  Persecution  of  David  by  Saul,  and  David's  Flight  from  Saul. 

Chapters  XIX.  —  XXVII. 

I.  Jonathan  proves  his  friendship  for  David,  in  SauPs  open  attempts  on  David! s  life.     David! s  first  flight 
from  SauHe  murderom  attempts,  and  his  escape  by  Miehai's  help. 

Chapter  XIX.  1-24. 

1  And  Saul  spake  to  Jonathan  his  son,  and  to  all  his  servants  that  they  should 

2  kill  [about  killing']  David.  But  Jonathan,  Saul's  son,  delighted  much  in  David. 
And  Jonathan  told  David,  saying,  Saul,  my  father,  seeketh  to  kill  thee ;  now, 
therefore,  I  pray  thee  [and  now]  take  heed  to  thyself  [ins.  I  pray  thee]  until  the 
morning  [to  morrow  morning,"  om.  until  the],  and  abide  in  a  secret  place,  and  hide 

3  thyself  And  I  will  go  out  and  stand  beside  my  father  in  the  field  where  thou 
art,  and  I  will  commune  [speak]  with  [to]  my  father  of  thee ;  and  what  I  see  [I 


TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  1.  This  is  the  literal  rendering  of  the  Heb.,  and  so  the  ancient  VSS.,  except  Viilg.,  which  malcea 
"they"  the  suliject  of  the  Ivilling  (ao  Eng.  A.  V.).  and  AraVi.,  which  correctly  make.s  "he"  (Saul)  the  subject. 
The  context  shows  that  neither  to  Jonathan  nor  to  the  servants  of  Saul  was  charge  given  to  slay  David. — Tb.J 

'  [Ver.  2,  Literally:  "in  the  morning."  Sept.  aupioi- irpoii,  which  Thenius  says  is  the  rendering  of  Heb.  inD; 
but  "1p32,  as  Wellh.  points  out,  includes  the  notion  "early  in  the  morning." — Tk.] 

»  rVer.  2.  Sept.  reverses  the  order  and  reads:  "hide  thyself  and  remain  in  secret,"  as  if  the  hiding  must  pre- 
cede the  dwelling  in  secret;  but  the  hiding  may  just  as  well  be  regarded  as  the  consequence  of  dwelling  in 
•eoret  (against  Wellh.).— Tb.J 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-24.  249 


4  will  see  what  he  says]  that  [aad]  I  [pm.  I]  \HI1  tell  thee.  And  Jonathan  spake 
good  of  David  unto  Saul  his  father,  and  said  unto  him,  Let  not  the  king  sin  against 
his  servant,  against  David ;  because  [for]  he  hath  not  sinned  against  thee,  and 

5  because  [pm.  because]  his  works  have  been  to  thee-ward  very  good.  For  [And] 
he  did  put  his  life  in  his  hand,  and  slew  the  Philistine,  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
wrought  a  great  salvation  for  all  Israel  ;*  thou  sawest  it  and  didst  rejoice ;  where- 
fore, then,  wilt  thou  sin  against  innocent  blood,  to  slay  David  without  a  cause  ? 

6  And  Saul  hearkened  unto  the  voice  of  Jonathan,  and  Saul  sware,  As  the  Lord 

7  [Jehovah]  liveth,  he  shall  not  be  slain.*  And  Jonathan  called  David,  and  Jona- 
than showed  him  all  these  things.  And  Jonathan  brought  David  to  Saul,  and  he 
was  in  his  presence  as  in  times  past. 

8  '  And  there  was  war  again,  and  David  went  out*  and  fought  with  the  Philistines, 

9  and  slew  them  with  a  great  slaughter,  and  they  fled  from  him.  And  the  [an]  evil 
spirit  from  the  Lord  [Jehovah']  was  upon  Saul ;  as  he  sat  [and  he  was  sitting]  in 
his  house,  with  [and]  his  javelin  [ins.  was]  in  his  hand,  and  David  played  [was 

10  playing]  with  his  hand.  And  Saul  sought  to  smite  David  even  [om.  even]  to  the 
wall  with  the  javelin,  but  he  slipped  away  [got  away]  out  of  Saul's  presence,  and 
he  smote  the  javelin  into  the  wall.     And  David  fled,  and  escaped  that  night.' 

11  Saul  also  [And  Saul]  sent  messengprs  unto  David's  house  to  watch  him,  and'  to 
slay  him  in  the  morning ;  and  Michal,  David's  wife,  told  him,  saying.  If  thou  save 

12  not  thy  life  to-night,  to-morrow  thou  shalt  be  slain.    So  [And]  Michal  let  David 

13  down  through  a  [the]  window,  and  he  went  and  fled  and  escaped.  And  Michal 
took  an  image  [the  teraphim],'"  and  laid  it  in  the  bed,  and  put  a  pillow  [the  quilt] 
of  goats'  hair  for  his  bolster  [at  its  head],"  and  covered  it  with  a  cloth  [the  cover- 

14  let].    And   when  Saul  sent  messengers  to  take  David,  she"  said,  He  is  sick. 

15  And  Saul  sent  the  messengers  again  [om.  again]  to  see  David,  saying.  Bring  him 

16  up  to  me  in  the  bed,  that  I  may  slay  him.  And  when  the  messengers  were  come 
in  [And  the  messengers  came  in  and]  behold,  there  was  an  image"  in  the  bed,  with 
a  pillow  of  goats'  hair  for  his  bolster  [behold  the  teraphim  in  the  bed  and  the  quilt 

17  of  goats'  hair  at  its  head'*].  And  Saul  said  unto  Michal,  Why  hast  thou  deceived 
me  so,  and  sent  away  mine  enemy,  that  he  is  escaped  ?  And  Michal  answered 
[said  to]  Saul,  He  said  unto  me,  Let  me  go,'*  why  should  I  kill  thee? 

18  And  David  fled  and  escaped  and  came  to  Samuel  to  Kamah,  and  told  him  all 

*  [Ver.  6.  Sept. :  "  all  Israel  saw  and  rejoiced,"  other  VSS.  as  Heb.    It  is  here  more  fitting  and  politic  in  Jona- 
than to  refer  to  Saul'a  own  knowledge  of  David.-TE.]  ,  J.    „    „    1 

'  I  Ver.  6.  Sept.,  Syr.  and  some  MBS.  have  Qal.:  "shall  not  die. '—Tb.]  „  „,_ ,    ^^     „  u  ■    ^    i, 

«  [Ver.  8.  Sept.  icariirxvo-e,  either  an  explanation  (Sohleusner),  or  they  lead  ^N'1  ( Wellh.) ;  the  Heb.  is  to  be 

"*'?*rve?.  9rinais  divine  name  the  VSS.  vary.  The  Vat.  MS.  has  Beov,  Alex,  has  ««pio«  text  in  Stier  and 
Theile's  Polygl.  (which  is  an  eclectic  text)  omits  it,  as  does  Arab.;  the  others  as  Heb.  That  HiH  is  without  the 
Art.  is  not  decisive  in  favor  of  D'H^K,  for  an  evil  spirit  could  as  well  come  from  Jehovah  as  from  Elohim  (i.  e. 
the  deity),  and  may  as  well  be  called  "a  spirit  of  Jehovah."  Elsewhere  the  Heb.  has  '"  D;;D  ;  but  it  is  at  least 
as  probable  that  the  Vat.  would  change  the  text  to  secure  uniformity  as  that  the  Masorites  would  change  for  no 
reason  at  all.  See  note  on  xvi.  14. — Te. 
'I  ~   " 

•      't 
me  and 

tToSIlmi:sIngT,'™Ye^Ilsau''senls^nveri4a;P^^^^^ 

he™  to  Saul  aid  toe  Amission  of  the  1?^^^  repeated  from  the  preceding  word)  give  a  gooS 

^^°  10 'ive?.'  13.  "  Teraphim  "  is  a  plu.  word,  but  is  here  used  in  the  Heb.  as  sing.-Ta.] 

»  rVer  13  The  Eng   A.  V.  renders  "bolster"  to  correspond  to  its  above  rendering     pillow.      Ihe  Heb. 

means  dmply  "  at  its  hfad ;"  tlie  exact  use  which  Michal  made  of  the  quilt  is  not  clear.-^a.] 

IS  rVer  U  The  Seot  has  "  thev  said  "  that  is,  the  people  of  the  house,  the  servants,  speaking  with  the  mes- 

seneei-s  at  the  door     fet  the  nib   text  is  perfectly  natSral:  either  it  means  Michal  sent  word,  that  is,  said 

tSluThhVr^'ervZkor,^*sLh1^selfs^ 

rf'?h\nrdi^o^^ofoo'sK?ir-i^^^^ 

em;ySi^^  «:iS^^Sr S^si^n^-^i^f-t^SS^ 
(m«ining"halffigures")beingimportantasbearingontheformoftheteraphim.-iB.J 

»  [Ver.  16.   Vni£>Nip,  from  KJNI  or  nE^NT  by  the  local  preformative  D-     The  plu.  would  be  properly 

nilffNID  (see  Jer!  xiiiriS)  as  from  ntJXIp.'''  Comp.  Ew.,  Gr.  §  160  6,  FUrsfs  Concordance  s.  ».-Te.] 

«  I  Ver.  17.  Or:  "  send  me  away."    'The  verb  is  fem.  in  many  MSS.  and  Edd.-Ta.J 


250 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


that  Saul  had  done  to  him.  And  he  and  Samuel  went  and  dwelt  in  Naioth." 
19,  20  And  it  was  told  Saul,  saying,  Behold  David  is  at  Naioth  in  Ramah.  And 
Saul  sent  messengers  to  take  David  ;  and  when  they  saw  the  company"  of  the  pro- 
phets prophesying,  and  Samuel  standing  as  appointed  [as  leader]  over  them,  the 
Spirit  of  God  was  [came]  upon  the  messengers  of  Saul,  and  they  also  prophesied. 

21  And  when  [om.  when]  it  was  told  Saul,  [iiis.  and]  he  sent  other  messengers,  and 
they  {ins.  also]  prophesied  likewise  [om.  likewise].    And  Saul  sent  messengers 

22  again  the  third  time,  and  they  prophesied  also  [also  prophesied].  Then  [And] 
went  he  also  [he  also  went]  to  Ramah,  and  came  to  a  [the]  great  well  [cistern]" 
that  is  in  Sechu."    And  he  asked  and  said.  Where  are  Samuel  and  David  ?    And 

23  one  said.  Behold,  they  be  [are]  at  Naioth  in  Ramah.  And  he  went  thither  to 
Naioth  in  Ramah ;  and  the  Spirit  of  God  was  [came]  upon  him  also,  and  he  )vent 

24  on  and  prophesied  until  he  came  to  Naioth  in  Ramah.  And  he  [ins.  too]  stripped 
off  his  clothes  also  [om.  also]  and  [ins.  he  too]  prophesied  before  Samuel  in  like 
manner  [om.  in  like  manner],  and  lay  down  naked  all  that  day  and  all  that  night. 
Wherefore  they  say.  Is  Saul  also  among  the  prophets  ? 

"  Ver.  18.  So  the  Qeri,  but  the  Kethib  is  Nevaioth.— Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  20.  So  universally  taken  (=n7np).    Lud.  de  Dieu,  however,  refers  to  the  .^th,  stem  pn7=crescere, 

whence  he  thinks  our  word  may  mean  magnum  numerum,  or,  senatum,  ]3resbyterium  Prophetarum..  In  .ffilh.  the 
word  represents  only  magistracy,  superiority  (Dillniann,  Lex,  ^th.),  which  does  not  .«uit  here. — Tb.] 

18  [Ver.  22.  The  word  is  anarthrous,  and  so  far  supports  the  Sept.;  "the  cistern  of  the  threshing-floor" 
fWellh.},  as  this  construction  is  unusual;  but  that  it  is  not  unexampled  is  shown  by  2  Sam.  xii.  4;  1  Kings  vii.  8, 
12,  and  would  be  not  unnatural  here  in  speaking  of  a  well-known  cistern,  where  113  might  almost  have  the 
force  of  a  proper  name.  The  addition  of  Sept  at  beginning  of  ver.  22 ;  "and  Saul  became  very  angry,"  is  suspi- 
cious because  of  its  naturalness.— Tb.] 

»  [Ver.  22.  Sept.  2ei(>i,  Ar.  Bamah.    The  Heb.  is  to  be  preferred.— Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vera.  1-7.  Warding  off  through  Jonathan's 
mediation  of  the  first  open  outbreak  of  Saul's 
deadly  enmity  to  David. 

Ver.  1.  Saul  advances  so  far  in  his  deadly  hate 
towards  David  that  he  speaks  openly  to  his  cour- 
tiers of  his  purpose  to  kill  him.  The  "killing" 
[Eng.  A.  V.  is  wrong,  see  Text,  and  Gram. — 
Tr.]  refers  not  to  Jonathan  and  Saul's  servants, 
but  to  Saul  himself. — Ver.  2.  Jonathan  shows 
his  friendship  for  David  1)  in  informing  him  of 
Saul's  designs  on  his  life,  and  counselling  him  to 
conceal  himself,  and  2)  in  interceding  for  him 
with  Saul,  and  trying  to  turn  away  his  anger 
(ver.  3),  in  which  he  succeeds. — In  thus  attempt- 
ing to  restore  friendly  relations  between  his 
father  and  David,  Jonathan's  aim  was  to  keep 
David  at  court  for  the  welfare  of  his  father  and 
the  people,  because  he  saw  in  David  a  specially 
chosen  instrument  of  the  Lord  for  the  welfare  of 
Israel,  as  he  expressly  declares  in  ver.  4.  (13"I 
with  3  as  in  Ps.  Ixxxvii.  3 ;  Deut.  vi.  7 :  "to 
speak  concerning  one."  Ew.,  ?  217,  2.)— David 
is  to  hide  in  the  field,  as  we  infer  from  Jonathan's 
s.aying  that  he  will  speak  with  his  father  in  the 
field  where  David  is.  The  place  designated  by 
Jonathan  was  perhaps  one  to  which  Saul  used 
often  to  go,  or  where  he  was  accustomed  to  hold 
confidential  and  private  conversations.  To 
"what"  [see  Text,  and  Gram.— Tb.]  we  must 
supply  "he  says"  or  "I hear"  (Vulg.:  et  quodatn^ 
que  videro  tibi  nuntiabo  [so  Eng.  A.  V.]).  Against 
De  Wette's  translation :  "  what  it  is,"  Thenius 
properly  urges  that  Jonathan  already  knew  what 
Saul  then  had  in  mind.  Against  Thenius'  view 
that  David  w.as  to  hide  near  Saul  in  order  to  hear 
what  he  said  is  the  fact  that  Jonathan  himself  I 


says  to  David :  "  I  will  tell  thee."  Rather  we 
must  suppose  with  Keil  that  Jonathan  made  this 
arrangement  in  order  that  he  might  tell  David 
the  result  of  the  conversation  immediately,  with- 
out having  to  go  far  from  his  father,  and  thus 
awaken  suspicion  of  an  understanding  with 
David. — Vers.  4,  5.  Jonathan's  statement  to  Saul 
is  three-fold:  1 )  he  spoke  good  of  David,  that  is, 
he  spoke  favorably  of  him,  pointing  out  his  ex- 
cellent qualities  and  his  services  to  Saul  and  the 
nation;  2)  on  the  ground  of  this  he  implored 
Saul  not  to  sin  against  his  servarvl.  This  desig- 
nation of  David  as  his  servant  accords  with  the 
foregoing  reference  to  the  good  which  David,  as 
Saul's  faithful  servant,  had  done ;  3)  to  this  he 
adds  two  reasons,  a  negative;  "he  hath  rujt  sinned 
against  thee,"  that  is,  he  has  done  nothing  to  call 
forth  thy  vengeance ;  and  a  positive :  "  Its  works 
are  very  usefvl  to  thee,"  that  is,  far  from  doing  thee 
harm,  he  hath  done  thee  only  great  service  by 
his  deeds. — The  relation  of  ver.  5  to  the  latter 
part  of  ver.  4  is  this,  that  Jonathan,  continuing 
his  mediation,  here  reminds  his  father  of  the 
deed  which  is  specially  to  be  taken  into  considera- 
tion, the  slaying  of  the  Philistine,  and  how  he 
had  therein  ventured  his  life:  "he  put  his  life 
in  his  hand"*  (xxviii.  21 ;  Judg.  xii.  2),  risked 
his  life  (perhaps  alluding  to  David's  hand,  which 
swung  the  sling  against  the  giant,  on  the  firmness 
and  certainty  of  which  his  life  depended).— 
Jonathan  then  proceeds  to  point  out  how  service- 
able to  Saul  this  deed  of  David  was:  and  the 
Lord  wrought  a  great  salvation  for  all 
Israel ;  thou  sawest  it  and  didst  rejoice. 
This  reminder  of  Saul's  joy  at  David's  exploit 
(seen  with  his  own  eyes)  and  its  grand  re-sults, 


*  [The  Heb.  (c|3)  means  the  "  palm  or  hollow  of  th« 

hand."  as  the  proper  place  in  which  to  put  something, 
usually  the  hand  as   receptacle,  -not  as   instrument. 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-24. 


251 


this  vivid  presentation  of  tlie  situation  at  that 
time  is  the  psychological  stepping-stone  to  the 
ethical  change  which  is  brought  about  in  Saul's 
attitude  towards  David  by  Jonathan's  pressing 
and  yet  modest  supplication :  Why  vrilt  thou 
sin  against  innocent  blood,  to  slay 
David  without  cause  ? — Saul  was  changea- 
ble and  uncertain  in  his  unstable  inner  Hfe, 
because  there  was  yet  in  him  a  noble  germ 
whence  good  fruit  might  yet  come. — Ver.  6. 
Saul  swore,  a  characteristic  indication  of  his 
to  go  to  one  extreme  or  another.  David's  life  was 
now  saved.  [Some  think  that  Saul  swore  insin- 
cerely, to  put  Jonathan  off  his  guard ;  but  this  is 
not  so  probable  as  that  he  was  here  sincere,  but 
fell  again  under  the  power  of  jealousy  (ver.  10). — 
Te.]. — Ver.  7.  Jonathan,  having  performed  this 
friendly  service  for  David,  informs  him  of  the  re- 
sult according  to  promise  (ver.  3),  and  David  re- 
sumes his  place  at  court.  David  was  in  Saul's 
presence  "as  yesterday  and  the  day  before,"  that 
is,  as  in  times  past. 

Vers.  8-17.  David! s  first  flight  in  consequence  of 
another  murderous  attempt  on  Saul's  part,  the 
result  of  envy  and  jealousy. 

Ver.  8.  The  background  of  this  narrative  is 
formed  by  the  military  life  which  was  connected 
with  the  continued  wars  with  the  PhUistines.  The 
"vktU  md"  is  not  to  be  changed  into  some  other 
word  (with  Then,  after  Sept.  Kariaxvae),  but  to  be 
retained  (as  in  xviii.  5,  16)  as  expressing  David's 
marching  forth  to  battle. — Ver.  9.  The  ethical 
ground  of  Saul's  new  outburst  of  rage  after  David's 
success  is  his  envy  and  jealousy  of  David's  honor 
and  glory,  as  is  intimated  by  the  preceding  men- 
tion of  the  latter's  victory  over  the  Philistines. — 
"We  have  two  similar  accounts  of  Saul's  out- 
breaks (xviii.  10  sq  and  xix.  9  sq.)  simply  be- 
cause such  outbreaks  were  really  frequent  (comp. 
especially  xviii.  18)  and  like  one  another"  (Na- 
gelsbach  in  Herz.  XIII.  403).  An  evil  Spirit 
of  Jehovah  came  upon  Saul. — While  this 
evil  spirit  is  in  xvi.  15  and  xviii.  10  referred  to 
Elohim,  the  Deity  in  general,  Jehovah  is  here  af- 
firmed to  be  its  sender,  because  Saul's  condition, 
which  was  there  only  ascribed  in  general  to  a 
higher  divine  causality  in  respect  to  his  persow,  is 
Aere  regarded  as  a  judgment  of  the  covenant^Ood 
of  Israel  on  the  reprobate  king,  who  hardens  his 
heart  against  God. — Along  with  his  military  call- 
ing, David  here  again  takes  his  old  place  as  harp- 
ist. He  did  not  abandon  the  post  assigned  him 
by  the  Lord,  so  long  as  the  Lord  did  not  through 
events  command  him  to  leave  it,  as  was  after- 
wards the  case,cf.ch.  xx.— The  Sept.  took  offence 
at  the  "evil  spirit  of  Jehovah"  and  left  out 
"Jehovah."*  But  the  Genitive  means  nothing 
more  than  what  is  said  in  xvi.  14,  that  the  God 
of  Israel  sent  an  evil  spirit  on  Saul,  or  gave  him 
over  to  the  power  of  the  evil  spirit. — Ver.  10. 
David  escapes  Saul's  spear,  which  penetrates  the 
wall.  He  flees  the  same  night.  (The  Art.  of 
the  Pron.  is  lacking  from  similarity  of  sound, 
Ew.  ?  392  a,  and  \  70  c).  The  Sept.  reads:  "and 
it  came  to  pass  that  night  that  Saul  sent"  (insert- 
ing 'n;i  and  connecting  with  the  following),  look- 
ing to  ver.  12,  where  the  flight  by  night  is  first 
mentioned.    Against  this  it  is  not  necessary  to 


*  [See  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Te.] 


insist  that  the  narrator  here  in  Hebrew  fashion 
gives  the  result  first  by  anticipation,  and  then  de- 
tails the  immediate  incidents ;  for  Saul's  attempt 
may  have  occurred  in  the  evening,  or,  if  it  hap- 
pened in  the  day-time,  David  may  first  have  hid- 
den in  Saul's  house,  and  then  at  night  have  fled 
to  his  own  house.  That  David  fled  to  his  own 
dwelling  and  remained  there  till  night,  appears 
from  ver.  11,  according  to  which  Saul  sends  mes- 
sengers to  his  house  to  watch  him  and  to  kill  him 
in  the  monving  (that  is,  when  he  went  out  again). 
With  this  agrees  exactly  the  fact  that  Michal, 
who  acquainted  him  with  the  danger  threatening 
him  in  his  house,  presses  him  to  flee  that  night, 
because  in  the  maming  he  would  be  slain.  In  the 
night  of  the  same  day  on  which  the  attempt  on 
his  Hfe  occurred,  David  fled  from  Saul's  house  to 
his  own,  and  the  same  night  by  Michal's  means 
he  fled  from  his  own  house.  [Kitto:  "  We  may 
guess  that  only  the  fear  of  alarming  the  town,  and 
of  routing  the  populace  to  rescue  their  favorite 
hero,  prevented  him  from  directing  them  to  break 
into  the  house  and  slay  David  there."  Others 
suggest  the  fear  of  alarming  or  injuring  Michal. 
She  could  easily  get  notice  of  Saul's  design  from 
Jonathan  or  others. — Tb.] 

Ver.  12.  Through  the  window,  because  the 
door  was  watched  (ver.  11)  by  Saul's  men.  For 
similar  escapes  through  windows  see  Josh.  ii.  15; 
Acts  ix.  25  ;  2  Cor.  xi.  33.— With  this  flight  of 
David  began  his  weary  fleeing  before  Saul,  and 
the  great  sufferings  and  dangers  which  he  en- 
countered in  this  unsettled  life. — Ver.  13.  By  a 
trick  with  the  Teraphim  Michal  deceives  Sauls 
catchpolls. — The  teraphim  were  the  images  of  do- 
mestic or  private  gods  (Penates)  which  the  Isra- 
elites retained  as  the  remnant  of  the  idolatry 
brought  from  the  Aramaean  or  Chaldean  home 
(Gen.  xxxi.  19,  34)  in  spite  of  their  removal  after 
the  entry  of  Jacob's  family  into  Canaan  (Gen. 
XXXV.  2  sq.)  and  of  the  absolute  prohibition  of 
idolatry  in  the  Law,  which  reappear  especially  in 
the  period  of  the  Judges  (Judg.  xvii.  5 ;  xviii. 
14  sq.)  and  particularly  meet  us  in  the  houses  of 
Saul  and  David  in  spite  of  Samuel's  prophetic 
zeal  against  such  idolatry  (1  Sam.  xv.  23;  eomp. 
Hos.  iii.  4;  Zech.  x.  2).  The  Plu.  here  repre- 
sents a  single  image,  which  it  seems  (ver.  16)  must 
have  had  the  human  form  at  least  as  to  head  and 
face,  though  tU|size  may  have  varied,  since  (Gen. 
xxxi.  30  sq.)  it  was  so  small  that  Eachel  could 
conceal  it  under  the  camel-saddle,  while  Michal 
here  uses  it  to  make  Saul's  men  believe  that  Da- 
vid was  in  the  bed.  The  teraphim  which  Laban 
calls  his  "  Elohim  "  were  probably  originally  tu- 
telar deities,  dispensers  of  domestic  and  family 
good  fortune.  On  the  derivation  and  meaning  of 
the  name  see  Eodiger  in  Ges.  Thes.  III.  1520, 
Havernick  on  Ezek.  p.  347  sq.,  and  Delitzsch 
Gen.  II.  p.  220  [and  Art.  "Teraphim"  in  Smith's 
Bib.  Diet. — Tb.].*  On  the  meamimp  see  particu- 
larly the  Arts,  in  Winer  and  Herzog.  Whether 
it  was  a  wooden  image  is  uncertain,  as  also,  whe- 
ther Michal  had  such  domestic  gods  on  account 
of  her  barrenness  (Michaelis,  Thenius,  Keil). 
T33  (which  the  Sept.  read  ^53  "  liver,"  whence 
Joseph  says  that  Michal  put  a  palpitating  goat- 

*  [See  other  opinions  in  Poole's  Synop.sis  on  Gen.  xxxi. 
19,  and  in  Patrick's  Comm.  here.— Te.] 


252 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


liver  into  the  bed  to  represent  a  breathing  sick 
man)  is  from  "^23  ["to  braid"]  and  means imven- 
work  or  net  [rendered  quiU  or  mattress,  Eng.  A.  V. 
'paiow.—T-B..'].  The  plural  of  "goat"  (tj^)  here 
=  goats'  hair.  The  Def.  Art.  points  to  something 
which  belonged  to  the  furnishing  of  a  couch  or 
bed.*  She  put  it  at  his  head,  which  may 
mean  either  that  she  put  a  woven  cover  under  his 
head,  or  a  hairy  cover  on  or  around  his  head.  In 
any  case  Michal's  purpose  was  to  make  the  head 
of  the  teraphim  look  as  much  as  possible  like  a 
human  head.  The  1J33  ["  with  the  coverlet  "] 
must,  on  account  of  the  article,  be  understood  of 
some  piece  of  household  stuff,  therefore  of  the 
bed-caver.  The  word  CA?.)  means  the  wpper  gar- 
ment of  the  Oriental,  which  is  a  wide  cloth  thrown 
around  the  person,  and  served  also  for  bed -cloth- 
ing.—Ver.  14.  When  Saul's  messengers  comethe 
first  time,  Michal  says  to  them  that  David  is  sick. 
[On  this  untruth  see"  "  Histor.  and  Theolog."  to 
this  chap,  at  end. — Tr.]. — Ver.  15.  Saul,  deter- 
mined to  carry  out  his  purpose  orders  David  to 
be  brought  up  to  him  on  the  bed,  that  is,  to  his 
house,  which,  therefore,  was  higher  than  David's. 
"  Saul  must  therefore  have  resided  in  Qibeah  on 
the  height"  (Then.). — Ver.  16.  The  messengers 
come  and  discover  the  deceit.  The  express  men- 
tion of  the  "  goat-hair  cover  at  his  head  "  shows 
that  this  had  materially  contributed  to  the  suc- 
cess of  the  deception.  It  appears  from  ver.  13 
that  to  the  words  [of  the  Heb.]  :  "  behold  tera- 
phim in  the  bed,"  we  must  supply  "  laid "  or 
"  placed." — Ver.  17.  Saul  demands  an  explana- 
tion of  Michal.  Why  hast  thou  sent  a-way 
my  enemy  ? — In  these  words  appears  all  Saul's 
bitterness  and  blindness.  It  is  a  sort  of  "  persecut- 
ing mania"  that  shows  itself  in  David's  persecutor. 
— Michal's  defence  does  not  agree  with  the  state- 
ment in  vers.  11,  12,  thatshe  herself  urged  David 
to  flight  From  fear  of  her  father  she  tells  a  "  lie 
of  necessity,"  saying :  "  He  said  to  me,  send  me 
away,  why  should  I  kill  thee?"  She' pretends 
that  she  wished  to  prevent  his  flight,  but  he  threat- 
ened to  kill  her  if  she  stood  in  his  way.  [To  this 
deliverance  is  referred  Ps.  Ux.  by  its  title  and  Ps. 
vii.  by  some  critics. — Tr.] 

Vers.  18-24.  David! s  flight  to  Mamah  to  Samud. 

Ver.  18.  David  told  SamueAu  that  Saul 
had  done  to  him. — That  David  takes  refuge  in 
Samuel's  quiet  seat  of  the  prophets  is  explained 
by  the  intimate  connection  which  David  already 
had  with  Samuel  and  the  prophetic  school  pre- 
sided over  by  him,  and  especially  by  the  oflBcial- 
theocratic  connection  which  David's  anointing 
had  brought  about  between  the  two  men.  Samuel 
now  becomes  God's  instrument  for  saving  and 
preserving  David  .as  the  Lord's  Anointed  from 
the  attempts  of  Saul.  David  dwelt  "atNaioth" 
with  Samuel,  who  went  thither  with  him.  Naioth 
is  to  be  distinguished  from  Bamah,  Samuel's 
dwelling-place,  and  to  be  regarded  as  a  place 
where  Samuel  stayed  as  long  as  David,  who  had 
at  first  reported  to  him  at  Bamah,  was  with  him 
(comp.  vers.  22,  23).  The  Kethib  has  everywhere 


I  Nevaioth,  Vulg.  (with  Qeri)  Naioth.  The  ap- 
pellative, signifying  "dwellings,"  became  the 
proper  name  of  the  place  where  dwelt  the  pro- 
phets who  gathered  about  Samuel  as  their  head 
(comp.  ver.  20).  The  plu.  form  indicates  a  co- 
lony consisting  of  several  dwellings,  a  prophetic 
cenobium.*— Vera.  19,  20.  Saul,  having  been  in- 
formed of  David's  stay  in  this  cenobium,  sent  mes- 
sengers to  fetch  him.f  The  prophetsj  here  appear 
1 )  in  an  assembly,  2)  therein  engaged  in  prophesy- 
ing, and  3)  under  the  lead  of  Samuel.  Itis  to  be 
noted  that  we  have  here  prophets,  who  in  inspiraJ 
discourse  give  forth  their  inner  life  filled  with 
the  Holy  Ghost,  not  sons  of  the  prophets,  as  in 
2  Kings  iv.  38;  vi.  1,  who  as  scholars  and  learners 
sit  at  the  feet  of  their  master  and  teacher.  Tlie 
prophetic  community  here,  therefore,  under  Sa- 
muel ai!  head  is  not  yet  a  prophetic  school,  to  edu- 
cate young  men  for  the  prophetic  calling,  but  is  a 
prophetic  seminary,  in  which,  under  Samuel's 
guidance  in  an  externally  strictly  ordered  yet  in- 
ternal ly  free  association,  the  prophetic  powers  are 
practiced  and  strengthened,  mutually  incite,  nou- 
rish, and  further  one  another,  and  the  prophetic 
charisma  finds  ever  new  nourishment  and  new 
growth  by  this  common  holy  discipline.  And 
the  Spirit  of  God  came  upon  the  messen- 
gers of  Saul ;  Spirit  of  God,  not  Spirit  of  Jeho- 
vah, because  we  here  have  not  to  do  with  the 
Spirit  of  the  eovenant-Ood,  but  with  the  superna- 
tural principle  of  inspiration.  And  they  too 
prophesied.  Clericus:  "They  sang  divine 
praises,  being  seized  on  by  a  sudden  afflatus  which 
they  could  not  resist  (as  Saul,  x.  10),  so  that  they 
no  longer  had  control  over  themselves."  The 
condition  of  Saul's  messengers  is  that  of  ecstatic 
ravishment,  into  which  they  were  brought  by  the 
overpowering  might  of  the  inspired  song  or  word 
of  the  prophets. — Ver.  21.  Saul's  second  and  third 
companies  of  messengers  fall  into  a  similar  ravish- 
ment. [The  repeated  occurrence  of  this  superna- 
tural seizure  adds  greatly  to  the  force  and  efiec- 
tiveness  of  the  narrative.  The  purpose  of  this  in 
the  divine  providence,  we  may  suppose,  was  to 
bring  Saul  himself.— Tb.]— Ver.  22.  Then  went 
he  also  to  Ramah  and  came  (on  the  way 
thither)  to  the  great  cistern  (well  known,  as 


*  [On  the  character  of  the  bed  (here  a  separate  couch, 
not  the  oriental  divan)  aee  Philippaon  in  loco,  and  Works 
on  Archaeology. — Tn.J 


*  [Chald.  renders  "  house  of  instruction,"  and  in  ver. 
20  "  scribes."    Smith's  Bib.-Dict,  Art.  Naioth.— Te.) 

t  The  Sing.  STl  is  surprising.    According  to  Ewald, 

3316  a,  1,  the  Verts  or  Adj.,  when  it  stands  as  one  half  of 
the  sentence  before  the  yet  wiTiamed  (and  not  clearly  con- 
ceived) subject,  may  remain  in  the  most  indefinite  Pers., 
the  masc.  sing.,  as  in  1  Kings  xxii.  30;  Josh.  viii.  20; 
Gen.  i.  14;  Mio.  vi.  IH,  etc.;  but  when  the  subject  has 
been  named,  this  indefiniteness  cannot  exist.  The 
Sing,  must  therefore  be  here  regarded  as  a  corruption, 
and  we  must  read  (with  Ew.,  Then.,  and  all  vss.)  the 

Plu.— The  word  PpnSi  which  sounds  remarkably  like 

the  preceding  nnp7  here  from  the  connection  =  as- 
aemblys-nSnp.    It  appears  here  only,  and  is  to  bore- 

T-:l- 

garded  as  a  transposition  (so  the  Greek  and  several 
Rabbis)  of  the  word  meaning  "assembly,"  occasioned 

by  the  similar  sound  of  the  preceding  nnp7. 

-  I-T 

t  [Chald  ;  "  They  saw  the  company  of  the  scribes 
praising  and  Samuel  standing  over  them  teaching." 
—Tit.] 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-24. 


253 


the  Art.  shows)  that  was  in  Sechu  — a  now 
unknown  region  or  locality  near  Raiuali.  The 
Sept.  has  "cistern  of  the  threshing-floor"  ([^J'l 
instead  of  "great"  cistern,  and  "on  the  hill" 
("SB'),  instead  of  "  Sechu."  But,  though  it  is  true 
that  threshing-floors  were  usually  on  hills,  there 
is  no  need  here  of  a  change  of  text.*  Saul,  learn- 
ing that  David  and  Samuel  were  at  Naioth  in 
Ramah,  went  thither. — Ver.  23.  While  he  was 
still  in  the  way  there  happened  to  him  what  hap- 
pened to  his  messengers.  The  Spirit  of  G-od 
came  upon  him  also,  and  he  went  on  and 
prophesied  till  he  came  to  Naioth  in  Ra- 
mah. The  difference  between  Saul  and  his  mes- 
sengers was  simply  that  the  inspiration  came  on 
him  as  he  was  approaching  the  residence  of  the 
prophet,  and  that  it  attained  a  higher  grade  and 
lasted  longer,  completely  suppressing  his  self- 
consciouBness. — Ver.  24,  namely,  relates:  And 
lie  too  stripped  oS  his  clothes,  and  he  too 
prophesied  before  Samuel.  The  throwing 
off  of  the  clothing  was  the  effect  of  the  heat  of 
body  produced  by  internal  excitement.  Abar- 
banel :  "  because  of  inward  warmth,  and  to  spread 
the  garments  out."  We  may  suppose  that  the 
messengers  also  cast  away  their  garments  (though 
it  is  not  expressly  so  said),  as  the  prophets  in 
their  times  of  excitement  and  heat  may  well  have 
done.  The  " he  also"  is  not  found  in  the  follow- 
ing sentence :  he  lay  naked  all  day  and  all 
night.  This  does  not  necessarily  mean  complete 
nakedness  (D'^.tJ-  2  Sam.  vi.  20),  because  there  was 
worn  under  the  kethoneth  or  tunic  a  fine  woven 
shirt  of  linen  or  cotton  (I'l^'  Judg.  xiv.  12  sq.; 
Isa.  iii.  23),  and  over  it  a  long  sleeveless  outer 
garment  ( '"J?P' xviii.  4;  xxiv.  5-12).  Comp.  Keil, 
BM.  Arch.,  II.,  39. — Saul  lay  in  his  under-gar- 
ment  (a  sort  of  shirt  which  was  next  to  the  body, 
but  did  not  completely  cover  it)  vmamscious;  so  com- 
pletely was  he  overcome  by  the  ecstacy.  Where- 
fore they  say,  Is  Saul  also  among  the 
prophets  ?  See  ch.  x.  11,  12,  where  the  origin 
of  this  saying  is  related.  Here  we  have  not  the 
origin,  but  the  application  of  the  already  existing 
proverb. 

HISTOEICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  picture  of  a  true,  faithful  friend,  already 
presented  to  us  in  Jonathan,  is  here  completed  in 
the  account  of  his  conduct  towards  Saul  and  David 
in  individual  significant  traits  and  clear  colors ; 
but  at  the  same  time  along  with  this  picture  ef  noble 
friendship  we  find  one  of  an  humble,  reverent, 
childlike  spirit  towards  the  sinful  purpose  of  his 
father.  As  soon  as  Jonathan  has  learned  from 
his  father  the  danger  that  threatened  David's  life, 
he  shows  his  faithful  love  for  his  friend  by  im- 
parting to  him  the  evil  designs  of  his  father,  by 
enjoining  on  him  to  hide  himself,  by  promising 
to  soften  if  possible  his  father's  wrath,  and  by  in- 
forming him  how  he  (David)  should  soon  learn 
the  result  of  his  effort  at  mediation  and  rescue. 
But  Jonathan's  noble  character  appears  in  yet 
clearer  light  in  his  conduct  towards  his  father. 
For  his  friend's  sake  he  dares,  at  the  risk  of  his 
life,  to  oppose  the  rage  and  the  sinister  designs 


•  raee  "  Text,  and  Gram."    The  Vat.  Sept.  reads  Sephi, 
not  ^' on  the  hill."— Tb.] 


of  his  own  father.  Openly  and  frankly  he  repre- 
sents to  his  father  the  great  crime  he  would  com- 
mit by  slaying  David.  His  heart  is  free  from 
envy  and  jealousy  while  he  sets  before  his  father 
David's  great  services  to  the  royal  house  and  the 
whole  nation.  His  words  and  bearing  show  manly 
firmness  and  decision,  and  yet  chSdlike  piety, 
reverence,  and  obedience ;  no  word  not  in  keep- 
ing with  the  Fourth  Commandment  from  his 
lips.  And  in  addition  to  all  this  is  his  magnani- 
mous self-denial,  since  he  doubtless  suspected 
that  his  friend  would  ascend  the  throne  after  his 
father.  Though  he  himself  possessed  all  the  qua- 
lities which  should  adorn  God's  Anointed  on  the 
throne,  heroic  courage,  undisputed,  universally 
acknowledged  military  renown,  firm  trust  in  the 
living  God,  and  a  noble  disposition,  he  shows  not 
the  slightest  trace  of  envy  and  unkindness  towards 
David.  "  Notwithstanding  all  this  he  was  not 
only  nobly  ready,  if  the  Lord  should  so  command, 
to  give  up  his  birthright,  but  strove  wisely  and 
vigorously  to  defeat  all  that  was  conceived  and 
undertaken  against  God's  decree,  even  at  the  risk 
of  falling  by  his  own  father's  hand,  a  sacrifice  to 
his  piety  and  friendship"  (F.  W.  Krummacher). 
Jonathan  is  a  character  that  rises  on  the  platform 
of  Old  Testament-life  in  peculiarly  noble,  harmo- 
nious, ethical-sympathetic  form,  whether  we  re- 
gard him  as  the  heroic  warrior  and  leader,  or  as 
faithful,  self-denying  friend,  or  as  humble,  modest 
prince-royal,  or  as  the  firank,  unshrinking  de- 
nouncer of  wrong  and  sin. 

2.  In  David's  ethical-historical  character,  as 
presented  to  us  in  this  section,  we  have  to  note  in 
the  first  place  his  humble  and  obedient  behaviour  in 
the  caUing  appointed  him  by  the  divine  providence 
at  the  royal  court,  in  spite  of  the  quickly  changing 
and  fiercely  outbreaking  passionate  moods  of 
Saul,  and  in  spite  of  the  dangers  which  he  saw 
threatened  him.  Every  moment  he  put  himself 
at  the  king's  disposition,  and  was  at  his  side  to 
help  him  whenever  it  was  necessary.  He  went 
quietly  on  the  way  which  the  Lord  had  appointed 
him.  And  therefore  he  was  under  God's  protec- 
tion, and  experienced  the  preserving  help  of  his 
God. — Yet  this  flight,  in  which  his  wife's  faithful 
love  was  the  Lord's  means  of  saving  him,  began  the 
unbroken  series  of  severe  sufferings  and  trials  by  which 
David  was  to  be  confirmed  in  his  faith  and  trained 
in  a  hard  sdhool  for  his  royal  calling.  In  this 
long  life  of  suffering  he  had  uninterrupted  expe- 
rience as  a  confirmed  servant  of  God  of  the  help, 
the  consolation,  the  strengthening  from  above  to 
which  his  Psalms  bear  testimony.  Eoos :  "  Lay 
David's  good  and  bad  fortune  in  the  balances.  A 
courtier  and  officer,  who  falls  under  the  king's 
displeasure,  whom  the  king  with  implacable  rage 
seeks  to  kill,  whom  the  courtiers  and  many  others, 
to  please  the  king,  despise  and  persecute,  a  man 
who  is  compelled  to  flee,  who  in  need  and  afflic- 
tion must  always  conceal  himself,  who  can  often 
find  no  place  on  earth  where  to  lay  his  head,  such 
a  man  may  well  talk  of  misfortune,  and  is  in  this 
view  a  miserable  person.  But  if  we  remember 
that  God  in  his  deepest  needs  vouchsafes  gracious 
visitations  to  the  soul  of  this  man,  lifts  it,  as  it 
were,  above  all  mists  and  clouds,  grants  it  clearest 
insight  into  truth,  refreshes  it  hy  undeceptive 
addresses  and  friendly  consolatioiLs,  and  through 
it  points  all  men  to  happiness,  we  must  adrnit 


254 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


that  this  man's  good  fortune  is  greater  than  his 
bad  fortune,  that  liis  honor  is  greater  than  his 
reproach,  and  that  the  good  that  he  has  super- 
abundantly makes  up  for  all  his  outward  want." 

2.  The  title  of  the  E>9th  Psalm  refers  its  origin  to 
David's  dangerous  situation  in  Gibeah,  "when 
Saul  sent  and  they  watched  the  house  to  kill 
him."  And  in  fact  the  recurring  verses  7  and  15 
[6  and  14]  of  this  very  artiscically  arranged 
Psalm  point  to  ambushments  which  begin  in  the 
evening.  But  it  is  repeated  ambuscades  that  are 
there  spoken  of.  Since  now  in  our  history  only 
one  night  is  mentioned,  it  seems  more  appropriate 
not  to  refer  this  Psalm  to  those  dangerous  days  in 
Gibeah  (Delitzsch,  Moll),  but  with  Hengstenberg 
to  find  its  occasion  in  David's  remembrance  of 
the  deliverance  wrought  that  night  through  _Mi- 
chal,  which  was  the  beginning  of  the  weary  flight, 
wherein  he  encountered  such  unspeakable  dangers 
and  sufierings.  "  Such  being  the  importance  of 
the  fact,  we  should  expect  David  to  perpetuate  its 
recollection  by  a  Psalm"  (Hengst).  The  Psalm 
was  sung  when  he  looked  back  on  the  long  line 
of  enemies'  snares  and  divine  deliverances,  of 
which  the  events  of  that  evening  and  night  were 
the  beginning  and  type.  We  must  not,  however, 
confine  ourselves  to  that  event  cdone,  but  must  in- 
clude all  David's  similar  experiences  of  Saul's 
traps.  "  From  the  Psalm  it  appears  only  that  it 
was  called  forth  by  an  attempt  on  the  singer's  life; 
in  other  respects  the  circumstances  are  those  which 
belong  in  general  to  the  Saul-period"  (Hengst.).* 

4.  The  teraphim-image,  which  Miohal  employs, 
shows  that  these  Aramsean  idols,  these  forms  of 
"strange  gods"  which  Eachel  took  secretly  from 
her  father's  house  (Gen.  xxxi.  19,  34) — in  spite 
of  their  burial  by  Jacob  (Gen.  xxxv.  2  sq.),  and 
their  ordered  removal  by  Joshua  (J  osh.  xxiv.  22) 
and  Samuel's  zealous  opposition  to  them  (1  Sam. 
XV.  23) — hid  in  the  privacy  of  domestic  life, 
whence  in  the  time  of  the  Judges  they  came  openly 
forth  (Judg.  xvii.  compared  with  xviii.  14  sq.), 
still  maintained  themselves.  As  the  teraphim 
were  oracular  deities  in  their  old  homes  (so  in 
Ezek.  xxi.  21  Nebuchadnezzar  inquires  through 
them  whether  he  shall  march  against  Jerusalem 
or  against  Ammon),  so  also  in  Israel  (Judg.  xvii. 
18;  1  Sam.  xv.  23;  Hos.  iii.  4;  Ezek.  xxi.  26; 
Zech.  X.  2)  they  were  superstitiously  used  as  ora- 
cles, counsel  being  asked  through  them  concerning 
the  future.  Havernick  (on  Ezek.  xxi.  26) :  "  The 
use  of  the  teraphim  as  oracles  came  no  doubt 
through  their  connection  with  the  Ephod  (comp. 
Hoe.  iii.  4;  Zech.  x.  2),  the  ancient  general  notion 
of  their  magical  power  passing  over  into  the  more 
special  one  of  prediction."  Under  Josiah  (2 
Kings  xxiii.  24)  their  removal  was  decreed  in 
connection  with  other  idolatrous  abominations, 
but  they  kept  their  place  till  the  Exile. 

5.  In  respect  to  the  history  and  theocratic  signi- 
ficance of  the  so-called  Schools  of  the  prophets,  we 
must  distinguish  the  two  periods  in  which,  in  point 
of  fact,  the  only  mention  of  them  occurs.  In  the 
first  place  we  meet  with  prophetic  unions  or  pro- 
phetic communities  in  the  age  of  Samuel,  which 


*  [The  way  in  which  this  Ps.  contrasts  Israel  and  the 
hoathea  maltes  it  difficult  to  refer  it  to  this  incident  in 
David's  life ;  and  it  is  the  city,  not  the  house  that  tiie 
enemy  here  surrounds.  The  title  is  not  necessarily 
part  of  the  inspired  Psalm. — Tr.] 


are  more  exactly  defined  during  his  relations  with 
Saul:  first  that  band  of  prophets  (x.  5,  10),  which 
in  Gibeah  descends  from  the  sacrificial  hill  and 
meets  Saul,  prophesying  with  music  and  song. 
Perhaps  this  community  resided  in  Gibeah,  in 
support  of  which  we  may  perhaps  with  Keil  ad- 
duce the  name  "Gibeah  of  God."  In  ch.  xix. 
the  prophetic  community  stands  in  a  near  rela^ 
tion  to  Samuel  as  the  "  pre-sident."  The  mem- 
bers are  called  Nebiim  (prophets]  ;  they  prophesy 
under  Samuel's  lead ;  their  inspiration  (as  in  ch. 
X.)  is  so  mighty  that  persons  that  do  not  belong 
to  them,  as  Saul's  servants  and  Saul  himself,  are 
seized  and  overpowered  by  it,  and  fall  into  a  like 
ecstacy.  David  is  closely  connected  with  them, 
as  is  shown  by  his  flight  to  them  and  stay  with 
them.  He  found  there  only  temporary_  safety  in- 
deed from  Saul's  persecutions,  but  abiding  conso- 
lation and  strength  in  the  inspired  prophetic 
word,  in  the  blessings  of  the  fraternal  community, 
and  in  the  consoling  and  elevating  power  of  the 
holy  poetic  art,  whereby  he  doubtless  stood  in  pe- 
culiarly intimate  connection  with  the  community. 
The  members  of  the  body  formed  a  Cenobium ; 
their  outward  life  of  union  symbolized  their  in- 
ward union  under  the  mighty  impulse  of  one  and 
the  same  Spirit,  the  Holy  Spirit,  a  union  which 
they  saw  accomplished  through  this  prophetic 
Spirit  which  informed  them  all.  In  point  of 
fact  we  find  certainly  at  this  time  such  an  organized 
prophetic  community  only  in  Bamah;  whether 
Samuel,  who  was  its  president  there  in  the  latter 
part  of  his  life,  was  also  the  establisher  of  the  form 
of  associated  life,  is  doubtful ;  but  in  any  case  it 
may  be  confidently  maintained  that  through  the 
powerful  influence  which  he  exerted  on  his  con- 
temporaries by  the  prophetic  Spirit  which  dwelt 
and  worked  in  him,  awakening  and  fashioning  a 
new  life,  this  Spirit,  which  in  its  essential  nature 
tended  to  prod  uce  association,  showed  itself  in 
such  unions  of  prophetic  men.  The  original 
power  and  vigor  of  this  Spirit  expresses  itself  in 
these  extraordinary  phenomena  and  overwhelm- 
ing effects,  just  as  in  the  Apostolic  church  they 
appear  as  the  fruit  of  the  outpouring  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  (Actsii.;  1  Cor.  xiv.). — The  theocratic  sig- 
nificance of  this  association  consisted  in  the  fact 
that,  along  with  Samuel's  lofty  prophetical  form, 
they  were  the  centre  and  source  of  the  reviving 
religious-moral  life  of  the  nation,  after  it  had  lost 
its  theocratic  centre  in  the  national  eanctuary, 
which  was  despoiled  of  the  ark  of  the  covenant. 
The  prophetic  men  of  this  community,  which  is 
by  no  means  to  be  regarded  as  an  association  of 
pupils,  representthe  manifold  theocratic-prophetic 
influence  on  the  people,  which  was  first  com- 
pletely brought  to  Dear  by  Samuel's  labors ;  they 
form,  when  Samuel's  life  is  approaching  its  end, 
the  aftergrowth  (nurtured  by  him)  of  the  com- 
bined divinely-appointed  theocratic  ofiice  of  pro- 
phet and  judge  (alongside  of  the  royal  office),  as 
bearers  of  which  we  hnd  the  prophets  in  David's 
time.  In  their  midst  originated  and  was  culti- 
vated the  theocratic-prophetic  writing  of  history, 
as  representatives  of  which  a  Gad  (comp.  xxii.  5) 
and  a  Nathan  are  mentioned  along  with  Samuel 
(1  Chr.  xxix.  29).  Comp.  Thenius  on  1  Sam, 
xix.  19  and  xxii.  5. — On  the  prophetic  schools 
under  Samuel  see  Oehler  in  Herz.  R.-E.,  s.  v.  Pro- 
phetemthum  des  A.  T.,  XII.  214r-217. 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-24. 


255 


The  history  is  silent  concerning  the  prophetic 
communities  during  the  whole  period  from  Sar 
muel  to  the  age  of  Elijah  and  Eiisha.    Not  till 
the  epoch  in  the  development  of  the  prophetic 
Order  in  Israel  marked  by  the  grand  prophetic 
characters  of  Elijah  and  his  successor  Eiisha  do 
we  again  meet  with  these  communities,  and  then 
only  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Ten  Tribes  at  Oilgal, 
Bethel,  and  Jericho,  in  which  places  there  was  a 
numerous  membership  (2  Kings  iv.  38;  ii.  3,  5, 
7,  15,  16;  iv.  1,  43;  vi.  1;  ix.  1);  here,  however, 
they  are  not  called  "  prophets  "  as  under  Samuel's 
lead,  but  sons  of  the  prophets  (1  Kings  xx.  35),  a 
name  which  indicates  that  they  stood  to  the  lead- 
ers and  presidents  of  the  communities  in  a  de- 
pendent relation  as  scholars  and  disciples.     They 
have  their  places  of  assembly  and  abode,  designed 
for  a  large  number,  where  they  sit  at  the  feet  of 
their  prophetic  masters  (comp.  2  Kings  vi.  1  sq.), 
and  receive  prophetic  instruction  and  cultivation. 
Only  such  can  we  properly  call  prophetic  schools, 
whose  prophetic  presidents  and  leaders  (as  Elisha's 
case  shows)  had  to  legitimate  themselves  by  the 
power  of  the  prophetic  spirit  dwelling  in  them. 
While  under  Samuel's  presidency  the  prophetic 
communities  appear  as  freer  associations  of  pro- 
phetic men  for  the  exertion  of  united  influence  on 
the  people,  these  later  ones  are  distinct  Unions, 
in  which  teachers  and  scholars,  masters  and  dis- 
ciples stand  in  a  relation  of  mutual  co-ordination 
[control  and  subordination].     The  subject-matter 
of  the  instruction  was  the  divine  law  and  the  his- 
tory of  the  divine  dealings  with  the  covenant  peo- 
ple; the  aim  of  the  instruction  was  the  nurture 
and  furtherance  of  i.he  prophetic  spirit  by  holy 
discipline  in  an  organized  God-serving  life.   The 
pupils  were  trained  in  unconditional  obedience 
to  the  divine  law,  in  living  appropriation  of  the 
holy  will  of  God  as  absolute  norm  for  their  own 
wills;  from  their  Cenobia  thus  equipped  they 
went  forth  among  the  people  to  testify  of  the 
living  God,  of  His  word  and  His  righteous  and 
gracious  dealings,  and  with  absolute  obedience  to 
perform  the  special  tasks  imposed  on  them  by 
the  masters  with  divine  authority  (comp.  1  Kings 
xiii.  20  sq.).     Besides  this  general  theocratic  sig- 
nificance these  Unions  had  the  special  duty  to 
form  the  centre  of  the  service  of  God  for  the  peo- 
ple in  their  separation  from   the  sanctuary  at 
Jerusalem  (comp.  2  Kings  iv.  23,  42),  and  in  the 
prophetical  work  of  their  members  to  oppose  a 
solid  power  to  the  heathenism  whicli  pressed  in 
on  the  people  under  an  idolatrous  government, 
and  to  mamtain  the  honor  of  the  living  God. 
Comp.  Oehler  ubi  supra,  p.  220  sq. — In  respect  to 
the  historical  continuity  of  such  prophetic  asso- 
ciated life  in  the  interval  between  the  prophetic 
communities  of  Samuel  and  these  later  schools  of 
the  prophets,   nothing  can  be  certainly  deter- 
mined, although,  as  Oehler  shows  against  Keil 
(as  above,  p.  215),  the  great  number  of  prophets, 
which,  according  to  1  Kings  xviii-  13,  must  have 
existed  when  Elijah  appeared,  seems  to  favor 
such  continuity.     Comp.  on  the  other  side  Keil's 
remarks  in  his  commentary  on  ch.  xix.  p.  147 
sq.     [Eng.  Transl.,  pp.  199-205.] 

[Michal's  deception  in  ver.  13  may  be  called  a 
stratagem,  her  statement  in  ver.  14  is  a  falsehood 
carrying  out  the  stratagem,  and  her  answer  to  her 
&ther  in  ver.  17  is,  aa  Erdmann  terms  it,  a  "  lie 


of  necessity;"  that  is,  a  lie  held  to  be  necessary, 
in  order  to  save  one  from  suifering  or  perplexity. 
Clearly  this  last  is  unjustifiable;  when  Saul  de- 
manded an  explanation  Michal  ought  to  have  an- 
swered that  sHe  thought  it  right  to  save  her  hus- 
band. Her  stratagem  (ver.  13)  may  be  defended 
on  the  ground  that  Saul,  in  assuming  the  position 
towards  David  of  an  open  enemy  (without  legal 
warrant),  having  previously  tried  to  kill  him, 
had  thus  put  himself  out  of  ordinary  relation  with 
him,  and  was  to  be  treated  as  a  public  enemy  or 
a  madman.  Whether  the  statement  in  ver.  14  is 
then  properly  a  part  of  the  stratagem  is  not  so 
easy  to  say.  The  decisive  question  is :  Was  it 
necessary  to  the  success  of  the  stratagem  7  was  it 
based  on  Saul's  abnormal,  unnatural,  criminal 
attitude  towards  David? — Te.] 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-4.  Bekl.  Bible  :  So  far  is  Saul  car- 
ried by  self-love,  which  oltcn  transforms  itself  into 
fury  against  the  friends  of  God,  and  it  is  incredi- 
ble how  far  it  can  go  wrong.  Jonathan  acted  as 
a  true  friend  to  David,  and  presents  therein  a  pic- 
ture of  a  faithful  and  upright  friend,  who  not  only 
warns  David  of  danger  and  gives  him  good  coun- 
sel, but  also  at  his  own  peril  speaks  to  his  father 
for  him,  declares  his  innocence  and  praises  his 
noble  services,  and  thereby  brings  him  again  into 
his  father's  favor. — Schlier  :  Even  in  grown 
persons  there  is  nothing  more  beautiful  than  re- 
verence for  parents,  and  doubly  beautiful  is  this 
ornament  when  one  thing  is  understood,  how  to 
lead  parents  away  from  sin  and  yet  in  so  doing 
always  show  modesty  and  respect,  when  one  thing 
is  understood,  how  to  fulfil  the  Fourth  Command- 
ment in  truth  and  love.  [Taylob:  Such  a  ma- 
nifestation of  prudence  and  principle  combined. 
Prudence  did  not  go  so  far  as  to  make  him  silent 
about  the  sin  which  Saul  was  purposing  to  com- 
mit ;  principle  was  not  so  asserted  as  to  arouse  his 
father's  indignation. — Te,.]. — Ver.  6  sqq.  Berl. 
Bible:  A  kindly  and  hearty,  an  humble  but  also 
righteous  opposition  is  suited  to  turn  away  the 
evil  that  has  been  resolved  on  and  hinder  it  from 
coming  to  the  birth. — Schlier:  Open  thy  mouth 
for  thy  neighbor,  and  stand  up  for  him,  excuse 
him  where  thou  canst,  speak  to  his  advantage 
wherever  it  is  possible,  let  it  be  a  joy  to  thee  to 
bring  to  light  his  good  side,  be  in  earnest  to  pro- 
mote peace  wherever  it  is  practicable. 

Ver.  8.  Berl.  Bible:  Omy  God,  how  wonder- 
fully dost  Thou  lead  Thy  servants !  Scarcely  are 
they  out  of  one  trial  when  again  Thou  stirrest  up 
for  them  another.— Ver.  9.  Schlier:  God  the 
Lord  allows  the  evil  spirit  no  power  over  us,  if 
we  have  not  first  called  down  punishment  upon 
ourselves  by  our  sins;  he  who  is  in  the  power  of 
darkness  and  therefore  does  the  works  of  darkness, 
has  before  given  himself  up  to  darkness. — Ver. 
10.  Beblenb.  Bible:  Temptation  with  men  who 
are  grudging  and  envious  and  cannot  bear  the 
righteousness  of  the  child  of  God,  does  not  last 
long,  because  such  men  condemn  their  unright- 
eousness.— Ver.  11.  Kbtjmmacher  :  The  Lord 
in  every  way  takes  care  that  His  servant  David, 
adorned  with  His  laurels,  shall  not  lift  his  head 
too  high.  In  David,  too,  is  richly  verified  the 
apostolical  saying:  Whom  the  Lord  loveth  He 


256 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


chai-teaeth,  and  scourgeth  every  son  whom  he  re- 
ceiveth. — Vers.  13,  14.  Cbambb  :  In  cases  of  ur- 
gent need,  where  there  is  no  time  for  long  reflec- 
tion, a  woman  can  often  more  quickly  devise  a 
plan,  surpassing  therein  the  male  sex  (Eecl.  xxv. 
19 ;  Gen.  xxxi.  35 ;  Josh.  ii.  6).  [Hall:  Who 
can  but  wonder  to  see  how  .  .  .  Saul's  own  chil- 
dren are  the  only  means  to  cross  him  in  the  sin, 
and  to  preserve  his  guiltless  adversary. — Tb.].— 
Ver.  17.  Schlieb;  A  "  lie  of  necessity  "  is  never 
permissible,  wrong  can  never  become  right ;  lying 
always  remains  wrong,  and  doubly  wrong  when 
the  lie  is  spoken  to  a  father.  Truth  is  well- 
pleasing  to  God  the  Lord,  and  truth,  spoken  with 
an  eye  to  the  Lord,  always  finds  the  Lord's  pro- 
tection.— Cbameb:  There  are  three  sorts  of  lies  : 
lies  of  necessity  (Exod.  i.  19 ;  Gen.  xx.  2  ;  xxyi. 
7  ;  Josh.  ii.  6) ;  lies  of  sport  (Gen.  xlii.  9;  xxvii. 
15 ;  Jud.  ix.  8) ;  shameful  and  hurtful  lies.  Guard 
against  all  three,  and  speak  and  love  the  truth 
from  thy  heart. — [Taylob  :  Michal's  affection  for 
David  could  not  stand  the  strain  of  trial.  It  was 
not  like  that  of  Jonathan,  because  it  had  not,  like 
Jonathan's  its  root  in  devotion  to  the  Lord.  She 
could  not  and  did  not  follow  her  husband  through 
persecution,  and  exile,  and  danger,  because  she 
was  not  one  with  him  in  God.  (An  idolater  per- 
haps without  the  cognizance  of  her  husband).  She 
could  tell  lies  for  David,  but  she  had  not  the  cou- 
rage and  the  faith  to  go  with  him  into  suffering, 
or  to  tell  the  truth  for  him.— Te.] 

Ver.  18.  Osiandeb:  Those  who  are  in  trouble 
should  betake  themselves  to  the  assembly  where 
God's  word  is  taught,  and  there  seek  consolation. 
— Cramer:  God  always  raiises  up  for  His  people 
good  friends  and  patrons,  who  must  help  them  (1 
Kings  xviii.  13). — Schlier:  Instead  of  any  fiir- 
tiler  answer,  Samuel  led  David  to  his  Naioth,  into 
his  school  of  the  prophets;  amid  the  songs  of 
praise  of  his  prophet-scholars,  amid  their  common 
prayers  and  studies  of  God's  word  it  was  good  to 
dwell ;  there  was  consolation  and  peace,  there  was 
hel))  to  be  found  even  for  such  a  troubled  heart  as 
David  had.  Let  not  such  an  example  be  presented 
you  in  vain.  Are  you  troubled,  then  seek  the  word 
of  the  Lord  and  prayer,  seek  it  especially  there 
where  men  are  gathered  to  attend  to  God's  word  and 
to  pray.  [Hall  :  God  intended  to  make  David  not 
a  warrior  and  a  king  only,  but  a  prophet  too.  As 
the  field  fitted  him  for  the  first,  and  the  court  for 
the  second,  so  Naioth  shall  fit  him  for  the  third.— 
Tr.]. — Ver.  20  sqq.  Starke  [from  Hall]:  It 
is  good  going  up  to  Naioth,  into  the  holy  assem- 
blies ;  who  knows  how  we  may  be  changed,  beside 
our  intention  ?  Many  a  one  hath  come  into  God's 
house  to  carp,  or  scoff,  or  sleep,  or  gaze,  that  hath 
returned  a  convert  (1  Cor.  xiv.  24,  25). — As  one 
coal  kindles  another,  so  it  happens  that  where  good 
is  taught  and  heard,  hearts  also  do  not  remain  un- 
moved (Acts  xvi.  13,  14). — Bebl.  Bible:  That 
is  the  blessing  which  God  often  grants  to  devout 
assemblies,  that  many  a  one  goes  in  with  an  evil, 
impure  and  hostile  mind,  and  comes  out  again 
with  quite  another  heart  and  mind. — Vers.  23, 


24.  WuEBT.  SuMM.:  Saul'sprophesying  was  more 
an  irresistible  work  of  divine  power,  than  an  evi- 
dence of  divine  grace.  We  see  also  by  his  exam- 
ple, that  not  all  who  prophesy,  who  exhibit  ex- 
traordinary movements  of  spirit,  are  therebjr  shown 
to  have  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  to  stand  in  favor 
with  Him.  Many  of  them,  according  to  the  say- 
ing of  Jesus  (Matt.  vii.  22,  23),  will  on  that  day 
be  found  out  and  condemned  as  evil-doers.— 
Schlieb  :  In  Saul  we  have  an  example  how  God 
follows  a  man  till  he  either  turns  or  hardens  him- 
self. How  deep  was  Saul  already  sunken ;  yet 
God  the  Lord  did  not  yet  leave  him,  but  again 
turned  toward  him.  He  felt  the  mighty  hand  of 
God,  and  yet  he  would  not  bow.  Then  God's 
hand,  which  could  not  make  him  bow,  must  har- 
den him  more  and  more. — When  the  Lord's  hand 
comes  upon  us,  we  wish  to  bow,  we  wish  to  enter 
into  ourselves,  and  to  humble  ourselves.  Well  for 
him  who  lets  himself  be  reproved  and  chastised, 
but  woe  to  us  if  we  .shut  ourselves  up  against  the 
Lord's  hand.— [Taylob  :  In  reviewing  this  narra- 
tive, observe  how  diversified  are  the  resources 
which  Jehovah  has  at  command  for  the  protection 
of  His  people.  Each  time  the  means  by  which 
David  was  delivered  are  different.  At  first  he  is 
defended  by  God's  blessing  on  his  own  valor 
against  the  Philistines ;  then  he  is  indebted  for 
his  safety  to  the  mediation  of  Jonathan ;  then  to 
the  agency  of  Michal ;  and  finally  to  the  miracu- 
lous work  of  God's  own  Holy  Spirit.  In  the  sub- 
sequent portion  of  the  history  we  shall  find  that 
the  same  principle  holds,  and  that  in  each  new 
peril  he  is  preserved  by  some  new  instrumental- 
ity.—Tb.] 

Vers.  11,  12.  F.  W.  Kbttmmacher  :  A  nea 
storm :  1)  By  what  David  is  threatened  ;  2)  How 
he  is  delivered  from  the  danger. — Ver.  18.  DaM 
at  Ramah:  1)  He  breathes  the  atmosphere  of  the 
communion  of  the  saints  ;  2)  He  sees  a  new  plan 
to  murder  him  wonderfully  frustrated. 

[Vers.  4-7.  An  attempt  at  Peacemaking :  1)  The 
means  employed.  Jonathan  appeals,  with  tact 
and  delicacy,  to  justice,  gratitude,  piety,  memo- 
ries of  the  past,  conscience.  2)  The  apparent  ef- 
fect. Saul's  better  feelings  revived,  his  conscience 
aroused.  In  his  passionate  way,  he  takes  a  solemn 
oath,  no  doubt  with  superficial  sincerity.  All 
seems  restored  "as  in  times  past."  3)  The  final 
result.  David's  merits,  at  the  call  of  Providence, 
shine  forth  with  new  lustre.  Slumbering  envy 
wakes,  and  the  last  enmity  is  worse  than  the  first. 
(Comp.  XX.  33,  34).  Lessons:  (1)  It  is  at  any 
rate  a  consolation  to  have  tried,  and  to  have  had 
even  temporary  success.  (2)  Peacemaking  does 
not  always  fail.  (3)  We  must  fear  for  the  results 
wherever  the  wrong-doer  does  not  repent  of  the 
sin  involved ;  the  only  sure  peacemaking  must 
begin  in  peace  with  God.  (4)  How  deep-rooted 
and  ruinous  a  sin  is  envy ;  it  may  swallow  up  the 
noblest  feelings,  break  the  most  solemn  promises, 
lead  to  madness  and  murder.  And  no  wonder, 
for  the  envious  man  sins  at  once  against  himself, 
hig  neighbor,  and  his  God. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  XX.  1-23.  257 


II.  Jimathan'g  foAthfid  friendahip  proved  by  his  last  vain  attempt  at  a  reconaUialion  of  Saul  amd  David. 
Chapter  XX.  1— XXI.  1  [Eng.  A.  V.,  XX.  42]. 

1.  Conference  between  David  and  Jonathan  as  to  the  discovery  of  Saul's  disposition  towards  the 
former  and  the  mode  of  informing  him  thereof. 

Chapter  XX.  1-23. 

1  And  David  fled  from  Naioth  in  Ramah,  and  came  and  said  before  Jonathan/ 
What  have  I  done  ?  what  is  my  iniquity  and  what  is  my  sin  before  thy  father  that 

2  he  seeketh  my  life  ?  And  he  said  unto  him,  God  forbid  [Far  be  it'] !  Thou  shalt 
not  die;  behold,  my  father  will  do'  nothing  either  great  or  small  but  that  he  will 

3  show  it  me,  and  why  should  my  father  hide  this  thing  from  me  ?  it  is  not  so.  And 
David  sware*  moreover,'  and  said,  Thy  father  certainly  knoweth  [knoweth  well]' 
that  I  have  found  grace  in  thine  eyes,  and  he  saith.  Let  not  Jonathan  know  this,' 
lest  he  be  grieved.     But  truly,  as  the  Lord    [Jehovah]   liveth,  and  as  thy  soul 

4  liveth,  there  is  but  a  step  between  me  and  death.'  Then  said  Jonathan  [And  Jo- 
nathan said]  unto  David,  Whatsoever  thy  soill  desireth   [saith],'  I  will  even  lorn. 

5  even]  do  it  for  thee.  And  David  said  unto  Jonathan,  Behold,  to-morrow  is  the 
new  moon,  and  I  should  not  fail  to  sit'°  with  the  king  at  meat;  but  let  me  go,  that 

6  I  may  hide  myself  in  the  field  unto  the  third"  day  at  even.  If  thy  father  at  all 
[decidedly]"  miss  me,  then  say,  David  earnestly  asked^'  leave  of  me  that  he  might 
run  to  Bethlehem,  his  city,  for  there  is  a  yearly  sacrifice"  there  for  all  the  family. 

7  If  he  say  thus,  It  is  well,  lins.  then]  thy  servant  shall  have  peace  ;  but  if  he  be 

8  very  wroth,*'  then  be  sure  that  evil  is  determined  by  him.  Therefore  [And]  thou 
shalt  deal  kindly  with''  thy  servant,  for  thou  hast  brought  thy  servant  into  a  cove- 
nant of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  with  thee ;  notwithstanding  [but],  if  there  be  in  me 
iniquity,  slay  me  thyself,  for  why  shouldest  thou  bring  me  to  thy  father?    And  Jo- 

9  nathan  said,  Far  be  it"  from  thee  ;  for,  if  I  knew  certainly  that  evil  were  deter- 
10  mined  by  my  father  to  come  upon  thee,  then  would  I  not  tell  it  thee  ?"    Then  said 

David  [And  David  said]  to  Jonathan,  Who  shall  tell  me?  or  what  i/"  thy  father 

TEXTUAL  AND  QEAMMATICAL. 

>  [Ver.  1.  Sept  "  came  before  Jonathan  and  said,"  not  so  well.  Wellhausen  refers  for  a  similar  order  to  2  Sam. 
xviii.  18.— Tb.  I 

'  [Ver.  2.  The  divine  name  is  not  in  the  Heb.— Tr.] 

»   Ver.  2.  On  the  Qeri  and  Keth.  see  Exposition.— Tk.]  _     ,  .     .  ...^  ^     r,     -j 

•  [Ver.  3.  So  Chald.,  Syr.,  Vulg.,  Arab.;  Sept.  "  answered."  Wellh. :  "  The  Sept.  is  right  for  David  never  swears, 
but  see  latter  part  of  this  verse  and  1  Kings  ii.  8. — Te.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  Bee  Erdmann's  Expos,  against  Thenius.— Te.] 

•  [Ver.  3.  The  Inf.  Absol.  is  throughout  the  chapter  variously  tran.«lated.— Te.]  j       i     i        , 

'  LVer.  3.  Anonymous  Greek  version  adds :  "  lest  he  tell  David,"  which  is  probably  a  gloss  and  not  a  transla- 
tion. -Tk.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  The  Sept.  here  gives  substantially  the  sense  of  the  Heb.— Te.] 

•  I  Ver.  4.  Margin  of  Eng.  A.  V. :  "  Say  what  is  thy  mind,"  which  is  a  free  rendering  — Te.] 

10  rver,  6.  Literally :  "  I  should  certainly  sit,"  and  so  Chald.  and  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  Kashi  ("  I  am  aooustomed  to 

sit ")  and  the  Greek  vss.  except  Sept.,  which  has  "  I  will  not  sit,"  clearly  from  the  succeeding  narrativo;  on  a  sp^ 

oial  occasion  like  this  (there  seems  to  have  occurred  between  ch.  xix.  and  oh.  xx.  a  reconciliation  ot  Baui  ana 

David)  he  would  be  looked  for. — Te.]  ,      ,r,    ^.■^  u       „j-~  »<>  «>.o 

"  [Ver.  5.  The  fem.  form  is  difficult.    We  may  suppose  3^f|  here  fem.,  or  render  (Eashi)  "evening  ot  the 

third  day,"  against  which  is  the  Art.  with  31^',  or  (with  Sept.  and  Wellh.)  omit  the  numeral.— Te.] 

"  rVer.  6.  Infin.  Absol.  "  pressing!/ inquire  after  me."— Te.] 

i»  [''er.  6.  Niph.  reflexive.— Te.]  „    , 

"  'Ver.  6.  Margin  of  Eng.  A.  V.  '•  feast,"  which  gives  the  sense.- Te.] 

>'  I  Ver.  7.  Sept.,  "if  he  answer  thee  roughly,"  probably  from  ver.  10.— Tb.] 

i«  [Ver.  8.  Heb.  S;;.  Sept.,  Chald..  Syr.  (perh.  Vulg.,  Arab.)  ajT  which  is  the  Heb.  usage  (Sj?  seems  to  be  found 
nowhere  else,  S.  Sk,  'JS*?  in  a  few  instances  after  npn)-— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  9.  This  is  the  same  Heb.  phrase  as  is  found  in  ver.  2.-TE.]  ,    „  t  v.      u  .]„.„..,*,  a^- 

«  [Ver.  9.  Or,  we  may  render :  "  If  I  knew,  etc.,  and  did  not  tell  thee  — "  and  supply  "  Jehovah  do  so,  etc.  Syr. : 
"If  I  knew,  etc.,  1  would  come  and  tell  thee,"  an  impossible  rendering,  but  perhaps  from  a  different  text.-Sept. 
adds  after  "  come  upon  thee,"  ^ii  b  «'«  Tat  irdAtu  aou,  which  is  probably  a  duplet  (so  Wellh.).—!  e.  ) 

17 


258  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL, 


answer  tliee  rouglily  ?"    And  Jonathan  said  unto  David,  Come  and  let  us  go  out 

11  into  the  field.    And  they  went  out  both  of  them  into  the  field. 

12  And  Jonathan  said  unto  David,  O  [By]«  Lord  [Jehovah],  God  of  Israel, 
when  I  have  sounded  my  father  about  to-morrow  any  time  [this  time  to-morrow] 
or  the  third  day,'^  and  behold,  if  there  be  good  towards  David,  and  I  then  send  not 

13  unto  thee  and  shew  it  thee,  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  do  so  and  much  more  to  Joua- 
[13]  than.''     But  if  it  please  my  father  to  do  thee  evil,  then  I  will  shew  it  thee,  and 

send  thee  away  that  thou  mayest  go  in  peace,  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  be  with  thee 

14  as  he  hath  been  with  my  father.  And  thou  shalt  not  only  [And  O  that  thou 
wouldest]'''  while  yet  I  live  show  me  the  kindness  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  that  I 

15  die  not  [And  0,''  if  I  die].  But  aho  thou  shalt  [that  thou  wouldst]  not  cut  off 
thy  kmdness  from  my  house  forever,  no,  not  \ini.  even]  when  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 

16  hath  cut  off  the  enemies  of  David  every  one  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  So  [And] 
Jonathan  made  a  covenant  with  the  house  of  David,  saying j"'  L-t  the  Lord 
even  require  [David,  and  Jehovah  required]  it  at  the  hand  of  David's  enemies. 

17  And  Jonathan  caused  David  to  swear'*  again,  because  he  loved  him,  for  he  loved 
him  as  he  loved  his  own  soul. 

18  Then  [And]  Jonathan  said  to  David   [him],  To-morrow  is  the  new  moon,  and 

19  thou  shalt  [wilt]  ba  missed,  because  thy  seat  will  be  empty.  And  when  thou  hast 
stayed  three  days,  then  [pm.  then]  thou  shalt  go  down  quickly''  and  come  to  the 
place  where  thou  didst  hide  thyself  when  the  business  was  in  hand,  and  thou  shalt 

20  remain  by  the  stone  Ezel."     And  I  will  shoot  three  arrows  on  the  side  thereof,  as 

21  though  I  shot  at  a  mark.'^     Atid,  behold,  I  will  send  a  lad,  saying,  Go,  find  out 
[pm.  out]  the  arrows.     If  I  expressly  say  unto  the  lad,  Behold,  the  arrows  are  on 

this  side  of  thee,  take  them,  then  come  thou,  for  there  is  peace  to  thee  and  no  hurt, 

22  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth.  But  if  I  say  thus  unto  the  young  man,  Behold  the 
arrows  are  beyond  thee,  [ins.  then]  go  thy  way,  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  sent 

23  thee  away.  And,  as  touching  [as  to]  the  matter  which  thou  and  I  [I  and  thou] 
have  spoken  of,  behold  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  be  between  thee  and  me  [me  and  thee] 
forever." 

>'  [Ver.  10,  See  Erdmann  in  the  Expos,  No  satisfactory  rendering  is  offered  by  vss.  or  expositors.  Eng.  A. 
V.  is  substantially  supported  by  Chald. ;  the  other  vss,  render :  "who  will  tell  me  whether  thy  father,  eicf  and 
this  seems  best  if  the  present  text  is  retained.  But,  while  there  is  no  good  external  authority  for  changing  the 
text,  the  meaning  "  whether  perchance  "  for  HD  IK  i^  not  established. — Abarbanel  quotes  the  explanation :  "  who 

T 

will  tell  me  if  thy  father  answers  peace,  or  who  will  tell  me  what  thy  father  answers  rough  ?"  (which  is  nearly  the 
form  adopted  by  Erdmann),  and  then  gives  his  own  view  that  David  says  two  things :  1)  he  asks  who  will  tell  him 
Saul's  decision,  whether  good  or  bad  ?  2)  ho  exclaims  "  or  what  will  thy  father,  etc  ?"— Kwald  and  others  follow  tha 
vss,  as  above, — Ta.] 

20  fVer,  1-'.  On  the  whole  passage,  vers,  12-17,  see  Erdmann's  discussion.— The  Vocative  here  (as  in  Eng.  A,V,} 
is  hardly  possible.    The  vss.  supply  different  words,  Syr.,  Arab.,  "  witness,"  Sept.,  "  knows."    Two  MSS.  insert  'n 

"  by  the  life  of  Jehovah  "  and  Rashi  calls  it  an  oath.  We  must  either  so  take  it  (which  is  simpler),  or  suppose  the 
phrase  interrupted  and  resumed  below  in  the  beginning  of  ver.  13, — Ta,] 

21  [Ver,  12.  The  same  difBculty  as  in  ver,  6 ;  dV  occurs  a  few  times  (perhaps  only  in  Ezck,  vii,  10)  as  fem.   We 

have  also  to  supply  "  or  "  between  InD  and  n'tsScyn.  Yet  we  cannot  throw  out  the  latter  (Wellh.)  which  is  sns. 
tained  by  all  the  vss,,  and  does  not  in  its  content  contradict  the  narrative,  Jonathan  may  easily  have  seen  reason 
for  putting  off  his  inquiry  till  the  third  day.— Te.J 

^  [Yer.  12,  This  clause  clearly  belongs  to  ver,  13. — Ta.] 

23  [Vers.  14, 15.  Instead  of  x'7  read  ^  —  ^b,  NiV.— Tb.] 

«  [Ver,  16,  There  Is  no  reason  for  the  insertion  of  "  saying  "  here.  Chald.,  Viilg,,  render  by  the  Aor.  "  reqnired," 
Syr,  has  Fut,  It  is  properly  a  remark  of  the  autlior,  not  of  Jonathan,  but  it  sounds  like  a  marginal  gloss  which 
liiis  crept  into  the  text,  though  the  Sept,  liad  it  before  them.  See  tlie  Expcsition.  On  the  opinion  that "  David's 
enemies  "  here  stands  for  "  David  "  himself  and  that  this  was  fulfilled  when  his  kingdom  was  divided  because 
he  danrived  Mephihosheth  of  half  of  Ida  pos.oessions  (2  Sam.  xix,),  see  Poole's  Synopsis  in  toco,— Te.] 

»  fVer.  17.  Sept.,  "  swore  to  David,"  The  difficulty  is  in  the  reason  a.'<signed,  namely,  Jonathan's  love  for  Da- 
vid, which  seems  to  support  the  Greek  reading,  on  which  see  Erdmann  in  ioco. — Ta,] 

»i  [Ver.  19,  Literally  "very."     Sept.  and  apparently  Chald  Cj'anri) and  Syr,  read  ID ■)  instead  of  TT,    The 

li?D  seems  to  be  maintained  by  the  vss.,  Chald,  and  Syr.,  " woil,  greatly,"  Vulg.  "quickly"  (so Eng.  A. T.) ; 

some  explain  it  of  a  deep  descent  into  the  valley.    The  Denom.  ntybttf  *  "thou  shalt  thrloe  do  "  (So  Erdmann), 

hardly  "thou  shalt  wait  three  daj^s"  (but  contra  Philippson, 'Wellh,,  and  apparently  some  vss,).  Perhaps  the  be'it 
rendering  would  be :  "  and  the  third  day  thou  slialt  watch  thy  opportunity  and  come  to  the  place," — Ta,] 

27  [Ver.  19,  Syr.,  ■'  that  stone,"  Chald,,  "  stone  of  a  sign,"  whence  Easlu  "  lapis  viatoi-ius  "  to  point  travellers  on 
the  way. — Te,] 

28  [Ver.  20,  Literally  "  to  shoot  (me)  at  a  mark."  Sept,  "  I  will  shoot  three  times  with  arrows,"  afterwards  cue 
arrow  only  is  mentioned,  as  in  ver.  21,  where  the  Heb,  has  the  plu.  And  in  ver,  36  we  have  the  Sing,  in  the  Heb, 
Yet  this  does  not  establish  the  Sept,  reading,  since  the  Plu.  in  the  Heb.  may  be  used  in  a  general  sense,  while  the 
Greek  may  have  changed  the  number  to  make  it  agree  with  ver.  36, — Te.] 

29  [Ver.  23.  Chald.  and  Sept.  have  "  a  witness  for  ever,"  which  may  be  simply  an  explanation,  or  they  may  have  , 
read  Ijr  for  1;?.— Te.] 


CHAP.  XX.  1— XXI.  1.  259 


2.  Jonathan  learns  Saul's  disposition  towards  David,  and  gives  information  to  the  latter,  who  flees. 

Vers.  24— XXI.  1  [XX.  42]. 

24  So  [And]  David   hid  himself  in    the  field.      And  when   the  new   moon  waS 

25  come,  the  king  eat  him  down  to  eat  meat.  And  the  king  sat  upon  his  seat  as  at 
other  times,  even  [pm.  even]  upon  a  [the]  seat  by  the  wall,  and  Jonathan  arose™ 

26  and  Abner  sat  by  Saul's  side,  and  David's  place  was  empty.  Nevertheless  [And] 
Saul  spake  not  any  thing  that  day,  for  he  thought,  Something  hath  befallen  him,  he 

27  is  not  clean,  surely  he  is  not  clean."  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the  morrow,  which 
was  the  second  day  of  the  month  [the  morrow  of  the  new  moon,  the  second  day]^'' 
that  David's  place  was  empty ;  and  Saul  said  unto  Jonathan  his  son,  Wheretbre 

28  Cometh  not  the  son  of  Jesse  to  meat,  neither  yesterday  nor  to-day  ?    And  Jonathan 

29  answered  Saul,  David  earnestly  asked  leave  of  me  to  go  to  Bethlehem ;  And  he 
said.  Let  me  go,  I  pray  thee,  for  our  family  hath  a  sacrifice  in  the  city,  and  my 
brother,  he''  hath  commanded  me  to  he  there;  and  now,  if  I  have  found  favor  in 
thine  eyes,  let  me  get  away,"  I  pray  thee,  and  see  my  brother.  Therefore  he  cometh 
not  unto  the  king's  table. 

30  Then  Saul's  anger  was  kindled  against  Jonathan,  and  he  said  unto  him.  Thou 
son  of  the  perverse  rebellious  woman,^  do  I  not  know  that  thou  hast  chosen'"  the 
son  of  Jesse  to  thy  own  confusion  [shame]  and  unto  the  confusion  [shame]  of  thy 

31  mother's  nakedness  ?  For  as  long  as  the  son  of  Jesse  liveth  upon  the  ground,  thou 
shalt  not  be  established,  nor  thy  kingdom.     Wherefore  [And]  now,  send  and  fetch 

32  him  unto  me,  for  he  shall  surely  die.    And  Jonathan  answered  Saul  his  father  and 

33  said  unto  him.  Wherefore  shall  he  be  slain?  what  hath  he  done?  And  Saul  cast" 
a  [his]  javelin  at  him  to  smite  him,  whereby  [and]  Jonathan  knew  that  it  was  de- 

34  termined"  of  his  father  to  slay  David.  So  [And]  Jonathan  arose  from  the  table 
in  fierce  anger,  and  did  eat  no  meat  the  second  day  of  the  month,  for  he  was  grieved 
for  David,  because  his  father  had  done  him  shame. 

35  And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  morning  that  Jonathan  went  out  into  the  field  at  the 

36  time  appointed  with  David,  and  a  little  lad  with  him.  And  he  said  unto  his  lad, 
Eun,  find  out  [pm.  out]  now  the  arrows  which  I  shoot.    And  as  {pm.  and  as]  the 

37  lad  ran  [ins.  and]  he  shot  an  [the]  arrow  beyond  him.  And  when  the  lad  was 
come  to  the  place  of  the  arrow  which  Jonathan  had  shot,  Jonathan  cried  after  the 

38  lad  and  Baid,  Is  not  the  arrow  beyond  thee?  And  Jonathan  cried  after  the  lad. 
Make  speed,  haste,  stay  not.     And  Jonathan's  lad  gathered  up  the  arrows"  and 

39  came*"  to  his  master.     But  [And]  the  lad  knew  not  any  thing ;  only  Jonathan  and 

40  David  knew  the  matter.     And  Jonathan  gave  hia  artillery"  unto  his  lad,  and  said 

41  unto  him.  Go,  carry  them  to  the  city.  As  soon  as  the  lad  was  gone  [The  lad  went.] 
[ins.  And]  David  arose  out  of  a  place  toward  the  south  [arose  from  beside  the 
stone] ,^'  and  fell  on  his  face  to  the  ground,  and  bowed  himself  three  times;  and  they 
kissed  one  another  and  wept  with  one  another  until  David  exceeded  [wept  greatly]." 

*  [Ver.  25.  On  this  reading  see  the  Exposition. — Tb.] 

81  [Ver.  26.  Better,  after  the  Sept.,  "  he  has  not  cleansed  himself."— Tn.]     .      ,    „      ^,  ,,      „  ~    , . 

8=  [Ver.  27.  The  Heb.  is  diiHeult.  Wellh.,  combining  Heb.  and  Sept.,  reads  simply  "on  the  second  day.  Chald. : 
"  on  the  day  after,  which  was  the  intercalation  of  the  second  month  "  (translated  m  Walton's  Pplyg.  the  day  alter 
that  day  which  was,  etc")  that  is  the  day  after  the  "  second  new-moon,"  or  the  second  day  of  the  month.  1  tie 
rendering  given  above  is  altogether  the  easiest. — Te.]  

!«  [Ver.  29.  The  Heb.  does  not  admit  this  rendering.    Wellh.  suggests  NHI  "  and  lo  I"— Tb.J 

»  [Ver.  2!).  Some  MSS.  and  edd.  have  "send  me  away."— Tb.]  •     ^v, 

»  [Ver.  30.  Sept.,  son  of  "  a  faithless  damsel,"  as  if  they  read  n^ J| J  instead  of  nif'j,  which  is  against  the  vss. 

and  the  rule  procKvi  seriptioni  prcestat  or(f«a.— Te.]  ,  .  ,     ,,  ^  -^  u  *•*  ..,*.,■  ^ 

*>  [Ver.  30.  Sept.,  " art  associated  with"  03n).    The  7  before  ]3  is  unusual.    Yet  if  we  substitute  3  for  1 

there  eeems  to  be  no  good  reason  for  changing  the  text.— Tn.] 
"  [Ver.  33.  Or,  brandished  (B».-Coot.).— Te.] 

«a  fVer.  33.  Instead  of  N'TI  pSs  read  pnSs  (WeUh.).— Te.] 

»  [Ve*.  38.  So  in  Qeri ;  the  tert  has  Sing. "  arrow."    See  on  ver.  20.— Te.]      ^  ^     ,     . ,       „    , 
«  [Ver.  38.  Sept.,  brought  them,"  N3'l.    Between  the  two  readings  it  is  hard  to  decide.- rE.J 

"  [Ver.  40.  Literally  his  "  implements!"  The  distinctive  word  "artillery,"  though  now  rarely  used  in  this 
sense,  is  needed  and  should  be  retained.— Te.]  .   „,    ,  i     .  ,j  j  „  „„a  *ho  „== 

«  [Ver.  41.  A  difficult  passage.  The  Heb.  (as  given  in  Eng.  A.  V.)  does  not  yield  a  good  sense,  and  the  v.ss 
deal  variously  with  the  sentence.    Chald. :  "  fromheside  the  s^one  of  the  sign  (or  the  stone  Atha)  which  is  on  the 


260 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


42  And  Jonathan  said  to  David,  Go  in  peace,  forasmuch  as  we  have  sworn  both  of  ua 
in  the  name  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  saying,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  be  between  me 
and  thee  and  between  my  seed  and  thy  seed  forever. 

Chap.  XXI.  1     And  he  arose  and  departed ;  and  Jonathan  went  into  the  city. 

south"  (from  ver.  19).  Syr.;  "from  beside  the  stone,"  Sept.,  Vat.,  " from  the  Argab,"  Alex.,  " from  sleep " (see 
Grig.  Hex,  ed  Montf.),  Vulg.  aud  others  as  the  Hcb.  It  seems  probable  that  the  readings  here  and  in  ver.  19  are 
the  same,  and  that  we  should  render  in  both  cases  either  "  beside  tile  stone  "  or  "  beside  the  stone  Ezel  (or,  the 
sign-stone  "). — Tc] 

[Ver.  42.  Or,  with  Sept.  and  Wellh.  omitting  "  David,"  "  wept  with  one  another  greatly." — Te.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

1.  Vers.  1—23.  Conversation  and  agreement  be- 
tween David  and  Jonathan  on  the  mode  of  discover- 
ing Saul's  real  attitude  toward  David,  and  informing 
him  of  it. 

Ver.  1  is  connected  immediately  with  the  fore- 
going, the  narrative  of  David's  flight  from,  Naioth 
in  Hamah  standing  in  pragmatic  connection  with 
t!ie  account  (close  of  ch.  xix.)  of  the  proceedings 
of  Saul  and  his  messengers.  They  came  to  seize 
David ;  instead  of  which  the  irresistible  Spirit  of 
God  had  overpowered  them  and  defeated  their 
design.  David  must  herein  have  seen  the  pro- 
tecting hand  of  his  God,  which  thus  gave  him 
opportunity  to  flee  from  Naioth,  where  he  could 
no  longer  find  asylum. — Having  by  flight  escaped 
the  machinations  of  Saul  and  his  followers,  he 
seeks  and  finds  a  way  to  an  interview  with  Jona- 
than.— David's  three-fold  question  as  to  his  fault  is 
a  three-fold  denial  of  it,  since  it  involves  as  many 
assertions  of  his  innocence.  An  echo  of  this  asser- 
tion is  found  in  the  declaration,  so  frequent  in  the 
Davidic  Psalms,  of  his  innocence  and  purity  in 
respect  to  the  persecutions  of  his  enemies. — That 
he  seeks  my  soul,  that  is,  mj  life,  comp.  Ex. 
iv.  19.  S.  Schraid :  "  The  questions  in  this  verse 
are  an  appeal  to  Jonathan's  own  knowledge." — 
Ver.  2,  Jonathan's  answer  to  David^s  complaint  is 
(1)  the  distinct  assurance:  iax  be  it,  thou  shalt 
not  die,  and  (2)  the  ground  of  this  affirmation. 
Though  this  assurance  has  immediate  reference 
to  what  David  says  of  Saul's  attack  on  him  (as 
Jonathan's  following  words  are  intended  to  show 
that  he  knew  nothing  of  such  u,  murderous  plan 
on  Saul's  part),  yet  at  the  same  time  Jonathan, 
looking  to  David's  high  divine  mission  for  the 
people,  prophetically  declares  what  was  deter- 
mined in  the  Divine  counsel  concerning  the 
maintenance  and  preservation  of  his  friend's 
life.— For  iS  ("  to  hun-')  read  X^  ("  not")  The 
marginal  Impf.  (ni^i^^)  is  to  be  preferred  to  the 
Perf.  of  the  text,  expressing  customary  action 
("does  nothing"  [Eng.  A.  V.  "will  do  no- 
thing"]); so  Sspt.,  Vulg.,  Chald.  "We  may 
indeed  read  the  word  as  Prtcp.  with  Bunsen,  who 
therefore  regards  the  "masoretic  change"  as  un- 
necessary. Jonathan  means  to  say  :  ''  My  father 
as  a  rule  does  nothing  without  telling  me,  nothing 
great  or  small,"  that  is,  absolutely  nothing,  comp. 
xxii.  15,  XXV.  36,  Nu.  xxii.  18.  The  appended  re- 
mark :  "  Why  should  my  father  hide  this  thing 
from  me  7  It  is  not  so  1 "  supposes  that  the  inti- 
timate  relation  between  Jonathan  and  David  had 
been  concealed  as  far  as  possible  from  Saul. 
They  were  secret  friends,  as  far  as  he  was  con- 


cerned. Otherwise  Saul  would  certainly  not 
have  spoken  to  his  son  Jonathan  (xix.  1)  of  hia 
purpose  to  kill  David.  This  confirms  what  Jona- 
than here  says  to  David.  Saul's  lack  of  self- 
control*  showed  itself  in  his  taking  counsel  about 
his  scheme  of  murder  with  those  about  him,  his 
violent  passion  so  mastering  him  that  he  could  not 
at  all  conceal  the  fury  of  his  heart.  His  commu- 
nication of  his  plan  (xix.  1)  was  the  occasion  of 
Jonathan's  hindering  it ;  Saul  even  swore  to 
Jonathan  that  he  would  not  kiU  David,  and  this 
Jonathan  told  David  (xix.  6,  7).  To  this  Jona- 
than's word  here  refers :  "  thou  shalt  not  die,"  &c. 
Since  that  time  there  had  been  another  war  with 
the  Philistines  (ii.  ver.  8),  and  shortly  before  this 
conversation  of  David  and  Jonathan  the  incident 
narrated  in  vers.  9-24  occurred.  David's  words 
in  ver.  3:  "he  (Saul)  thought  Jonathan  must  not 
know  tliis,"  confirm  Jonathan's  assurance  that 
his  father  had  told  him  nothing  of  a  plan  of 
murder.  But,  it  may  properly  be  asked,  did 
Jonathan  know  nothing  of  the  events  just  de- 
scribed, on  which  David's  declaration  is  based? 
It  is  certainly  possible  that  he  [Jonathan]  was 
at  that  time  absent  from  court ;  but  the  connec- 
tion does  not  favor  this  view.  But,  if  he  were 
present,  Saul's  attempt  against  David  could  not 
possibly  have  remained  concealed  from  him.  Ac- 
cepting this  supposition  as  the  more  probable,  we 
must,  m  order  to  understand  Jonathan's  words, 
look  at  the  whole  situation.  The  account  of  all 
the  occurrences  from  xix.  9  on  exhibits  Saul  in  a 
relatively  unsound  state  of  mind,  produced  by  a 
new  attack  of  rage  and  madness.  As  now  Saul 
had  before,  after  recovering  from  such  an  attack, 
sworn  to  Jonathan  in  consequence  of  his  repre- 
santations,  that  he  would  not  kill  David,  Jona- 
than might  regard  this  late  attempt  on  David  as 
the  re.sult  of  a  new  but  temporary  access  of  rage, 
and,  remembering  his  distinct  oath  in  his  lucid 
psriod,  might  suppose  that  he  would  not  in  a 
quiet  state  of  mind  resolve  on  and  execute  such  a 
murder.  Thus  his  decided  "it  is  not  so"  may 
be  psychologically  explained.  Nagelsbach :  "  Be- 
tween xix.  2  and  xx.  2  there  is  no  contradiction, 
since  in  the  latter  passage  Jonathan  merely  de- 
nies that  there  is  now  a  new  attempt  against 
David's  life"  (Herz.iJ.-^!.  xiii.  403).  But  whil5 
Jonathan  had  in  mind  merely  the  symptom  in 
his  father's  condition,  David  knew  how  deeply 
rooted  in  envy  and  jealousy  Saul's  hate  toward 
him  was.  He  a.ssures  him  with  an  oath,  what 
was  perfectly  clear  to  him,  that  Saul  sought  his 
destruction,  "yiy  refers  to  what  is  said  in  ver.  1, 
and  so=''  thereto,  mjireover,"  not  "the  second  time, 


'[This  seems  to  he  the  meaning  of  Erdmann's  inner* 
haltlosigkcit  here. — Te.] 


CHAP.  XX.  1— XXI.  1. 


261 


again,"  since  nothing  is  said  of  a  previous  oath. 
David's  reply  contains  two  things :  (1)  the  expla- 
naticm  (connected  with  the  indirect  affirmation 
that  Saul  had  resolved  to  murder  liim)  of  Jona- 
than's statement  that  Saul  had  said  nothing  to 
him  of  the  murder,  by  referring  to  Saul's  un- 
doubted knowledge  of  the  friendship  between 
them,  and  (2)  tlie  assertion  (with  a  double  oath) 
that  he  saw  nothing  but  death  before  him.  ('3  is 
here  intensive,  =imo,  so  especially  in  oaths,  xiv. 
44,  1  K.  i.  29  sq.,  ii.  23  f.,  2  K.  iu.  14.— 3  ex- 
presses comparison  or  similarity).  "Yea,  as  a 
step,  like  a  step."  The  picture  is  of  a  precipice, 
from  which  he  is  only  a  step  removed,  over  wliich 
he  may  any  moment  be  plunged. 

Ver.  4.  Jonathan's  answer  supposes  that  he 
gives  credence  to  David's  assertion,  and  proves 
his  friend.'ihip  by  offering  his  help,  with  the  de- 
claration that  he  wished  to  fulfill  every  wish  of 
his  soul.  The  reply  of  David  (ver.  5)  shows  how 
fer  he  had  cause  to  fear  that  there  was  only  a  step 
between  him  and  death.  The  recollection  of  the 
obligation  on  him  to  take  part  in  the  mew  moon 
feast  at  court  as  a  member  of  Saul's  family  (not 
merely  as  one  (Then.)  who  had  a  standing  formal 
invitation),  brings  him  face  to  face  with  the 
danger  in  which  his  life  stood ;  for  the  feast  fell 
on  the  following  day.  On  the  religious  celebra- 
tion of  the  day  of  new  moon  with  burnt-offering 
and  sin-offering  and  sound  of  trumpet  see  Nu. 
X.  10,  xxviii.  11-15.  As  a  joyful  festival  it  was 
connected  with  a  cheerful  meal.  To  this  refers 
Saul's  conjecture  (ver.  26)  that  David  was  absent 
on  aceoimt  of  levitical  uncleanness.  And  I 
must  sit  at  table  with  the  King.  That  is, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  according  to  custom,  he 
would  be  expected  by  Saul  to  take  part  in  the 
meal.  The  Vulg.  rightly  renders  ex  more  sedere 
eoleo,  but  the  Sept.,  proceeding  from  the  fact  that 
David  was  not  present,  wrongly  inserts  a  nega- 
tive: "I  shall  not  sit  at  meat."  Ew.  ?  338  b.: 
"  lam  to  sit,"  where  the  meaning  is,  "  I  will  cer- 
tainly sit."  As  in  xvi.  2,  it  is  here  supposed  that 
the  custom  was  to  sit,  not  to  recline  at  table. — 
Let  me  go,  that  I  may  hide  myself.  This 
is  not  a  mere  formula  of  courtesy,  but  a  request 
that  Jonathan  would  not  precs  him  to  appear  at 
table,  but  permit  him  to  depart,  that  he  might 
escape  the  danger  threatening  him.  Till  the 
evening  of  the  third  day,  that  is,  from  the 
present  day.  This  supposes  that  the  festival  was 
prolonged  by  a  meal  the  day  after  new  moon. — 
Comp.  vers.  12,  27,  34,  where  Saul  looks  for 
D.avid  also  the  day  after  new  moon. — From  the  fact 
that  both  David  and  Saul  here  look  to  the  former's 
appearance  at  the  royal  table,  it  has  been  held 
(Then.,  Ew.)  that  this  whole  narrative  contra- 
dicts ch.  xix.,  and  is  taken  from  another  source. 
But  there  is  no  contradiction  if  we  remember 
that  Saul  acted  (according  to  xix.  9  sq.)  under  an 
attack  of  rage  or  madness,  and,  on  the  retumof 
a  quiet  frame  of  mind,  would  expect  everytliing 
to  go  on  as  usual,  and  the  whole  personnel  of  his 
family  to  be  present  at  table.  After  his  previous 
experiences,  David  must  now  know  certainly 
whether  Saul  in  his  times  of  quiet  and  lucidness, 
maintained  against  him  that  hostile  disposition 
which  showed  itself  in  his  intermittent  attacks  of 
rage. — Ver.  6.  David  wishes  through  Jonathan 


to  determine  Saul's  attitude  toward  him,  and  find 
out  certainly  whetlier  in  his  hate  the  latter  has 
really  conceived  a  plan  for  his  destruction.  As 
David,  according  to  ver.  5,  is  to  hide  in  the  field 
till  the  evening  of  the  third  day,  his  excuse  for 
absence  can  be  regarded  only  as  a  pretext,  or  a 
"  lie  of  necessity,"  and  the  explanation  that,  by 
reason  of  the  proximity  of  Bethlehem  to  Gibeah, 
he  might,  meantime,  easily  go  home,  must  be  re- 
jected as  out  of  keeping  with  the  sense-of  the  whole 
narrative.  In  this  statement,  which  Jonathan 
was  to  make  in  case  Saul  missed  David,  namely, 
that  the  latter  had  gone  to  attend  a  family  feastj 
the  fact  (easily  explained  from  the  absence  of  a 
central  sanctuary)  is  supposed  "  that  individual 
lamUies  in  Israel  were  accustomed  to  celebrate 
yearly  festivals "  (Keil);  this  would  be  the  case 
more  naturally  iu  those  places  where,  as  in  Beth- 
lehem (comp.  xvi.  2  sq. ),  there  were  altars  dedi- 
cated to  the  Lord  as  centres  of  sacrifice.  O.  v. 
Gerlach :  ''  In  the  then  disorganized  condition  of 
public  worship,  to  which  David  first  gave  regular 
fcrm,  family  usages  of  this  sort^  after  the  manner 
of  other  nations,  had  established  themselves, 
which  were  contrary  to  the  prescriptions  concern- 
ing the  unity  of  divine  worship."  On  the  yearly 
sacrifice  see  on  ch.  i.  1.,— (iXtJJ  from  the  connec- 
tion not  Pass,  but  Reflex.,^"  sought  for  him- 
self.") David  could  ask  leave  of  absence  from 
Jonathan  as  competent  representative  of  the 
royal  family,  if  he  did  not  wish  to  go  to  Saul. — 
Ver.  7.  Saul's  conduct  in  these  two  contrasted 
forms,  was  for  Jonathan  as  for  David  the  sign  of 
his  permanent  attitude  towards  David  in  the  con- 
dition of  quiet  in  which  he  now  was ;  for  such  a 
sign  was  necessary  not  only  for  Jonathan  (S. 
Schmid)  but  also  for  David,  since,  as  appears 
from  the  tenor  of  the  whole  narration,  he  did  not 
yet  certainly  know  how  Saul  in  the  depths  of  Ms 
heart  was  disposed  towards  him.  If  he  sa^s 
"well,"  it  means  peace  for  thy  servant,  that  is, 
from  the  connection,  "he  has  laid  no  plot  of 
murder  against  me."  In  the  other  event,  if  his 
"anger  bum,"  know  that  evil  on  his  part  is  a 
settled  thing.  T\!3=" to  be  finished,  settled," 
"firmiter decretumest"  (S.  Schmid).  The  "evil"  is 
not  "  malice,"  and  its  development  to  the  highest 
point  (Vulg.),  but  the  danger  to  David,  Saul's 
murder  scheme,  as  appears  from  the  phrase  "  by 
him." — Ver.  8.  And  show  mercy  to  thy  ser- 
vant,T— this  refers  not  merely  to  the  request  of 
ver.  6  (S.  Schmid,  Keil),  nor  to  what  Jonathan 
should  do  in  case  Saul's  answer  was  unfavorable, 
but  to  the  general  help  expected  from  him,  that 
David  might  escape  the  threatened  danger.  That 
it  includes  what  David  looks  for  from  Jonathan 
in  case  Saul  answers  angrily,  appears  from  Jona- 
than's reply  in  ver.  9.  David  grounds  his  request 
on  the  covenant  of  the  Lord  which  Jonathan  had 
made  with  him.  So  he  calls  their  covenant  of 
friendship,  because  it  was  not  only  made  with  in- 
vocation of  the  Lord's  name,  but  also  had  its 
deepest  ground  and  origin  in  God,  and  its  conse 
oration  in  their  life-like  communion  with  God. 
Thou  hast  brought  me, — this  indicates  the 
initiative  which,  in  the  concluding  of  the  cove- 
nant, was  on  the  side  of  Jonathan  (xviii.  1-3). — 
In  the  words:  "If  there  is  iniquity  in  me,  slaj 
thou  me,"  David  adds  a  special  request,  which  is 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


closely  connected  with  what  precedes.  He  would 
rather  atone  for  any  sin  which  might  rest  on  him 
by  death  at  Ida  friend's  hand  ;  Jonathan  shall  do 
him  the  kindness  in  this  case  not  to  deliver  him 
up  to  Saul,  that  he  may  not  be  slain  by  him. 
This  supposes  that  Jonathan  had  the  right  to  in- 
flict capital  punishment  for  crimes  against  his 
father  as  king. — Ver.  9.  Jonathan's  answer  first 
decidedly  sets  aside  the  case  last  put  by  David. 
The  "far  be  it  from  thee"  ia  not  to  be  connected 
with  what  follows,  as  if  it  were  here  said  what  was 
to  be  far  (Ges.,  Del.,  Maur.),  but  is  to  be  taken  ab- 
solutely, and  to  be  referred  (as  ver.  2)  to  what 
David  had  just  said.  The  "  from  thee  "  is  there- 
fore not  expletive  (Cleric.)  The  Vulg.  rightly : 
absU  hoe  a  te.  This  involves  Jonathan's  firm 
conviction  of  David's  innocence. — Then  follows 
Jonathan's  solemn  assurance  that  he  will  inform 
David  if  Saul  exhibits  a,  hostile  disposition 
towards  him.  This  was  the  service  of  love  which 
he  had  first  to  do  for  his  friend,  that  the  latter 
might  then  take  further  measures  for  saving  his 
life.  ('3  is  particle  of  asseveration=yea,  truly.) 
If  I  know  certainly  that  *  *  *  *  that  is,  if, 
from  your  statement  (ver.  7),  I  know  beyond 
doubt  that  evil  on  my  Other's  part  is  a  thing  de- 
termined. From  the  connection,  and  on  account 
of  the  vigor  and  emphasis  of  the  interrogation, 
which  ia  in  keeping  with  Jonathan's  excited  feel- 
ing, it  is  better  to  construe  the  "  if,"  etc.,  as  first 
member  (protasis),  and  the  "  and  not,"  &c.,  as 
second  interrogative  member  (apodosis)  of  a  con- 
ditional sentence*  [as  in  Kng.  A.  V.] — Ver.  10, 
Tremell,  Ges.,  Ew,  (§  352  a),  "Then,  and  Bunsen 
take  this  as  one  sentence :  "  who  will  show  me 
what  rough  thing  perchance  tliy  father  will  an- 
swer thee  "  (no  'lS=whatever  thing) ;  against 
which  we  must  insist  with  Keil  that  this  signifi- 
cation of  IN  occurs  only  where  another  case  is 
mentioned,  where  the  ground-meaning  is  "or." 
As  HD  ["what"]  indicates  a  new  question,  we  must 
here  suppose  tioo  guestions.  The  first :  'Who  ■will 
shew  me  ?  is  connected  immediately  with  the 
last  words  of  Jonathan  in  ver.  9:  "I  will  come  to 
thee  and  tell  thee,"  namely,  the  evil  determined  on 
by  my  father.  David  is  thinking  in  this  first  ques- 
tion of  the  danger  which  Jonathan  would  thus 
incur,  and,  for  that  very  reason,  putting  him  out 
of  the  question,  asks:  "  Who  will  show  me  (the 
evil),"  that  is,  what  thy  father  decrees  against  me 
(Maur.)  "  He  asks  what  he  would  be  willing  to 
tell  a  servant"  (S.  Schmid).  The  Berl  Bib.  ex- 
plains excellently:  "The  matter  cannot  be  en- 
trusted to  a  servant,  and  thou  must  have  care  for 
thyself,  lest  thou  also  come  under  thy  father's  dis- 
pleasure." The  sense  is  therefore :  "  No  one  will 
tell  me,"  namely,  the  evil  determined  by  Saul. 
This  question,  with  its  negative  sense,  ia  the  an- 
swer, spoken  with  excited  feeling,  to  Jon.athan's 
word :  "  I  will  tell  thee  the  evil  determined  on," 
and  the  tender,  thoughtful  form  in  which  he 
clothes  the  decided  :  "  Thou  canst  not  tell  me." 
The  second  mestion:  Or  what  harsh  thing 
will  thy  father  answer  thee  ?  refers  to  Saul's 
anger  (ver.  7),  whence  Jonathan  purposed  learn- 
ing that  Saul's  evil  plan  against  David  was  com- 
pleted. Schmid's  explanation :  "and  if  thou  choose 

•  [Sea  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.] 


a  messenger,  how  shall  I  understand  what  evil 
thy  father  answers  ?"  rests  on  the  lalse  distinction 
between  a  person  bringing  the  information  (to 
whom  only  the  first  question  ia  to  refer),  and  the 
nature  of  the  information  (to  which  the  second 
question  is  to  refer),  and  requires  us  to  supply  a 
sentence  which   could  by  no  means  have  been 
omitted.     Maur.,  De  Wette,  Keil  regard  the  ques- 
tion aa  referring  to  the  evil  consequences  to  Jona- 
than,  if  he  himself  brought  the  information  to 
David:    What  would  thy  father    answer   thee 
hard  (Maur.:  "what  thinkest  thou  he  would  de- 
cree against  thee,"  contrary  to  to  the  meaning  of 
nJI^),  if  thou  thyself  didst  it?    Against  this  ia 
the  word  "  answer"  since  Jonathan  would  not  say 
to  Saul  that  he  intended  to  tell  David — and  we 
cannot  appropriately  supply  the  idea  that,  if  Saul 
afterwards  heard  of  Jonathan's  going  to  David, 
he  would  answer  him  harshly.   Eather  the  second 
question  reada  fully:  "  Or  who  will  tell  what  thy 
father,"  eU.    Saul's  evil  word,  by  which  his  fixed 
evil  purpose  is  to  be  discovered,  is  distinguished 
from  this  latter.     But  the  evil  answer  is  not  to  be 
understood  of  threats  against  David  (Bottcher), 
but  of  harsh  language  towards  Jonathan  (vers. 
6,  7).     In  this  double  question  David  denies  or 
doubts  that  in  this  unfortunate  case  information 
can  be  given  him.     The  two-fold  question,  with 
its  negative  meaning,  corresponds  to  David's  ex- 
cited state  of  mind,  and  makes  a  full  and  candid 
conversation  necessary,  for  which  purpose  Jona- 
than invites  David  to  go  with  him  to  the  field. 
[Erdmann's  translation  is  hardly  satisfactory;  the 
second  clause  does  not  suit  the  question:  "who 
will  tell?"     The  rendering:  "who  wiU  tell  me 
if  perchance   thy   father,"  &c.,  is  the  smoother, 
and  suits  the  context  better,  but  it  is  doubtful 
whether  W  can  mean  simply  "if." — Tb.]     Ver. 
11.  Let  ns  go  into  the  field,  namely,  out  of 
the  city  of  Gibeah,  or  the  royal  residence  therein, 
where  this  conversation  was  held.     It  certainly 
accords  with  David's  words  to  suppose  that  they 
wished  to  escape  from  observation   (Then.),  in 
order  to    speak    further   undisturbedly   of  the 
matter,  and  to  think  over  ways  and  means  {Berl. 
Bib.) ;  but  at  the  same  time  the  context  suggests 
aa  another  aim,  that  Jonathan  wished  to  point 
out  what  he  thought  a  fit  place  wherein  to  give 
his  friend  by  a  trustworthy  sign  the  desired  infor- 
mation, comp.  vers.  19-24.      This  obviously  sup- 
poses Jonathan's  fixed  determination,  in  spite  of 
David's  protest,  to  bring  the  message  himself. 
That  Jonathan  went  out  for  the  sake  of  the  oath 
which  he  afterwards  [see  ver.  42]  renewed  with 
David  (Grot.:  "  they  used  to  swear  in  the  open 
air")  is  leaa probable. 

Vers.  12-23  is  essentially  the  full  positive  an- 
swer to  David's  question,  which  was  meant  in  a 
negative  pense.  Vers.  12, 13.  Jonathan's  solemn 
oath  that  he  will  inform  him  of  the  mind  of  his 
father.  The  solemnity  and  loftiness  of  the  vow, 
heightened  by  the  oath,  answers  to  the  epoch- 
making  importance  and  decisive  significance  of 
this  moment  in  David's  life ;  for  from  this  mo- 
ment David's  way  must  coincide  with  that  of  Saul, 
or  for  ever  diverge  from  it  and  be  for  him  a  way 
of  uninterrupted  sufiering.— That  Jonathan  be- 
gins his  address  with  a  solemn  invocation  of  God, 
"Jehovah,  God  of  Israel"  (De  Wette,  Keil)  [so 


CIIAP.  XX.  1— XXI,  1. 


263 


Eng.  A.  v.,  see  "  Text,  and  Gram."]  is  untena- 
bb,  because  there  is  no  analogy  for  such  a  mode 
of  address,  and  because  of  the  introduction  "  Jo- 
nathan said  to  David"  (Theniua).     Nor  can  we 
suppose  an  interrjpted  discourse,  resumed  in  ver. 
13,  for  against  this  is  the  beginning  of  ver.  13 : 
"The  Lord  do  so."*    As  an  oath  follows,  it  is 
siaaplest  to  regard  this  as  the  formula  of  an  oath 
by  God,   not  supplying   (with  Maurer):  "may 
God  destroy  me,"  or  (Syr.,  Arab.) :  "  God  is  my 
witness,"  but  (with  Thenius  supplying  'n  "after 
Cod.  Kenn.  560  and  224  margin,"  which  might 
easily  fall  out  before  niiT)   reading:   "as  God 
lives;"  unless  with  Bunsen  we  take  the  "Jeho- 
vah, God  of  Israel,"  as  a  lively  ejaculation  in 
the  sense  of  an  oa,th.="by  God." — The  protasis 
begins:  "  when  I  sound  my  father,"  and  goes  to 
the  end  of  ver.   12.      IflD   r\J?3=" to-morrow 
about  this  time,"  as  in  1  Kings  xix.  2_;  xx.  6; 
2  Kings  vii.  1.  18,  and  the  full  phrase  in  Josh, 
xi.  6   (Gesen.).     The  following^  word   ''on  the 
third  day"  is  without  a  conjunction  (which  with 
Sept.  and  Vulg.  is  to  be  supplied  from  the  sense) 
and  similarly  depends  on  iiy_3,="  the  third  day 
about  this  time."     This  expression  "to-morrow 
or  next  day"  refers  to  the  statement  of  time  in 
ver.  5,  and  supposes  that  the  festival  was  conti- 
nued by  a  meal  the  day  after  new  moon.     And 
behold,  there  is  good  for  David,  etc. — In 
circumstantial  phrase,  which  befits  the  solemn 
and  serious  character  of  the  situation,  Jonathan 
distinguishes  the  two  cases,  the  favorable  and  the 
unfavorable,  in  order  to  make  each  the  object  of 
a  solemn  oath.     Jonathan  swears  that  in  the  first 
case  he  will  send  to  David  to  uncover  his  ear,  that 
is,  to  reveal  to  him,  inform  him  that  Saul  is 
favorably  disposed  towards  him,  comp.  xxii.  8. — 
Ver.  13  the  (modosis:  "so  do  the  Lord  to  Jona- 
than," etc.    The  same  formula  in  oaths  in  xiv. 
44 ;  1  Kings  xix.  2. — The  opposite  case  is  intro- 
duced   with    '3    without    adversative   particle: 
"  (But)  if  it  please  my  father  to  do  thee  evil,"  eicf 


*  [Yet  it  is  quite  possible  to  read :  "  Jehovah,  God  of 
Israel— when  I  have  sounded,  etc., — if  there  be  good 
and  I  show  it  not,  so  do  Jehovah  to  Jonathan,"  which 
is  instead  of  "  Jehovah  do  so  to  me  if  there  be  good  and 
I  show  it  not."  The  diffloulty  is  only  in  the  post-posi- 
tion of  the  adjuration. — Te.] 

t  Instead  of  Hiphil  3D"  read  with  Bottch.  and  Then. 
Qal.  3B",  "  which  may  be  construed,  as  with  '337  7 
^y^ji  (Ps.  Ixiv.  32),  so  also  with  Sn  "  (Bottch.).  The  Ao- 
eus.  particle  before  the  subject  nylH  —  "  as  respects," 

V  T  T 

quoad,  "  if  it  please  my  father  in  respect  of  evil."  "  But 
this  word  (fiN)  can  never  denote  the  Nominative ;  yet 
often  only  the  general  sense  of  the  discourse  calls  forth 
the  Ace.,  since  the  active  form  of  connection  everywhere 
presses  in  as  the  most  natural "  (Ew.,  ?277  d).  So  stands 
the  Accus.-paitiole  after  the  opposite  of  3D"_,  that  is, 
JfT,  2  Sara.  xi.  25.  Bunsen  remarks  that  after  "  my  far 
ther  "  S'anS  "  to  bring,"  has  probably  fallen  out.  But 
"  it  is  not  necessary,  in  order  to  maintain  HX  as  Acous. 
particle,  to  insert  a  supposed  X'SHT  from  the  Sept.  What 
tlie  latter  renders  ivotm  is  clearly  not  K'3n7i  but  '3X 


The  apodosis :  "  I  will  show  it  thee  and  send 
thee  away  that  thou  mayest  go  in  peace,"  as- 
serts, in  distinction  from  the  preceding  apodo- 
sis, that  Jonathan  in  this  case  will  bring  David 
the  information  himself  without  the  intervention 
of  a  messenger.  With  this  promise,  confirmed  by 
an  oath,  Jonathan  connects  the  vrish:  "The  Lord 
be  with  thee  as  he  hath  been  with  my  father." 
This  indicates  that  Jonathan  has  at  least  a  pre- 
sentiment of  David's  high  destiny  and  his  future 
calling,  which  he  Ls  some  time  to  fulfil  as  King 
of  Israel  in  Saul's  place. — This  comes  out  still 
more  clearly  in  what  follows.  For  in  vers.  14- 
16  with  such  a,  presentiment  he  begs  David  in 
the  future  to  maintain  faithfully  his  mercy  and 
love  towards  him  even  in  misfortune.  On  the 
ground  of  what  is  now  happening  to  Saul  and 
David  under  the  divine  j)rovidenoe,  he  foresees 
how  Saul  and  his  house  will  be  hurled  from  the 
royal  power,  and  David  thereto  elevated.  In 
.Jonathan's  pious  soul/  which  felt  and  perceived 
God' s  righteous  working,  there  I  ay  hid  a  divinatory 
and  prophetic  element,  as  here  appears.  Jonathan, 
having  before  expressed  his  wish  for  David,  here 
declares  what  he  desires  from  David  as  counter- 
proof  of  faithful  friendship.  With  reference  to 
the  oriental  custom  of  killing  the  children  and 
relations  of  the  former  king  on  ascending  the 
throne,  Jonathan  begs  David  hereafter  to  show 
mercy  to  his  house.  "  The  syntactical  construc- 
tion is  a  somewhat  violent  one,  as  accords  with 
the  emotion  of  the  speaker"  (Bunsen).  Of  the 
various  explanations  of  this  diflicult  passage  only 
the  two  following  are  worthy  of  consideration. 
The  one  understands  a  question  to  the  end  of  ver. 
14:  "And  wilt  thou  not,  if  I  yet  live,  wilt  thou 
not  show  me  the  kindness  of  the  Lord,  that  I  die 
not?"  Ver.  15  cannot  then  be  a  part  of  the  ques- 
tion, but  must  be  taken  as  the  subjoined  expres- 
sion of  confident  expectation:  "And  thou  wUt 
not  cut  off  thy  kindness  from  my  house  for  ever, 
not  even  when,"  etc.  But  this  sudden,  abrupt 
transition  to  a  question  and  then  again  to  direct 
discourse  is  strange,  even  if  these  vacillations  and 
diversities  of  discourse  are  referred  to  Jonathan's 
excited  feeling.  The  second  explanation,  which 
is  the  preferable  one,  introduces  a  wish  by  a 
slight  change  in  the  pointing  of  the  Hebrew.* 
Jonathan,  having  invoked  a  blessing  on  David, 
thus  expresses  his  wish  for  himself:  "And 
wouldst  thou,  if  I  still  live,  wouldst  thou  show 
me  the  kindness  of  God,  and  not,  if  I  die,  not 
cut  off  thy  love  from  my  house  for  ever?"  So 
Syr.,  Arab.,  Maur.,  Then.,  Ew.,  Keil.  Thecorre- 
spondence  and  parallelism  of  the  clauses  is  thus 
evident:  to  "if  I  yet  live"  answers  "if  I  die."t 

itself  read  as  N'3K  (as  in  1  Kings  xxi.  29  ;  comp.  1  Sa- 
muel xvii.  64;  xviii.  27), because  -"jX  3B'"  waswanting 
in  its  text "  (Bflttoh.). 

*  In  ver.  14,  instead  of  the  double  X71  is  read  Nl7l,  or 
H^^  _  i'7i,  particle  of  vrish,  so  in  xiv.  ?b ;  Isa.  Ixiii.  19 : 

"  d  that,"  'ufinam,  usnally  with  the  Impf.,  Ew.  1 329  6,  ? 
363  b. 

t  For  rWDN.  which,  put  thus  absolutely,  accords  with 
the  feelingof  the  speaker,  we  are  not  with  Thenius  after 
Sept.  and  Vulg.  to  read  fllDS  nO  DN1 ;  "»e  condi- 
tional particle  is  often  wanting,  and  is  here  naturally- 
supplied  from  the  preceding  "  If  I  still  live." 


234 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


To  the  "  show  kindness  to  me"  answers  the  similar 
negative  request,  "  cut  not  off  thy  kindness  from 
my  Imise, — not  even  when,"  &c.  "  ICindness  of 
the  Lard;"  that  is,  love,  goodness,  such  as  the 
Lord,  as  covenant-God,  shows  His  people  accord- 
ing to  His  promise,  and,  therefore,  one  member 
of  the  people  ought  to  show  to  another,  especially 
in  such  a  covenant  of  love  made  in  the  presence 
of  the  Lord.  By  this  request  for  the  "kindness 
of  the  Lord"  Jonathan  indicates  David's  duty 
to  show  hink  this  love.  "Not  even  when  the 
Lord  shall  cut  off  the  enemies  of  David,  every 
one  from  the  face  of  the  earth."  The  ^'l^fl? 
forms  an  assonance  to  N ')  JT'irin:  "do  not  cut  off 
.  .  .  even  when  the  Lord  shall  cat  off."  Jonathan 
clearly  understands  that  enmity  against  David  is 
enmity  a<»ainst  the  Lord's  purpose  and  act,  and 
that  God  s  destroying  judgment  must  fall  on  his 
father's  house  because  of  its  opposition  to  the  will 
of  the  Lord.  His  request  that  his  house  may  be 
excepted  from  this  judgment,  as  executor  of  which 
he  regards  David,  is  founded  on  and  justified  by 
his  position  outside  of  the  circle  of  "enemies" 
(since  he  recognises  God's  will  concerning  David, 
and  bends  to  it  as  David'syHemd),  so  that,  though 
a  member  of  Saul's  house,  he  does  not  belong  to 
it  so  far  as  concerns  the  judgment  of  extermina- 
tion.— See  the  fulfilment  of  Jonathan's  request,  2 
Sam.  ix. — Ver.  16  Ls  a  remark  of  the  narrator  1 ) 
on  this  covenant  between  Jonathan  and  David, 
and  2)  on  the  actual  fulfilment  of  Jonathan's  word 
respecting  the  overthrow  of  David's  enemies. 
"  And  Jonathan  made  a  covenant  with  the  house 
of  David."  After  !^\'^y)  supply  nn_2:  comp. 
xxii.  8;  Josh.  vi.  1;  Judg.  xix.  30;  2  Chr.  vii.  13 
[1  Kings  viii.  9.  The  examples  from  Josh,  and 
Judges  present  omissions  of  other  words. — Tk.] — 
The  second  part  of  the  verse  (E'MI)  is  by  many 
put  into  Jonathan's  mouth  as  part  of  his  oath, 
''  and  the  Lord  take  vengeance  on  the  enemies  of 
David"  (Then.,  Maur.,  De  Wette,  Buns.).  But 
the  objection  to  this  is,  that  then  (unless  with 
Then,  we  adopt  the  corrupt  Sept.  and  Vulg.  text: 
"  and  may  Jonathan's  name  not  be  cut  off  from 
the  house  of  David")  we  must  supply  "saying" 
(las  between  '  and  tyf)3),  which  is  hard,  and  is 
not  found  elsewhere.  And  Keil  rightly  remarks 
that  after  the  insertion  between  conjunction  and 
verb  the  Perf.  could  not  have  an  Optative  sense. 
Finally  against  this  view  is  the  fact  that  it  L'i  psy- 
chologically and  ethically  not  quite  conceivable 
how  J  onathan  should  have  expressed  such  a  wish, 
especially  as  this  judgment  as  a  future  fact  had 
already  been  distinctly  looked  at  by  him,  and  was 
the  condition  and  basis  of  his  wish.  "  Require 
at  the  hand"  (TO  i^pS)  =  "take  vengeance,  pun- 
ish,'' with  the  word  "blood,"  2  Sam.  iv.  11,  with- 
out it  here  and  Josh.  xxii.  23.— Ver.  17.  And 
Jonathan  caused  David  to  BvreeLi  again, 
According  to  the  connection  this  does  not  refer 
to  what  follows  from  ver.  18  on  (Maur.),  but  con- 
cludes naturally  the  transaction  between  Jonathan 
and  David, — but  not  as  an  oath  by  which  Jona- 
than assures  David  anew  that  he  will  keep  his 
promise  (Then.),  according  to  the  incorrect  ren- 
dering of  Sept.  and  Vulg.  "he  swore  to  David" 
(from  which  Then,  would  read  ''  to  David,"  in- 


stead of  Ace.  "David") — rather  it  is  an  oath  by 
which  Jonathan  adjures  David  to  fulfil  his  last 
request  (vers.  14,  15).  The  "again"  refers  to 
ver.  12.  He  adjured  him  "by  his  love  to  him;" 
that  is,  he  made  his  love  to  David  the  ground  of 
his  request,  so  that  David  might  in  turn  show  his 
love.  [Or,  his  love  to  David  made  him  anxious 
to  maintain  friendly  relations  between  their 
houses ;  he  could  not  bear  to  think  of  his  children 
shut  out  from  the  love  of  this  his  much-loved 
friend,  whom  he  loved  as  himself — Tb.].  The 
words :  "  for  he  loved  him  as  his  own  soul"  con- 
firm and  define  the  preceding  "by  his  love  to 
him,"  and  indicate  the  cordialness  of  his  friendly 
love,  which  is  like  his  love  for  himself;  that  is, 
he  loves  his  friend  as  himself.  The  "soul"  is  the 
centre  of  the  inner  life  and  of  the  whole  person- 
ality.    Comp.  xviii.  1-3. 

Ver.  18  sq.  Further  conversation  on  the  car- 
rying out  of  Jonathan's  promise. — As  to  ver.  18 
comp.  ver.  5. — -(The  Perf.  with  Waw  conseo.  has 
a  future  signification  when  preceded  not  only  by 
an  express  Fut.  but  also  by  any  indication  of  fu- 
turity, as  here  the  words:  "to-morrow  is  new 
moon.")  The  presupposed  situation  is  resumed 
as  basis  for  the  following  agreement. — Ver.  19. 
And  on  the  third  day  come  down  qaickly. 
If  we  point  the  Heb.  form  as  a  verb  =  "  to  do  a 

thing  the  third  day"  ('^i?'^i?l),  Ges.,  Ew.,  Maur., 
it  is  to  be  talreu  asyndetically  with  the  following 
word  in  an  adverbial  sense  (Ges.,  §  142,  3,  c)  =: 
"  do  it  on  the  third  day  that  thou  come  down." 
But  this  sense  of  the  word  occurs  nowhere  else ; 
Gesenius'  reference  to  the  Arab.  "  to  come  every 
fourth  day  "  does  not  suit  here,  because  nothing 
is  said  of  coming  every  fourth  day.  We  might 
more  easily  assume  the  meaning  "  to  do  a  thing 
the  third  time"  (1  Kings  xviii.  34),  and  render 
"  a  third  time  come  down."  The  first  time  of  his 
going  down  was  in  xix.  2,  our  present  narrative 
gives  the  second  time,  and  ver.  35  would  be  the 
third  time.  But  besides  the  forced  character  of 
this  explanation,  we  have  against  this  vo^lizatiou 
of  the  Ilcb.  text  (the  Sept.  Tpiacevauc  favors  it) 
the  Chald.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  and  Vulg.,  which  render 
"AtuI  on  the  third  day"  and  we  must  therefore 

read  TVW1]S\,  which  agrees  with  ver.  5.  The 
words  "  Come  down  very"  [so  literally  the  Heb.] 
are  also  somewhat  strange ;  not  on  account  of  the 
Adv.  "down"  (Then.),  for  this  is  explained  by 
the  nature  of  the  ground,  the  field  of  meeting 
boing  lower  than  the  surrounding  highlands . 
( Clar. :  "  Jonathan  seems  to  wish  David  to  go 
down  into  a  very  deep  valley  as  near  as  possible 
to  Gibeah,  where  Jonathan  himself  would  tell 
him  what  was  to  be  done"  — but  on  account  of  the 
word  "very"  (ni<D).  The  Vulg.  has  "descend 
quickly."  From  the  difficulty  of  the  reading  some 
substitute  "  thou  wilt  be  missed"  (^p.3^,  Chald., 
Syr.,  Ar.)  for  the  "  come  down ;"  bnt,  apart  from 
the  difficulty  of  explaining  how  the  Heb.  text 
came  from  this  reading,  the  expression  "  On  the 
third  day  thou  wilt  be  much  missed"  is  very 
strange,  and  the  "very"  with  "comedown"  la 
less  surprising  if  we  take  it  =  "  quickly,"  and 
suppose  it  necessary  to  insist  on  a  quick  descent 
to  the  place  of  meeting  on  account  of  the  danger 
of  being  observed.     Perhaps,  however,  the  text  ia 


CHAP.  XX.  1— XXI.  1. 


265 


corrupt,  and  instead  of  lisn  ("very")  we  should 
read  ^J^.TO,  "  appointed  place  of  meeting,"  comp. 
Josh.  viii.  14.  It  would  be  an  Aco.  of  place  as  in 
ver.  11;  see  the  similar  expression  in  verse  35, 
which  refers  to  this  passage.  [Eng.  A.  V.  gives 
a  very  doubtful  translation  of  the  Heb.  text ;  see 
"Text,  and  Gram." — Th.].— And  come  to  the 
place  where  thou  didst  hide  on  the  day 
of  the  business.  These  words  are  usually 
rightly  referred  to  the  narrative  in  xix.  2.  But 
what  does  ''the  day  of  the  business"  mean? 
Against  the  reference  to  the  wicked  deed  of  Saul, 
which  forced  David  to  fly  (Maur.,  Ew.,  De  Wette), 
TheniuB  rightly  says  that  the  word  never  means 
"wicked  deed"  in  itself,  but  only  when  the  con- 
nection points  to  it  (Job  xxxiii.  17 ) .  But  in  xix.  2. 
there  is  mention  not  of  a  deed,  but  only  of  a  pur- 
pose of  Saul ;  the  explanation  "  on  the  day  of  the 
purposed  evil"  (Ew.)  adds  something  not  con- 
tained in  the  word.  Against  the  rendering  "  on 
the  work  day"  as  opposed  to  "feast-day"  (Chald., 
Sept.,  Vulg.,  Ges.,  Luther)  is  the  fact  that,  as 
Then,  remarks,  to  obtain  a  fitting  sense,  we  must 
then  read :  "  Thou  wilt  come /-om  the  place  where 
thou  (on  the  work-day)  shalt  have  hidden  thy- 
self." Bunsen's  explanation  "on  the  day  when 
that  happened"  (xix.  2,  3)  attenuates  the  mean- 
ing of  the  Heb.  word  (Hto^H),  yea,  directly  con- 
tradicts it.  [The  word  means  "  something  done." 
— Tb.]  The  rendering  "on  the  day  of  the  busi- 
ness (known  to  thee) "  (Tanchum,  Then.,  Keil) 
is  unsatisfactory,  because  it  is  then  wholly  uncer- 
tain what  business  occurred  on  that  day.  Hold- 
ing fast  to  the  view  that  that  day  (xix.  2  sq.)  was 
the  one  here  referred  to,  the  "  business,"  regarded 
by  Jonathan  as  specially  memorable,  could  only 
be  Jonathan's  deed,  when  near  that  spot  he  turned 
aside  his  father's  murderous  thoughts  from  David, 
having  brought  him  to  the  spot  where  David  was 
hidden  and  could  hear  the  conversation.  This 
was  the  business  which  Jonathan's  brief  allusion 
would  suggest  to  David.  A  reference  to  this  ex- 
planation is  found  as  early  aa  Clericus :  "  rather 
the  allasion  seems  to  be  to  the  day  when  Jona- 
than occupied  himself  with  this  very  business  of 
David's  safety." — And  remain  by  the  stone 

Ezel.  (Sept.  7rop5  rb  Epya^  exslvOj  tin  3i'\HT\< 
"  by  that  stone-heap."  So  Then,  and  Ew.,  except 
that  the  latter  reads  7t!<n,  "the  lonely  waste." 
There  is,  however,  no  need  for  change  of  text ; 
jJS  is  a  hollow  rock  as  a  hiding-place,  and  Ezel 

is  a  proper  name.)  [On  the  reading  see  "Text, 
and  Gram." — Tk.]. — Ver.  20.  He  will  shoot  three 
arrows  on  the  side  of  the  stone;  the  Art.  "the  three 
arrows"  is  explained  by  supposing  that  Jonathan, 
who  had  no  doubt  come  armed,  showed  David 
three  arrows  by  which  the  latter  might  from  his 
hiding-place  recognise  his  presence.  Jonathan 
would  act  as  if  he  were  practicing  at  a  mark 
(Vulg.  "as  if  exercising  at  a  mark"),  it  being 
understood  that  the  arrows  thus  shot  were  to  be 
gathered  up*  from  the  place  where  they  fell, 
whether  in  front  of  or  behind  the  mark.  (Bottcher : 

In  niV  the  Raphe,  as  the  accent  shows,  denotes 


•  [This  Verb  is  supplied  oonjecturally,  being  omitted 
in  the  German  text— Te.J 


that  n  loses  its  aspiration  by  reason  of  the  neigh- 
boring hard  consonants  (2  X  and  then  1),  or  re- 
mains as  suffix  il  -I  not  a£  toneless  local  n  -i  this 

T  T 

n  -  refers  to  the  preceding  fern.  j3N,  so  that  fVTi 
=  juxia  earn,  at  its  (the  stones)  side  (so  render 
Vulg.,  De  Wette,  and  even  Luther),  expresses  a 
definite  mark.) — Ver.  21.  The  agreement  as  to  the 
sign,  wliereby  David  was  to  know  whether  there 
was  danger  for  him  or  not.  Before  "  go,  find  the 
arrows"  the  word  "saying"  has  not  fallen  out, 
but  is  to  be  supplied  (with  Sept.  and  Vulg.)  from 
the  sense.  Comp.  xi.  7 ;  Isa.  x.  3,  4.  The  pro- 
cedure is  as  follows :  The  servant,  taking  position 
by  order  on  the  side  of  the  mark,  is  first,  after  the 
shooting,  to  go  to  the  mark  in  order  to  find  the 
arrows;  if  then  Jonathan  calls  to  him:  "The 
arrows  are  from  thee,"  that  is  from  the  place 
where  thou  art  "  hilhermard,"  bring  them, — that  is 
a  sign  for  David  that  it  is  well,  he  is  to  come ; 
for  there  is  peace  to  thee,  and  it  is  nothing, 
as  the  Lord  liveth.  But  if  (ver.  22)  he  says : 
"  The  arrows  are  from  thee,"  that  is  "  yonsides," 
that  is  a  sign  that  David  is  to  go  away,  to  flee. 
For  the  Lord  sendeth  thee  away,  that  is, 
commands  thee  to  go  away. — Ver.  23.  And  the 
word  that  we  have  spoken,  that  is,  not 
merely  the  sign  agreed  on,  but  (as  ia  indicated 
by  the  "we"  and  the  "I  and  thou")  what  they 
had  said  to  one  another  in  the  whole  affair,  and 
promised  one  another  before  the  Lord.  Behold, 
the  Lord  is  betw^een  me  and  thee  for  ever, 
comp.  Gen.  xxxi.  49.  We  need  not  with  Sept. 
supply  the  word  "  witness,"  since  without  it  the 
thought  is  clearly  expressed  that  it  is  the  Lord 
in  whom  they  have  here  anew  concluded  their 
covenant  of  friendship,  and  in  whose  fear  they 
feel  themselves  bound  to  maintain  it  and  fiilfil 
their  promises  to  one  another. 

Vers.  24-34.  The  execution  of  the  agreement,  and 
the  open  exhibition  of  SauVs  deadly  hate  against  Da- 
vid.— Ver.  24.  Instead  of  "sat,"  the  Sept.  has 
"  came  to  the  table,"  but  the  Heb.  text  is  to  be 
retained  as  in  keeping  with  the  rapid  and  minute 
portraiture  of  the  narrative.     The  text  "on" 

(above)  the  food  [/£,  Eng.  A.  V.  omits  the  prep.] 
is  to  be  retained  against  the  marginal  reading 
(Qeri)  "to;"  "he  who  sits  at  table  is  demited, 
comp.  Prov.  xxiii.  30"  (Maur.). — "David  hid 
himself — Saul  sat  at  table  on  new-moon-day," — 
this  lapidary  double  remark  admirably  and  vi- 
vidly introduces  the  following  narration,  which  is 
marked  precisely  by  this  two-fold  fact.  Saul  sat 
in  his  "  seat  by  the  wall,"  as  the  highest,  most  ho- 
norable place,  opposite  the  door.  See  Harmar, 
Beob.  uber  d.  Orient,  II.  66  sq.  "As  time  on 
time,"  that  is,  as  formerly,  as  usually,  comp.  iii. 
4;  Num.  xxiv.  1.  Vulg.  secundum  consmetudinem. 
The  word  "arose"  presents  serious  difficulties. 
It  is  proposed  to  adopt  the  Sept.  xai  vpo  if^aae 
T&v  'lavdSav  (D^P'l  for  Dp''l)>  and  render  "Jona- 
than sat  in  front"  (Then.,  Ew.,  Buns.).  But  this 
meaning  of  the  Heb.  word  is  not  proved,  while 
the  rendering  of  the  Sept.  "  he  (Saul)  went  before 
Jonathan"  would  certainly  accord  with  it,  since 
the  verb  means  "  to  go  before."  But  that  would 
be  understood  of  itself,  apart  from  the  fact  that 
the  context  and  the  syntax  do  not  allow  ue  to 
take  "Saul"  as  subject;  therefore,  too,  Clericas' 


266 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


explanation  falla  to  the  ground ;  "  Saul  alone  pre- 
ceded Jonathan,"  that  is,  Jonathan  sat  down  next 
after  him.  The  rendering  of  the  Sept.  clearly 
springs  from  the  difficulty  of  the  expression  "And 
Jonathan  arose."  We  must  try  to  hold  to  the 
text.  The  Syr.  renders:  "And  Jonathan  arose 
and  seated  himself  and  Abner  (seated  himself)  at 
Saul's  side"  (connecting  JK*."!  with  OjTl,  and  put- 
ting 1  before  IpX).  But  the  insertion  of  "and" 
is  arbitrary,  the  ''sat"  must  be  connected  with 
"  Abner,"  and  the  circumstantial  introduction  of 
the  simple  matter-of-course  act  "sat"  by  the 
phrase  arose,"  which  always  emphatically  indi- 
cates a  transition  from  rest  to  a  new  act  or  acti- 
vity, is  somewhat  farcical.  The  explanation  "  and 
Jonathan  came "  (De  Wette,  Maurer :  Jonathan 
sat  down  next  after  Saul)  does  not  agree  with  the 
meaning  of  the  Heb.  word  (D?p),  which  is  used 
instead  of  "coming"  in  the  elevated,  solemn 
sense  =  "  appearing,"  but  never  of  simple  "  com- 
ing." If  we  keep  tlie  text  and  render  "  and  Jona- 
than arose,  and  Abner  sat"  (Vulg.),  the  only  pos- 
sible explanation  is:  Jonathan  rose  from  his 
place  when  Abner  came,  whether  to  show  him  ho- 
nor as  his  uncle,  or  to  give  him  his  proper  place 
at  Saul's  side,  which  he  had  taken  perhaps  in 
Abner's  absence  under  the  impression  that  the 
latter  would  not  come  to  the  meal. — Another  ren- 
dering, however,  naturally  suggests  itself;  point- 
ing the  verb  (312'')  as  causative  (Hiph.  JKf'V  writ- 
ten defectively)  as  in  2  Chr.  x.  2  (Ges.  ?  69,  3  R. 
7),  and  understanding  that  Jonathan  had  already 
seated  himself  after  Saul,  and  that  David's  ab- 
sence was  observed,  we  translate  "  he  arose,  and 
seated  Abner  at  Saul's  side,"  that  is,  in  the  place 
left  vacant  by  David's  absence,*  in  order  that  the 
seat  next  to  Saul  might  not  be  empty,  he  himself 
having  taken  the  seat  on  the  other  side  of  Saul. — 
Maurer  conjectures  that  the  words  "  and  Jonathan 
arose  "  have  been  inserted  here  by  the  mistake  of 
a  transcriber  from  the  beginning  of  ver.  34. — Ver. 
26.  The  first  day  Saul  explained  David's  absence 
by  supposing  that  he  was  ceremonially  unclean 
and  unable  to  take  part  in  the  religious  festival. 
See  Lev.  vii.  20  sq. ;  xv.  16;  Deut.  xxiii.  4. 
£Kitto  suggests  as  the  explanation  of  Saul's  ex- 
pecting David,  that  he  supposed  David  would 
infer  from  the  occurrence  at  Naioth  xix.  24,  that 
Saul's  mood  was  changed,  and  there  was  no  longer 
danger. — Tb.]. — Ver.  27.  The  statement  of  time 
here  is  with  Keil  to  be  literally  rendered :  "  it 
was  on  the  morrow  after  the  new  moon,  the  se- 
cond day  ("JKfri  is  Nora,  with  'n.'J,  not  Gen.  after 
tPlnri)  and  David's  place  was  missed,"  so  De 
Wette:  ''it  came  to  pass  on  the  following  day  of 
the  new  moon,  the  second."  In  reply  to  Saul's 
quesdon  about  him  Jonathan  gave  the  answer 
agreed  on  in  ver.  6,  only  adding  that  David  was 
called  to  Betlilehem  by  his  brother. — Ver.  28. 
David  earnestly  asked  leave  of  me  to 
Bethlehem,  an  elliptical  expression,  in  which 
"  to  go  "  (ver.  6)  is  to  be  supplied. — Ver.  29.  And 
he  bath  commanded  me,  my  brother,  and 
now,  etc.  Stumbling  at  the  Sing.  "  brother,"  the 
Sept.  has  "brothers;"  we  are  to  understand  the 
eldest  brother  (Ew.)  as  head  of  the  family,  who 

•  [Similar  is  .ibarbanel's  view,  and  also  Easlii's.— Te.1 


had  the  care  of  the  domestic  arrangements  for  the 
feast.  Vulg.  wrongly  :  "  one  of  my  brothers." 
Syr.  and  Arab,  wrongly  translate :  "  and  he  (Da- 
vid) exhorted  me  and  said  to  me,  my  brother,  if, 
etc"  Jonathan's  quotation  of  David's  words  is 
somewhat  loose  and  incompact,  agreeing  with  the 
cordial,  light  tone  iu  which  one  friend  makes 
such  statements  to  another  in  confidential  inter- 
course. This  is  the  explanation  also  of  the  some- 
what rough  and  jocose  phrase  ''  let  me  get  away, 

take  myself  off"  (naSsN).  Comp.  the  "  run  "  in 
ver.  6  (Bunsen). 

Ver.  SO  sq.  Saul's  outbreak  of  wrath  in  conse- 
quence of  these  words  of  Jonathan.  Against  the 
rendering  "  thou  son  of  a  woman  perverse  and  rebel- 
lious" (literally, ''  perverse  one  of  rebellion,"  iTOJ 
as  Ni.  partcp.,  Maurer :  "  son  of  a  perverse  and 
contumacious  mother — O  perverse  and  obstinate 
son  ")  is  partly  the  hardness  of  the  phrase  "  per- 
verse one  of  rebellion,"  partly  the  monstrosity  of 
the  insult  thus  offered  to  Jonathan's  mother,  which 
contradicts  the  Heb.  family-spirit.*  The  last  ob- 
jection lies  also  against  the  rendering  of  Sept. 
and  Vulg.  "thou  son  of  a  rebellious  woman" 
(n^^J  for  r^^l3,  Then.),  or,  a^  Vulg.,  "thou  son 
of  a  woman  who  voluntarily  seizes  on  a  man  " 
(obviously  reading  ^IHipn  (Isa.  xiv.  6)  or  ^niSi] 

for  il'TiD).  So  Ew.,  who  puts  Plu.  instead  of 
Sing.:  "thou  son  of  wenches  who  run  after 
(men)."  The  most  tolerable  rendering  is  that  of 
Koster,  unjustly  made  light  of  by  Then.,  found 
also  in  Clericus :  "  Thou  son  of  perversity  of  re- 
bellion "  (taking  Hl^J  as  abstract  noun,  M.  par- 
ticip.  of  nii'),  full  of  perverse  rebellion.  Cleric: 
"It  is  much  better  to  say  that  Jonathan  is  called 
a  son  of  perversity  of  rebellion,  a  common  He- 
braism for  a  man  of  perverse  and  refractory  na- 
ture."t  Saul  observes  that  Jonathan  is  on  the 
side  of  David,  whom  he  wishes  to  destroy  as  an 
aspirant  after  the  throne  and  therefore  a  rebel. 
And  so  he  looks  on  Jonathan  also  as  a  rebel. — In 
the  words  ''  Do  I  not  knowF'  Saul  intimates  that 
he  is  well  aware  of  the  secret  friendship  between 
Jonathan  and  David,  and  regards  this  excuse  as 
confirmatory  of  his  opinion.  (in3  denotes  choice 
out  of  love,  commonly  construed  with  3,  here  only 
with  7.  [On  the  unnecessary  Sept.  reading  see 
"Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.]).  To  thy  shame 
and  to  the  shame  of  thy  mother's  naked- 
ness, who  will  be  ashamed  of  having  borne  thee. 
So  wo  must  translate,  and  not  with  De  Wette,  "to 
the  shame  and  nakedness  of  thy  mother,"  nor  with 
Bunsen,  "  to  the  shame  of  thy  uneha-ste  mother." 
Such  an  expression  from  Saul  would  be  in  con- 


*  [The  most  grievous  insult  to  an  Arab  ia  one  directed 
asainat  his  mother,  but  such  a  phrase  is  not  prohaWe 
hf  rp ;  in  the  general  uncertainty  and  obscuritv  of  th3 
lanRuage,  Erdmann's  explanation  seems  the  least  oli- 
jectiouable.— Tr.] 

t  [Wellhausen  reads  after  Sept. 'n  fT^JJ]  and  renders 

from  ,Tudg.  rvi.  12  (irai&x;  ainoiioXnmroiv,  oomp.  Lastarde's 
Svr.  vs.)  "runaway  slave."  On  our  passage  FrankPl 
(  Korsterfien.  ztir  LXX.  187)  savs  :  "The  Hagada  relates 
that  Jonathan's  mother  was  one  of  the  maidens  carried 

ofFat  Shiloh  (Judg.  ^^■''  ■»     ""^    ...;n: , rr 3    l.»..«fllf 


CHAP.  XXI.  1— XXI.  1. 


267 


tiadiction  to  his  previous  reference  to  Jonathan's 
mother  according  to  the  translation  which  we  have 
rejected.  In  ver.  31  we  see  clearly  why  Saul  called 
Jonathan  a  "  son  of  perverse  rebellion."  David 
is  making  a  rebellious  attempt  on  the  royal  throne, 
and  Jonathan,  bound  to  him  in  intimate  friend- 
ship, is  therefore  a  rebel.  He  calls  this  rebellion 
"  perversity,"  because  "  as  long  as  the  son  of  Jesse 
lives  on  the  earth,  he  (Jonathan)  and  his  kingdom 
will  not  be  established."  It  is  therefore  Saul's 
determined  and  permanent  purpose  to  slay  David 
as  a  rebel.  And  so  he  says:  Now  send  and 
fetch  him  to  me,  for  be  is  a  son  of  death. 
These  words  fully  reveal  his  disposition  towards 
David. — Ver.  32.  In  spite  of  this  outbreak  of  rage 
on  his  father's  part  Jonathan  tries  with  mild  and 
quiet  words  to  set  forth  David's  innocence  and  the 
injustice  of  putting  him  to  death,  as  in  xix.  4,  5. 
At  that  time  Saul's  better  feeling  got  the  upper 
hand.  Here,  completely  enslaved  b^  his  passion, 
he  is  an  impotent  instrument  of  his  own  blind 
hate. — Ver.  33.  As  David  before,  so  now  Jona- 
than is  the  mark  of  his  spear  hurled  [or,  bran- 
dished,— Te.],  in  blind  rage  (comp.  xviii.  11). 
Jonathan  saw  that  it  was  a  settled  thing  with  his 
fether  to  kill  David  (comp.  ver.  9). — Ver.  34.  A 
vivid  and  psychologically  true  description  of  Jo- 
nathan's consequent  conduct ;  he  rises  in  fierce 
anger  fi'om  the  table,  eats  nothing  this  second  day 
of  the  new  moon  (in  contrast  with  the  first,  when 
he  took  part  in  the  meal),  and,  what  is  the  reason 
of  his  not  eating,  is  grieved  for  David,*  because 
his  father  bad  done  him  sbame  [that  is,  done 
David,  not  Jonathan  shame. — Tr.].  That  there 
is  nothing  of  this  in  the  text  (Then.)  cannot  be 
maintained,  for  the  way  in  which  Saul  s;poke  of 
the  relation  of  Jonathan  to  David,  and  his  indi- 
rect declaration  that  David  was  a  rebel  against 
him,  the  king,  and  therefore  deserved  death,  was 
shame  and  insult  enough.  And  that  Jonathan 
thought  this  insult  ofiered  to  his  friend  as  a  com- 
pletely innocent  man  is  clear  from  his  question: 
Why  shall  he  die  ?    What  has  he  done  ? 

Vers.  35-42.  [Heb.  xxi.  1].  According  to  the 
agreement  David  is  informed  of  Saul's  attitude 
towards  him,  and,  after  a  sorrowful  parting  with 
his  friend,  betakes  himself  to  flight. 

Ver.  35.  The  following  morning  Jonathan  went 
to  the  field  to  meet  David  at  the  appointed  place 

(I  "^^^Tih),  not  "  at  the  time  agreed  on,"  which 
translation  requires  too  much  to  be  supplied ;  and 
with  him  a  smaU  servant  "  who  would  not  so  easily 
suspect  anything ;  this  trifling  notice  is  of  great 
value  as  testimony  to  the  historical  realness  of  the 
occurrence"— (Then.).— Ver.  36.  The  narration 
is  evidently  abridged.  Jonathan  says  to  the  ser- 
vant: Bring  the  arrows.  This  plural  answers  to 
the  agreement  in  ver.  20  sq.,  which  seems  to 
he  contradicted  by  the  following  statement  that 
Jonathan  shot  only  one  arrow  ('Sp  is  ancient  un- 
shortened  Sing,  for  later  T^V],  as  in  vers.  37,  38;  2 
Ki.  ix.  24 ;  see  Ew.,  1 186,  2  e).  "To  send  it  be- 
yond him,"  so  that  the  arrow  went  further  than 
the  servant  had  run.— Ver.  37.  To  the  place 
(or,  the  region,  Thenius)  of  the  arrow  whicb 


*  [Bib.  Comm.:  The  generosity  of  Jonathan's  charac- 
ter is  .seen  in.  that  he  resented  the  wrong  done  to  his 
friend,  not  that  done  to  himself.— Tb.]. 


Jonathan  had  shot,  according  to  the  agree- 
ment with  David,  which  referred  to  three  arrows 
to  be  shot,  Jonathan  calls  to  the  boy :  "Is  not  the 
arrow  beyond  thee  ?"  Jonathan  uses  a  question 
instead  of  direct  discourse  (as  in  vers.  20-22)  in 
order  more  certainly  to  make  the  boy  believe  that 
he  was  merely  practicing  at  a  mark.  He  heaps 
up  words  of  command  "hasten,  hurry,  stay  not," 
to  keep  the  boy's  attention  fixed  on  the  arrow, 
that  he  might  not  chance  to  see  David,  who  was 
hid  near  by.  "The  boy  took  up  the  arrow." 
The  text  (Sing.)  is  to  be  retained  against  the  Qeri 
(Plu.),  since  the  purpose  is  to  tell  of  one  arrow 
only.  "  He  came  (not  as  Sept.  '  brought')  to  his 
master,"  that  is,  brmging  the  arrow.  While  in 
vers.  20-22  this  procedure  is  summarily  described 
of  three  arrows,  the  account  here  is  of  <me.  The 
difference  is  not  to  be  explained  by  the  supposi- 
tion that  Jonathan  shortened  the  affair  and  shot 
only  once,  because  there  was  danger  in  delay 
(Then.),  for  the  shooting  of  three  arrows  was  a 
principal  point  in  the  agreement,  and  if  there  had 
been  such  need  of  haste,  the  following  parting- 
scene  could  not  have  taken  place.  Eather  we 
must  suppose  that  Jonathan  did  so  with  each  of 
the  three  arrows.  Either,  as  Bunsen  remarks, 
Jonathan  shot  the  arrows  one  right  after  another, 
or  he  thrice  repeated  it.  In  the  first  case  we  must 
hold  with  Keil  that  the  Sing,  here  "  stands  in  an 
indefinite  general  way,  the  author  not  thinking  it 
necessary,  after  what  he  has  before  said,  to  state 
that  Jonathan  shot  three  arrows  one  after  an- 
other." 

Ver.  40.  Jonathan,  having  given  his  artillery 

to  the  lad — we  need  not  with  Sept.  read  7j?  for 
7N  (Then.) — sent  him  to  the  city,  that  he  might 
be  alone  with  David. — Ver.  41.  David  rose  from 
the  south  side  of  the  rock,  where,he  had  been  con- 
cealed, the  preceding  affair  having  occurred  on 
the  north  side,  whence  the  boy  returned  to  the 
city  which  lay  north  of  David's  hiding-place,  so 
that  the  latter  was  completely  hid  from  him.  It 
accords  very  well  with  this  statement  of  the  points 
of  the  compass  that  David  afterward  fled  south- 
ward to  Nob.*  The  affecting  description  of  the 
sorrowful  parting  is  in  keeping  with  the  deep 
emotion  of  these  two  hearts  (one  loving  the  other 
as  himself)  not  merely  on  account  of  the  separa- 
tion, which  was  final,  but  on  account  of  the  great 
dangers  and  grievous  sufferings  which  the  one  saw 
that  the  other  must  inevitably  endure  from  Saul. 
"  David  fell  on  his  face  to  the  ground  and  bowed 
himself  thrice."  Clericus:  "  To  do  Jonathan  ho- 
nor, that  he  might  implore  his  help  or  gratefully 
acknowledge  his  kindness."  Josephus :  "  he  did 
obeisance  and  called  him  the  saviour  of  his  life." 
— There  is  no  need  to  render  with  Vulgate  and 
Syriac  (^X  for  TJ^)  :  "But  David  wept  still  more," 
that  is,  than  Jonathan.  No  sense  can  be  ex- 
tracted from  the  reading  of  the  Septuagint  "unto 
a  great  consummation"  {eog  awreWaQ  ficy&7jiQ, 
according    to     Thenius    from    substitution    of 

Dfl  for  '^y),  which  provokes  from  Capell  the 


*  [A  point  can  hardly  be  made  of  this.  David  might 
just  as  well  have  fled  in  any  other  direction,  and  chose 
the  sooth  because  he  was  naturally  more  familiar  with 
the  region  where  he  was  brought  up.— See  "  Text  and 
Gram.'"  for  the  difBoulties  ot  the  text.— Tb.]. 


268 


THE  FIEST  LOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


merry  remark  that,  according  to  this,  the  two 
friends  are  still  weeping,  and  will  continue  to 
weep  till  the  last  day.*  We  must  render  lite- 
rally: "David  did  greatly," — namely,  wept  vio- 
lently, aloud.  For  the  construction  comp.  Joel  ii. 
20,  21 ;  Ps.  cxxvi.  2,  3. — Vcr.  42.  Jonathan  must 
quicldy  part  from  his  weeping  friend  to  spare  him 
further  danger.  From  the  connection  and  the 
circumstances  it  is  not  probable  that  another  con- 
versation [of  which  Jonathan's  words  are  merely 
the  conclusion]  had  before  taken  place  (Keil). 
Jonathan's  parting  word  is:  1)  a  wish  for  peace 
or  blessing,  and  2)  conjuring  him  that  the  cove- 
nant of  friendship  be  forever  maintained.  The 
apodosis  is  not  uttered;  the  aposiopeais  accords 
with  Jonathan's  deep  emotion. — Chap.  xx.  1  [in 
Eag.  A.  V.  XX.  42].  The  concluding  scene.  Da- 
vid goes  his  way  in  ilight ;  Jonathan  returns  in 
the  opposite  direction  to  the  city. 


HISTORICAL.  AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  David  designates  the  covenant  of  friendship 
which  Jonathan  had  made  with  him  (xviii.  1  sq.) 
as  one  which  he  made  with  him  in  the  Lord 
(comp.  xxiii.  18).  It  was  therefore  not  a  friend- 
ship which  rested  merely  on  mutual  good  feeling, 
but  was  based  on  a  recognized  common  union  of 
heart  with  the  living  God.  Jonathan's  heart 
clung  in  firm  faith  and  trust  to  the  Lord ;  this 
was  the  root  of  his  heroic  courage  and  his  victo- 
rious prowess  (comp.  xiv.  6) ;  this  fresh  power 
of  faith,  which  elevated  and  sanctified  his  whole 
being,  won  him  David's  regard  and  love.  Da- 
vid's whole  life-course  showed  Jonathan  the  di- 
rect wonderful  gracious  leading  of  the  Lord,  to 
which  he  humbly  submitted  himself.  The  two 
hearts  were  one  in  looking  to  and  hoping  in  the 
living  God,  in  humble  obedience  to  His  holy 
will.  This  was  the  foundation  of  their  commu- 
nion of  love  and  life  in  the  Lord.  "  God  works 
such  unions-through  and  in  Himself,  so  that  such 
souls  become  wholly  one"  {Serl.  Sib.). 

2.  On  the  light  of  this  noble  friendship  con- 
cluded in  the  Lord  falls  the  shadow  of  the  "lie 
of  necessity "  to  which  David  resorts  in  order  to 
save  himself  from  Saul's  murderous  designs,  and 
into  which  Jonathan  allows  himself  to  be  enticed 
by  David,  having  given  the  unconditional  pro- 
mise :  "  What  thy  soul  says,  I  will  do  for  thee." 
Yet  the  duty  of  absolute  truthfulness  could  not  be 
known  so  clearly  from  the  stand-point  of  the  Old 
Testament  as  from  that  of  the  New ;  of  the  same 
David  who  expressly  said  "  Keep  thy  lips  from 
speaking  guile  "  (Ps.  xxxiv.  14  [13])  precisely  the 
opposite  is  here  and  elsewhere  related.  But 
though  there  is  in  the  narrative  no  condemnation 
of  the  lie,  the  course  of  events  brings  a  judgment 
on  it ;  for  Saul  sees  through  it  immediately.  On 
Jonathan  falls  his  father's  rage  (thereby  roused), 
and  Saul's  anger  bums  the  more  violently  against 
David.  Instead  of  having  recourse  to  a  lie  as  a 
supposed  necessary  self-help,  they  ought  to  have 
united  in  unconditional  trust  in  the  Lord's  help, 
and  have  committed  their  affairs  to  Him.  Com- 
pare how  the  Lord  formerly  exposed  and  brought 
to  naught  the  lies  of  Abraham  and  Isaac  (Gen. 


*  [The  phrase  ffvvreXeia  Is  uned  in  New  Test,  of  the 
end  of  the  world,  as  in  Matt.  xiii.  39  a(.— Te.]. 


xii.  11  sq.;  xxvi.  7  sq.),  and  punished  the  lie  of 
Eebecca  and  Jacob  (Gen.  xxvii.  6sq.). 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PEACTICAL. 
Ver.  1  sqq.  ScHiiiEB:  The  old  saying  is  right: 

Silently  suflfer,  forbear  and  endure, 

Tliy  troubles  to  no  one  lament; 
Despair  not  of  God,  for  His  promise  is  sure, 

And  daily  thy  help  will  be  sent. 

Bat  it  is  another  thing  when  we  are  indeed  silent 
to  the  world,  but  tell  our  troubles  and  conflicts  to 
a  faithful  friend,  when  we  communicate  to  others 
all  that  oppresses  us,  when  we  do  not  complain 
and  lament,  but  do  seek  counsel  and  consolation. 
— Stakkb:  Even  great-hearted  men  sometimes 
grow  faint-hearted ;  let  us  therefore  not  build  too 
much  on  ourselves,  but  on  God,  whose  power  is 
mighty  in  the  weak  (2  Cor.  xii.  9 ;  Ps.  xxx.  8). — 
[Ver.  2.  Scott:  Pious  children  wiU  veil  the  faults 
of  their  parents  as  far  as  consists  with  other  du- 
ties, and  speak  as  favorably  of  them  as  truth  per- 
mits.— Tn.] — Ver.  3-  Staeke:  Even  in  the 
midst  of  life  we  are  in  death.*  O  man,  do  think 
of  it,  and  never  feel  secure  (Ps.  xxxix.  6). — [Ver. 
4.  Ilere  friendship  goes  too  far.  It  is  wrong  to 
promise  unconditional  compliance  with  the  wishes 
of  another.  He  may  err  in  judgment  and  ask 
what  is  unwise,  or  may  be  misled  Dy  interest  and 
ask  what  is  wrong.  And,  besides,  every  man  is 
solemnly  bound  to  exercise  his  own  judgment  and 
conscience  in  the  direction  of  his  conduct.  Jona- 
than was  led  by  this  promise  to  tell  a  falsehood, 
which  his  father  detected,  and  was  thereby  the 
more  enraged  (vers.  28-33). — Ver.  6.  Tatlob: 
From  brooding  morbidly  over  Saul's  treatment 
of  him,  to  the  entire  exclusion  from  his  mind  of 
God's  constant  care  over  him,  David  fell  into  de- 
spair, and  ran  into  a  course  of  reckless  deceit 
which  brought  the  most  fearful  consequences  in 
its  train  (chaps,  xx. — xxii.).  —  Te.]  —  Ver.  8, 
Stabkb  :  So  long  as  one  sees  before  him  ordinary 
ways  and  means  of  escaping  from  danger,  he 
should  make  use  of  them,  and  not  look  for  extra- 
ordinary help  from  God,  that  he  may  not  tempt 
God. — Ver.  10.  S.  Schmdo  :  A  wise  man  not  only 
proposes  to  himself  to  do  good,  but  he  looks 
around  him  for  suitable  means  of  accomplishing 
his  good  designs  (Prov.  xxi-  25-6). — ^Ver.  11. 
Conversations  between  friends  united  in  the  Lord 
upon  the  highest  and  holiest  matters  of  the  inner 
or  the  outer  life  are  to  be  preserved  from  the 
disturbing  influences  of  the  unquiet  world ;  the 
thoughts  interchanged  in  stillness  before  the  Lord 
and  in  the  Lord  unite  their  hearts  in  all  the  closer 
inward  ties  for  time  and  eternity. — Ver.  13.  All 

*  [Stahke  quotes  this  saying  in  substantially  the  form 
given  it  by  LyxHEB  in  a  metrical  version.  We  have  sub- 
Btituted  the  form  familiar  to  the  English-speaking  world 
from  the  Book  of  Convmon  Prayer.  Lutrrr's  hymn 
(Knapp  2824,  ScHAiT  446)  derives  its  first  stanza,  with 
alterations,  from  an  older  German  version.  The  origi- 
nal Latin  is  found  in  Daniel.  Thesaurus  HymnologicusU. 
329,  is  certainly  quite  old,  and  believed  by  some  to  have 
been  written  by  a  monk  who  died  A.D.912.  Itwasonce 
a  favorite  battle-song.  The  first  line  is  so  famous  that 
it  may  be  well  to  insert  the  whole ; 

Media  vita  in  morte  sumus : 

(Mem  qumrimus  adjutorem  nisi  te,  domine, 

Qui  pro  peccatis  nostris  iuste  irasceris  : 

Sancte  Deus,  sancte  fortis,  sancte  et  mis&icors  saivator; 

AmarcB  morii  ne  tradas  no8. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  XXI.  1— XXI.  1. 


269 


the  highest  and  most  hlessed  things  that  souls 
united  in  the  Lord  can  wish  for  each  otiier  are 
included  in  the  one  word :  The  Lord  be  with  thee ; 
for  what  is  greater  and  more  blessed  than  the 
Lord's  guidance  and  gracious  presence  ? — Ver.  14. 
The  kindness  of  the  Lord  itself  exercises  and  em- 
ploys the  child  of  God  as  its  instrument  for  his 
fellow-children  and  brethren;  children  of  God 
love  one  another  with  and  in  the  love  of  God 
which  dwells  in  their  hearts. — Ver.  16.  Beelenb. 
Bible:  A  truly  tranquil  soul  seeks  neither  honor 
nor  advantage  for  itself.  It  is  just  as  joyful  when 
God  is  glorified  in  others  as  in  itself.  It  only 
asks  such  a  faithful  friend,  whom  with  joy  it  sees 
preferred  before  itself,  that  he  will  give  it  any 
help  it  may  need  in  the  spiritual  life. — Ver.  17. 
DissELHOFP :  Unselfish  love  bears  especially  two 
noble  fruits — to  rejoice  with  them  that  rejoice,  and 
to  weep  with  them  that  weep.  How  heart-re- 
freshingly do  both  of  these  beckon  to  us  from  the 
history  of  our  two  friends.  Through  David's  glo- 
rious victory,  Jonathan,  who  had  before  been 
highly  praised  by  the  people  as  a  conqueror,  fell 
wholly  into  the  shade.  He  lost  through  David 
even  his  hope  of  the  crown.  Yet  he  looked  with 
joyful  eye  upon  the  deeds  of  David  and  his  grow- 
ing fame. — [True  love  delights  in  receiving  and 
giving  repeated  and  strong  assurances.  This  is 
very  different  from  the  renewed  assurance  which 
distrust  demands. — Tr.] — Ver.  23.  S.  Schmid  : 
What  has  been  once  promised  and  is  not  opposed 
to  God  must  be  held  6st. — Schlibb  :  A  faithful 
friend  is  a  gift  of  God,  and  God  gives  such  a  bless- 
ing to  him  that  fears  Him.  The  God-fearing  Da- 
vid received  from  the  Lord  such  a  noble  blessing 
of  friendship  as  few  others  ever  enjoyed. 

Ver.  30sqq.  Schmer:  We  take  up  so  easily 
with  anger,  and  yet  how  fearful  is  the  power  of 
anger  I  How  blind  does  anger  make  a  man — how 
it  carries  him  out  of  himseli^  so  that  he  does  not 
even  know  what  he  is  doing ;  how  it  makes  a  man 
like  a  beast,  so  that  he  ceases  to  be  himself,  and 
fells  under  the  power  of  darkness. — Vers.  35-40. 
Starke  [from  Hall]  :  In  vain  are  those  pro- 
fessions of  love  which  are  not  answered  with  ac- 
tion (1  John  iii.  18). — ^Ver.  32.  Beel.  Bible:  A 
friend  in  grace  cannot  possibly  let  himself  be 
moved  by  self-advantage.  When  he  has  once  let 
self-seeking  go,  in  order  to  give  himself  to  God, 
then  nothing  disturbs  him  of  all  that  may  be  said 
or  done  against  him.  He  well  knows  the  essen- 
tial deep  ground  of  unity,  which  is  in  God  alone. 
— Unity  with  favored  souls  draws  after  it  also  a 
like  condition  and  like  sorrow.  So  long  as  David 
is  thy  friend,  thou  must  also  have  part  in  his 
cross. — [Ver.  34.  Scott:  Under  great  provoca- 
tions the  meekest  cannot  always  refrain  from  an- 
ger; but  when  its  emotions  are  felt,  it  is  our  wis- 
dom to  withdraw  in  silence;  and  it  is  generous  to 


be  more  grieved  for  our  insulted  friends  than  for 
ourselves. — Te.] — Ver.  41.  S.  Schmid:  In  mis- 
fortune the  love  of  true  friends  must  much  rather 
increase  than  fall  off. — Osiander  :  The  pious  ex- 
perience such  weakness  when  they  stand  in  fear 
of  death  or  other  trials,  in  order  that  they  may 
know,  when  they  have  overcome  misfortune,  that 
they  have  done  so  not  by  their  own  strength,  but 
tiiat  it  is  God's  gift.  Ver.  42.  S.  Schmid:  When 
we  are  separated  from  our  dearest  friends  in  the 
world,  it  is  our  consolation  if  we  are  not  separated 
from  God,  but  have  Him  for  a  friend  (Ps.  Ixxiii. 
25 sq.). — Beel.  Bible:  The  unions  that  are 
made  in  God  are  for  that  reason  the  strongest  of 
all.  Nothing  human  forms  their  bond.  Presence 
does  not  increase  them,  just  as  little  as  absence  di- 
minishes them.  Thence  comes  it  that  such  per- 
sons separate  without  pain  if  God  so  wills.  They 
desire  only  one  thing,  namely,  to  maintain  peace 
even  amid  the  greatest  antagonisms,  since  this 
peace  is  a  sure  sign  that  one  has  not  withdrawn 
from  submission  to  the  will  of  God. 

J.  DisSELHOFE  to  chap.  XX.:  Friendship  among 
the  servants  oj  God.  Three  questions :  1)  Wherein 
is  friendship  among  the  servants  of  God  grounded  ? 
— It  is  a  covenant  in  the  Lord.  2)  What  perils 
threaten  even  friendship  among  the  servants  of 
God? — That  one  friend,  overlooking  another's 
sin,  may  do  for  his  sake  what  is  not  right  in  the 
sight  of  God.  3)  What  blessing  rests  upon  friend- 
ship among  the  servants  of  God  ? — It  teaches  un- 
envyiug  joy  with  them  that  rejoice,  and  faithful 
mourning  and  forbearing  with  them  that  mourn. 

F.  W.  Ketjmmacher  (1  Sam.  xx.  16,  17): 
Sanctified  friendship:  The  love  of  Jonathan  for 
David  is  put  to  a  severe  test  by  a  three-fold  disco- 
very which  he  makes :  he  gets  a  glimpse  of  the 
real  disposition  cherished  by  his  royal  father  to- 
wards his  friend,  the  heroic  youth — of  the  high 
destiny  which  God  designs  for  his  beloved  friend 
— and  of  the  danger  which  threatens  himself 
through  his  connection  with  David. 

[Ver.  3  (end).  A  good  funeral  text  in  case  of 
sudden  death,  especially  when  from  accident. 

Vers.  14,  15.  Thefl-iend!s  •plea  for  kindness.  1) 
Kindness  notwithstanding  separation  and  outward 
antagonism.  2)  Kindness  not  merely  on  grounds 
of  personal  regard,  but  "kindness  of  Jehovah." 
3)  Kindness  not  only  to  himself,  but  also  to  his 
posterity. 

Ver.  41.  Strong  men  u-eeping.  1)  Great  occasion 
for  it  here,  a)  Personal  separation,  b)  Mad  in- 
justice of  their /a(Aer  (comp.  xxiv.  16).  c)  Pros- 
pect of  a  bitter  conflict.  2)  Not  unbecoming 
when  on  suflScient  occasion.  Compatible  a)  With 
manly  courage  and  spirit.  David  and  Jonathan 
were  certainly  brave,  b)  With  great  self-control 
(xvii.  29 ;  xviii.  14 :  xx.  32).  c)  With  living 
trust  in  Providence  (v.  42).— Tr.] 


270  THE  FIKST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


m.  DamcCs  flight  to  Nob  to  the  high-priest  Ahimdech  and  to  Oaih  to  king  Aehish. 
Chap.  XXI.  1-15  (a-16). 

1  Then  came  David  [And  D.  came]  to  Nob  to  Ahimelech  the  priest.  And  Ahi- 
melech  was  afraid  at  the  meeting  of  David  [Ahimelech  went  frightened  to  meet 
David]'  and  said  unto  him,  "Why  art  thou  alone  and  no  man  with  thee?    And  Da- 

2  vid  said  unto  Ahimelech  the  priest,  The  king  hath  commanded  me  a  business  and 
hath  said  unto  me,  Let  no  man  know  any  thing  of  the  business'  whereabout  I  send 
thee  and  what  [which]  I  have  commanded  thee;  and  I  have  appointed'  my  servants 

3  [the  young  men]  to  such  and  such*  a  place.     Now,  therefore,  what  is  under  thy 

4  hand  ?  give  me  five  loaves  of  bread  in  mine  hand,  or  what  there  is  present.  And 
the  priest  answered  David  and  said,  There  is  no  common  bread  under  mine  hand, 
but  there  is  hallowed  [holy]  bread ;  if  the  young  men  have  kept  themselves  at  least' 

5  from  women.  And  David  answered  the  priest  and  said  unto  him.  Of  a  truth'  wo- 
men have  been  kept  from  us  about  these  three  days  since  I  came  out,  and  the  ves- 
sels of  the  young  men  are  holy,  and  the  bread  is  in  a  manner  common,  yea,  though 

6  it  were  sanctified  this  day  in  the  vessel.'  So  [And]  the  priest  gave  him  hallowed 
[holy]  bread,  for  there  was  no  bread  there  but  the  show-bread,  that  was  taken  from 
before  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  to  put  hot  bread  in  the  day  when  it  was  taken  away. 

7  Now  [And]  a  certain  man  of  the  servants  of  Saul  was  there  that  day  detained  be- 
fore the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  his  name  was  Doeg  an  [the]  Edomite,  the  chiefest 

8  of  the  herdsmen*  that  belonged  to  Saul  [of  Saul].  And  David  said  to  Ahimelpch, 
And  is  there  not"  here  under  thy  hand  spear  or  sword?  for  I  have  neither  brought 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 
1  [Ver.  1.  flXI  p*7  supposes  a  verb  of  "  going  "  before  it.— Tb.] 
»  [Ver.  2.  Literally  "  in  respect  to  the  business."— Ts.] 

"  [Ver.  2.  ''^J^^i'  Poel  of  jrT  "  to  Icnow  "="  (aught,  instructed."  Some  take  it  as  error  for  'J^liH  (Buxtorf.) 
not  so  well.    Sept.  SmfiefiapTvprwiai  =  'flTJ? V,  Poel  of  ^^',  which  is  a  better  reading.    The  Syr.  snpports  the  Heb. 

text — other  veraions  not  decisive.^Tn.] 

•  [Ver.  2.  Heb.  "Peloni  almonV*  This  is  translated  by  Syr.  and  Chald.  "  secret  and  hidden."  Sept,  (Vat.)  has 
a  duplet ;  it  translates  by  Beov  Tritrrt^,  '*  faith  of  God,"  and  transfers  by  "Phellani  inwmonV^    On  the  derivation 

.of  the  Heb.  words  see  Ges.  Lex.  s.  v.    FCirst  suggests  that  petoni  may  bo  from  palmoni,  and  in  the  Annot.  to  Dan, 
viii.  13  in  the  ed.  printeps  of  Codex  Chis.  the  latter  is  held  to  be  the  original  form,  and  is  derived  from  the  Egyptian 

Ammon  (with  prefix  S  and  Egypt,  article  .^pa.  I.  amm^n^-palmont),  which  is  wholly  improbable.    Buxtorf  (after 
Kimchi)  says  that  the  words  here  after  "  place  "  indicate  a  person :  "  to  the  place  of  such  a  one."— Te.] 
6  [Ver.  4.  Or :  "  have  only  kept  themselves."— Te.1 

•  [Ver.  6.  More  exactly  "(nay)  but  women." — Tb.] 

'  [Ver.  6.  On  this  sentence  see  Erdmann's  E::position  and  a  long  list  of  translations  in  Poole's  Synopsis.  The 
principal  renderings  are  as  follows :  1)  "And  though  it  is  a  profane  (t.  e.,  military)  way,  yet  it  is  sanctified  to-day 
in  the  vessel"  (i.e.,  David  or  Ahimelech  or  the  young  men's  body).  Ewflld:  "how  much  more  wilUA^/ (the  young 
men,  changing  the  Numb,  of  the  verb)  be  holy  in  the  vessel "  (i.  e.,  their  bodies),  since,  namely,  they  were  clean 
at  starting,  how  much  more  now  the  third  day!  2)  "Though  it  is  a  profane  (i.e..  ceremonially  illegal)  procedure 
(to  take  the  show-bread),  yet  it  is  sanctified  by  the  vessel  (David  or  Ahimelech) " — so  Thenius  and  Erdmann.  3) 
"  If  this  is  our  way  with  profane  things  (i.  e.,  we  have  not  defiled  ourselves  on  the  road),  how  much  more  will  the 
bread  now  given  us  be  kept  holy  in  our  vessels"  (Philippson) ;  4)  "And  though  this  is  the  manner  of  common 
bread  (t.  e.,  to  give  it  to  us),  yet  surely  to-day  the  bread  in  the  vessel  (t.  e.,  the  fresh  show-bread)  is  holy ''  (Bib. 
Coram.).  5)  "  It  (the  show-bread)  is  in  a  manner  profane,  oven  though  it  were  to-day  sanctified"  (Rashi,  Eng. 
A.  v.). — There  is  no  good  ground  for  changing  the  text,  and  the  word  "  vessels  "  cannot  be  talien  (according  to  0. 
T.  usage)  in  the  N.  T.  sense  (2  Cor.  iv.  7).  It  is  a  hurried,  excited  sentence,  almost  utterly  obscure.  The  second 
rendering  above  given  (that  of  Thenius,  adopted  by  Erdmann)  seems  the  least  open  to  objection.- Te.] 

«  [Ver.  7.  Sept.:  "the  Syrian"  (1  for  H).- Te.] 

•  [Ver.  7.  Sept.  "keeper  of  the  mules,"  l^SJn  X^y\  perhaps  by  inversion  and  misreading  of  the  text;  comp. 
the  designation  of  Doeg  in  xxii.  9.— Tn.] 

»[Ver.  8.  W  I'N  is  somewhat  strange.  Sept.  We  ct  eorii'  — E'^H  HST  (Wellh.),  Chald.  "  if  there  is  here!"  Syr, 
"  IS  there  not  (fi'S)  ?"  Vulg.  si  habes  hie.  Gesen.  supposes  that  the  Interrog.  n  bas  fallen  out.  We  may  perhaps 
take  px  aslnterrog.  — 'N.— Ta.] 


CHAP.  XXI.  1-15. 


271 


my  sword  nor  my  weapons  with  me,  because  the  king's  business  required  haste. 
9  And  the  priest  said,  The  sword  of  Goliath  the  Philistine  whom  thou  slewest  in  the 
valley  of  Elah,  behold  it  is  here  lorn,  here]  wrapped  in  a  cloth  [the  garment]  be- 
hind the  ephod;  if  thou  wilt  take  that,  take  it,  for  there  is  no  other  save  that  here. 
And  David  said.  There  is  none  like  that ;  give  it  me.*' 

10  And  David  arose  and  fled  that  day  for  fear  of"  Saul,  and  went  to  Achish  the 

11  king  of  Gath.  And  the  servants  of  Achish  said  unto  him,  Is  not  this  David  the 
kins;  of  the  land?  did  they  not  sing  one  to  another  of  him  in  dances,  saying,  Saul 

12  hath  slain  his  thousands  and  David  his  ten  thousands?    And  David  laid  up  these 

13  words  in  his  heart,  and  was  sore  afraid  of  Achish  the  king  of  Gath.  And  he 
changed"  his  behaviour  [understanding]  before  them  [in  their  eyes]  and  feigned 
himself  mad  [acted  like  a  madman]  in  their  hands,  and  scrabbled  [scrawled]"  on 

14  the  doors  of  the  gate,  and  let  his  spittle  fall  down  upon  his  beard.  Then  said 
Achish  [And  Achish  said]  unto  his  servants,  Lo,  ye  see  the  man  is  mad;  wherefore 

15  then  lorn,  then]  have  ye  brought  [do  ye  bring]  him  to  me?  Have  I  need  of  mad 
men,  that  ye  have  brought  this  fellow  to  play  the  madman  in  my  presence?  shall 
this  fellow  come  into'*  my  house? 

"  [Ver.  9.  Sept.  adds  "and  he  gave  it  to  him,"  a  natural  completion  of  the  transaction,  but  the  omission  of  a 
self-understood  act  like  that  is  also  natural. — Tr..] 


12  [Ver.  10.  Literally:  "from  the  face  of."- 
•'  [Ver.  13.  On  these  words  see  Erdmann. 
"  [Ver.  15.  Literally:  "unto."— Tb.] 


•Tb.] 
For  the  first  Wellh.  proposes  to  read  nJHy'l.— Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CEITICAL. 

Vera.  2-10  [Eng.  A.  V.  1-9].  David  flees  to 
Nob  to  the  highrpriest  Ahimelech. 

Ver.  2  (1).  According  to  1  Sam.  xxii.  11,  19, 
32;  2  Sam.  xxi.  IG;  Isa.  x.  32;  Neli.  xi.  32, 
the  name  of  this  refuge  of  David  is  Nob.  (The 
Hob.  form  here  and  xxii.  9  is  with  n  local  (with 
short  vowel)  after  a  verb  of  coming,  Ges.  §  90, 2.) 
According  to  xxii.  19  Nob  was  at  this  time  a 
priestly  city.  Here  at  this  time  was  the  taber- 
nacle, which,  as  we  under  David  and  Solomon 
find  it  in  Gibeon,  was  probably  carried  thither 
in  consequence  of  the  destruction  of  Nob  by  Saul 
(ch.  xxii.).  The  position  of  Nob  is  no  longer 
determinable — only  from  Isa.  x.  28-33  we  know 
that  it  was  near  Jerusalem  on  the  road  northward 
between  Anathoth  (Anata)  and  Jerusalem  in  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin  (Neh.  xi.  32).  According  to 
Jerome  (on  Isa.  I.  c),  in  whose  time  nothing 
remained  of  the  place,  Jerusalem  was  visible 
from  it.  Whether  it  stood  on  the  site  of  the  pre- 
sent village  El  Isawieh,  between  Anata  and  Je- 
rusalem, about  two  and  a  half  miles  from  the 
latter,  and  as  far  south-east  of  Gibeah  of  Saul 
(Tuleil  el  Ful),  which  Tobler  {Topog.  von  Jerus. 
11.  719  sq.)  describes,  as  Kiepert  (Map  to  Eob.'s 
MesearcJies)  and  Baumer  (Palast.  p.  215,  4  ed.) 
[and  Grove]  suppose,  cannot  be  decided;  the 
objection  is  that  Jerusalem  is  not  visible  from 
this  place.* — See  Herz.  R.-E.  and  Winer  s.  v. — 
Thither  David  betook  himself,  as  the  neare-st 
place  of  refuge  from  Gibeah,  where  he  might  for 
the  present  find  shelter  and  concealment  with 
the  priests.  From  xxii.  10-14  [15]  it  appears, 
though  it  is  not  mentioned  here,  that  he  wished 
in  this  holy  place  to  inquire  God's  will  concern- 


ing his  further  way.  He  wished  besides  to  pro- 
vide himself  with  arms  and  food  for  his  continued 
flight.  His  stay  there  was  therefore  intended  to 
be  temporary,  as  his  whole  conduct  shows.  We 
may  assume  that  he  stood  in  intimate  relations 
with  the  priests  there,  and  especially  with  their 
head,  from  whom  therefore  he  expected  not  only 
the  announcement  of  the  divine  will,  but  also 
consolatory  and  strengthening  words. — Ahimelech 
is  the  same  person  with  Ahiah  (xiv.  3),  son  of 
Ahitub  (xxii.  9,  20),  the  elder  brother  of  Icha- 
bod,  son  of  Phinehas,  son  of  Eli,  therefore  great- 
grandson  of  Eli.  His  son  was  the  high-priest 
Abiathar  (xxx.  7),  with  whom  he  is  confounded 
in  Mark  ii.  26.*  The  designation  "  priest "  here 
;=high-priest,  as  in  xiv.  3. — He  is  frightened  at 
David's  appearing  alone,  without  retinue  or  arms ; 
therefore  he  went  to  meet  hira.  fearfully,  supposing 
such  an  appearance  to  be  a  sign  of  impending 
misfortune.  We  must  presume  that  he  knew  of 
Saul's  hatred  to  David,  but  not  of  the  most  recent 
occurrences.  David  must  have  feared  that  if  he 
told  the  high-priest  of  these,  the  latter,  for  fear 
of  bringing  Saul's  wrath  on  himself,  would  refuse 
him  refuge.  Therefore  he  has  recourse  here 
again  to  a  He;  he  pretends  that  the  king  has 
given  him  a  secret  commission,  of  which  no  one 
is  to  know,  and  represents  to  the  high-priest  that 
he  has  appointed  his  men  some  place  at  which 
to  meet  him.  Maurer :  "  I  ordered  my  servants 
to  go  to  a  certain  place."  (''JjlJ'll''  is  Po.  of  I'T. 
"to  know "=" appoint.")  " At  such  and  such  a 
place,"  comp.  Ruth  iv.  1.  Clericns  remarks  that 
he  really  took  some  faithful  followers  with  him, 
at  least  to  the  Philistine  border,  and  during  his 
stay  in  Nob  assigned  them  to  some  place,  where 
he  woiild  meet  them,  and  Keil  supposes  that  he 
left  his  few  attendants  (ver.  3  [2])  near  by,  in 


•  [So  Haekett  in  Smith's  Ba.  Diet-.,  Art.  "  Nob."  Por- 
ter {Hand-book  II.  3(17,  ed.  of  1868)  identifies  Nob  with  a 
conical  tell  opposite  Shafat,  where  are  remains  of  a 
small,  but  apparently  ancient  town,  with  cisterns  and  a 
tower,  whence  Mount  Zion  is  visible.— Tb.] 


*  [On  possible  explanations  of  this,  see  Comms.  of 
Lan^e  and  Alexander  in  loco,  and  Haekett  in  Note  to 
Art.  "Abiathar"  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  and  on  the  gene- 
ral chronological  difiiculties  see  Comma,  on  2  Sam.  viii. 
17  and  1  Chron.  xviii.  16  j  xxiv.  3.  6,  31.— Tb.] 


272 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


order  to  epcak  privately  with  the  high-priest; 
but  against  this  is  the  fact  that  in  his  flight,  after 
his  interview  without  witness  with  Jonathan  (ch. 
XX.),  there  is  no  mention  of  any  attendant,  nor 
afterwards  in  his  flight  to  Gath.  He  seeks  to 
quiet  Ahimelech's  apprehension  by  the  double 
statement  that  his  commission  is  secret,  and  that 
he  has  appointed  his  people  a  place  to  stay. 
Clericus'  remark :  "  all  these  things  are  inven- 
tions," is  to  be  accepted  of  everything,  not  merely 
of  his  commission  from  the  king. — [But  in  Mark 
ii.  25,  26,  it  is  asserted  that  there  were  men  with 
David,  and  it  is  in  itself  natural  and  probable 
that  a  man  of  his  high  official  position  and  popu- 
larity should  find  some  willing  to  share  his  flight. 
— Tb.]— Ver.  4  (3).  Now,  what  thou  hast 
in  hand,  the  five  loaves,  give  me,  a  request 
in  keeping  with  David's  hurry  and  eagerness, 
(ty'fno  is  not  a  question,  which  would  require 
something  like  '^JkS  (Then.)  to  follow.)  He 
asks  for  five  loaves  with  apparent  reference  to  his 
retinue,  but  really  for  his  own  needs,  since  his 
way  would  lead  him  into  the  wilderness,  and  he 
must  avoid  meeting  men.- — Vera.  5  (4).  No 
common  bread — bat  holy  bread  have  I 
here,  answers  Ahimelech.  The  five  loaves 
which  Ahimelech  then  had  were  a  part  of  the 
twelve  loaves  which  were  laid  up  in  the  taberna- 
cle, as  the  oifering  of  the  Twelve  Tribes  to  the 
Lord,  before  his  face,  and  thence  called  "  Bread 
of  presence,  show-bread"  (Ex.  xxv.  30;  xxxv. 
13;  xxxix.  36;  xl.  23).  They  had  just  been 
taken  away  (ver.  7  [6])  to  be  replaced  by  fresh 
ones  (Lev.  xxiv.  8).  The  legal  precept  was  that 
this  bread,  as  something  most  holy,  could  bo 
eaten  only  by  the  priests  in  the  holy  place  (Lev. 
xxiv.  9).  Ahimelech's  answer  to  David  there- 
fore means  that  if  he  is  here  to  make  an  excep- 
tion to  this  rule,  he  must  at  least  insist  on  cere- 
monial purity  as  a  condition.  —  If  the  men 
have  only  kept  themselves  from  women. 
See  Lev.  xv.  18.  Thereby  the  principle  of  the 
legal  prescription  of  levitical  purity  was  satisfied, 
inasmuch  as  the  circumstances — namely,  the 
lack  of  ordinary  bread,  the  haste  which  the 
alleged  important  commission  of  the  king  re- 
quired, the  duty  of  aiding  in  its  execution  as 
much  as  possible,  and  the  pious  behaviour  of 
David  in  inquiring  the  Lord's  will  at  the  holy 
place — seemed  to  justiiy  a  deviation  from  the 
rule  concerning  the  eating  of  the  show-bread. 
But  it  is  inferring  too  much  from  this  isolated 
case  when  Clericus  remarks :  "  It  is  clear  from 
Ahimelech's  demand  as  to  women  that  the  eating 
of  the  consecrated  bread  was  not  absolutely  for- 
bidden to  the  laity  in  case  of  urgent  necessity." 
See  Matt.  xii.  3,  where  the  Lord  uses  this  exam- 
ple to  justify  divergence  from  the  letter  of  the 
Law  when  its  outward  observance  would  violate 
the  inner  spirit  of  the  Law  and  hinder  the  fulfil- 
ment of  sacred  duties  to  one's  self  and  one's 
neighbor.  —  Ver.  6  (5).  In  David's  answer  the 
introductory  "but"  (DN  '3)  relates  to  the  nega- 
tive in  Ahimelech's  last  words:  "they  are  not 
unclean,  but;"  we  may  therefore  render  "rather" 
[Eng.  A.  V.  "  of  a  truth."]  David  afiSrms  the 
purity  of  his  men  and  of  himself  in  this  regard : 
"  Women  have  been  kept  from  us."     The  follow- 


ing words  from  "since  I  came  out"  to  "in  the 
vessel"  present  many  difficulties.  The  "came 
out"  may  be  connected  with  the  preceding  or  the 
following  context.  In  favor  of  the  former  it 
may  be  said  that  it  naturally  connects  itself  with 
the  phrase  "  yesterday  and  the  day  before"  [= 
about  these  three  days]  as  an  exacter  statement  of 
time ;  David  says :  "  this  abstinence  has  existed 
from  the  day  of  my  departure  till  now."  In  fact 
this  connection  is  necessary  in  order  to  establish 
the  assertion  that  the  men  had  refrained  from  wo- 
men since  "yesterday  and  the  day  before,"  for 
from  the  day  of  departure  it  could  not  be  other- 
wise. S.  Schmid:  "in  the  words  'yesterday  and 
the  day  before'  David  seems  to  refer  to  his  three 
days'  hiding  in  the  field  or  in  Bethlehem."  Fur- 
ther we  have  to  consider  the  meaning  of  the 

words  "vessel"  0*73)  and  "way"  (^l^l).  As  to 
the  former,  the  reference  here  to  pnrity  of  body 
does  not  justify  us  in  understanding  it  figuratively 
of  the  body,  as  cuevoc:  in  2  Cor.  iv.  7 ;  1  Thess.  iv. 
4  (Ewald),  for  the  word  never  has  this  sense  in 
Hebrew  literature.  Bunsen:  "that  is  certainly 
not  Hebrew  usage."  Keil,  expressly  departing 
from  the  usual  meaning ''  vessels,"  takes  the  word 
(from  Dcut.  xxii.  5)  in  the  sense  of  "  clothing," 
and  with  reference  to  Lev.  xv.  18  (on  the  defile- 
ment of  "  garments  "  by  seminal  discharge)  makes 
David  saj':  "The  garments  of  my  men  were 
clean."  But  the  word  cannot  mean  "  garment" 
in  Deut.  xxii.  6  (where  it  is  in  the  Sing.) ;  it  never 
means  garment  as  such,  as  we  should  hero  have  to 
take  it  in  the  supposed  reference  to  defilement  by 
seminal  flow.  But  what  would  be  the  bearing  of 
such  a  remark  after  David  had  already  affirmed 
that,  in  consequence  of  their  removal  from  women, 
no  such  defilement  could  be  found  in  them  ? — We 
must  do  what  we  can  wiih  the  usual  meaning 
of  the  word  "implement,  vessel."  The  "vessels 
of  the  men"  =  apart  from  their  arms,  every- 
thing that  pertained  to  personal  preparation  for  the 
journey;  see  Jer.  xlvi.  19,  Tuii  ''12,  "exile-gear," 
[Eng.  A.  V.  "  furnish  thyself  to  go  into  captivity."] 
So  S.  Schmid:  "the  reference  is  to  packs  and 
sacks  for  food  for  the  journey."  Such  leathern 
and  other  articles  might  as  well  as  persons  become 
unclean,  according  to  the  Law,  Lev.  xi.  32  sq. ; 
xiii.  47  sq.  Comp.  Sommer,  biil.  AbhandluTig, 
"Rein  und  Unrein"  [Clean  and  Unclean],  p.  204, 
211,  223.  The  gear  or  baggage  of  the  men,  as 
well  as  their  persons,  might  be  unclean.  But  the 
holy  bread,  which  even  exceptionally  could  be 
eaten  only  by  levitically  clean  persons,  could  not 
be  carried  in  vessels  which  were  legally  unclean. 
David  therefore  says  that  the  vessels  of  his  men 
were  holy  at  starting,  in  order  to  assure  Ahime- 
lech that  there  was  not  the  slightest  legal  objec- 
tion to  their  taking  the  bread,  nothing  unclean 
either  in  their  persons  or  in  their  baggage.  So 
the  Vulg. :  "  and  the  vessels  {vasa)  of  the  young 
men  were  holy."  8.  Schmid :  "  David  means  to 
say :  since  we  have  just  left  home,  whence  people 
usually  take  clsan  things,  you  may  readily  sup- 
pose that  no  impurity  has  been  contracted;  it 
would  be  diflTerent  if  we  were  returning  home  from 
a  journey,  where  on  the  way,  especially  in  war 
uncleanness  might  be  contracted  by  the  blood  of 
enemies,  or  otherwise."— The  rendering  of  the 


CHAP.  XXI.  1-15. 


273 


Sept.  "all  the  young  men"  (^3  for  'Ss),  adopted 
by  Thenius  as  a  necessary  emendation,  is  suspi- 
cious from  its  easiness,  and  must  be  rejected,  since 
we  can  derive  a  good  sense  from  the  text. — We 
have  next  to  examine  the  meaning  of  the  word 
"way."*  In  the  first  place,  no  explanation  is 
allowable  which  does  not  maintain  the  reference 
to  the  subject  in  hand,  namely,  the  showbread. 
We  reject  therefore  those  explanations  in  which 

this  word  is  made  to  mean  the  way  in  which  David 
was  going,  and  the  last  word  ('73)  =  "gear."' 
Vulg. :  "  and  this  way  is  unclean,  but  itself  also 
will  be  sanctified  to-day  in  the  vessels."  So  the 
Sept. — Maurer:  "I  am  sure  that  it  (the  way)  is 
sanctified  to-day,"  etc.  De  Wette :  "and  if  the 
way  is  unholy,  it  is  to-day  sanctified  by  the  ves- 
sels." Dathe  and  Schulz :  "  though  the  journey  is 
undertaken  on  pi-ofane  business."  O.  v.  Gerlach 
and  Keil :  "  though  it  is  an  unholy  way  that  we 

fo,  namely,  in  performing  the  king's  commission." 
'rom  the  connection  one  does  not  at  all  see  how 
the  way,  or  the  undertaking  is  unholy,  profane. 
To  supply:  "the  way  has  no  religious  object" 
(0.  V.  Gerl.),  "ordinary  business,  not  ecclesiasti- 
cal" (Ew.),  is  to  insert  a  now  idea  into  the  words. 
Nor  does  the  connection  warrant  O.  v.  Gerl.  and 
Koil  (taking  '73  as  Sing,  in  the  sense  of  "  instru- 
ment, organ")  in  making  David  say:  "The  way 
was  holy  before  God,  since  it  was  through  neces- 
sity trodden  by  him,  God's  chosen  servant,  the 
upholder  of  God's  true  kingdom  in  Isi-ael,  the 
way  was  sanctified  through  him  as  instrument,  as 
ambassador  of  the  Lord's  Anointed."  Thenius 
rightly  says  that  the  words  must  contain  a  remark 
by  which  the  priest  is  to  be  induced  to  give  the 
bread,  and  that  it  is  important  to  keep  in  mind 
the  Sing.  "  vessel,"  which  has  not  always  been  re- 
garded. Clericus  is  quite  correct  in  saying :  "way 
IS  everywhere  used  for  the  manner  of  doing  a 
thing."  But  he  is  wrong  in  takinj  "way"  = 
"somehow"  {aliqiio  modoj,  supplying  "bread" 
[as  Eng.  A.  v.],  and,  with  the  remark  that  other- 
wise there  is  no  sense  in  the  passage,  explaining : 
"  This  holy  bread,  removed  from  the  presence  of 
the  Lord,  had  become  in  some  sort  {aliguo  riwdo) 
profane,  because  other  (bread)  was  to  be  substi- 
tuted for  it  that  day,  and  this  was  now  sanctified 
in  the  vessels  in  which  it  was  to  be  placed,  that 
it  might  be  carried  into  the  holy  place,  and  set  on 
tlie  table;"  this  is  an  arbitrary  and  violent  treat- 
ment of  the  words,  and  moreover,  gives  no  clear 
sense — apart  from  the  fact  that  it  is  not  true  that 
the  bread,  when  taken  from  the  table,  thereby 
becomes  profane,  since,  even  when  so  removed,  it 
remnins  the  consecrated  bread,  for  the  eating  of 
which  levitical  purity  is  a  necessary  condition. 
So  the  translation  of  S.  Schraid  "but  itself  (the 
bread)  is  of  the  nature  of  profane  (bread),  yet  it 
will  be  holily  carried  in  the  vessel,"  is  neither  in 
accordance  with  the  words  nor  at  all  intelligible. 
The  word  "way"  =  conduct,  mode  of  procedure, 
here  refers  to  the  procedure  demanded  by  David, 
by  which  the  high-priest  was,  contrary  to  the  legal 
prescription,  to  give  the  showbread  to  persons 
who  were  not  priests;  "though  it  is  an  unholy 

*  [Rendered  incorrectly  in  Eng.  A.  V.  {and  by  otiiers) 
"inamanner."— Tr.I 
18' 


procedure,  yet  to-day  it  becomes  holy  through  the 
instrument."  The  Heb.  word  ('Sj  "instrument, 
organ")  is  so  used  of  men  also.  Gen.  xlv.  5;  Isa. 
xiii.  5 ;  xxxii.  7  ;  Jer.  1.  25 ;  comp.  amvoQ,  Acts  ix. 
15.  The  instrument  is  here  the  sacred  person  of 
the  priest,  Ahimelech  himself,  as  bearer  of  the 
high-priestly  dignity.  So  also  Thenius.  The 
"to-day"  points  with  emphasis  to  the  special  cir- 
cumstances of  that  day,  which  induced  Ahimelech 
to  grant  David's  req^uest.  The  "yea,  verily" 
Q3  tJN,  BO  xiv.  30)  is  in  keeping  with  the  excite- 
ment with  which  David  speaks,  in  order  to  per- 
suade the  high-priest. — Ver.  7  (6).  The  priest 
yields  to  David's  representation,  and  gives  him 
the  "holy."  Lack  of  other  bread  is  expressly 
said  to  be  the  reason  of  his  compliance,  he  de- 
parted from  the  legal  prescription  through  sheer 
necessity  only.  It  seems  to  be  mentioned  as  an  alle- 
viating fact,  that  the  bread  had  already  been  taken 
away  from  before  the  Lord,  having  remained  on 
the  table  in  the  holy  place  seven  days  according 
to  the  Law  (Lev.  xxiv.  6-9);  "to-day"  was  the 
"  day  of  removal,"  that  is,  when  it  was  exchanged 
for  fresh  bread.  It  is  probable  that  in  the  "to- 
day" of  ver.  6  (5)  there  is  a  reference  to  this  "day 
of  removal." 

Ver.  8  (7).  Mention  of  a  servant  of  Saul,  Doeg 
the  Edomite,  wiich  brings  the  narrative  into 
pragmatic  connection  with  xxii.  9  sq.,  and  at  the 
same  time  exhibits  the  divine  providence,  by 
which  David's  lie,  intended  to  conceal  his  real 
position  and  flight  from  Saul,  proved  useless, 
rather  led  to  the  destruction  of  Nob  and  its  inha- 
bitants. A  man  of  the  servants  of  Saul. — 
These  words  stand  significantly  first,  in  order  to 
show  that,  in  spite  of  David's  trouble  to  conceal 
his  way  from  Saul,  the  latter  received  information 
of  his  visit  to  this  very  place.  "Detained,  shut 
in  ("1SJ?J),  before  the  Lord,"  not  coniin^ns  se, 
"lingering,  remaining"  (S.  Schmid) ;  that  is, 
detained  for  some  religious  or  ceremonial  pur- 
pose, housed  at  the  holy  place,  whether  as 
a  proselyte  received  by  circumcision,  or  in 
fulfilment  of  a  vow,  or  received  for  a  purification- 
ofiering,  or  on  account  of  a  temporary  Nazarite- 
vow,  or  for  suspected  leprosy  (Lev.  xiii.  4) ;  in 
any  case,  as  one  "  who  was  committed  to  the  cus- 
tody of  the  priests  ministering  in  the'tabernacle " 
(Cler.).  Vulg. :  "  Within  the  tabernacle."  His 
name  was  Doeg,  the  Edomite,  "  he  had  pro- 
bably come  over  to  Saul  in  his  war  with  Edom," 
(Ew.).* — His  official  position  was  "Kuler  over 
the  herdsmen  of  Saul."  Vulgate  :  "  Most  pow- 
erful of  Saul's  herdsmen,"  and  so  all  ancient 
versions  except  Sept.,  which  has  wrongly  vifiuv 
rag  iiiu6vovg  "  tending  the  mules  of  Saul."  (Uj^'' 
'W  n'lp'PJ!).  On  account  of  the  importance  which 
still  attached  in  Saul's  time  to  the  possession  of 
herds  as  a  family-power,  Doeg's  position  as  Over- 
seer of  Herds  and  Herdsmen  must  have  been  a 
prominent  one.— Ver.  9  (8).  Besides  food,  David 
needed  arms.  That  in  such  pressing  danger  he 
fled  without  arms  is  to  be  explained  on  the 
ground  that  he  "  feared  that  he  would  be  recog- 
nized, or,  as  an  armed  man  concealing  himself, 

•  [On  rabbinical  opinions  abont  Doeg  see  Philippson 
in  "Die  Israel.  Bibel"  in  toco.— Te.J 


274 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAJfUEL. 


beeuapectcd"  (Cler.) — or  that  he  fled  in  great 
haste.  Thia  last  is  the  reason  he  gives  to  Aliime- 
lech,  carrying  out  his  pretence  about  the  royal 
coramissiou :  "  I  did  not  bring  my  sword  and 
weapons,  because  the  king's  business  was  hasty," 
literally  ''  pressed"  (j'TlJ),  stronger  than  "press- 
ing." Vulg. :  "the  king's  word  was  urgent;" 
Sept.:  ''in  haste"  {Kara  OTvovd^/v). — "Mast  thou 
not  here  spear  or  sword  ?"  a  question  which,  like 
the  demand  for  bread  above,  clearly  reveEds  in 
part  David's  haste,  in  part  his  anxiety  to  conceal 
by  a  light  tone  the  pressing  danger  of  his  situar 
tion. —  Ver.  10  (9).  The  priest  answers  by  refer- 
ring to  the  sword  of  Goliath,  with  which  David 
had  slain  him  in  the  Terebinth-valley  (xvii.  2). 
To  preserve  it  from  dust,  moisture  and  rust  it 
was  carefully  wrapped  in  a  garment  or  cloth,  and 
kept  in  the  holy  place  behind  the  priestly  ephod 
(not  hung  on  a  nail  (Ew.),  but  in  a  safe  and  visi- 
ble place).  How  it  came  hither,  David  having 
carried  Goliath's  armor  to  his  tent,  that  is,  taken 
possession  of  it  (xvii.  54),  is  nowhere  said. 
There  is  no  contradiction  of  the  earlier  state- 
ment; the  apparent  difference  is  removed  "by 
the  perfectly  natural  supposition  that  David  car- 
ried home  Goliath's  armor  except  his  sword,  or 
that  this  sword  was  afterwards  deposited  for  safe 
keeping  in  the  national  sanctuary"  (Then.)  See 
on  xvii.  54.  (H'S  for  ni3,  here  omkj.) — David  here 
declared  the  particular  value  of  this  sword  for  him, 
thinking,  undoubtedly,  of  its  importance  for  his 
whole  life  in  connection  with  that  deed  of  hero- 
ism. He  thus  received  not  merely  a  weapon, 
but,  by  the  divine  arrangement,  "  a  holy  weapon, 
promising  victory"  (O.  v.  Gerl.). 

Vera.  11-16  [10-15].  Provided  with  arms  and 
bread  David  flees  to  Oath  to  the  Philistine  king 
Achish.—Yer.  11  (10).  The  that  day  shows  that 
David  stayed  in  Nob  only  long  enough  to  con- 
sult the  oracle  and  procure  arms  and  food ;  the 
same  day  that  he  arrived  he  continued  his  flight. 
We  do  not  know  whether  he  had  already  deter- 
mined to  go  to  Philistia,  or  now  first  suddenly 
resolved  on  it,  possibly  in  consequence  of  Doeg's 
unexpected  appearance.  The  words  he  fled  be- 
fore Saul  do  not  mean  that  thia  flight  began 
with  his  departure  from  Nob  (Keil),  for  in  the 
narrative  of  his  parting  from  .Jonathan  (and  in- 
deed before  that)  we  see  him  in  flight.  The  ex- 
pression "from  before  Saul "  indicates  the  signifi- 
cance of  his  further  flight  in  respect  to  Saul  as 
his  king  and  lord,  in  that  he  now  entirely  aban- 
dons actual  subjection  to  him,  appearing  as  a  de- 
serter to  king  Achish  and  into  a  foreign  country. 
This  expression  does  not  require  us  to  regard  this 
section  (vera.  11-16  [10-15] )  as  coming  from  an- 
other source  and  here  arJifraTTij/ interpolated  (The- 
nius).  Even  supposing  (as  is  possible)  that  the 
section  is  from  another  source  than  the  preceding, 
in  which  not  the  account  of  Saul's  schemes  and 
David's  flight  from  the  beginning  is  given,  but 
only  this  flight  to  Philistia,  it  does  not  appear 
that  the  words  ''  David  fled  that  day  from  Saul  " 
are  an  arbitrary  interpolation.  However,  this 
opinion  rests  on  the  view  that  the  flight  here  is 
the  same  as  that  in  chap,  xxvii.,  only  in  the  form 
of  a  popular  story,  and  here  inappositely  inserted, 
while  the  correct  recension  is  given  in  ch.  xxvii., 
where  it  is  suitably  put  in  David's  time  of  extrem&at 


need  towards  the  end  of  his  fugitive  wandering 
(Then.).     But  the  difierence  of  the  circumstancea 
is  an  objection  to  identifying  this  flight  with  that 
in  chap,  xxvii. — c-ipecially  that  here  David  goes 
to  the  Philistines  alone  and  tries  for  some  timeto 
gain  a  safe  residence  by  feigning  madness,  while 
tliere  [ch.  xxvii.]  he  goes  with  his  family  and  a, 
numerous  retinue,  and  gains  the  fj,vor  of  the  Phi- 
listine king  by  numerous  military  undertakings 
and  expeditions.     Nor  can  it  be  admitted  that 
the  narrative  in  vera.  11-16  [10-15]  is  historically 
improbable,  and  therefore  has  no  historical  value. 
It  is  said  that  David  would  not  in  the  beginning 
of  his  flight  have  taken  the  step  of  going  over  to 
the  Philistines,  -which  was  possible  only  in  ex- 
tremest  necessity ;  but,  we  answer,  the  expression 
"extremest  necessity"  is  a,  very  indefinite  one, 
and  further,  as  appears  from  the  connection,  Da- 
vid's inner  excitement,  consequent  on  Saul's  en- 
during murderous  hate  and  present  intense  rage, 
from  which  he  could  never  feel  safe  in  his  own 
land,  made  his  need  and  danger  seem  to  him  so 
great  and  pressing,  tliat  a  flight  over  the  border 
cannot  appear  in  the  least  historically  untrust- 
worthy.    He  thought  that  appearing  as  a  deserter 
he  would  be  safest  with  Saul's  enemy.    That  is 
p.=iychologically   easily  intelligible.    But,  as  he 
could  not  even  thus  mollify  the  hatred  and  sus- 
picion of  the  Philistines,  he  was  obliged  to  play 
the  madman ;  nor  does  this  bring  him  security, 
his  stay  is  a  verv  short  one, — this  is  all  truly  his- 
torical, these  are  traits  of  real  life,  which  oppose 
the  supposition  that  we  here  have  an  improbable 
uuhistorical  narration.     As  to  the  objection  from 
Goliath's  sword,  that,  as  well-known  to  the  Phi- 
listines, it  would  certainly  have  betrayed  David, 
Niigelsbach  justly  remarks   {Herz.   XHI.  403), 
that  it  is  said  in  xxi.  9  only  that  David  took  it 
from  Nob,  not  that  he  carried  it  to  Gath.*    He 
needed  a  weapon  immediately  for  the  long  and 
possibly  dangerous  road  to  the  Philistine  border ; 
on  the  way  he  might  provide  himself  with  other 
arms,  so  that,  if  he  needed  weapons  on  the  other 
side,  he  might  not  betray  himself  by  the  sword 
of  Goliath. — In  the  title  to  Ps.  xxxiv.  the  Phi- 
listine king  ia  called  Abimelech,  which  along  with 
Achish  was  the  standing  ofHcial  name  of  the  Phi- 
listine princes  of  Gath  (comp.  Gen.  xxvi.  1). — 
Ver.  12  [11].     The  courtiers  soon  recognize  the 
fugitive,  though  some  time  had  elapsed  since  his 
victorious  combat  with  Goliath.     Let  the  situa- 
tion be  considered :   David  must  have  been  an 
object  of  astonishment,  and  his  appearance  as  fu- 

fitive  and  deserter  an  object  of  wonder  to  the 
'hilistines,  who  knew  what  he  had  done  for  hia 
country  by  that  heroic  exploit.     Hence  flrst,  such 

talk,  as  is  here  narrated,  about  him  (V^N  [Eng. 
A.  V.  "unto  him"]),  which  phrase  fromtheeon- 
nection  (their  thoughts  and  talk  naturally  turn- 
ing on  David)  refers  to  David,  not  to  Achish.f— 
Is  this  not  David,  the  king  of  the  land  ?— 
This  question  exhibits  the  great  impression  which 
David/s  exploit  had  made  on  the  Philistines  in 
their  ideas  concerning  his  position  in  his^nation 
and  country.     They  call  him  king  of  tiT;  land 


*  [To  which  it  may  be  added  that,  even  if  he  oarried 
the  sword  to  Gath,  he  might  have  kept  it  concealed  du- 
ring hi.s  stay  there.— Tn.] 

t  [So  Maurer :  De  e.o,  but  other  Comma,  and  ancient 
vss.,  a?  Eng.  A.  V.— Tn.] 


CHAP.  XXI.  1-15. 


275, 


"  because  David  had  appeared  ag  such  in  taking  up 
Goliath's  challenge,  and  had  thrown  Saul  entirely 
into  the  shade"  (Then.).*  This  impression  was  fa^ 
vored  by  their  recollection  of  the  song  of  triumph, 
in  which  David  was  honored  aiove  Saul,  and  which 
was  Btill  well  known  to  them.  Sang  they  not 
of  him  in  dances  ? — See  xviii.  7.  With  this 
astounding  recollection  is  connected  the  appre- 
hension that  this  dangerous  enemy  of  the  Philis- 
tine people  comes  with  evil  intent.  The  suppo- 
sition that  with  these  words  of  ver.  12  (11)  the 
courtiers  introduced  David  into  Achish's  presence 
(Thenius)  ia  nowhere  supported,  is  improbable 
from  the  fonn  of  the  words,  which  rather  indicate 
the  immediate  impression  made  on  them  by  Da- 
vid's appearance,  and  is  untenable  from  David's 
consequent  behaviour,  (ver.  13  (12)).  Then,  for 
ilie  first  time,  David  lays  them  to  heart  and  reflects 
on  them,  and  then  fear  oi  Aehish  comes  over  him. 
He  sees  that  he  is  recognized,  and  fears  that,  if 
the  courtiers  remind  the  king  of  the  past,  they 
will  take  vengeance  on  him  and  kill  him.  There- 
fore, when  brought  to  the  king  as  a  dangerous 
enemy,  he  suddenly  resorts  to  the  device  of  acting 
as  a  madman.  This  would  have  been  an  absurd 
procedure,  if  he  had  already  been  presented  to 
Achish  by  the  courtiers,  and  so  was  already  ac- 
quainted with  them.  Bather  it  must  be  supposed 
that,  at  the  moment  when  David  heard  those 
words,  tlie  above  reflection  occurred  to  him,  and 
he  straightway  determined  on  and  carried  out  this 
simulation,  before  the  servants  of  Achish  could 
suspect  that  he  was  onlypretendiug.  He  changed 
his  sense  [ver.  14  (13)],  he  perverted  his  uu- 
derstaoding  (Luther  wrongly,  after  Sept.  and 
Vulg.,  "  his  features  "  ),f  feigned  madness  ;  the 
same  words  are  found  in  the  title  of  Ps.  xxxiv. 
(The  apparently  superfluous  sufiii  in  UB'11  is 
eitJier  to  be  taken  as  reflexive,  and  the  following 
\ior\  explicative  or  objective,  "he  changed  him- 
self, his  spiritual  being,  in  respect  to  his  under- 
standing" (Then.),  or  with  Keil  we  must  explain 
it  "  from  the  circumstantial  character  of  common 
popular  speech,  as  in  2  Sam.  xiv.  6,  and  in  the  not 
quite  analogous  cases  Ex.  ii.  6 ;  Prov.  v.  22 ; 
Ezek.  I.  3,(comp.  Ges.  Or.,  ?  121,  6  Rem.  3").— 
The  following  words  show  that  David  played  the 
part  of  an  insane  person.  The  view  of  some  older 
expositors  (and  recently  Schlier)  that  by  God's 
permission,  under  the  excitement  produced  by 
fear  and  anguish  of  soul,  David  really  fell  into 
temporary  insanity,  is  in  direct  contradiction  to 
the  words  of  the  narrative.  He  moved  hither 
and  thither  like  a  madman  [Heb.,  "  played 
the  madman." — Tr.].  Thenius  refers  to  Jer.  xxv. 
16;  li.  7  ;  Neh.  ii.  5,  under  their  hands,  they 
seeking  to  hold  the  madman.  He  smote  (drum- 
med on)  the  gate-doors,  so  we  must  read  with 
Sept.  and  Vulg.  instead  of  "  scribbled  "  (^rPl  from 
^Sn  instead  of  1i];i  irom  nif)),  the  latter  not  being 
thegestureof  a  madman,  and  not  agreeing  with 
the  last  word  4  And  he  let  his  spittle  fall  on 


*  fit  is  noticeable  that  Goliath's  name  is  not  mentioned 
by  the  Philistines,  perhaps  from  natural  indisposition 
to  recall  a  grievous  calamity,  and  out  of  regard  for  Go- 
liath's family  and  friends.— Te  ) 

t  [Lnther  has  geberde  =  mien,  gestures,  the  Sept.  has 
iTp6<rmnov  and  the  Vulg.  08. — Tr.1 

t[On  this  reading  see  "Text,  and  Gram."  David 
might  have  learned  the  signs  of  madriess  from  his  asso- 
ciation with  Saul.— Tn.l 


his  beard.  This  is  to  be  understood  of  the  foam 
which  comes  from  the  mouth  of  madmen. — Vers. 
15,  16  [14,  15].  By  his  pretended  madness  David 
was  safe  from  the  servants  of  Achish,  since  in  an- 
cient times  the  persons  of  madmen  were  looked 
on  as  inviolable,  in  a  certain  sense  as  sacred. 
Danger  from  Achish  he  likewise  avoided  by  so 
cleverly  counterfeiting  insanity  when  brought  be- 
fore the  king,  that  the  latter  declared  he  should 
not  come  to  his  court,  he  had  already  mad  folks 
enough.*  Behold,  ye  see.— This  expression 
shows  the  impression  that  David's  gestures  made 
on  the  king  so  that  he  did  not  doubt  that  he  had 
a  madman  before  him.  A  man  vyho  acts  in- 
sanely, that  is,  not  "  who  so  represents  himself," 
but  who  objectively  exhibits  himself  as  a  madman. 
For  the  question  of  reproach:  Why  do  ye 
bring  him  to  me  ?  the  reason  is  first  given  in 
the  question,  ver.  16  [15]  :  Have  I  need,  etc.  . 
. .  to  play  the  madman  against  me  ? — The 

Prep.  ('7^)  =  not  in  my  presence  (De  Wette),  but 
against  me.  Achish  fears  personal  harm  from 
him.  With  the  third  question:  Shall  this 
fellow  come  into  my  house?  he  thrusts 
him  away.  David's  plan,  to  remain  unknown 
and  concealed  among  the  Philistines,  did  not  suc- 
ceed ;  but  he  succeeded  in  so  simulating  madness 
as  to  escape  the  dangerous  situation  into  which 
he  had  gotten  so  soon  as  he  was  recognized  as  the 
victorious  enemy  of  the  Philistines.  [From  this 
narrative  it  appears  that  David  and  the  Philis- 
tines understood  one  another's  language,  as  on 
other  grounds  it  is  probable  that  the  Hebrew  and 
Philistine  dialects  were  nearly  identical. — Tb.] 

HISTORICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAI.. 

1.  The  more  the  history  of  David's  providen- 
tial guidance  in  this  troublous  time  unfolds  itself, 
the  more  gloriously  does  his  God-devoted,  hum- 
bly-obedient spirit  shine  forth  out  of  this  gloomi- 
est period  of  his  life.  But  the  prophetic-historical 
narrative  is  so  little  concerned  to  make  prominent 
this  light  in  David's  life,  that  it  contents  itself 
with  a  simple  presentation  of  facts,  and  with  equal 
freedom  from  tendentiousnessf  and  prepossession, 
brings  out  sharp  and  unsof  tened  the  dark  spots  in 
David's  moral  conduct.  On  the  one  hand  David 
shows,  in  this  time  of  hard  trial  and  waiting,  pas- 
sive resignation  to  God's  will  and  complete  abne- 
gation of  his  own  will,  and  though  he  is  sure  of 
his  calling  to  be  king  of  Israel,  he  takes  no  steps 
at  all  to  realize  his  calling  by  his  own  efforts 
against  Saul.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  we  see 
him  falling  info  great  fear  in  Nob  and  Gath  (as 
formerly  in  his  interview  with  Jonathan),  his 
strong  faith  tottering,  himself  resorting  to  lies 
and  pretence,  and  putting  self-help,  unbecoming 
an  obedient  servant  of  God,  in  the  place  of  the 
Lord's  help.     In  his  deviation  from  truth  for  a 

food  end  he  follows  the  principle  often  expressed 
y  the  Greek  poets,  e.  g.,  Eurip. :  "bru  S'  6?ie\ipov 

*  [According  to  Jewish  tradition  or  fancy  the  wife  and 
daughter  of  Achish  were  insane  (Philippson).— Tit.] 

t  [We  have  no  word  in  English  to  express  the  German 
tendmz-schrift.  "a  writing  which  has  a  special  aim  or 
object"  (in' politics  or  religion),  and  the  adjective  ton- 
denzios,  tandentious,  ■'  having  a  tendency  or  aim,  written 
in  the  interest  of  some  idea."  Here  It  would  set  forth 
that  the  Book  of  Samuel  was  written  for  the  purpose  of 
glorifying  David.— Tn.] 


276 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


^ecfdv  7j  a7Jj-&£i*  &yec  avyyvuGrbv  elttc'lv  ZGTi  nai  rb 
fii)  KaUv  ["  when  truth  brings  ruin  it  is  pardon- 
able to  speak  untruth."]  Hamann:  "The  Holy 
Spirit  is  become  the  chronicler  of  men's  foolish, 
yea,  sinful  actions.  He  has  narrated  the  lies  of 
an  Abraham,  the  incest  of  Lot,  the  simulation  of 
a  man  after  God's  heart.  O  God,  Thy  wisdom, 
by  counsel  which  no  reason  can  sufficiently  won- 
der at  and  honor,  has  made  the  foolishness  of  men 
our  instructor  unto  Christ,  our  glory  in  Christ." — 
Grotius :  "  Something  must  be  forgiven  those 
times,  when  eternal  life  was  scarcely  known." 

2.  Though  the  national  sanctuary  could  not  be 
re-established  in  Nob  for  the  whole  people,  yet 
the  high-priest  and  the  other  priests  resided  there, 
the  will  of  God  was  inquired  by  Urim  and  Thum- 
mim,  the  legal  prescriptions  relating  to  worship 
were  carried  out  as  far  as  possible ;  and  though 
the  ark  was  wanting  in  the  tabernacle,  the  latter 
was  still  regarded  aa  the  visible  symbol  of  God's 
gracious  presence.  And  so,  though  there  were 
several  centres  of  worship  (see  on  ch.  vii.  5),  Nob 
was  the  most  prominent  of  them,  and  with  its  in- 
complete arrangements  was  a  substitute  for  the 
sanctuary  for  whose  legal  completeness  for  the 
whole  people  the  presence  of  the  ark  was  neces- 
liiry.  This  more  general  significance  for  the 
v/hole  people  Nob  had  not  merely  by  the  presence 
of  the  ark,  but  also  by  the  sacred  vessels  and 
arrangements  connected  with  it.  Among  these 
were  the  twelve  loaves  of  slwwbread  according  to 
the  number  of  the  twelve  tribes  on  the  sacred  ta- 
ble appointed  for  them ;  for  these  were  a  covenant- 
sign  to  set  forth  Israel's  permanent  consecration 
in  obedience  and  in  producing  the  fruit  of  good 
works,  which  were  offered  to  the  Lord  as  His 
wcU-pleasing  food. 

3.  The  precepts  of  the  Old  Testament  law  were 
the  outer  shell  of  eternally  valid  demands  of  God's 
holy  wiU  on  the  will  of  His  people.  That  the 
bread,  consecrated  by  its  holy  meaning  and  use, 
could  be  eaten  only  by  clean  males  of  the  priestly 
order  in  the  holy  place,  was  only  the  clothing  of 
the  [real]  requirement,  which  read :  only  when 
you  keep  yourselves  pure  from  the  stain  of  sin 
and  disobedience,  and  sanctify  yourselves  to  me 
in  heart,  life,  and  walk,  are  ye  in  My  sight  a  truly 
priestly  people,  and  have  part  in  the  enjoyment 
of  the  gifts  and  goods  of  My  house,  and  are  mem- 
bers of  My  kingdom.  The  outer  form  and  shell, 
the  letter  of  the  legal  precept  might  be  broken,  if 
only  the  content,  the  essence  was  maintained; 
yea,  this  outer  form,  inadequate  to  the  eternal 
ethical  spiritual  content  of  the  Law,  mttsi  be  broken 
throuq;h,  when  its  external  preservation  involved 
the  violation  or  de3truction  of  the  essence  and 
inner  kernoL  The  duty  of  self-preservation  jus- 
tified David  in  eating  the  show-bread,  to  which, 
according  to  the  letter  of  the  law,  he  was  not  en- 
titled; neighborly  love  required  Ahimelech  to 
deviate  from  the  outer  prescription  in  order  to 
help  the  needy  fugitive.*  Both  acted  in  the 
higher  sense  as  priests.  On  this  Christ  grounded 
the  application  of  this  instance  to  Himself  and 
His  disciples,  who  broke  the  sabbath-law  by  pluck- 
ing com  (Matt.  xii.  3 ;  Mark  ii.  26 ;  Luke  vi.  3). 

*  [But  the  prioflt  did  not  know  that  David  wag'a  fugi- 
tive ;  he  helped  him  as  an  official  of  the  king  in  momen- 
tary need.  Whether  David,  as  an  official  person,' could 
not  have  gotten  food  elsewhere,  does  not  appear. — Te.  | 


"  The  Son  of  man  is  Lord  even  of  the  sabbath- 
day," — in  Him,  and  by  communion  with  Him,  in 
the  power  of  His  Spirit,  is  the  true  fuHilment  of 
the  eternal  will  of  God  hidden  in  Old  "Testament 
precepts,  so  that  redeemed  and  sanctified  man 
stands  no  longer  under  the  disciplinary  form  of 
the  law,  but  stands  above  and  controls  the  form 
of  the  requirement.  Even  the  Old  Testament 
ritual  law  itself  pointed  involuntarily  beyond 
itself  to  the  fulfilment  of  its  hidden  truths  and 
ideas  by  regulations  and  injunctions  which  of  ne- 
cessity violated  the  legal  ordination  [Matt.  xii.  5]. 
The  rabbis  themselves  well  say :  "  In  the  sanctu- 
ary is  no  sabbath ;  sacrifice  abolishes  the  sab- 
bath." 

i.  The  history  of  David's  flight  to  the  Philis- 
tines, and  his  escape  thence  by  simulating  mad- 
ness, is,  in  the  first  place,  the  basis  of  Ps.  xxxiv., 
which  bears  the  title :  "  By  David,  when  he  changed 
his  undersiaTulinrj  before  Ahimelech,  and  he  drove 
him,  away  and  he  departed."  This  title  agrees  pre- 
cisely with  the  principal  points  of  the  narrative  in 

I  Sam.  xxi.  11-16,  and  is,  aa  it  were,  a  brief  com- 
pendium of  it.  The  Ahimelech  of  the  title  is 
identical  with  the  Achish  of  the  history,  for  the 
former  name  was  the  nomen  dignitatis  of  all  the 
Philistine  kings,  like  Pharaoh  among  the  Egyp- 
tians and  Agag  among  the  Amalekites.  So  Ba/- 
silius  in  Eiitkym.  Zigab.  in  the  Introduction  to 
this  Ps.  Comp.  Hcngst.  Beitrage  [Contributions] 
III.,  306  sq.,  and  Introduction  to  this  Ps.  That 
the  private  name  should  appear  in  the  history, 
and  the  official  name  in  the  title  of  the  Ps.,  is 
perfectly  natural. — The  Psalm,  however,  contains 
no  express  reference  to  the  history,  but  is  rather 
didactic  and  reflective;  it  contains:  vers.  2-4  (1- 
3)  a  vow  to  praise  God  continually,  and  an  exhor- 
tation to  the  pious  to  unite  in  this  praise,  vers.  5- 

II  (4-10),  the  reason  for  this  vow  and  exhorta- 
tion, namely,  personal  deliverance  from  great/air 
and  danger,  tlion  vers.  12-23  (11-22)^  the  teach- 
ing that  only  through  the  fear  of  God  is  one  saved 
in  time  of  need.  This  didactic  poem,  with  its 
reflective,  gnomic  character  and  its  alphabetic 
arrangement,  cannot  have  been  produced  contem- 
poraneously with  the  events  of  the  history ;  but 
we  cannot  on  this  account,  and  from  the  absence 
of  direct  references  to  the  history,  reject  the  Da- 
vidic  authorship,  if  we  keep  in  view  its  genuine 
Davidic  features  and  the  concurrence  of  some  of 
its  thoughts  and  expressions  with  undoubtedly 
Davidic  Psalms  (see  Moll  on  the  Psaiter  [in 
Lange's  BibleworK\),  The  content  is  a  reflection 
of  that  experience  of  David  of  divine  help  (set 
forth  in  this  history),  which  sunk  so  deep  intohis 
Boul,  and  an  application  of  it  to  the  instruction, 
consolation,  and  edification  of  the  pious.  The 
difference  in  the  Philistine  king's  name  shows  in- 
deed that  the  writer  of  the  title  did  not  have  our 
history  before  him,  and  must  have  had  other 
authority  for  referring  the  Ps.  to  this  occurrence; 
this  authority  we  may  with  Delitzsch  and  Moll 
hold  to  be  the  written  tradition  in  the  Annals  of 
David,  this  Psalm,  like  others  (aa  2  Sam.  xxii._l 
compared  with  Ps.  xviii.  shows)  being  found  in 
the  historical  account,  which  is  given  in  the  title 
in  the  words  of  that  authority.* — To  the  same 

*  [As,  however,  the  name  Abimeleoh  may  be  other- 
wi=>e  accounted  for  (.see  Smith's  Bih.-Dict.^  s.  v.  Ahime- 
lech), and  the  opinion  of  Basil  is  of  doubtful  authority, 


CHAP.  XXI.  1-15. 


277 


dangerous  situation  of  David  refers  Psalm  Ivi., 
the  words  of  the  title  "  when  the  Pliilistines  took 
him  in  Gath"  being  confirmed  by  the  expression 
in  our  history  "in  their  hands,"  ver.  14  (13). 
Compare  also  vcr.  9  (8)  of  the  Psahn :  "  Thou 
countcst  my  flight,"  or  "  hast  counted  my  fugi- 
tive life"  (Moll).  From  the  recollection  of  these 
dangers  David  colors  the  portraiture  of  his  dan- 
gers from  hia  enemies,  but  at  the  same  time 
exhibits  throughout  the  Psalm  confidence  in 
God's  help  and  faith  in  Gocl's  support,  closing 
■with  a  vow  of  thanksgiving  for  the  divine  aid, 
which  he  with  assurance  expects,  through  which 
he  will  walk  before  God  in  the  light  of  life. — 
"  When  David  sang  these  two  songs,  God's  grace 
had  already  dried  his  tears.  Their  fundamental 
tone  is  thanksgiving  for  favor  and  deliverance. 
But  he  who  has  an  eye  therefor  will  observe  that 
they  are  still  wet  with  tears,  and  cannot  fail  to 
see  in  the  singer's  outpourings  qi  heart  the  sor- 
rowfulest  recollections  of  former  sins  and  errors" 
(F.  W.  Krummacher). 

HOMILETICAIi   AND   PEACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  ScHTiiBE :  When  David  finds  no  more 
help  in  the  world,  he  goes  to  the  Lord  and  His 
sanctuary.  There  he  hopes  certainly  to  find  coun- 
sel and  consolation.  The  Lord's  word  has  coun- 
sel and  consolation  for  all  the  necessities  and  per- 
plexities of  our  life— and  he  who  heartily  seeks 
and  longs  for  the  Lord's  word  finds  what  he  wants. 
— ^Vor.  2.  [From  T-Tat.t,]  :  God  lets  us  see  some 
blemishes  in  His  holiest  servants,  that  we  may 
neither  be  too  highly  conceited  of  flesh  and  blood, 
nor  too  much  dejected  when  we  have  been  mis- 
carried into  sin.]— ScmiEB:  How  good  it  would 
be  if  we  should  never  indeed  imitate  David's 
"lie  of  necessity,"  but  should  always  lay  to  heart 
the  fact  that  in  his  need  he  betook  himself  to  the 
fianrtaary  in  Nob. — J.  Disselhofp  :  It  is  one 
thing  to  show  faith  when  a  single  wave  of  trouble 
rolls  in  upon  us,  and  another  to  continue  in  faith 
when  wave  after  wave  bursts  upon  us,  and  the 
terrified  eye  sees  spreading  out  before  it  an  end- 
less sea.  This  latter  temptation  David  did  not 
yet  encounter. — Two  lies  in  one  breath! — [Hen- 
ey:  Here  David  did  not  behave  Uke  himself;  he 

told  Ahimelech  a  gross  untruth What 

shall  we  say  to  this  7  The  Scripture  does  not  con- 
ceal it,  and  we  dare  not  justify  it :  it  was  ill  done 
and  proved  of  bad  consequence  (xxii.  22 ) .  It  was 
needless  for  him  thus  to  dissemble  with  the  priest — 
for  we  may  suppose  that  if  he  had  told  him  the 
truth,  he  would!"  have  sheltered  and  relieved  him 
as' readily  as  Samuel  did.  —  Tb.]  —  Ver.  4  sq. 
Schiieb:  What  right  and  custom  required  un- 
der the  Old  Covenant  is  all  well,  but  love  goes 
beyond  this;  love  is  the  royal  law,  to  which  all 
other  ordinances  must  yield,  and  any  fulfilling 
of  the  law  which  forgets  love  commits  a  wrong. — 
Love  is  the  royal  law— all  God's  commandments 
call  for  nothing  else  than  love.  That  which  is 
love  is  worth  something;  but  the  ajjparently  best 
and  noblest  things  have  no  value  if  love  is  not 
manifested  in  them.— Cbambr:  Thelove  of  our 
neighbor  surpasses  ceremonies  (Mark  ii.  27 ;  Matt. 
xii.  5).     [Ver.  6.  Our  Lord  simply  justifies  this 

and  the  content  of  this  Ps.  agrees  as  much  with  the 
H*m,ih-period  as  with  David,  it  is  to  say  the  least,  very 
doubtful  whether  David  is  its  author.— Pii.J 


giving  and  eating  the  show-bread  in  a  case  of  ne- 
cessity as  His  hearers  would  do.  If  He  had  stopped 
to  explain  about  David's  falsehood,  it  would  have 
interrupted  His  argument  and  thus  diminished  its 
force ;  and  no  one  had  a  right  to  imagine  that  Ho- 
approved  the  falsehood.  We  cannot  be  always 
pausing  to  guard  against  the  possibility  of  mL-stake 
or  misrepresentation,  or  we  shall  never  say  any 
thing  with  vigor  and  effect. — Tb.]  —  Ver.  8. 
ScnLiEB :  It  is  not  wrong  if  in  time  of  need  wo 
seek  weapons  too,  if  we  do  not  neglect  human 
moans  and  precautions;  that  too  we  may  and 
ought  to  keep  in  view.  But  we  should  never 
place  our  confidence  therein.  Our  confidence 
should  be  in  the  Lord  alone. — ^Ver.  9.  Ceamek  : 
God  has  wonderful  and  manifold  means  of  con- 
soling a  troubled  man  and  strengthening  him  in 
the  faich. — Ver.  10.  S.  ScHMiD :  If  one  must  floe, 
let  him  so  flee  as  to  have  recourse  to  God  rather 
than  to  men.— WuEETEMBUBoBrBiiB:  Through 
God's  government  our  enemies  are  often  compelled 
to  do  us  more  good  than  our  friends.  Prov.  xvi. 
7 ;  Matt.  ii.  13.— [Vers.  10, 11.  Taylob  :  Nothing 
more  salutary  could  have  happened  to  _  David 
than  such  a  reception  as  that  which  was  given  to 
him  at  Gath.  When  a  youth  is  going  on  a  wrong 
course,  the  best  thing  that  can  befall  him  is  fail- 
ure and  disgrace,  and  the  worst  thing  that  can 
come  to  him  is  what  the  world  calls  success.  If  ho 
succeed,  the  probability  is  that  he  will  go  farther 
astray  than  ever ;  but  if  he  fail,  there  is  hope  that 
he  will  return  to  the  right  path,  and  seek  alliance 
with  Jehovah.— Tb.]— Vers.  14,  15.  Staeke: 
God  always  holds  His  hand  over  His  people  to 
protect  them,  and  rescues  them  from  the  power  of 
the  ungodly.    Ps.  xxxiv.  5,  7. 

J.  DissELHOFF  to  chapters  xxi.,  xxii.,  xxvii. 
Lies  in  the  mouth  of  the  Anointed  one.  1)  Whence 
are  lies  in  such  a  mouth?  (From  shaken  faith  in 
the  living  God  and  the  unrest  of  unbelief,_  from 
seeking  refuge  in  one's  own  wiidom  and  in  the 
suggestions  of  his  own  heart.)  2)  What  delivers 
from  such  lies?  (God's  great  mercy  and  His 
holy  chastisement  m  the  consequences  of  lies  as 
being  the  chastenings  of  His  righteousness,  and  a 
return  to  genuine  repentance  and  to  living  faith.) 
— F.  W.  Keummacheb  :  David's  mad  wanderings. 

1)  His  behaviour  at  Nob,  2)  His  flight  to  Gath 
and  experiences  there. 

The  opposite  ways  in  which  one  may  seek  refuye 
in  want  and  opposition:  1)  The  way  of  humble, 
believing  obedience,  in  which  one  takes  refuge  in 
the  living  God,  searches  to  know  His  will,  and 
unreservedlv  commits  himself  to  His  guidance. 

2)  The  way  of  little  faith  and  unbelief,  in  which 
one  takes  refuge  in  flesh  and  blood,  and  in  which 
self-will  and  self-wisdom  are  to  lead  to  a  self-de- 
termined aim. 

[Chap.  XXI.  Minrjling  of  good  and  eml  m  Da- 
vid's behaviour.  1)  'Though  a  brave  and  devout 
man,  he  falls  into  grievous  falsehood  and  de- 
grading deception,  through  cowardly  fear  and 
lack  of  trust  in  God.— A  warning  to  us.  Comp. 
Neh.  xiii.  26 ;  1  Cor.  x.  12.  2)  Though  so  weak 
and  erring,  he  remembers  God's  help  in  the  past 
(ver.  9),  cries  to  Him  now  (Ps.  xxxiv.  6),  rejoicia 
in  Him  anew  (ib.  ver.  1),  and  resolves  henceforth 
to  speak  truth  and  do  good  {ib.  vers.  13,  14; 
comp.  Ps.  Ivi.  13).— An  encouragement  to  us. 
Comp.  1  John  ii.  1.— Tb.] 


278  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


IV.  Davids  fugitive  life  in  Judah  and  Moah.    JSaiiFs  murder  of  the  priests  at  Nob. 
Chapter  XXII.  1-23. 

1  David  therefore  [And  David]  departed  thence,  and  escaped  to  the  cave'  Adul- 
1am ;  and  when  his  brethren  and  all  his  father's  house  heard  it,  they  went  down 

2  thither  to  him.  And  every  one  that  was  in  distress,  and  every  one  that  was  in 
debt,  and  every  one  that  was  discontented  [embittered  in  soul]  gathered  themselves 
unto  him,  and  he  became  a  [om.  a]  captain  over  them ;  and  there  were  with  him 

3  about  four  hundred  men.  And''  David  went  thence  to  Mizpeh'  of  Moab,  and  he 
\om.  he]  said  unto  the  king  of  Moab,  Let  my  father  and  my  mother,  I  pray  thee, 

4  come  forth*  and  he  with  you,  till  I  know  what  God  will  do  for  [to]  me.  And  he 
brought'  them  before  the  king  of  Moab,  and  they  dwelt  with  him  all  the  while  that 

5  David  was  in  the  hold.  And  the  prophet  Gad  said  unto  David,  Abide  not  in  the 
hold,  depart  and  get  thee  into  the  land  of  Judah.  Then  [And]  David  departed 
and  came  into  the  forest"  of  Hareth  [Hereth]* 

6  When  [And]  Saul  heard  that  David  was  discovered,  and  the  men  that  were 
with  him ;  [pm.  parenthesis]  now  [and]  Saul  abode  in  Gibeah  under  a  tree  in 
B.amah  [the  tamarisk-tree'  on  the  height],  having  [and]  his  spear  [i?M.  was]  ia  his 

7  hand,  and  all  his  servants  were  standing  about  him.  Then  [And]  Saul  said  un!o 
his  servants  that  stood  about  him.  Hear  now,  ye  Benjaminites,  will  the  son  of  Jesse 
give  every  one  [all]  of  you  fields  and  vineyards,  and!^  make  you  all  captains  of 

8  thousands  and  captains  of  hundreds,  That  all  of  you  have  conspired  against  me, 
and  there  is  none  that  showeth'  me  that  my  son  hath  made  a  league'"  with  the  son 
of  Jesse,  and  there  is  none  of  you  that  is  sorry  for  me,  or  showeth  unto  me  that  my 
son  hath  stirred  up  [set  up]  my  servant  against  me  to  lie  in  wait  [as  a  waylayer], 

TEXTUAL   AND    GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  1.  Wellhausen  proposes  to  read  jnVD.  "  told,"  on  the  ground  of  the  identity  of  the  locality  with  the 
m^VD  of  ver.  4.    But,  in  addition  to  the  uniform  support  which  the  VSS.  give  to  the  Heb.  text,  the  same  locality 

T 

might  be  called  from  one  feature  of  it  a  "  cave,"  and  from  another  a  "  mountain-hold."— Tb."! 

2  [Ver.  3.  It  has  been  questioned  whether  vers.  3,  4,  belonged  to  the  original  narrative,  because  they  carry 
David  to  Moab,  and  say  nothing  of  his  return.  But  this  omission  is  not  against  the  habit  of  these  ancient  narra- 
tives. However,  supposing  this  paragraph  to  be  an  insertion  from  another  source  by  the  editor,  this  does  not 
affect  the  genuineness  of  the  narrative  as  a  whole.  That  David's  parents  are  mentioned  here,  and  not  in  ver.  1, 
or  in  XX.  29,  accords  with  the  circumstances:  there  is  occasion  here  to  mention  them,  there  was  none  before. 
-Tr.) 

8  [Ver.  3.  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.,  write  this  with  a  in  the  first  syllable,  which  is  perhaps  an  old  pronuncia- 
tion.   Some  Greek  VSS.  render  trKoiriav. — Tb.J 

*  [Ver.  3.  One  MS.  has  3t^".  "dwell"  (with  you),  and  so  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.;  this  is  probably  the  correct 

reading,  the  sy ',  "  go  out,"  not  suiting  the  following  preposition  "  with."  and  a  construct,  pregn.  being  improba- 
ble here..— Tn.] 

'  [Ver.  4.  Sept.  takes  this  from  stem  Dm  and  renders :  "  he  persuaded  [or  appealed  to]  the  king,"  which  ia 

—  T 

contrary  to  the  meaning  of  this  verb,  and  against  the  other  VSS.  Wellhtinsen  prefers  the  pointing  DnH'l  (from 
m),  "  he  settled  or  left  them  with  the  king,"  as  better  agreeing  with  the  following  ' JS-flS,  and  so  read  Chald., 
Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.  This  seems  the  better  rendering,  though  after  DPI^'l  the  usage  would  lead  us  to  expect  either 
simple  ns,  "with,"  or 'JSl,  "before."    Possibly  we  have  here  a  blending  of  the  two  prepositions.— Te.] 

•  [Ver.  5.  So  the  VSS.  except  Sept.,  which  has  iroXei,  "city"  (T^  instead  of  "[)}'),  and  this  is  approved  by 

Lieut.  Conder,  of  the  Palestine  Exploration  Fund  on  topographical  grounds.  As  to  this  we  must  await  further 
explorations.  — Tu.  | 

7  [Ver.  6.  On  the  various  and  apparently  arbitrary  treatment  of  this  word  in  the  VSS.  see  Ges.,  27ies.  s.  v. 

The  7t!/X  of  1  Sam.  xxxi.  3  is  n7X  in  1  Chron.  x.  12,  and  Gesen.  suggests  that  the  word  may  have  come  to  have 

the  general  signification  "  tree."  See  Stanley's  "  Siiiai  and  Pal.,"  App.,  ?  79.  There  is  no  ground  for  doubting  the 
correctness  of  the  Heb.  text  here. — Ta.] 

'  [Ver.  7.  The  7  is  strange,  perhaps  an  Aramaism  after  D'tJ^'  (the  Chald.  and  Syr.  have  it),  perhaps  by  error 

for  1,  "and."— Tk.] 

»  [Ver,  8.  Literally  "  that  unoovereth  my  ear."— Te.] 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-23.  279 


9  as  at  this  day  ?     Then  answered  Doeg  the  Edomite,  which  [who]  was  set  over  the 
servants"  of  Saul,  and  said,  I  saw  the  son  of  Jesse  coming  [come]  to  Nob  to  Ahi- 

10  melech  the  son  of  Ahitub.  And  he  inquired  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]"  for  him,  and 
gave  him  victuals,  and  gave  him  the  sword  of  Goliath  the  Philistine. 

11  Then  [And]  the  king  sent  to  call  Ahimelech  the  priest  the  son  of  Ahitub,  and 
all  his  father's  house,  the  priests  that  were  in  Nob ;  and  they  came  all  of  them  to 

12  theking.     And  Saul  said,  Hear  now,  thou  son  of  Ahitub.     And  he  answered 

13  [said].  Here  I  am,  my  lord.  And  Saul  said  unto  him.  Why  have  ye  conspired 
against  me,  thou  and  the  son  of  Jesse,  in  that  thou  hast  given  him  bread  and  a 
sword,  and  hast  inquired  of  God  for  him,  that  he  should  rise  against  me  to  lie  in 

14  wait  [as  a  waylayer]  as  at  this  day  ?  Then  [And]  Ahimelech  answered  the  king 
and  said.  And  who  is  so  faithful  among  all  thy  servants  as  David  [And  who 
among  all  thy  servants  is  as  David  trusty],  which  is  [ow.  which  is,  im.  and]  the 
king's  son-in-law,  and  goeth  at  thy  bidding  [and  hath  thy  private  ear],"  and  is 

15  honorable  in  thine  house  ?  Did  I  then  begin  to  inquire"  of  God  for  him  ?  be  [Be] 
it  far  from  me ;  let  not  the  king  impute  anything  unto  his  servant,  nor'^  to  all  the 
house  of  my  father,  for  thy  servant  knew  nothing  of  all  this,  less  or  more  [little  or 

16  much].     And  the  king  said.  Thou  shalt  surely  die,  Ahimelech,  thou  and  all  thy 

17  father's  house.  And  the  king  said  unto  the  footmen  [runners]  that  stood  about 
him.  Turn  and  slay  the  priests  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ;  because  their  hand  also  is 
with  David,  and  because  they  knew  when  [that]  he  fled,  and  did  not  show  it  to 
me.    But  the  servants  of  the  king  would  not  put  forth  their  hand  to  fall  upon  the 

18  priests  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  the  king  said  to  Doeg,  Turn  thou,  and  fall 
upon  the  priests,  and  Doeg  the  Edomite  turned,  and  he  fell  upon  the  priests,  and 

19  slew  on  that  day  fourscore  and  five"  persons  that  did  wear  a  linen  ephod.  And 
Nob,  the  city  of  the  priests,  smote  he  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  both  men  and 
women,  children  and  sucklings,  and  oxen  and  asses  and  sheep  with  the  edge  of  the 
sword. 

20  And  one  of  the  sons  of  Ahimelech  the  son  of  Ahitub,  named  Abiathar,  escaped, 

21  and  fled  after  David.    And  Abiathar  showed  David  that  Saul  had  slain  the  Lord's 
2'i  [Jehovah's]  priests.     And  David  said  unto  Abiathar,  I  knew  it  [om.  it]  that  day, 

when  Doeg  the  Edomite  was  there  that  he  would  surely  tell  Saul;  I  have  occa- 
2.3  sioned  the  death"  of  all  the  persons  of  thy  father's  house.     Abide  thou  with  me, 
fear  not ;  for  he  that  seeketh  my  life  seeketh  thy  life ;"  but  [for]  with  me  thou 
shalt  he  [art]  in  safeguard. 

'»  [Ver.  8.  Omission  of  ri'lS  as  in  xx.  18.— Tb.] 

11  rVer.  9.  Sept.  "  mules,"  as  in  xxi.  8  (7).    Or :  "  was  standing  with  the  servants  of  Saul."— Ta.] 

"  [Vor.  10.  One  Hob.  MS.  and  Grk.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  have  "  Elohim."— Tn.] 

U*  [Ver.  14.  On  this  difficult  phrase  see  Erdmann's  exposition. — Tb.J 

"  [Ver.  15.  The  Kethib  has  the  full  form  VlJ?B',  which  before  Maqqeph  the  Qeri  reduces  to  the  slenderer 
bsE?.- Tb.]. 

T  : 

15  I  Ver.  15.  Heb.  simply  3,  "  in,"  before  which  a  1  has  probably  fallen  out. — Tn.] 

i«  [Ver.  18.  Heb.  86,  Sept.  305,  Josephus  385.    Thenius  suggests  that  Sept.  300  is  for  400  represented  in  Heb.  by 
r\,  which  was  mistakenly  read  for  =1  (80),  to  which  Wellh.  oBjeots  that  the  final  ri  is  not  80,  but  800.— The  Kethib 

J'n  has  1  where  Qeri  JS'n  has  K,  a  not  unfrequent  interchange  in  Heb.    The  Syrlac  usage  is  according  to  the 

Kethib.— Tb.1 

"  {Ver.  22.  Literally:  "  I  am  cause  as  to  all  the  souls."    On  this  use  of  33D  iu  the  sense  of  "  cause,  occasion,' 

see  Ges.,  Thes.  s.  v.    But  Then,  after  Sept.  iyii  eiii-i.  alTio^  rHv  ^x"".  reads  'flOn,  "  I  am  guilty ;"  this  stem  3in 

occurs  only  once  in  Old  Test,  in  Dan.  i.  19  in  Piel  as  causative;  it  is  frequent  in  later  Heb.— Tk.] 
18  [Ver.  23.  On  this  reading  see  Erdmann's  Expos.- Tb.] 


EXEGETICAIi  AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-5.  Damd  a  fugitive  in  Judah  and  in 
Modb* — Ver.  1.  His  flight  to  the  cave  of  Advl- 
lam  in  Judah.  In  the  uncertainty  as  to  this 
locality  our  best  plan  is  to  loolc  to  the  city  of  the 
same  name.  Adullam,  an  ancient  place  (Gen. 
xxxviii.  1),  according  to  Josh.  xii.  15  a  Canaan- 


*  [Comp.  2  Sam.  xxiii.  13-17;  1  Ohron.  xii.  8-19.- Ta.] 


itish  royal  city,  was  situated  (Josh.  xv.  35)  near 
Jarmuth  and  Socho,  now  Shuweibeh,  under  the 
mountains  of  Judah  (different  from  the  Shuwei- 
keh  [Socho]  in  these  mountains,  Josh.  xv.  48) 
in  the  lowland  of  Judah,  about  sixteen  miles 
[English]  south-west  of  Jerusalem,  and  twelve 
miles  south-east  of  Gath.  As  the  present 
Jarmuth  lies  on  the  eastern  border  of  the 
Wady  Sumt,  that  is,  on  the  declivity  of 
the    Judah-mountain    towards    Philistia,    and 


280 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


as  there  are  many  caves  in  the  neighborhood, 
it  is  a  probable  conjecture  that  one  of  these 
caves  took  the  name  Adullani  from  the  neigh- 
boring city.  Perhaps  we  may  regard  the  great 
cave  Deir  Dubban  near  Jarmuth  (Rob.,  Amer. 
ed..  II.,  23,  51-53;  Bitter,  XVI.,  136),  as  Da- 
vid's retreat  (so  v.  d.  Velde,  Seise,  II.,  p.  1G3 
sq.).  However,  there  are  other  caves  near  in  the 
western  declivity  of  the  mountain.  Tobler  locates 
AduUam  in  the  present  village  Bat-Dula,  about 
fifteen  miles  southwest  of  Bethlehem.  The  great 
caves  on  the  western  declivity  of  the  mountain 
are  dry  and  roomy  enough  to  hold  a  larger  num- 
ber of  men  than  is  here  mentioned.  Since  it  is 
expressly  said  that  the  place  was  in  the  lowland 
of  Judah,  the  statement  of  Euseb.  and  Jerome 
that  it  was  ten  (twelve)  miles  east  from  Eleuthe- 
ropolis,  is  decidedly  wrong,  as  the  cave  would  in 
that  case  be  in  the  mountains  (see  Winer,  S.-W., 
s.  v.).  The  supposition  (from  2  Sam.  xxiii.  13, 
14)  that  it  was  near  Bethlehem  (Thenius)  is  op- 
posed by  the  fact  that  David  would  then  have 
cast  himself  into  Saul's  hands  unprotected.  Simi- 
larly the  traditional  site  near  the  village  Khurei- 
tun,  five  miles  southeast  of  Bethlehem,  is  incom- 
patible with  the  geographical  and  historical  situa- 
tion of  the  narrative  (Rob.,  I.,  481,  482).  As  the 
combat  between  David  and  Goliath  occurred  in 
the  Terebinth-vale  (in  Wady  Sumt)  between 
Socho  and  Azekah,  David,  in  there  seeking  a  fit 
refuge  from  Saul  and  the  Philistines,  might  see 
in  this  experience  a  pledge  of  the  further  protec- 
tion and  deliverance  of  the  Lord's  hand.* — 
"  Thence,"  not  from  Nob  (Then.),  but  from  Gath, 
whence  the  place  of  refuge  was  not  far. — That 
David's  family  must  already  have  had  proofs  of 
enmity  from  Saul  is  clear  Irom  the  statement  that 
his  brethren  and  all  his  father's  house 
went  to  him  in  his  retreat  at  AduUam.  For  Saul 
looked  on  them  as  sharers  in  David's  presumed 
conspiracy  against  him,  and  they  had  therefore 
every  reason  to  fear  for  themselves  a  repetition  of 
the  tragedy  of  Nob.  See  the  statement  in  Cleri- 
C113  from  Marcell.  23,  6,  as  to  the  procedure  of 
oriental  princes,  according  to  which  "  the  whole 
family  perished  for  the  fault  of  one  person." — 
Ver.  2.  But  along  with  his  family  a  constantly 
inerea.sing  number  of  other  persons  gathered 
around  David.  They  are  described  as  partly 
those  who  were  extemaUy  in  distress,  especially 
through  debt,  and  therefore  seeking  to  escape  their 
creditors,  partly  those  who  were  internally  discon- 
tented, embittered  in  soul.  He  became  their  cap- 
tain, leader,  so  that  they  were  not  a  wild  and  law- 
less rabble,  but  a  community  controlled  by  and 
obedient  to  one  will.  The  number  at  present  was 
about  four  hundred,  but  afterwards  rose  to  six 
hundred  (xxiii.  13). — The  comparison  of  this 
body  with  Catiline's  followers  (Cler.,  Then.)  sup- 
poses that  David's  retinue  was  of  similar  character 
with  Catiline's,  a  riotous,  adventure-.seeking  rab- 
ble. But  there  is  nothing  in  the  narrative  to  sup- 
port such  a  supposition,  and  David's  position  as 
to  them  and  to  Saul  is  decidedly  against  it.  He 
is  far  from  making  insurrection  against  Saul.  His 
past  history  and  his  after-life  up  to  Saul's  death 

*  [On  Adullam  see  Smith's  Bib -Diet ;  Stanley's  Lec- 
tures, XI.,  09;  Thomson,  Land  ami  Book,  II.,  424-427.  The 
latter  decid»s  for  Khureitun,  and  gives  a  vivid  descrip- 
tion of  its  labyrinthine  intricacies  and  its  strength. — Te.] 


absolutely  excludes  such  a,  view.  With  such  a 
position  towards  Saul  he  could  not  be  the  "head" 
or  "  captain  "  of  a  seditious  band,  and  with  such  a 
head  these  people  could  not  be  rebels  and  sedi- 
tious. Ilengstenberg  (on  Ps.  vii.  10)  rightly  re- 
marks: "  David's  war  with  Saul  was  one  not  of 
individuals,  but  of  parties ;  the  wicked  espoused 
Saul's  side,  the  righteous  David's;  comp.  the 
much-misunderstood  passage,  1  Sam.  xxii.  2." 
The  "distressed"  persons  were  those  who  were 
persecuted  by  Saul's  government  on  account  of 
their  love  for  David.  The  debtors  were  such  as, 
under  Saul'.'i  arbitrary  misrule,  were  oppressed  by 
their  creditors,  and  received  from  the  government 
no  protection  against  the  violation  of  the  law  of 
loan  and  interest  (Ex.  xxii.  25;  Lev.  xxv.  36; 
Dcut.  xxiii.  19).  They  were  "bitter  of  soul,"* 
not  as  "desirous  of  new  things,"  not  as  merely 
"  dissatisfied  with  their  present  condition"  (Cler.), 
but  as  those  "whose  anxiety  of  soul  over  the 
ever-worsening  condition  of  the  kingdom  under 
Saul  drove  them  to  a  leader,  from  whom  for  the 
future  they  might  hope  for  better  things"  (Ew.). — 
Comp.  Jephthah's  fugitive  life  and  retinue  of 
"  poor,  empty  persons,"  Judg.  xi.  3. 

Ver.  3.  Without  further  statement  concerning 
David's  life  here  with  his  family  and  his  band, 
it  is  next  related  that  he  went  "  thence"  (answer- 
ing to  the  "  thence"  of  ver.  1)  to  Mizpeh  of  Moab. 
David  betook  himself  to  the  king  of  Moab,  and 
asked  him :  Iiet  my  father  and  my  mother 
come  [oat]  to  thee  and  abide  'with  thee 
till  I  know  -what  God  -will  do  to  me.  It  ia 
remarkable,  in  the  first  place,  that  he  here  men- 
tions only  "father  and  mother;"  the  reason  ob- 
viously is  that  in  his  present  dangerous  condition 
he  could  not  afibrd  these  aged,  helpless  persons 
secure  protection.  For  in  this  continuation  of 
the  narrative  it  is  clearly  supposed  that  the  caves 
at  Adullam  had  become  an  uncertain  and  dan- 
gerous residence  through  Saul's  hostile  attempts 
against  David's  family.  His  choice  of  Moab  as 
refuge  for  his  parents  was  probably  based  on  the 
relations  of  his  great-grandmother,  the  Moabitess 
Miith,  to  this  country.  Whether  the  "  come  forth" 
refers  to  Bethlehem  or  Adullam  as  point  of  depar- 
ture is  uncertain ;  in  any  case  the  road  to  Mizpeh 
of  Moab  passed  through  Bethlehem,  because  this 
was  the  shortest  way ;  for  this  "  Mizpeh  of  Moab," 
which  is  to  be  taken  as  a  proper  name,  undoubt- 
edly lay  not  in  the  Moabitish  territory  proper 
south  of  the  Arnon,  but  far  north  of  it,  "  probably 
a  city  above  the  ' arahoth  of  Moab'  (Num.  xxii. 
1;  Deut.  xxxiv.  1,  8;  Josh.  xiii.  32)  opposite 
Jericho,  whither  by  way  of  Bethlehem  and  the 
Dead  Sea  one  might  come  in  little  time"  (Then.), 
perhaps  on  the  mount  Abarim  or  Pisgah  (Deut. 
xxxiv.  1).  Saul  had  also  to  wage  war  with  the 
Moabites  (xiv.  47);  at  this  time,  therefore,  the 
latter  had  possession  of  the  southern  portion  of 
the  transjordanic  territory  of  the  Israelites.  From 
David's  taking  his  parents  to  the  king  of  Moab, 
it  is  probable  that  there  was  now  no  war  between 
the  latter  and  Saul.     The  pregnant  construction 

*  ["The  same  phrase  is  used  of  Hannah,  i.  10;  of  Dsr 
vid  .and  his  companions,  2  Sam.  xvii.  8;  and  of  David's 
followers,  1  Sam.  xxx.  6.  Hence  the  phrase  here  de- 
notes those  who  are  exasperated  by  Saul's  tvranny" 
(Bii.-Com.)  It  ia  not  necessary  to  suppose  in  all  these 
men  a  theocratic  feeling  or  love  for  David. — Tu.] 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-23. 


281 


of  the  verb  "  come  forth,"  followed  by  the  Prep. 
"with,"  is  not  to  be  rejected  as  unsuitable,  but  to 
be  retained  as  example  of  the  frequent  connection 
of  a  verb  of  motion  with  a  predicate  of  rest.  The 
renderings  of  the  Sept.  "let  them  be  with  thee," 
and  the  v  ulg.  "  let  them  remain,"  are  explana- 
tions, not  signs  of  a.  different  original  text.* — 
Ver.  4.  Bunsen,  after  Jerome,  renders:  "left  them 
in  the  presence  of  the  king"  (Dnjlll),  against 
which  Thenius  remarks  that  ''  no  change  in  the 
vocalization  to  avoid  harshness  is  required,"  and 
refers  to  Ew.,  ?  217,  1. — In  regard  to  the  length 
of  his  parents'  stay  wif  h  the  king  of  Moab,  David 
says  (ver.  3) :  "  till  I  know  what  God  will  do  to 
me,"  appropriately  using  to  the  king  the  divine 
name  Elohim.f  According  to  this  David  did  not 
remain  with  his  parents,  but  went  back  to  his  life 
of  motion  and  danger.  Wliither  ?  The  narrator 
says  afterwards  (ver.  4)  that  the  parents  remained 
in  Moab  "  all  the  while  that  David  was  in  the 
mountain-fastness  or  hold."  But  this  fastness  "  on 
which  David  intrenched  himself"  (Bunsen)  is 
not  a  height  near  the  cave  of  AduUam  (Bunsen) ; 
still  less  is  it  the  retreat  in  the  cave  (Stahelin, 
Then.),  or  elsewhere  in  the  wilderness;  but,  as 
David  had  to  carry  his  parents  to  Moab  for  safety, 
we  shall  be  justified  in  supposing  that  he  had  to 
iind  temporary  shelter  also  for  himself  and  his 
band  in  Moab.  The  refuge  which  he  here  found 
was  no  other  than  that  Mizpeh  J  of  Moab ;  Mizpeh 
signifies  "watch-place,  mountain-height;"  here 
David  made  himself  a  strong  position,  which  be- 
came a  mountain-fastness  (miSD).  Forthis mean- 
ing see  Job  xxxix.  38.  Here  he  would  await  what 
the  Lord  would  further  do  to  him.  The  danger 
threatening  his  parents  was  the  Lord's  factual 
hint  to  him  to  go  where  it  would  be  safer  not  only 
for  them,  but  also  for  him.  To  these  humble, 
trustful  words  corresponds  the  further  statement 
that  God  gave  him  directions  concerning  his  fur- 
ther way  through  the  prophet  Oad.  Through 
this  prophet  he  is  commanded  (ver.  5)  to  go  into 
the  land  oiJudah;  whence  it  clearly  appears  that 
he  was  now  not  in  that  land,  in  which,  however, 
Adullam  lay,  and  therefore  he  could  be  only  in 
the  land  of  Moah.  "The  prophet  Oad"  is  un- 
doabtodly  the  same  who  is  called  "  David's  seer" 
in  1  Chron.  xxi.  9,  announces  to  him  God's  pun- 
ishment for  his  sin  in  numbering  the  people,  2 
Sam.  xxiv.  11  sq.,  and  according  to  1  Chron. 
xxix.  29,  wrote  down  David's  acts.  How  Gad 
came  into  connection  with  David,  is  never  said. 
Probably  David's  intimate  relation  and  here  pre- 
supposed acquaintance  with  him  date  from  the 
former's  close  connection  with  Samuel's  prophetic 
communities.  It  is  not  clear  whether  Gad  had 
gone  to  him  at  the  cave  of  Adullam,  or  now  came 
for  the  first  time  to  him  in  Moab.  It  is  equally 
uncertain  whether  he  remained  with  him  per- 
manently from  now  on.  In  short,  Gad's  sudden 
entrance  on  the  scene  in  Moab  suggests  many  un- 
answerable questions,  which  Stahelin  excellently 
states :  "  How  came  he  among  such  people  ?     Was 

*  [On  this  reading  see  "  Text,  and  Gramm."— Te.1 
t[As  distinguished  from  Jehovah.    Yet  that  the  name 
Jehovah  was  not  unlinown  in  Moab  is  made  probable  by 
its  occnn-ence  on  the  Inscription  of  IVTesha,  dating  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  years  after  this  time.— Tb.J 

i  [Syr.  here  has  Mizpeh.     Wordsworth  (on  ver.  4) 
strangely  derives  mi^fD  from  liy,  "rock."— Ta.] 


he  always  with  David?  Was  he  consulted  by 
David  as  Samuel  by  Saul,  1  Sam.  ix.  ?  Was  Gad 
connected  with  Samuel,  or  not?"  We  cannot 
suppose  that  the  expression  "  and  Oad  said"  re- 
fers to  a  message  which  he  sent  to  David  (Then.). 
The  answer  to  the  question  "why  David  was  not 
to  stay  in  the  hold,  but  go  to  Judah,"  is  not  that 
"  he  ought  not  to  have  fled  anew  to  a  foreign  na- 
tion, as  before  to  the  Philistines,  to  the  displea- 
sure of  God"  (Brenz.,  S.  Schmid,  Keil) ;  for  it 
does  not  appear  that  his  stay  in  Philistia  was  in 
itself  displeasing  to  God;  and  if  his  journey  to 
Moab  had  been  displeasing  to  God,  he  might  have 
been  restrained  therefrom  beforehand  by  divine 
direction.  The  rea-son  for  this  prophetic  direc- 
tion is  rather  to  bo  found  in  the  circumstances; 
according  to  xxiii.  1  the  Philistines  were  now 
making  plundering  incursions  into  the  south  of 
Judah,  help  and  protection  against  them  was 
needed,  and  this  David  with  his  valiant  band 
could  give.  He  was  commanded  to  go  into  Ju- 
dah and  free  it  from  its  enemies,  and  thus  fulfil 
part  of  the  theocratic  calling,  in  respect  to  which 
the  distracted,  arbitrary  rule  of  Saul  was  now  im- 
potent. Of  this  new  divine  direction  in  David's 
life  Grotius  well  remarks :  "  God  shows  great  care 
for  David,  instructing  him  now  by  prophets, 
now  by  Urim  and  Thummim."  Proceeding  on 
the  supposition  that  David  goes  from  the  king  of 
Moab  to  the  cave  of  Adullam,  Thenius,  in  order 
to  account  for  the  prophetic  direction  to  go  into 
the  land  of  Judah,  where  also  the  city  Adullam 
was  situated,  is  obliged  to  say  that  probably  the 
cave  of  Adullam  was  in  Benjamin  on  the  border, 
and,  as  his  retreat  might  thus,  being  near  Gibeah, 
easily  be  betrayed  to  Saul,  Gad  advised  him  to  go 
to  Judah.  This  explanation  stands  and  falls  with 
its  unfounded  geographical  basis,  which  also  O.  v. 
Gerlach  adopts. — I5y  this  direction  to  go  to  Judah 
for  the  above  end,  the  prophet  Gad  gave  David, 
i  n  divine  commission,  instructions  as  to  his  further 
course;  in  this  interval  of  suffering  and  trial  be- 
tween his  call  to  be  king  and  his  actual  entrance 
on  the  duties  of  the  oflBce,  he  was  to  be  not  only 
passive  but  also  active,  serving  his  people  and  hia 
God  against  the  enemies  of  the  theocracy. — He 
■went  into  the  forest  of  Hereth — an  unknown 
region,  probably  according  to  xxiii.  1  in  the  west- 
em  part  of  Judah.  [Sept.  and  Josephus  have 
"  city  of  Hereth  (Sarilc)."  Lieut.  Conder,  of  the 
Palestine  Exploration  Fund,  says  (Dec,  1874) 
that  there  are  now  no  trees  in  this  district,  and 
argues  from  the  geological  conditions  that  there 
never  could  have  been.  He  is  disposed  to  adopt 
the  Sept.  reading  "  city,"  and  to  identify  Hereth 
with  a  site  called  Kharas  (near  Keilah),  which 
name  is  substantially  identical  with  Hereth. — 
Ta.] 

Vers.  6-23.  SavVs  savage  vengeance  on  Nob. 
While  David  goes  the  way  shown  him  by  God's 
prophet  the  terrible  consequences  of  his  self-willed 
conduct  at  Nob,  which  did  not  accord  with  the 
Lord's  will,  are  accomplished. 

Vers.  6-10.  In  a  formal  council,  in  which  Saul 
expresses  his  suspicion  in  relation  to  a  conspiracy 
made  against  him  by  David  and  his  son,  Doeg 
betrays  the  proceeding  of  Ahimeleoh  towards  Da- 
vid.— Ver.  6.  It  is  first  stated  that  the  abode  of 
David  and  his  men  was  known  at  Saul's  court, 
and  that  Saul  received  information  of  his  servants' 


282 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


acquaintance  with  this  circumstance.  It  is  this 
fact,  that  Saul  heard,  received  information  of  their 
knowledge  of  David's  position,  that  is  the  ground 
of  his  charging  them  (ver.  7)  with  complicity  in 
the  supposed  conspiracy  of  David  and  Jonathan. 
In  ver.  6  the  words:  "And  Saul  heard  .  .  .  . 
with  him"  belong  syntactically  and  logically  to 
ver.  7,  and  the  rest  of  ver.  6  forms  a  parenthesis 
[so  Eng.  A.  v.,  but  it  is  better  to  preserve  in  the 
translation  the  simple,  direct  form  of  the  He- 
brew.—Tb.].  And  Saul  abode  in  Gibeah 
{not,  as  Sept.,  "  on  the  hill")  under  the  tama- 
risk,— the  Article  indicates  that  this  place  was 
the  appointed  and  usual  one  for  such  councils. 
On  the  height  (not  with  Luther  [and  Eng.  A. 
v.]  "in  Eamah")  points  out  the  elevated  situa- 
tion, in  keeping  with  the  solemnity  of  the  occa- 
sion, as  it  is  hereafter  described. — His  spear  in 
his  hand, — the  spear,  as  well  as  tlie  sceptre,  was 
the  symbol  of  royal  power.  All  his  servants 
stood  about  him,  it  was,  therefore,  a  full  assembly 
of  the  whole  personnel  of  the  Court.  Bunsen :  "  He 
held  a  formal  court,  surrounded  by  all  the  mag- 
nates (chiefly  Benjamini  tes)  of  his  kingdom."-Ver. 
7.  The  address:  Hear,  ye  Benjamiuites,  is  in 
keeping  with  the  importance  of  the  solemn  scene 
(so  vividly  sketched  in  a  few  strokes)  as  a  sort 
of  judicial  assembly  ^Bib.  Com.  Parliament. — 
— Tr.],  and  at  the  same  time  has  a  particularistic- 
partisan  tone,  as  Saul  was  himself  of  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin.  Saul's  question  :  Will  the  son  of 
Jesse  give  you  all  fields  and  vineyards  ? 
make  you  all  captains  of  hundreds  and 
captains  of  thousands?  is  noteworthUy  and 
characteristically  prefixed  to  the  words  which 
express  his  complaint  and  suspicion  of  the  cour- 
tiers, on  which  only  a  question  so  spiteful  and  so 
tinged  with  venomous  savagery  could  be  based. 
In  thus  putting  things  hindmost  first  and  upside 
down,  Saul  again  exhibits  himself  as  a  man,  who, 
through  burning  hatred  to  David  and  blind  sus- 
picion, has  lost  his  mental  control. — Also  to 
you  [Heb.  literally:  "also  to  you  all  will  the 
son  of  Jesse  give  ?"  etc. — Tb.]  ;  the  Heb.  text  is 
to  be  maintained  against  the  groundless  change 
proposed  by  Thenius  "  in  truth  will  the  son,"  etc. 
(DJDSn  after  the  merely  elucidatory  Sept.  and 
Vulg.").  This  phrase  does  not  mean  "  to  you  all 
alio,  besides  the  others  to  whom  he  has  already 
given,"  since  it  is  nowhere  said  of  David  that  he 
provided  for  his  adherents,  nor  was  he  in  condi- 
tion to  do  so.  According  to  the  rule  tliat  the 
Heb.  particle  [Di]  expresses  reciprocal  relation, 
the  thought  here  is :  "  will  David  also  by  gifts 
show  himself  so  grateful  to  you  all  for  your 
making  common  cause  with  him  against  me?" 
The  word  (as  here)  is  toneless  [with  maqqoph. — 
Tb.]  in  questions,  to  indicate  reciprocity.*  Saul 
imagines  that  his  courtiers  all  secretly  hold  with 
David,  hence  his  question :  "  will  he  also  give 
you  all ?"="  will  he  then  give?"  etc.  In  Saul's 
words  there  is   the   latent   sense:  Will   he,   of 

»  [This  rule  (Ew.,  ?  362)  hardly  applies  here;  DJ«=i 

"  together"  (Ps.  cxxxiii.  I),  and  can  express  reciprocity 
only  when  the  connection  affirms  something  to  be  true 
of  two  or  more  persons;  here  it  would  apply  to  the 
courtiers  only,  excluding  David.  It  is  better  to  take 
it  as  qualifying  the  whole  sentence,— "yet"  (Ew.,  g  854 
o),  or  as  qualifying  "  son  of  Jesse,"  as  it  may  do,  though 
It  stands  at  the  beginning  of  the  sentence. — Tb,] 


another  tribe,  reward  you,  as  I  have  done  to  you, 
my  fellow-tribesmen  ?  Will  he  not  rather  favor 
his  tribesmen,  the  men  of  Judah  ?  Will  it  not 
be  to  your  interest  to  stand  on  my  side?  Seb. 
Schmid :  "  Ye  have  received  the  greatest  benefits 
from  me,  such  as  ye  could  not  expect  from  him, 
and  yet  ye  are  more  attached  to  him  than  to  me." 
These  words  give  us  an  insight  into  Saul's  parti- 
san and  particularistic  mode  of  governing,  in 
which  he  preferably  filled  court-offices  with  per- 
sons of  his  own  tribe.  From  landed  possessions 
(fields  and  vineyards),  Saul  goes  on  to  refer  to 
places  of   honor   in  the  now  organized  army. 

The  7  before  the  second  "  all  of  you  "  is  not  to 
be  exchanged  for  "  and  "  (so  Then,  [and  Eng.  A. 
v.]  after  Sept.  and  Vulg.,  which  indeed  give  the 
sense  correctly),  but  is  to  be  taken  either  in  the 
sense  of  "  as  regards  " — "  will  he  (also)  as  regards 
you  all  make  captains  ?"  etc.,  that  is,  take  account 
of  you  all  in  filling  the.se  offices  (Ew.,  J  310  o), 
or,  in  the  distributive  sense,  which  it  sometimes 
has  (Ew.,  §  217  a,  ?  277  e)="will  he  make  all 
and  each  of  you  "  (Ewald)  ?  The  sense  is  given 
correctly  by  Maurer :  ''  Will  he  make  as  many 
tribunes  and  centurions  as  may  be  necessary  in 
order  that  each  of  you  may  have  such  an  office  1" 
— Ver.  8.  In  his  mental  derangement  and  pas- 
sionate excitement  Saul  takes  it  as  certain  that 
they  have  all  conspired  against  him  :  because,  as  he 
says,  they  told  him  nothing  of  the  covenant 
which  his  son  had  made  with  David  against  him. 
These  words  pre-suppose  that  he  had  learned 
something  of  the  occurrence  related  in  xx.  12-17 
[the  covenant  between  David  and  Jonathan], 
for  they  are  too  definite  [made  (Heb.  cut)  a 
covenant]  to  refer  merely  to  the  friendship  of 
Jonathan  and  David.  He  assumes  that  his 
court-officials  knew  of  this  covenant,  and  then 
concludes  that  they  had  conspired  against  him 
with  these  two  men.  The  words:  "there  is  none 
that  is  sorry  for  me,"  express  the  opinion  that 
they  had  abandoned  him  in  their  hearts.  His 
charge  passes  to  the  factually  false  assertion  that 
his  son  had  set  his  servant  (David)  as  a  lier  in- 
wait  against  him.  (Sept.  " enemy  "=2^_k7,  with- 
out ground,  Vulg.  appropriately  insidiantem  mihi.) 
There  is  herein  a  two-fold  false  accusation :  1)  as 
to  David,  that  he  was  lying  in  wait  to  take  his 
throne  and  life ;  and  2)  as  to  Jonathan,  that  he 
was  the  cause  of  this  insurrectionary  and  insidious 
conduct  of  David.  Saul  fancies  himself  in  the 
meshes  of  a  con.spiracy  against  his  person  and 
kingdom  organized  by  his  own  son,  and  accuses 
his  courtiers  of  knowledge  thereof  and  active 
participation  therein.  To  such  a  pitch  had  the 
darkening  and  wasting  of  his  inner  life  grown 
through  hate  and  suspicion. — As  is  now  evi- 
dent [^as  it  is  this  day],  comp.  Dent.  viii.  18. 
In  proof  Saul  points  to  David's  concealment  and 
retinue.  He  was,  therefore,  not  without  informa- 
tion concerning  this  fact.  S.  Schmid:  "as  is 
proved  by  this  day,  in  which  David  gathers  an 
army,  and  from  the  forest  lays  snares  for  me."— 
Ver.  9.  Here  we  must  especially  note  in  the  psy- 
chological point  of  view,  how  Doeg's  information 
about  David's  visit  to  Ahimelech  and  the  tatter's 
inquiring  of  the  Lord  for  him  and  providing  him 
with  food  and  the  sword  of  Goliath  (comp.  xxi. 
8),  turns  Saul's  dark  thoughts  away  from  the 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-23. 


283 


courtiers,  and  directs  all  his  energy  to  the  person 
of  the  high-priest,  so  that  he  now  thinks  only  of 
taking  vengeance  on  him.  Doeg  is  said  to  be 
''  set  over  (or,  standing  with)  Saul's  servants ;" 
why  the  version  of  the  Sept.:  "set  over  the 
mules"  Cl'^S),  should  be  the  "only  appropriate 
one"  [Then.],  it  is  hard  to  see.  The  rendering 
of  the  Heb. :  set  over  the  servants  of  Saul 
(Ohald.,  Kimchi,  Vulg.,  Syr.)="  highest  court- 
official,  court-marshal,  minister  of  the  household," 
does  not  agree  with  the  description  in  xxi.  7: 
"overseer  of  the  herdsmen"  (as  was  natural  in 
tliis  first  stage  of  the  development  of  the  king- 
dom, and  in  accordance  with  the  position  of  his 
femily,  Saul's  possessions  consisted  chiefly  in 
herds).  Bather  the  words  answer  to  the  state- 
ment (ver.  7) :  "all  his  servants  stood  by  (around) 
him,"  and  are  to  be  rendered:  And  (or,  also) 
he  stood  with  the  servants  of  Saul  (Arab., 
De  Wette,  Buns.  [Philipps.]).  "  As  chief  over- 
seer of  the  herds  Doeg  was  in  a  sort  one  of  the 
dignitaries  of  the  kingdom  "  (Bunsen).  There  is 
no  superfluous  statement  here ;  the  narrator  de- 
clares that  he  was  now  here  present,  having  in 
ixi.  8  (7)  described  him  as  being  in  the  sanctuary 
at  Nob.  Prom  the  connection  it  is  clear  that 
Doeg  gave  his  information  with  evil  purpose,  in 
order  to  turn  the  king's  suspicion  from  the  cour- 
tiers to  the  high-priest.  In  Saul's  frame  of  mind 
the  mere  statement  of  actual  fact,  of  which  he 
Was  ear  and  eye-witness,  had  all  the  more  power- 
ful effect  on  him.  S.  Schmid:  "Far  better, 
therefore,  did  Saul's  other  servants,  who  kept 
silence."  Hengstenberg  {Introd.  to  Ps.  I'd.)  ab- 
solves Doeg  from  enmity  to  David,  observing 
that  he  merely  stated  the  fact,  to  which  the  ma- 
licious interpretation  was  given  by  Saul  alone ; 
but  this  does  not  agree  with  what  Saul  had  just 
before  said  against  David  and  his  courtiers,  nor 
with  Doeg's  bloody  proceeding  against  the  priests 
at  Nob,  nor  with  what  is  said  in  Ps.  lii.  3-5  of 
the  tongue  like  a  sharp  razor,  of  the  wickedness, 
falsehood,  calumny  and  deceit  of  the  enemy,  all 
of  which  applies  to  Doeg,  but  not  to  Saul. 
Eightly  Grotius:  "see  the  description  of  Doeg  in 
Ps.  lii."  That  Ahimelech  inquired  of  the  Lord 
for  David  is  here  by  Doeg's  assertion  added  to 
the  account  in  xxi.  7-10  [6-9],  and  confirmed 
by  Ahimelech  himself,  ver.  15.* — Ver.  11.  On 
this  treacherous  and  slanderous  statement  of 
Doeg,  Saul  straightway  sends  for  Ahimelech 
and  all  his  father's  house,  that  is,  all  the 
priests  in  Nob,  "because  these  all  belonged  to 
the  one  family  of  Aaron"  (Then.).  In  Nob, 
therefore,  dwelt  the  whole  priestly  family  with 
the  high-priest.— Ver.  12  sq.  The  council  now 
becomes  a  solemn  tribunal  with  pleading  and 
verdict. — Saul  assumes  that  Ahimelech  is  guilty, 
adducing  the  three  facts  mentioned  as  in  them- 
selves proofs  of  guilt. — Ver.  14  sq.  The  high- 
priest's  answer  has  the  stamp  of  quiet,  clearness 
and  a  good  conscience.  First,  he  affirms  that  he 
was  justified  in  unsuspiciously  trusting  to  David. 
"And  who  among  all  thy  servants  is  as  David 
trusted"  (De  Wette)  ?  that  is  object  of  confidence ; 
in  proof  of  which  he  refers  to  three  things: 
David's  position  at  court  as  the  king's  son-in-law, 
as  his  trusted  privy-councillor  and  as  an  honored 

•  [This  is  not  certain.    See  on  ver.  15.— Te.] 


man  in  his  house.  The  word  Ti^fJ^p'O  [Eng.  A. 
V.  "  bidding  "]="at4&'emce;"  so  in  Isa.  xi.  14, 
as  Bottchor  has  shown,  "  they  are  their  (Israel's) 
audience,"  that  is,  "  they  are  of  those  who  seek 
audience  of  Israel,  pay  court  to  Israel,  come  with 
homage,"  not  "  who  obey  them "  [as  in  Eng.  A. 
v.,  and  so  J.  A.  Alexander. — Te.] — The  word 
has  the  same  signification  also  in  2  Sam.  xxiii. 
23  and  1  Chron.  xi.  25,  where  it  is  said :  "  And 
David  set  Benaiah  for  his  audience "  [Eng.  A. 
v.:  "over  his  guard"],  appointed  him  privy 
councillor. — [In  1  Chronicles  xi.  25  the  Prepo- 
sition is  /Jit  "over,"  in  2  Samuel  it  is  /N 
"to."— TR.]--'«D="to  withdraw,  turn  aside," 
for  a  definite  purpose,  for  example,  to  see 
(Ex.  iii.  3;  Euth  iv.  1),  here  "withdrawing  to 
thy  audience"  [Eng.A.  V.  "goeth"],  as  "having 
interior  admission"  (Bottch.) ;  so  Maurer:  "who 
turns  aside  (from  the  other  courtiers)  that  he  may 
hear  thee,  that  is,  who  has  access  to  the  interior 
of  thy  palace,  and  there  takes  part  in  thy  more 
weighty  counsels."  Schultz :  "  Leaving  all  else, 
listening  to  thee  and  doing  thy  will."  This  ex- 
planation is  here  confirmed  by  the  phrase  "  among 
all  thy  servants"  (Bottch.).  Thenius  takes  the 
word  as  =  "  obedience"  in  the  speci.al  sense,  as 
meaning  the  devotedly  obedient  body-guard  (so 
also  Ewald  and  Bertheau  on  1  Chron.  xi.  25)  and 
renders  "captain  over  the  body-guard"  (reading 

hjl  for  hK  and,  after  Sept.  and  Chald.,  IBf  for 
ID).  Against  this  Bbttcher  rightly  remarks  that 
the  traces  [of  a  different  reading]  in  the  versions 
are  altogether  uncertain,  that  Thenius'  reading  is 

not  Heb.  {hjl  is  found  with  IB',  instead  of  the 
Gen.,  only  where  it  is  dependent  on  a  verb),  that 
according  to  1  Sam.  xviii.  5,  13,  David  had  com- 
mand not  of  the  body-guard,  but  of  other  more 
distant  troops,  that,  as  the  other  designation  of 
David  in  the  verse  (even  "  son-in-law  " )  are  mo- 
ral marks  of  confidence,  the  mention  of  a  military 
position  would  be  strange,  and  the  very  question 
"Who  is  among  thy  servants  captain  over  thy 
body-guard  as  David  ?"  would  sound  somewhat 
queerly.* — Ahimelech  says,  therefore,  that  he 
could  have  done  nothing  less  than  in  good  con- 
science trust  a  man  so  trusted  and  honored  by  the 
king,  "  as  a  faithful  subject  of  the  king  "  (Keil) 
giving  David  bread  and  arms  on  his  assertion  that 
he  had  a  secret  commission  from  the  king.- — Fur- 
ther, in  the  question:  Did  I  that  day  begin 
to  inquire  of  God  for  him  ?  he  insists  on  the 
fact  that  David  had  often  before  received  from 
him  in  the  sanctuary  divine  direction  in  impor- 
tant undertakings.  "[This  interpretation  is  denied 
by  some  (so  £ib.-Com.)  on  the  ground  thatnothing 
is  said  in  ch.  xxi.  of  such  an  inquiry  by  Ahime- 
lech for  David.  The  Midrash  also  says  that 
counsel  was  given  by  Urim  and  Thummim  only 
to  the  king  or  his  public  ambassador  (Philipps.) ; 
but  Baahi  agrees  with  the  common  interpretation, 
and  Abarbanel  gives  both  that  and  the  direct  form 
"  that  was  the  first  day  that  I  inquired  of  God 


*  [The  passage  1  Chr.  xi.  25,  nevertheless,  makes  a  dif- 
ficulty and  the  differences  of  the  vss.  suggest  a  corrup- 
tion of  the  text.  Here  the  rendering  of  Bbttcher  and 
Erdmann  (and  Philippson  and  Bib.  Com.)  seerns  the 
best,  though  we  can  hardly  sever  this  passage  from  1 
Chr.  xi.  25.— Tb.] 


234 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


for  him,  and  I  did  not  know  that  it  was  displeas- 
ing to  thee.''  Some,  taking  the  phrase  /fin 
i'M(V1  to  mean  simply  "  to  inquire,"  find  a  nega- 
tive sense  in  the  question:  "did  I  inquire?  Nay, 
I  did  not."  But  this  weakening  of  "rnn  is  not 
justified  by  usage ;  the  idea  of  "  beginning  "  must 
be  expressed  here.  This  being  so,  the  choice  is 
between  the  two  interpretations  above  given,  the 
interrogatory  and  tlie  direct,  and  of  these  the  for- 
mer (that  of  Erdmann)  seems  more  in  keeping 
with  Ahimclech's  dignity  of  character.  The 
omission  of  the  fact  in  chap.  xxi.  must  then  be 
attributed  to  the  curtness  of  the  narrative.  Yet 
this  omission  is  surprising,  and,  while  Ahi- 
mclech's somewhat  obscure  words  here  scarcely 
admit  of  any  other  satisfactory  translation  than 
that  given  by  Erdmann,  there  is  room  for  doubt 
as  to  his  meaning. — -Tb.].- — On  this  statement  of 
facts  Ahimelech  founds  his  affirmation :  Far  be 
it  from  me,  that  is,  such  a  crime  as  he  is  accused 
of,  that  he  was  party  to  a  conspiracy  against  the 
king. — In  respect  to  this  accusation,  his  defence 
culminates  in  the  request :  Let  not  the  king 
impute  anything  to  his  servant,  to  the 
vrhole  house  of  my  father,  wherein  the  ab- 
sence of  the  copula  ["nor,"  supplied  in  Eng.  A. 
v.]  is  to  be  referred  with  Keil  to  the  excitement 
of  the  speaker.  Finally  he  adds  as  reason :  For 
thy  servant  knows  nothing  of  all  this,  lit- 
tle or  great,  that  is,  nothing  at  all.  The  "  all 
this "  refers  not  to  what  David  had  told  him,  as 
if  he  intended  to  say  that  he  knew  nothing  of 
David's  false  assertion,  but  to  what  Saul  had 
charged  him  with. — This  answer  of  the  high- 
prieat  supposes  certainly  that  he  knew  nothing 
of  the  unhappy  condition  of  things  in  respect  to 
David,  or  of  his  flight  with  its  causes  and  circum- 
stances.— Ver.  16.  Saul's  arbitrary,  precipitate 
judgment  as  contrasted  with  the  innocence  of  the 
high-priest  and  of  the  whole  body  of  priests. — 
Ver.  17.  The  order  for  its  immediate  execution  is 
given  to  the  ''  runners,"  who  were  either  servants 
for  running  on  messages,  or  guards  who  ran  be- 
fore or  beside  the  king  in  his  public  appearance, 
[Eng.  A.  v.,  "footmen"].  Comp.  ix.  11 ;  2  Ki. 
X.  25.  As  court-ofiicials  they  stood  also  in  this 
solemn  assembly  by  the  king.  For  the  expression 
"  stood  by  or  about,"  see  vers.  6,  9  [on  ver.  9  sea 
the  Exposition. — Tb.].  According  to  Saul's  de- 
cision not  only  the  high-priest,  but  also  the  whole 
priesthood  should  die  for  alleged  participation  in 
David's  conspiracy.  For  their  hand  also  is 
V7ith  David,  they  make  common  cause  with  him 
against  me.  This  assertion  he  bases  on  the  un- 
proved fact:  they  knew  that  he  fled,  and 
did  not  show  it  me.  (Instead  of  Kethib  "  his 
ear  "  read  with  Qeri  "  my  ear,"  for  such  a  sudden 
transition  to  indirect  discourse  "  and  (as  he  said) 
did  not  show  him,"  is  impossible). — The  guards 
refuse  to  obey  Saul's  order,  aproof  of  the  disorder 
which  his  blind  rage  produced.  This  refusal  re- 
minds us  of  the  scene  in  xiv.  4-5,  where  Saul's 
sentence  of  death  against  Jonathan  is  opposed. 
Saul's  servants  will  not  lay  their  hands  on  the  sa- 
cred persons  of  the  priests ;  this  is  indicated  in  the 
expression  "  the  priests  of  the  Lord."  [Words- 
worth :  Thus  they  were  more  faithful  to  Saul  than 
if  they  had  obeyed  his  order,  which  was  against 


the  commandment  of  the  Lord.     Theodoret  (in 
Wordsw.) :  The  heinousness  of  Saul's  sin  is  made 
more  conspicuous  by  his  servants'  refusal. — Th.]. 
— Ver.  18.  Saul's  choice  of  Doeg  as  the  executor 
of  his  order  is  a  proof  of  the  savageness  which 
was  combined  with  wickedness  and  guile  in  this 
Edomite.     On  the  form  of  his  name  "  Doyeg"  (as 
in  ver.  22)  see  Ew.  ?  45  d.   Thepron.  "he"  [''he 
fell"]  emphasizes  Doeg' s  willingness  in  contrast 
with  the  refusal  of  the  guards.     As  above  by  the 
expression  "  priests  of  the  Lord,"  so  here  the  wick- 
edness of  this  act  is  brought  prominently  out  by 
the  significant  reference  to  the  oflScial  dress  of  the 
priests,  "  who  wore  a  linen  ephod,"  the  sign  of 
the  holiness  of  their  persons.     On  the  wearing  of 
the  ephod  see  ch.  ii.  18.     Iiinen  ;  the  common 
priests,  therefore,  wore  a  linen  over-garment  simi- 
lar in  form  to  the  high-priestly  cape  or  ephod 
(Buns.). — Ver.  19.  Nob  is  here  expressly  called 
the  "  city  of  the  priests."    The  whole  city,  as  such, 
with  all  living  things  therein,  is  devoted  to  de- 
struction by  Saul  in  his  fury.     It  is  treated  by 
him  as  a  city  under  the  ban  (Cherem),  which  is 
polluted  by  idolatry  and  therefore  devoted  to  de- 
struction.    The  wrong  alleged  to  be  done  to  him 
by  the  priests  is  laid  on  the  whole  city  as  an  ido- 
latrous wrong  against  the  Lord  Himself  which  is 
therefore  thus  to  be  avenged.     Comp.  Deut.  xiii. 
13  sq.     [Saul  does  not  seem  to  have  had  the  theo- 
cratic cherem  or  ban  in  mind,  but  in  an  access  of 
rage  did  what  was  not  uncommon  among  ancient 
oriental  princes. — Tb.]. — Ver.  20.  Only  one  son 
of  Ahimelech,  Abiathar,  escaped  the  slaughter. 
How  that  happened  is  not  said.    Perhaps  he  was 
not  present  at  this  trial,  and  hastened  away  from 
Nob  while  it  was  being  destroyed.     "After  Da- 
vid," that  is,  to  the  retreat  of  the  fugitive  David. 
This  is  another  proof  of  the  intimate  relations  be- 
tween David  and  the  high-priestly  family. — Vers. 
21—23.  Through  Abiathar  David  received  informa- 
tion of  Saul's  bloody  vengeance  on  Nob.     David 
said  to  Abiathar :  "  I  knew  that  day  (comp.  chap, 
xxi.  7,  8)  that,  because  Doeg  the  Edomite  was 
there,  he  would  certainly  tell  Saul."     So  Vulg. 
and  Then.;  not  (Keil)  :  "I  knew  that  day  thai 
Doeg  .  .  .  that  he,"  etc.,  nor  (De  Wette) :  "I  knew 
.  .  .  thai  Doeg  .  .  .  and  that."     David  confesses 
himself  guilty  of  the  blood  shed  in  Nob,  because 
his  flight  thither  and  conduct  there,  while  he  knew 
of  Docg's  presence,  gave  occasion  to  it.    Vulg. : 
"  I  am  guilty  of  all  the  souls."     This  confession 
of  David  shows  the  strictness  of  his  self-judgment. 
03D  here  =  "  to  be  guilty  of  a  thing,"  see  Ges. 
Lex.  s.  V.    In  the  Talmud  ri3D  =  "cause"). — 
Ver.  23.  The  consequence  of  David's  invitation 
to  Abiathar  to  abide  with  him  is  that  the  high- 
priesthood  goes  over  to  David  and  to  the  new 
future  kingdom,  though  David  entered  into  no 
rebellion  against  Saul  for  this  end.     Pear  not, — 
namely,  Saul's  snares  and  power.     For  he  that 
seeketh  my  life,  etc. — Certainly  the  converse  ■ 
a-ssertion  would  be  natural  here:  "He  that  seeks 
thy  life  seeks  mine ;"  but  we  are  not  therefore 
with  Then,  (after  the  Sept.,  whose  translation 
seeks  to  get  rid  of  this  difficulty)  to  change  the 
text,  so  that  it  would  read :  "  for  whatever  place 
I  seek  for  myself,  that  will  I  (also)  seek  for  thee," 
but  we  must  explain  it  from  the  reference  that 
David  therein  has  to  Saul.    As  against  Saul  Da- 


CHAP.  XXn.  1-23. 


235 


vid  bind-s  the  fate  of  the  fugitive  high-priest  to 
his  own  in  an  indissoluble  covenant  under  the 
protection  of  God.  The  sense  is  :  "  The  pei-secu- 
tion  which  I  suffer,  touches  thee  also.  But  I 
stand  under  God's  protection  as  one  that  sulTors 
injustice ;  so  art  thou,  because  thy  life  like  mine 
is  threatened,  safely  kept  in  company  with  mo." 
The  second  "for"  [Eng.  A.  V.  "  but"  '2}  is  also 
dependent  on  the  "  fear  not."  This  consolatory 
assurance  is  based  first,  on  the  reference  to  their 
common  enemy,  and  on  the  reference  to  the  pro- 
tection which  Abiathar  will  enjoy  with  him,  who 
knew  that,  as  regarded  Saul,  he  was  under  God's 
special  protection,  H'laB'p  "preservation"  (Ex. 
xii.  6  ;  xvi.  33  sq.),  abstract  for  concrete,  "  a  pre- 
cious deposit  or  trust "  (Ewald). 

[During  this  first  period  of  David's  life  as  out- 
law several  incidents  occurred  which  are  not  men- 
tioned in  this  narrative.  We  learn  from  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  13  that  three  of  his  chief  heroes  came  to 
him  in  the  cave  of  AduUam,  one  of  whom  was  his 
nephew  Abishai,  afterwards  a  famous  general.  A 
little  after  (1  Chr.  xi.  15-19)  occurred  that  noble 
act  of  loving  daring,  when  the  "three  mightiest" 
broke  through  the  Philistine  army  and  brought 
their  leader  water  from  the  well  of  Bethlehem, 
for  which  he  longed.  This  was  while  he  was  in 
the  "  hold  ;"  and  at  this  time  apparently  came  to 
him  the  stout  band  of  lion-faced,  gazelle-footed 
Gadites,  who  swam  the  Jordan  when  its  banks 
were  overflowed,  and  scattered  all  enemies  before 
them  (1  Chr.  xii.  8-15),  and  an  enthusiastic  body 
of  men  of  Judah  and  Benjamin,  for  whose  friend- 
ship Ama-sai  answered  in  his  passionate  speech 
(1  Chr.  xii.  16-18).  As  to  whether  David  was 
at  Keilah  when  Abiathar  came  to  him,  see  Erd- 
mann  on  1  Sam.  xxiii.  6.  For  fuller  accounts  of 
this  period  see  Chandler  (ch.  vii.)  and  Stanley's 
Lectures,  xxii. — Tk.] 

HISTOEICAL   AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Whether  Psalm  Ivii.,  whose  title  is:  "By 
David,  when  he  fled  from  Saul  in  the  cave,"  re- 
fers to  the  case  of  AduUam  or  to  Engedi  (1  Sam. 
xxiv.)  is  uncertain.  Certainly,  however,  the  situa- 
tion here,  the  condition  of  his  inner  life  as  fugi- 
tive, and  his  experience  of  divine  help,  form  the 
basis  of  the  tlwught  of  the  Psalm,  in  which  first 
"  believing  hope  (founded  on  experience)  of  speedy 
and  sure  divine  help  out  of  great  peril  of  life  from 
violent  men,  shows  itself  in  the  prayer  for  a  new 
manifestation  of  divine  grace,  whereby  God's  truth 
and  trustworthiness  will  be  shown  by  deeds,"  and 
then,  "after  a  short  description  of  the  snares, 
which  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the  enemies 
themselves,  the  certain  assurance  of  victory  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  invocation  of  the  author's  own  soul 
to  praise  God  in  all  the  world  on  the  ground  of 
Hia  self-revelation  in  His  glory"  (Moll).— Pstrfm 
Hi.  certainly  in  its  essential  content  agrees  with 
David's  position  as  indicated  by  the  reference  in 
the  title  to  Doeg's  treachery.  But,  from  the  ge- 
neral nature  of  the  didactic  content  of  the  Psalm, 
we  must  also  suppo.se  a  reference  to  the  hate  and 
persecution  of  Saul,  whose  tool  Doeg  was. 

2.  JDavid  is  the  representative  of  the  theocratic 
principle,  for  which  he  sufiers  and  endures.  _  The 
uninterrupted  tribulation  which  he  experiences 


fi-om  now  till  he  enters  into  the  theocratic  kingly 
office,  he  bears  for  the  sake  of  the  Lord,  who  has 
chosen  him  for  this  office  and  the  calling  there- 
with conjoined  for  all  Israel;  it  serves  to  humble 
and  purify  him,  and  its  precious  fruit  is  that  he 
yields  himself  more  absolutely  into  God's  hands, 
and  treads  solely  the  path  which  the  divine  provi- 
dence points  out;  he  will  know  only  what  God 
will  do  for  him ;  he  listens  only  to  what  God  says, 
and  obeys  unconditionally  God's  command  an- 
nounced by  the  mouth  of  the  prophet.  So,  in 
the  development  of  his  inner  and  outer  life  under 
the  many  testing  and  purifying  sufibrings  sent  by 
God,  David  becomes  more  and  more  a  shining 
type  of  the  humble  faith,  which  bows  unmurmur- 
ingly  under  the  Lord's  afflicting  hand,  accepts 
unconditionally  God's  hidden  providences,  is  at- 
tentive to  the  Lord's  word,  and  yields  joyful  obe- 
dience to  His  commands. — Said  has  become  the 
representative  of  the  antithcocratio  principle ; 
conscious  that  the  kingdom  is  justly  taken  from 
him  for  hLs  self-willed  apostasy  from  God,  he 
suffers  pain  and  anguish  in  the  fear  of  losing  the 
throne  through  David,  and,  his  look  distorted  by 
this  inner  unrest,  sees  everywhere  only  con?piracy 
and  treachery  against  his  throne  and  lifo;  the 
more  he  shuts  his  eyes  to  the  divine  leadings  in 
David's  life,  and  obstinately  withstands  God's 
known  will  concerning  David,  the  more  does  he 
harden  his  heart  against  God's  word  and  instruc- 
tions, the  deeper  does  he  sink  into  the  abyss  of 
wretched  fear  of  man,  and  the  farther  from  his 
heart  recedes  true  fear  of  God,  the  more  irretarda- 
bly  rushes  on  his  inner  life,  pursued  by  the  ter- 
rors of  the  angry  God,  and  of  a  conscience  pressed 
down  by  the  burden  of  unforgiven  sin,  which  yet 
leads  him  not  to  pure  selt-knowledge  and  humble 
subjection  to  God's  almighty  hand,  towards  the 
abyss  of  doubt  and  the  judgment  of  inner  harden- 
ing of  heart. 

3.  While  apparently  under  Saul's  sharply- 
sketched  despotic  and  cruel  rule  (a  horrible  cari- 
cature of  the  theocratic  government)  the  three 
pillars  of  God's  kingdom  in  Israel  break  down — 
the  theocratic  kingdom  in  David  hunted  to  the 
death,  prophets  oppressed  and  silenced,  the  priest- 
hood exterminated — ^yet  just  here  this  threefold 
office  appears  in  most  significant  facts  under  the 
protection  of  the  almighty,  faithful  God,  who  will 
not  let  His  covenant  fail,  asfactval  divine  promise 
or  prediction :  about  David,  as  the  Lord's  chosen 
king,  is  grouped  His  family  as  representatives  of 
Israel's  hope  of  salvation,  and  is  gathered  the  root 
of  the  theocratic  congregation,  in  Oad  appears 
prophecy  in  God's  name,  and  with  the  light  of 
His  word  pointing  the  way  out  of  the  gloom,  and 
in  Abiathar  the  high-priesthood  is  rescued  from 
Saul's  purposed  destruction  into  the  safe-keeping 
of  the  future  king. 

[4.  It  is  hardly  necessary  now  to  discuss  the 
question,  whether  David  was  a  rebel  against  Saul. 
As  he  never  lifted  his  hand  against  his  king,  as 
he  always  cherished  love  for  him,  as  his  military 
enterprises  were  all  against  the  enemies  of  Israel, 
as  his  efforts  were  confined  to  the  saving  of  his 
life  from  Saul's  attempts,  it  is  clear  that  he  was 
not  a  traitor  and  a  rebel.  He  was  an  outlaw,  but 
a  patriotic.  God-fearing,  loyal  outlaw.  See  Chan- 
dler's elaborate  defence  of  David  against  Bayle  in 
chs.  vu.  and  viii.  of  his  "Life  of  David."— Ta.] 


280 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  S.  ScHMiD :  When  God  has  rescued  us 
from  danger,  we  should  make  such  a  use  of  it  as 
to  grow  wiser  thereby.— OsiANDEB :  It  makes 
our  cross  much  heavier  to  see  that  evil  comes 
upon  our  dearest  friends  and  kindred  for  our 
sake. — Ver.  2.  Beel.  Bible  :  Though  thou  find- 
est  thyself  without  refuge,  yet  thou  bccomest  a 
refuge  for  all  the  distressed. — All  who  find  tliem- 
selves  in  distress  are  even  in  the  midst  of  their 
pains  filled  with  joy,  when  they  meet  with  other 
men  who  have  to  bear  the  same  oppression-s. 
This  at  once  forms  a  very  close  union  among 
them. — [Ver.  4.  Descendants  of  Euth  compelled 
by  civil  strife  to  leave  Jehovah's  country,  and 
seek  shelter  in  Moab. — Tb.] 

Vers.  6-10.  Schmer  (Saul) :  Saul  is  filled  with 
fear  of  men,  because  he  lacks  true  fear  of  God. — 
O  how  much  fear  and  anxiety  there  is,  and  so 
often  it  has  no  other  ground  than  in  an  evil  con- 
science ;  how  much  fear  of  man  there  is,  and  the 
fountain  is  in  sins  unforgiven;  how  much  de- 
spondency there  is,  and  yet  all  might  be  so  far 
otherwise  if  people  would  only  humble  them- 
sdves  and  confess  their  sins. — Ver.  8.  Staeke: 
That  is  the  way  with  the  ungodly,  that  with  tlieir 
evil  behaviour  they  yet  want  to  have  their  rights. 
— Bekl.  Bible:  Perturbation  and  distrust  are 
constantly  the  companions  of  malevolence  and 
sin,  while  tranquillity  stands  by  the  side  of  per- 
secuted innocence. — [Ver.  9.  A  ruler  who  wants 
informers  can  always  find  them. — TR-] 

Vera.  11-15.  ScHLiER  (Saul) :  O  how  unldngly 
stands  King  Saul  before  us,  how  dignified,  how 
truly  kingly  stands  AhimelechI  So  true  is  it 
that  he  that  ruleth  his  spirit  is  better  than  he 
that  taketh  a  city ! — It  is  manliness  to  place  the 
truth  above  everything,  and  go  security  for  the 
truth,  and  defend  the  truth,  even  unto  death. 
Let  us  learn  from  this  royal  manliness  of  an 
Ahimelech,  who  also  confessed  the  truth  even 
unto  death. — [Ver.  13.  It  is  so  easy  for  the  pa.s- 
siouate  to  cheat  themselves  with  hasty  inferences. 
— Tr.] — Ver.  16  sq.  Doeg  and  Saul  were  also 
men  like  ourselves,  both  had  also  a  conscience, 
both  were  also  yielding  and  receptive,  and  Saul 
was  once  even  in  good  ways,  he  had  learned  to 
fear  and  love  God,  and  yet  both  were  now  so 
deep-sunken,  both  were  now  hardened,  and  to 
human  eyes  irrecoverably  lost.  The  reason  is, 
they  trifled  with  God's  word,  they  were  not  will- 
ing to  obey  the  truth,  they  wilfully  lived  on  in 
their  sins. — No  man  is  sure  that  he  will  not  fall 
into  sin,  nor  is  any  man  sure  that  he  will  remain 
in  a  good  way ;  it  holds  good  for  all  that  they 
must  always  work  out  their  salvation  with  fear 
and  trembling. — [Ver.  17.  The  best  friends  of 
an  angry  man  are  those  who  refuse  to  aid  him  in 
doing  wrong. — Vers.  16-19.  Henrt:  See  the 
desperate  wickedness  of  Saul,  when  the  Spirit  of 
the  Lord  was  departed  from  him.  Nothing  so 
vile  but  they  may  be  hurried  to  it,  who  have 
provoked  God  to  give  them  up  to  their  heart's 
lusts.  He  that  was  so  compassionate  as  to  spare 
Agag  and  the  cattle  of  the  Amalekites,  in  disobe- 
dience to  the  command  of  God,  could  now,  with 
unrelenting  bowels,  see  the  priests  of  the  Lord 
murdered,  and  nothing  spared  of  all  that  belonged 


to  them.  For  that  sin,  God  left  him  to  this.— 
There  are  many  historical  cases  in  which  senti- 
mental humanity  has  become  transformed  into 
savage  cruelty. — Ver.  18.  So  often  in  what  calls 
itself  the  administration  of  justice,  many  innocent 
men  are  punished  because  the  one  man  who  did 
the  wrong  ha.s  escaped. — God  makes  the  wrath 
of  man  to  praise  Him  (Ps.  Ixxvi.  10).  The  pun- 
isliment  foretold  against  the  house  of  Eli  (ch.  ii. 
31)  is  executed  through  the  madness  of  Saul  and 
the  baseness  of  Doeg. — Hall:  It  was  just  in 
God,  which  in  Doeg  was  most  unjust.  Saul's 
cruelty,  and  the  treachery  of  Doeg,  do  not  lose 
one  dram  of  their  guilt  by  the  counsel  of  God, 
neither  doth  the  holy  counsel  of  God  gather  any 

blemish  by  their  wickedness If  Saul  and 

Doeg  be  instead  of  a  pestilence  or  fever,  who  can 
cavil? — Ver.  19.  A  madly  passionate  man  in 
authority  (despot,  parent,  teacher)  often  seelcs  to 
justify  his  cruel  conduct  by  still  greater  cruelty. 
-Tr.] 

[Ver.  22.  Taylor  :  Behold  how  impossible  it 
is  to  arrest  the  consequences  of  our  evil  actions. 
...  I  have  no  doubt  that  when  David  heard  of 
all  this,  he  would  willingly  have  given  all  that 
he  had,  ay,  even  his  hopes  of  one  day  sitting  on 
the  throne  of  Israel,  if  he  could  have  recalled  the 
evil  which  he  had  spoken,  and  undone  its  dismal 
consequences.  But  it  was  impossible.  The  lie 
had  gone  forth  firom  him ;  and  having  done  so, 
it  was  no  longer  under  his  control,  but  would  go 
on  producing  its  diabolical  fruits.  And  so  it  is 
yet.  .  .  .  AVe  may,  indeed,  repent  of  our  sin ;  we 
may  even,  through  the  grace  of  God  for  Christ's 
sake,  have  the  assurance  tliat  we  are  forgiven  for 
it ;  but  the  sin  itself  will  go  on  working  its  deadly 
results. — Te.] 

[Ch.  xxii.  David  struggling  upward,  Saul 
sinking  downward.  (Comp.  Hist,  and  "rheoL, 
No.  2.) 

[Ver.  3.  Our  Future.  1)  Our  future  will  be 
determined  by  God.  Comp.  Ps.  xxxi.  15.  2) 
Our  future  cannot  be  clearly  foreseen  by  us,  and 
this  is  well.  Comp.  Prov.  xxvii.  1.  3)  We 
must  provide  as  wisely  as  we  can  for  our  future, 
and  then  wait.  4)  Whatever  God  may  do  to  us 
in  the  future,  we  must  try  to  receive  it  as  from 
Him. 

[Ver.  5.  Danger  and  Duty.  1)  Where  no 
duty  calls,  let  us  keep  away  from  danger.  Comp. 
Gen.  xiii.  12,  13;  Ex.  ii.  15;  1  Sam.  xxiii.  13; 
John  iv.  1;  xi.  53,  54.  2)  But  often,  to  keep 
away  from  danger  is  to  be  out  of  the  reach  of 
success.  If  David  had  remained  in  Moab,  he 
would  never  have  become  king  of  Israel.  "  No- 
thing venture,  nothing  have."  Comp.  Matt.  ivi. 
25;  Acts  xxi.  13;  John  xii.  23.  3)  How  can 
we  tell  when  duty  calls  us  into  danger?  Not 
now  by  special  revelation,  but  by  keeping  our 
minds  familiar  ^ith  the  written  word,  watching 
the  leadings  of  Providence,  seeking  counsel  from 
the  wise  and  good,  striving  to  judge  calmly  even 
amid  perturbations,  and  praying  all  the  while 
for  the  guidance  of  God's  Spirit.  Comp.  1  Chron. 
xxviii.  9 ;  Prov.  iii.  6. 

[Ver.  17.  Three  scenes  in  the  life  of  Saul,  xi. 
13 ;  XV.  22,  23 ;  xxii.  16-19. 

[Vers.  6-23.  Pictures  of  Human  Nature.  1) 
A  man  in  authority,  whose  misfortunes,  though 
due  to  his  own  fault,  make  him  suspicious  (ver. 


CHAP.  XXIII.  1-28.  287 


8)  and  cruelly  unjust  (ver.  10).  2)  A  basely 
ambitious  man  who  seeks  to  build  himself  up  by 
ruining  otlierg  (vera.  9,  10,  18,  comp.  Ps.  lii.). 
3)  An  innocent  man  accused,  who  defends  him- 


self both  with  forcible  argument  (ver.  14)  and 
with  digniiied  denial  (ver.  15).  4)  A  good,  but 
erring  man  who  mournfully  sees  that  his  sin  has 
brought  destruction  on  his  friends  (ver.  22). — Tb.] 


V.  1.  David!  s  expedition  against  the  Philistines  Jor  the  rescue  of  ITeilah.  2.  His  abode  in  the  wilder- 
ness of  Ziph,  and  the  treachery  of  the  Ziphites  against  Mm,  3.  His  deliverance  from  Satd  in  the 
wilderness  of  Moon. 

Chap.  XXHI.  [Eng.  A.  V.  XXIH.  1-28]. 

1  Then  [And]  they  told  David,  saying,  Behold,  the  Philistines  fight  against  Kei- 

2  lah,  and  they  rob  the  threshing-floors.  Therefore  [And]  David  enquired  of  the 
Lord  [Jehovah],  saying.  Shall  I  go  and  smite  these  Philistines?    And  the  Lord 

3  [Jehovah]  said  unto  David,  Go  and  smite  the  Philistines,  and  save  Keilah.  And 
David's  men  said  unto  him,  Behold,  we  be  [are]  a&aid  here  in  Judah ;  how  much 
more,  then,  if  we  come'  [go]  to  Keilah  against  the  armies  [ranks]^  of  the  Philis- 

4  tines  ?  Then  [And]  David  enquired  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  yet  again.  And  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  answered  him  and  said,  Arise,  go  down  to  Keilah,  for  I  will  de- 

5  liver  [give]  the  Philistines  into  thine  hand.  So  [And]  David,  and  [with]'  his  men, 
went  to  Keilah  and  fought  with  the  Philistines,  and  brought  away  their  cattle,  and 
smote  them  with  a  great  slaughter ;  so  [and]  David  saved  the  inhabitants  of  Kei- 

6  lah.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelech  fled  to  David  to 
Keilah,  that  he  came  down  with  an  ephod  in  his  hand  [an  ephod  came  down  in  his 
hand].* 

7  And  it  was  told  Saul  that  David  was  come  to  Keilah.  And  Saul  said,  God  hath 
delivered'  him  into  mine  hand,  for  he  is  shut  in  by'  entering  into  a  town  [city]  that 

8  hath  gates  and  bars.  And  Saul  called  all  the  people  together  [summoned  all  the 
people]  to  war,  to  go  down'  to  Keilah  to  besiege  David  and  his  men.     And  David 

9  knew  that  Saul  secretly  [_om.  secretly]  practised'  mischief  against  him,  and  he  said 
10  to  Abiathar  the  priest,  Bring  hither  the  ephod.     Then  said  David  [And  David 

said],  O  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel,  thy  servant  hath  certainly  heard  that*  Saul 
seeketh  to  come  to  Keilah  to  destroy  the  city  for  my  sake.     Will  the  men  [citizens] 

TEXTUAIi  AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

>  tVer.3.  Erdmann:  "and  we  are  really  to  go,  etc.  f"  Syr.:  "how  shall  we  go?"  Sept.:  "  how  will  it  be  if  we 

?o?"  all  of  which  give  the  general  sense;  Eng.  A.  V.  has  the  more  exact  rendering,  and  so  Chald.  and  Vulg. — 
hen. :"  how  much  less  shall  we  go  7"— Te.] 
2  [Ver  3.  Sept.  cricOAo  "  spoil,"  which  Then,  prefers,  supposing  it  to  represent  niDiffD  "  booty,"  whence  the 

Feb.  text  ri131  j?D  might  easily  come.  Against  this  Wellhaasen  justly  points  out  the  unsuitableness  of  the  re- 
sulting thought,  and  suggests  that  trKvXa  (variants  o-ituXa,  koiXuw)  is  another  form  of  KtlKi,  and  that  the  Greek 
omits  the  nU1>73— as  to  the  improbability  of  battle-lines  in  Philistine  raiding-parties,  they  might  well  exist,  or 
David's  men  may  naturally  exaggerate  the  danger. 

*  [Ver.  i,  Heb. :  "  David  and  his  men,"  but  the  following  verbs  are  in  the  Singular,  making  David  the  sub- 
ject.—Ts.] 

*  fVer.  6.  Erdmann :  "  The  ephod  came  down  to  him,"  which,  however,  the  Heb.  does  notmean  from  the  con- 
nection.   Erdmann  suggests  the  right  sense  in  the  Exposition.— Tn.] 

'  [Ver.  7.  133  is  rendered  by  the  VSS.  "  delivered,"  but  Sept.  "  sold  "  1DD,  adopted  by  Then. ;  Wellh.  says  the 
text  seems  made  up  of  13D  and  ?nj.    The  word  is  literally  "  ignored,"  and  so  perhaps  —  "  abandoned."— Te.] 

*  [Ver.  7.  Literally .  "  at  entering  "  (n'uS),  not  "  shut  in  (forced)  to  enter."— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  8.  Sept.  in  inverse  order ;  "  to  go  down  to  war,"  perhaps  a  mere  softening.  The  Heb.  order  is  better; 
Saul  summons  the  people  generally  to  war,  and  then  the  special  purpose  is  added  of  going  down  to  Keilah.— In- 
stead of  nix  some  MSS.  have  IIS. 

»  [Ver.  9.  Ef  in  —  "  cut,  work  on  the  forge  "  —  "  practice."    Eng.  A.  V.  gets  its  "  secretly  "  from  Vulg.  dam, 

and  this  is  perhaps  from  the  meaning  "to  be  deaf,  dumb,"  also  found  in  this  verb,  but  not  applicable  here;  so 
Sept.  rendered  impanairi  before  which,  however,  it  naturally  found  itself  obliged  to  insert  the  negative.— 1e  J 

»  [Ver.  10.  Theniiis  reads:  "Saul  seeks  ...  to  destroy  the  city  in  order  that  the  citizens  ot  Keilah  may  ae- 
liver  me  into  his  hand,"  on  which  see  Erdmann.    To  this  the  objections  are  1)  that  it  supposes  a  construction 


288  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

11  of  Keilah  deliver  me  up  into  his  hand?  will  Saul  come  down,  as  thy  servant  hath 
heard  ?    O  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel,  I  beseech  thee,  tell  thy  servant.    And 

12  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said,  He  will  come  down.  Then  said  David  [And  David  said]. 
Will  the  men  [citizens]  of  KeiJah  deliver  me  and  my  men  into  the  hand  of  Saul  ? 
And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said,  They  will  deliver  thee  up. 

13  Then  [And]  David  and  his  men,  which  were  about  six""  hundred,  arose  and  de- 
parted out  of  Keilah,  and  went  whithersoever  they  could  go.     And  it  was  told  Saul 

14  that  David  was  escaped  from  Keilah ;  and  he  forbare  to  go  forth.  And  David 
abode  in  the  wilderness  in  [ins.  the]  strongholds,  and  remained  [abcde]  in  a  [the] 
mountain  in  the  wilderness  of  Ziph.  And  Saul  sought  him  every  day,  but  God  de- 
livered him  not  into  his  hand. 

15  And  David  saw"  that  Saul  was  come  out  to  seek  his  life.     And  David  was  in 

16  the  wilderness  of  Ziph  in  a  [the]  wood.    And  Jonathan,  Saul's  son  arose,  and  went 

17  to  David  into  the  wood,  and  strengthened  his  hand  in  God,  And  he  [om.  he]  said 
to  him.  Fear  not,  for  the  hand  of  Saul  my  father  shall  not  find  thee,  and  thou  shalt 
be  king  over  Israel,  and  I  shall  be  next  unto  thee ;  and  that  also  Saul  my  father 

18  knoweth  [and  that  knoweth  Saul  my  father  also].  And  they  two  made  a  covenant 
before  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  David  abode  in  the  wood,  and  Jonathan  went  to 
his  house." 

19  Then  came  up  the  Ziphites"  to  Saul  to  Gibeah,  saying,  Doth  not  David  hide 
himself  with  us  in  [ins.  the]  strongholds  in  the  wood,  in  the  hill  of  Hachilah,'*  which 

20  is  on  the  south  of  Jeshimon  [the  desert]  ?  Now,  therefore,  O  king,  come  down  ac- 
cording to  all  the  desire  of  thy  soul  to  come  down,  and  our  part  shall  be  to  deliver 

21  him  into  the  king's  hand.     And  Saul  said,  Blessed  be  ye  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 

22  for  ye  have  compassion  on  me.  Go,  I  pray  you,  prepare  yet  [be  yet  heedful],"  and 
know  and  see  his  place  where  his  haunt  [loot]  is,  and  [om.  and]   who  hath  seen" 

23  him  there ;  for  it  is  told  me  that  he  dealeth  very  subtilly.  See  therefore,  [And  see], 
and  take  knowledge  of  all  the  lurking  places  where  he  hideth  himself,  and  come  ye 
again  to  me  with  the  certainty,  and  I  will  go  with  you ;  and  it  shall  come  to  pass, 
if  he  be  in  the  land,  that  I  will  search  him  out  throughout  [among]  all  the  thou- 

24  sands  of  Judah.  And  they  arose  and  went  to  Ziph  before  Saul ;  but  [and]  David 
and  his  men  were  in  ihe  wilderness  of  Maon,  in  the  plain  on  the  south  of  Jeshimon 

25  [the  desert].  Saul  ako  [And  Saul]  and  his  men  went  to  seek  Aim."  And  they 
told  [it  was  told]  David,  wherefore  [and]  he  came  down  into  a  [to  the]  rock  [cliff] 

26  and  abode  in  the  wilderness  of  Maon.  And  Saul"  went  on  the  side  of  the  moun- 
tain ;  and  David  made  haste  to  get  away  for  fear  of  Saul,  for  [and]  Saul  and  his 

27  men  comp&ssed  David  and  his  men  round  about  to  take  them,  But  [And]  there 
came  a  messenger  unto  Saul,  saying.  Haste  thee  and  come,  for  the  Philistines  have 

28  invaded  the  land.  Wherefore  [And]  Saul  returned  from  pursuing  after  Da- 
vid, and  went  against  [to  meet]  the  Philistines.  Therefore  they  called  that  place 
Sela  bammahlekoth.^ 

(Inf.  with  sufBx  followed  by  Accua.-subject)  doubtful  in  Heb.  (Wellh.),  and  21  Saul's  purpose  in  destroying  the 
city,  namely,  that  tlie  citizens  may  deliver  David  up,  seems  a  strange  ono.  On  the  other  hand  the  omission  of  the 
first  clause  of  vor.  11  (WoUh.)  is  a  violent  procedure,  like  that  of  Syr.,  which  omits  the  whole  of  this  verse.  The 
procedure  of  the  vers,  shows  the  difBculty  they  had  with  the  text,  but  also  seems  to  vouch  for  its  integrity.  It  is 
perhaps  better  to  attribute  the  repetition  to  excitement,  or  to  regard  the  first  question  as  a  general  one,  which  is  . 
afterwards  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  divided  into  two. — Te.] 

i"  rVer.  13.  Sept.  four  hundred  by  error  from  xxii.  2.— Tn.l 

"  [Ver.16.  Ewald  and  Wellhausen  emend  to  XTl  "  feai'ed. "  on  the  ground  that  this  is  required  in  order  to 

connect  with  the  preceding  context  and  to  explain  the  words  of  Jonathan  in  ver.  17.    Yet  the  connection  is  so  ge- 
neral a  one  that  sunh  a  change  seems  unnecessary. — Tr.] 

^'^  [Ver.  18.  Some  MSS.  have  lan  "  his  way,"  but  tlie  text  is  best  supported.— To.] 

"  JVer.  19.  The  Heb.  has  not  the  Art.,  but  the  connection  seems  to  involve  it.— Wellhausen  thinks  the  minute 
description  of  place  here  interpolated  from  xxvi.  1,  because  otherwise  Sauls  minute  directions  in  vers.  22, 
23,  would  be  out  of  place ;  but  the  statement  of  the  Zlphites  is  not  so  minute  as  to  supersede  the  necessity  of 

search  for  the  fugitive,  who  might  be  in  any  one  of  a  hundred  places  "  in  the  wood  on  the  hill." Tb.] 

"  rVer.  19.  Some  MSS.  have  (probably  wrongly)  Habilah  and  Havilah.— Te.1 

^  [Ver.  21.  Instead  of  IJOH  "set  your  mini),"  some  MSS.  have  IJ'jn   'understand,  learn."- Tb.] 

"  (Ter.  22.  Thenius  reads  nirrsn  iSjl  "where  his  quick  or  fleet  foot  is,"  Sept.  iv  rdixei,  an  ingenious  and 

smooth  reading;  yet  the  rugged  Heb.  text  suits  the  hurry  of  the  command  better.— Tn.l 

"  [Ver.  2£.  The  suffix,  omitted  in  the   Heb.,  is  added  in  the  Sept. — Erdmann  renders  "  went  down  the 

cliff."— Tn.] 

18  [Ver.  26.  Sept.  "  Saul  and  his  men."  a  natural  (and  therefore  suspicious)  supplement. Te  1 

"  [Ver.  28.  On  the  meaning  of  this  name  see  Erdmann  in  Exposition. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  XXni.  1-28. 


289 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CEITICAL. 

Vera.  1-14.  DavidHa  march  against  ^e  PhiliMines 
to  rescue  KeUah. 

Ver.  1.  David's  recall  to  Judah  by  Gad,  and 
the_  distress  of  a  part  of  Judah  iu  consequence  of  a 
Philistine  inroad  stood  probably  in  pragmatical 
connection.  In  thig,  his  people's  time  of  need, 
David  the  fugitive  was  lo  do  them  a  service  by  a 
successful  feat  of  arms  against  the  hereditary 
enemy ;  and  thig  was  to  be  of  service  to  him  by 
gaining  for  Iiim  higher  consideration  as  God's 
chosen  one  for  the  throne  and  the  helper  of  his 
people.  The  Philistines  were  warring  against 
Keuah,  a  fortified  city  (ver.  7)  in  the  lowland  of 
Judah  (Josh.  xv.  44),  according  to  the  Ono- 
masticon  eight  miles  from  Elentheropolis  to- 
wards Hebron,  with  an  evil-disposed  popula- 
tion, who  acted  ungratefully  and  treacherously 
toward  David  (verse  12),  though  he  had  saved 
them  from  imminent  danger.  Inhabitants  of 
this  city  took  part  (Neh.  iii.  17,  18)  in  the  build- 
ing of  the  wall  of  Jerusalem.  According  to  Kie- 
pert'g  map  (from  the  Onom.  Kee.tXd,  Ceila,  or 
ExeM),  it  lay  somewhat  gouth-west  of  Tarku- 
mieh,  and  is,  according  to  Tobler  (Z  Wand.  151), 
the  present  KUa,  near  the  Philistine  border.* — 
The  Philistine  inroad  was  also  a  predatory  incur- 
sion, in  which  they  had  an  eye  to  the  grain  which 
was  threshed  and  stored  in  the  threshing-floors. 
Ver.  2.  The  news  of  the  Philistines'  incursion 
determined  David  to  attack  them.  It  is  probable, 
as  we  have  already  intimated,  that  he  was  brought 
to  Judah  by  Gad  for  this  purpose.  But  here,  in 
David's  inquiry  of  the  Lord,  the  agent  is  not  the 
prophet  Gad  (Ew.),  of  whom  it  is  not  said,  that 
he  remained  with  David  after  ch.  xxii.  20,  but 
the  high^priest  Abiatharf  by  Urim  and  Thum- 
mim,  the  expression  "to  inquire  of  Jehovah" 
being  never  used  when  the  divine  will  was  sought 
through  a  prophet,  but  undoubtedly  of  the  high- 
priest's  inquiry  by  the  sacred  lot  (as  in  xxii.  10, 
13,  15). — By  this  inquiry  David  learns  God's 
will ;  to  attack  the  Philistines  and  rescue  Keilah 
is  now  a  divine  command  with  the  promise  of 
victory  in  the  order :  "  Rescue  Keilah." — Ver.  3. 
Against  this  David's  men  protest  from  the  point 
of  view  of  their  present  situation,  which  on  merely 
human  grounds  was  certainly  not  of  a  nature  to 
inspire  them  with  courage. — We  are  afraid 
here  in  Judah,  namely,  as  persecuted  fugitives, 
who  have  abandoned  a  comparatively  safe  abode 
for  the  present  more  dangerous  one,  and  are  now 
farther  to  rush  into  this  danger  by  open  war 
against  the  Philistines ;  we  are  always  iu  danger 
from  Saul,  and  now  shall  we  march  against  the 
Philistine  ranks  at  Keilah  ?  Being  not  safe  in 
Judah,t  ought  we  forsooth  to  go  to  Keilah  against 
the  Philistines?    ('3  «)X,   comp.  Hab.  ii.  5;  1 


•  [Mr.  Grove  (in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet,  Art.  Keilah)  refer- 
ring to  Tobler's  identification  of  Keilah  with  Kila  says 
"thus  another  ig  added  to  tlio  list  of  places  which,  thon^h 
specified  as  in  the  '  lowland '  are  yet  actually  found  in 
the  mountains:  a  puzzling  fact."  In  connection  with 
the  signification  "  fortress  "  given  to  Keilah  by  Gesenius 
and  others,  Mr.  Grove  also  points  to  the  expression 
"marvellous  k.indnesa  in  a  strong  dtji"  in  Ps.  xxxi.  21 
and  to  ver.  8  and  the  general  tenor  of  the  Psalm.— Tb.] 

t  [See  on  ver.  6.— Ta.] 

I  [Sib.  Com. :  "  Implying  that  Keilah  was  not  in  Ju- 
dah." Yet  it  may  mean  simply  that  the  Philistines  now 
had  control  of  the  region  of  Keilah.— Tb.] 

19 


Sam.  xiv.  30 ;  xxi.  6 ;  Ew.,  2  354  c  [="  yea,  is 
it  that?"  or:  "how  much  more  when?"— Tb.]). 
— Ver.  4.  David  holds  to  his  resolution  against 
these  objections ;  to  confirm  it  and  to  encourage 
his  men  he  again  inquires  of  the  Lard  and  receives 
the  same  affirmative  answer  with  the  assurance 
that  the  Lord  has  given  his  enemies  into  his 
hand. — Though  treated  by  the  king  as  an  outlaw, 
he  yet  maintains  true  love  to  his  people,  which 
impels  him  to  help  them  in  their  need,  and  to 
show  that,  in  spite  of  his  undeserved  sufferings, 
he  wiU  not  sin  against  them  by  refusing  to  per- 
form a  deed  of  deliverance  which  is  well-pleasing 
to  God. — ^The  "go  down"  indicates  that  David  wag 
still  in  the  mountiins  of  Judah  whence  he  must 
descend  in  order  to  reach  Keilah. — Ver.  5.  In  ac- 
cordance with  the  divine  declaration  the  attack 
on  the  Philistines  was  successful;  David  inflicted 
a  severe  defeat  on  them,  and  gained  large  booty, 
driving  off  their  flocks.  Thus  he  rescued  the 
people  of  Keilah. — Ver.  6  is  a  supplementary  his- 
torical explanation  relative  to  the  possibility  of 
the  inquiry  of  the  Lord  in  vers.  2,  3,  which  was 
not  possible  without  the  high-priestly  cape  or 
ephod  to  which  was  attached  the  Urim  and  Thum- 
mim.  The  main  point  is  that,  when  Abiathar 
fled  from  Saul  to  David,  he  brought  with  him  the 
high-priestly  dress  from  Nob.  But  it  was  before 
this  time  that  Abiathar  came  to  David ;  he  came 
as  fugitive  (xxii.  20)  before  David  went  to  Kei- 
lah, for  before  this  David  inquired  of  the  Lord 
through  the  high-priestly  oracle.  Accordingly, 
the  remark :  "  when  Abiathar  fled  to  David  to 
Keilah"  is  an  indefinite  statement,  iu  which  Kei- 
lah is  by  anticipation  put  as  the  first  goal  of  hia 
flight.  The  Sept.  correctly  explains:  "When 
Abiathar,  the  son  of  Ahitub,  fled  to  David,  the 
ephod  was  in  his  hand,  and  he  had  gone  down 
with  David  to  Keilah,  the  ephod  in  his  hand." 
[Dr.  Erdmann  here  gives  not  the  reading  of  the 
Sept.,  but  the  Hebrew  text  as  amended  by  The- 
nius  after  the  Sept. ;  the  Greek  text,  however  does 
imply  that  Abiathar  had  come  to  Keilah  with 
David,  having  fled  to  him  before.  Thenius' 
amended  Heb.  text  would  indicale  the  back  refe- 
rence of  this  statement  in  ver.  6 ;  but  the  present 
Heb.  text  naturally  means  that  it  was  at  Keilah 
that  Abiathar  first  came  to  David,  and  so  it  is  un- 
derstood by  Ewald,  Stanley  and  the  Bible  Com- 
mentary. In  xxii.  20-23  it  is  not  said  where  or 
when  the  priest  reached  David,  and  the  statement 
may  be  an  anticipatory  conclusion  of  the  narra- 
tive of  the  massacre,  the  intermediate  fact  xxiii. 
1-5  being  then  taken  up  with  its  consequent  pro- 
cedures. Ewald  also  remarks  that  the  account 
of  the  inquiry  in  xxiii.  2,  3  is  differently  worded 
from  that  in  vers.  9-12 ;  the  former  may  have 
been  by  the  prophet  Grad,  against  which,  how- 
ever, as  Erdmann  remarks,  is  the  use  of  the  phrase 
"inquire  of  the  Lord,"  which  regularly  refers  to 
the  sacred  oracle. — On  the  whole,  if  we  retain  the 
Heb.  text  of  ver.  6,  we  must  hold  that  Abiathar 
joined  David  after  the  rescue  of  Keilah ;  but  a 
slight  change  in  the  text*  (which  seems  to  be 
corrupt)  will  permit  us  to  adopt  the  view  of  The- 
nius, Keil,  Philippson,  and  Erdmann,  which  is 
in  other  respects  more  satisfactory.  This  latter  is 
also  the  view  of  Wordsworth,  while  Bp.  Patrick 


*  [Read :  "  When  Abiathar,  etc.  fled  to  David,  the  ephod 
was  in  his  hand,  and  he  came  down  to  Keilah."— Ta.J 


£90 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


adopts  the  other  (referring  to  the  employment  of 
Urim  and  Thummim  by  Saul  xxviii.  6,  on  which 
see  Erdmann),  but  neither  of  these  writers  men- 
tions the  difficulties  of  the  question. — Tb.]. — Ver. 
7.  On  hearing  of  David's  march  to  Keilah,  Saul 
imagines  that  God  has  given  him  into  his  hands. 
He  thinks  that  he  will  act  as  an  instrument  of 
the  Lord  against  David.  His  reason  therefor  is 
indeed  external  and  superficial  enough :  "  for  he 
is  there  shut  in  in  a  city  with  gates  and  bars." 
03i  in  pregnant  sense  =  "  look  at,  ignore,  Deut. 

xxxii.  27,  despise,  reject,"  Jar.  xix.  4) ;  mto  my 
hands  [Heb.  hand],  that  is,  he  hath  given  him, 
by  abandoning  and  rejecting  him.     By  blinding 
and  self-deception  Saul  has  fallen  into  the  dread- 
ful illusion  that  it  is  David,  instead  of  himself, 
that  is  rejected  by  God. — The  difficulty  of  the 
pregnant  expression  [God  has  rejected  him  into 
my  hands]  no  doubt  occasioned  the  change  in  the 
Sapt.  to  "sold." — For  he  is  shut  in  in  enter- 
ing.*   The  fact  that  David  has  entered  or  been 
drawn  into  this  city  with  gates  and  bars,  Saul 
thinks  equivalent  to  his  bemg  shut  in. — Ver.  8. 
And  Saul   cansed  the   'whole   people  to 
hear,  gammoned   them  to  war    (comp.  xv.  4). 
Such   summons  to  war  was  a  royal  right.     The 
reason  assigned  to  the  people  for  the  summons 
was  to  drive  out  the  Philistines.      Saul's  real 
purpose,  which  he  could  the  more  easily  conceal 
Tinder  this  pretext  of  war  on  the  Philistines,  was : 
to  besiege  David  and  his  men,  who  were 
already  in  Keilah,  the  city  with  gates  and  bars. 
— Ver.  9.  David,  however,  had  information  of 
these  evil  plans,  which  Saul  was  forging  against 
him;  the  Heb.  (B'^n)  is  literally  "to  work  in 
metals,"  and  so  "vigorously  to  work  evil,"  as  in 
Prov.  lii.  29;  xiv.  22;  comp.  Hos.  x.  13.     [The 
"secretly"  of  Eng.  A.  V.  isto  be  omitted.— Te.]. 
This  gives  David  occasion  again  to  consult  the 
divine  oracle.     Bring  hither  the  ephod,  said 
hetoAbiathar  (comp.  xiv.  13;  xxx.  7).     The 
high-priestly  dress  had  to  be  brought,  because  it 
was  the  sacred  dress  for  official  duties. — Ver.  10. 
This  inquiry  of  the  Lord  by  the  ephod  was  con- 
nected with  outspoken  prayer,  whereby  is  indi- 
cated the  innermost  kernel  and  most  essential  sig- 
nificance of  this  questioning  of  the  divine  oracle. 
In  the  invocation  of  God  there  is  here  to  be  noted 
1)  the  designation  of  the  covenant-God  as  the 
God  of  Israel,  and  2)  David's  avowal  that  he  is 
the  servant  of  this  God,  in  whose  service  he  knew 
himself  to  be.    The  reason  for  his  questions  is 
given  in  the  words:    I,  thy  servant,  have 
beard  that  Sanl  seeks  to  come,  etc. — Ver. 
11.  The  two  questions.    The  first  is :    Will  the 
citizens  of  Keilah   deliver  me  into  his 


hand  ?— "  Oitieem"  ('p  7^3)  comp.  Josh.  xxiv. 
11,  "  citizens  "  of  Jericho,  2  Sam.  xxi.  12 ;  Judg. 
ix.  6._  That  this  question  stands  first  is  certainly 
surprising,  since  logicallj'  this  position  belongs 
to  tliesecond  question :  WxU  Saul  come  down  ? 
We  cannot  regard  this  as  a  mere  inconcinnity  in 
the  narrative.    We  may  see  in  it  the  expression 


•S'laS  euvdo— comp.  "IDnS  dkendo,  "saying."    The 

T         i  .. 

Inf.  with  T  is  often  used  to  introduce  a  subordinate  cir- 
cumstance. Ew.  §  280  d.  Comp.  1  Ki.  XTi.  7 ;  Pa.  Uxviii. 
18;  IxiiL  3  J  1  Chr.  xii.  8 ;  Prov.  xxyi.  2;  Joel  ii.  26. 


of  David's  excited  state  of  mind.  Thenius'  pro- 
posed reading  in  order  to  secure  logical  arrange- 
ment in  the  two  questions,  namely :  "Saul  comes 
...  to  destroy  the  city,  in  order  that  the  citizens 
of  Keilah  ma,y  deliver  me  into  his  hand "  (he 
omits  the  suffix  in  'T^i'.?  in  ver.  10  and  for 
''J^JDjnreads''J.'l-l?D)  is  all  the  more  hazardous  and 
untenable,  as  no  version  gives  any  hint  for  such 
a  reading. — The  divine  answer,  which  is  affirma- 
tive, refers  only  to  the  second  question.  There- 
fore the  first  question  is  repeated  in  ver.  12,  and 
is  then  answered  in  the  affirmative.  There  is 
thus  a  sort  of  chiasm  or  crossing  in  the  order  of 
the  questions  and  answers.  Ver.  13.  The  certainty 
that  Saul  will  come  with  an  army,  and  that  the 
men  of  Keilah  will  treacherously  deliver  him  up,* 
determines  David  to  depart  with  his  band  (about 
six  hundred  men)  before  Saul  can  carry  out  his 
plan.  They  went  about  whitbe'r  they 
■went,  "whither  theirway  led  them"  (Maurer), 
as  chance  circumstances  required,  without  fixed 
plan  or  aim.  A  mode  of  warfare  by  means  of 
scouts  and  spies  now  arose  between  the  two  men. 
They  have  precise  information  of  each  other's 
plans  and  enterprises.  Saul  soon  learns  that 
David  has  escaped  from  Keilah,  and  accordingly 
abandons  his  intended  march  thither. 

Vers.  14.  David  in  the  vrUdemess  of  Ziph  and  the 
treachery  of  the  Ziphites  towards  him.  Ver.  14. 
David!  s  next  place  of  ai)ode  is  in  general  the  mlder- 
ness,  that  is,  of  Judah,  and  its  sheltering  heights; 
but  "the  mountain  in  the  wHdemess  of  Ziph"  is 
specially  mentioned  as  a  more  permanent  dwell- 
ing-place. Ziph  (different  from  the  place  named 
in  Josh.  XV.  24,  which  lay  southwest  of  Arad), 
perhaps  the  present  Kuseifeh  {Sob.  IIL,  184, 188 
[Am.  ed.,  II.,  200])  Josh.  xv.  55,  lay  farther 
north  on  the  highland,  about  eight  miles  southeast 
of  Hebron ;  see  Robins.,  II.,  47  [Am.  ed.,  I.,  492] 
who  found  there  a  hill,  TeU  Zif,  and  near  by  con- 
siderable ruins  of  old  fortifications.  [Mr.  Grove, 
who  formerly  objected  to  Robinson's  conjecture, 
now  accepts  it,  but  puts  Zif  (=  Ziph)  three  miles 
south  of  Hebron.  See  his  Art.  in  Smith's  Bib.- 
Dict.,  and  Dr.  Hackett's  note  in  Am.  ed. — Te.] 
Individual  parts  of  the  great  wilderness  of  Judah, 
which  extended  from  the  north  of  Judah  to  the 
Amorite  mountain  in  the  south  between  the 
mountains  of  Judah  and  the  Dead  Sea,  were  named 
from  the  various  cities  on  the  border  of  the 
mountains  and  the  wilderness;  so,  besides  the 
wilderness  of  Ziph,  the  wilderness  of  Maon,  whi- 
ther David  afterwards  went  from  Ziph  (ver.  25). 
The  mountain  in  the  vnldemess  of  Ziph  is  probably 
the  mount  SachUah  of  ver.  19.  The  general  re- 
mark is  here  proleptically  made  that  all  Saul's 
attempts  against  David  were  vain.  Saul  sought 
him  every  day,  not :  throughout  his  life  (KeU), 
but  =  continually;  but  God  gave  him  not 
into  his  (Saul's)  hands.— David  was  under  the 
special  protection  of  God.  These  words  form  the 
contrast  to  Saul's  word,  ver.  7 :  "  God  has  rejected 
[delivered]  him  into  my  hand."  After  the  gene- 
ral remark  on  the  failure  of  Saul's  continued 
attempts  follows  (ver.  15)  the  mention  of  special 
cases,  and  the  description  of  David! s  persecution. 
Thus  connected  with  the  preceding  this  verse  (15) 


*  [They  not  perhaps,  partly  from  attachment  to  Saul, 
partly  from  policy. — Te.] 


CHAP.  XXni.  1-18. 


291 


is  not  a  "useless  repetition"  (Then.);  for,  after 
the  statement  that  Saul  pursued  David,  it  is  here 
first  declared  that  David  received  informaMon  of 
this  pursuit,  and  then  David's  retreat  in  the  wil- 
derness is  more  exactly  described  by  the  ■word 
"wood,"  or  thick  wood  (n»"in5,  from  tPin,  with 
n  parag.).  Here,  too,  the  forest  is  David's  chief 
means  of  concealment.  Perhaps  the  word  is  also 
a  proper  name  [Horesh],  so  called  from  the 
forests,  of  which  there  is  now  no  trace  in  that 
region. — ^Vers.  16-18.  Here  is  related  how  Jona- 
than comforted  and  strengthened  David,  when  the 
latter,  having  heard  of  Saul's  attempts  against 
him,  greatly  needed  consolation.  There  is  no 
ground  for  regarding  this  (Then.)  as  merely  the 
essential  content  of  the  traditional  narration  of 
Jonathan's  secret  interview  with  David  in  ch.  xx. 
It  is  another  interview  of  Jonathan  with  his  friend, 
whose  distress  and  danger  led  him  to  hasten  to 
him  in  order  by  consoling  and  encouraging  words 
to  give  him  the  most  precious  proof  of  his  faith- 
ful friendship.*  The  fact  is  especially  emphasized 
that  Jonathan  went  to  David  into  the  wood;  there 
they  could  be  safest  from  Saul.  He  strength- 
ened bis  hand  in  God;  that  is,  he  revived 
his  sunken  courage  (comp.Neh.  xii.  18),  by  point- 
ing to  the  divine  promises,  the  divine  protection, 
and  the  great  things  that  God  had  in  store  for 
him.  Not  wholly  correct  and  exhaustive  is  Cleri- 
cub'  remark :  "  he  drew  consolation  from  his  inno- 
cence and  God's  promises." — Ver.  17.  The  words 
of  Jonathan,  explaining  what  was  just  before 
said.  Pear  not,  is  the  key-note  of  Jonathan's 
address.  As  ground  of  which  he  points  1)  to 
God's  almighiy  hdp:  Saul's  hand  will  not  find 
thee, — he  is  firmly  convinced  that  he  (David)  is 
under  God's  protection,  and  that  therefore  Saul 
can  gain  no  advantage  over  him, — and  2)  to  the 
fixed  dim?i«  decree;  Thou  wilt  be  king  over 
Israel;  Jonathan  was  certain  through  divine 
Uluminatiou  that  David  was  called  by  the  Lord 
to  be  king  of  Israel,  and  could  therefore  console 
and  encourage  him;  for  Saul  could  not  make  void 
God's  counsel  and  will  (comp.  xx.  13  sq.).  I 
shall  be  next  to  thee, — herein  Jonathan 
shows  1)  his  absolute  willingness  to  resign  all 
claim  to  the  throne,  and  2)  his  hope  that  David 
will  confer  on  him  as  a  subject  the  place  nearest 
in  association  to  himself.  And  so  also  Saul 
knows,  my  father  is  sure  that  thou  wilt  be  kin";. 
Saul  must  therefore  have  already  learned  this 
through  the  voice  of  God  and  of  the  people. — 
Ver.  18.  A  new  covenant  is  made  by  the  two  men, 
comp.  ch.  XX.  16  sq.,  42.  Here,  as  there,  the 
parting  is  briefly  and  vividly  described :  David 
remained  in  the  thicket — Jonathan  went 
his  way  home.  [The  two  friends  meet  no  more 
in  life.  How  it  would  haveheen  if  Jonathan  had 
lived  we  cannot  tell;  but  all  possible  complica- 
tions were  avoided  by  his  death.  His  life  thus  pre- 
sents an  untarnished  picture  of  pure,  self-denying 
friendship.  This  parting  is  one  of  the  many  drar 
matic  situations  that  occur  in  this  Book. — Tb.] 

Vers.  19-24  a.  The  Ziphites  betray  to  Saul  Dar 
vid's  aljode  among  them ;  Saul  forms  with  the 
betrayers  his  crafty  scheme  against  David.  Ver. 
19  is  connected  with  ver.  15,   not  with  ver.  14 

'  [It  is  suggested  in  Bib.-Qm.  that  Jonathan  had  in- 
formed DavM  of  his  father's  designs  (ver.  16),  but  this  is 
nowhere  intimated. — Tb.] 


(Thenius).  "  ZiphUes,"  people  of  Ziph  [without 
the  Art. — Tb.]  Some  Ziphites  went  up  to  Saul 
to  Gibeah  to  betray  to  him  David's  abode.  X%e 
mountain  JSachUah,  with  its  wood  and  its  rocks, 
lay  "on  the  right  of  the  denert;"  that  is,  south  of 
the  waste  region  which  stretched  out  on  the  west 
of  the  Dead  Sea  within  the  steppe  of  Judah.  The 
Article  indicates  the  desert  to  be  that  well-known 
desert  in  this  region,  the  designation  being  almost 
a  proper  name  [written  aa  nom.  pr.  "  Jeshimon" 
in  Eng.  A.  V. — Tb.]  So  in  Num.  xxi.  20 ;  xxiii. 
28,  a  desert  is  called  "the  desert"  [Eng.  A.  V. 
Jeshimon].  This  is  the  desert  northeastern  bor- 
der of  the  Dead  Sea. — Ver.  20.  The  lively  tone 
of  the  address  of  the  Ziphites  shows  that  they 
were  somewhat  passionate  adherents  of  Saul,  and 
acquainted  with  his  most  secret  desires.  Two 
things  they  say  to  him :  1 )  Come  down  to  us,  for 
all  thy  desire  to  get  David  in  thy  power  may  now 
be  fulfilled;  2)  it  is  our  aflfair  to  deliver  him  up 
to  thee.  [iii6.-Com.  less  well  renders:  "it  is  in 
our  power,"  etc. — Tb.]. — Ver.  21.  The  feeling 
expressed  in  Saul's  answer  agrees  with  the  Ziphites" 
word  as  to  his  keen  desire  to  come  down  to  them. 
He  invokes  G«d's  blessing  on  them  for  their  offer 
and  promise.  He  reniains  true  to  his  illusion 
that  David  is  attempting  his  throne  and  life,  and 
so  committing  a  crime  against  God.  He  imagines 
that  he  is  in  a  dangerous  situation,  and  that  the 
Ziphites  had  compassion  on  him  or  sympathy 
with  him  in  making  him  this  offer. — Ver.  22.  He 
directs  them  how  to  act  in  order  to  gain  informal 
tion  of  every  retreat  of  David  in  his  constant 
shifting  of  place.     "Fix  your  mind,  observe" 

(supply  3*7  as  in  Judg.  xii.  6 ;  2  Chr.  xxix.  36). 
The  heaping  up  of  synonyms  is  no  argument 
against  this  rendering;  the  conception  "see"  is 
not  thrice  expressed  (Then.),  but  there  is  a  gra- 
dation, Saul  describing  in  an  animated  manner 
how  they  are  to  get  information  of  David's  abode : 
"  Keep  a  good  look-out  still,  that  ye  may  learn, 
and  that  ye  may  see  in  what  place  his  foot  will  be," 
that  is,  where  he  fixes  himself  in  his  wandering. 
"  Who  has  seen  him"  refers  to  the  last:  "And  see 
his  place,"  etc.  The  words,  in  keeping  with 
Saul's  animated  manner,  are  loosely  put  together, 
he  having  in  mind  the  moment  when  the  man 
who  discovers  David's  abode  comes  to  inform 
him.  Saul  affirms  the  necessity  for  this  espionage 
in  the  remark:  "  for  it  is  told  me  that  he  is  very 
subtle."  This  trait  of  character  in  David  agrees 
with  what  we  otherwise  know  of  him  in  this  re- 
spect.—Ver.  23.  Saul  continues  his  directions, 
and  cannot  say  enough  (to  satisfy  himself)  to  ex- 
hort them  to  search  in  every  nook  and  cranny. 
"  Return  to  me  unto  what  is  certain;"  that  is,  when 
you  have  gotten  certain  information.  Not  till 
then  will  he  go  down  with  them.  He  confidently 
declares  that  he  will  then  seize  him  among  all 
the  thousands  of  Judah.  The  Alaphim, 
thousands  are,  according  to  Num.  i.  16 ;  x.  4,  the 
larger  divisions  of  the  twelve  Tribes. — Ver.  24  a. 
The  Ziphites  went  back  to  their  region  before 
Saul,  who,  according  to  the  agreement,  was  to  fol- 
low later. 

Vers.  24  b-28.  David  retires  to  the  wOdemess  of 
Moon,  and  is  delivered  from  Said. — Ver.  24  b. 
The  wilderness  of  Moon  lay  farther  south.  The 
name  still  exists,  =  Main,  eight  miles  southeast 


292 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


of  Hebron ;  the  distance  from  Ziph  is  therefore 
only  six  miles.  Main  lies  on  a  conical  hUl,  wliich 
commands  a  wide  view,  so  that  Rob.  (II.,  433 
[Am.  Ed.,  I.,  493-495] )  thence  saw  nine  cities  of 
the  hill-country  of  Judah,  Maon,  Carmel,  Ziph, 
Juttah,  Jattir,  Socho,  Anab,  Eshtemoa,  and  He- 
bron (Josh.  XV.  48-55).  On  the  character  of  the 
ground  see  Van  de  Velde  II.  107  sq.  [Mr.  Grove 
in  Smith's  Bihle  Diet,  thinks  that  the  wilderness 
of  Maon  formed  part  of  the  larger  region  called 
the  Arabah,  rendered  in  Eng.  A.  V- 1  Sam.  xxiii. 
24,  "  the  plain."— Tk.].— David,  doubtless  in  con- 
sequence of  information  received  as  to  the  designs 
of  Saul  and  the  Ziphites,  betook  himself  to  the 
wilderness  of  Maon. 

Ver.  25.  And  Saul  .  .  .  went,  namely,  after 
he  had  gotten  information  from  the  Ziphites. 
The  "ro^,"  on  which  it  is  here  presupposed  that 
David  was  staying,  and  which  was  in  the  wilder- 
ness of  Maon,  is  perhaps  the  conical  hill  of  the 
present  Main,  whose  summit  is  surrounded  with 
ruins.  He  went  down  not  (as  Sept.)  "into  the 
rock,"  nor  "to  the  rock"  (Buns.),  hut  " descended 
the  rock,"  in  order  to  conceal  himself  in  the  low- 
land or  in  the  caves  at  its  base.  It  is  the  same 
mountain  that  is  mentioned  in  ver.  26,  on  opposite 
sides  of  which  Saul  and  David  found  themselves. 
Here  (ver.  26)  David  was  sore  trovhled  ('fnp)  to 
escape  Said,  while,  on  his  part,  Saul  attempted  to 
surround  and  seise  him, — ^Ver.  27.  But  suddenly, 
when  David  is  in  the  greatest  danger  of  being 
surrounded,  Saul  receives  information  of  a  new 
Philistine  incursion.  He  must  desist  from  farther 
pursuit.  This  was  Grod's  plan  to  save  David. 
The  Philistines  had  seized  on  the  moment  when 
Saul  had  withdrawn  his  men  to  the  south  in  pur- 
suit of  David,  to  invade  the  upper  part  of  the 
land. — Ver.  28.  The  place  was  called  Sela  ham- 

mahlekoth  (^^P/nHnySp).  There  are  two  ex- 
planations of  the  name:  1)  rock  of  smoothness, 
that  is,  of  escape,  and  2)  rock  of  dividings  or  dim" 
sions.  The  first  (Ges.,  DeWette,  ICeil),  takes  the 
notion  of  "escape"  from  the  signification  of  the 

verb  (pjn)  "to  be  smooth,"  for  which  applica- 
tion, however,  only  Jer.  xxxvii.  12,  and  that  very 
doubtfully,  can  b?  adduced.  Further  the  substan- 
tive here  used  never  means  "  escape,"  but  always 
"distribution"  (Josh.  xi.  23;  xii.  7;  xviii.  10; 
Ezek.  xlviii.  29)  and  "division"  (1  Chr.xxvi.l; 
xxvii.  1 ;  2  Chr.  xxxi.  17)  and  it  must  so  be  taken 
here.  This  explanation  is  favored  also  by  the 
word  "therefore,"  which  clearly  refers  to  the 
circumstantially  related  fact  that  the  armies  of 
Saul  and  David  were  separated,  divided  by  the 
rock.    EaaUHs  explanation:   "lot  of  fate"  (= 

p7n)  is  unfounded.  It  accordingly  means: 
"Rock  of  division."  Cler.:  "rock  of  divisions, 
where  Saul  and  David  were  separated."  The 
rock  divided  the  two  armies,  hdd  them  asunder. 
Bottcher  conjectures  that  the  rock  might  originally 
from  its  nature  have  been  called  "rock  oi smooth- 
ness," and  this  name  might  afterwards  from  histo- 
rical recollection  have  been  made  to  refer  to  the 
movements  of  Saul  and  David,  who  according  to 
ver.  26  had  divided  the  rock-ground  between  them. 
Certainly  this  explanation  of  the  name  ''  Rock 
of  dividings,  partings,"  would  be  possible  as  re- 


spects the  ground.  But,  by  reason  of  the  "  there- 
fore," the  reference  to  Saul  and  David's  relation 
to  one  another  suits  the  connection  better. 

HISTORICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  David  did  not  seek,  but  received  from  the 
Lord's  hand  the  opportunity  by  the  march  to 
Keilah  to  perform  a  heroic  deed,  and  thus  to  win 
further  consideration  in  the  eyes  of  the  people  as 
a  warrior  blessed  by  God  and  crowned  with  glo- 
rious success.  The  king  left  the  city  open  to  the 
attacks  of  the  Philistines.  He  neglected  hb  duty 
as  protector  of  his  people  against  the  hereditary 
foe,  thinking  only  of  revenging  himself  on  David. 
Here  also  David  was  under  God's  protection,  to 
which  he  humbly  resigned  himself.  After  he  had 
at  the  Lord's  command  returned  from  Moab  to 
Judah,  he  must,  in  the  fact  that  the  Philistines 
undisturbed  besieged  Keilah  and  carried  off  the 
grain,  while  Saul  took  no  steps  to  oppose  them, 
have  recognized  God's  command  to  draw  the 
sword  for  his  people,  especially  as  he  was  the 
king's  general,  though  he  had  received  no  order 
from  the  king.  But  for  his  conscience  and  his 
assurance  of  feith,  as  well  as  for  the  certainty  and 
success  of  the  whole  undertaking,  he  needed  the 
divine  authorization ;  if  he  had  not  the  sanction 
of  the  theocratic  king,  he  must  have  that  of  God 
Himself,  since  the  question  was  of  a  matter  im- 
portant for  the  people  of  God  and  for  the  affairs 
of  God's  kingdom  in  Israel, — war  against  Israel's 
hereditary  foe.  He  received  the  divine  authori- 
zation and  the  promise  of  success  through  a  twice 
affirmed  divine  oracle.  By  the  divine  promise 
he  is  inwardly  certain  of  success.  Even  in  straits 
and  danger,  he  now  with  the  Lord's  support  be- 
comes the  saviour  of  his  people  out  of  straits  and 
danger.  But  in  the  deed  of  deliverance  itself  lies 
the  seed  of  new  suffering.  The  rescue  of  Keilah 
by  David  occasioned  Saul's  march  to  Keilah 
against  David.  The  inhabitants  of  Keilah  exhi- 
bit base  ingratitude  towards  him.  By  God's  word 
he  learns  what  dangers  here  threaten  him.  By 
God's  direction  he  again  takes  to  flight  to  save 
himself  from  Saul — but  the  incursion  of  the  Phi- 
listines, occasioned  by  Saul's  march  to  the  south, 
compels  him  to  desist  from  following  David,  who 
thus  e.scapes  his  persecutor.  Thus  this  section 
exhibits  David  anew  in  the  clearest  light  of  di- 
vine guidance  as  the  Chosen  and  Anointed  of 
God:  1)  submitting  himself  unconditionally  to 
God's  determining  word  and  guiding  will,  and 
2)  guided  directly  by  Grod's  hand  and  determined 
in  all  his  affairs  by  God's  will  and  word. 

2.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  form  of  the  in- 
quiry of  Ood  through  the  Urim  and  Thummim 
(which  was  attached  to  the  ephod  of  the  high- 
priest),  yet  in  this  section  it  is  clearly  and  dis- 
tinctly indicated  that  it  was  an  embodied  prayer  to 
Ood  for  the  revelation  of  His  will,  and  only  to  such 
prayer  was  God's  counsel  and  will  thus  revealed. 
One's  own  natural  objection  and  other  men's  op- 
position to  God's  will  must  by  this  repeated  ques- 
tioning of  the  Lord  and  decision  and  confirmation 
of  His  will  be  most  completely  refuted  and  set 
aside.  Flesh-and-blood's  deliberations  concern- 
ing what  pertains  to  God's  kingdom  lead  to  inde- 
cision, doubt,  timidity;  taking  counsel  with  God 
in  direct  access  to  His  grace  and  truth  makes  the 


CHAP.  XXm.  1-18. 


293 


heart  firm  and  the  look  clear,  and  gives  true  cou- 
rage and  victorioua  prowess,  as  is  shown  by  the 
example  of  David,  who  repeatedly  inqmred  of  the 
Lord. 

3.  The  teaching  of  the  Ziphites  forms  the 
historical,  background  of  Ps.  liv.,  the  title  of  which 
refers  its  origin  to  David's  thence  resulting  sor- 
rowful experiences,  1  Sam.  xxiii.  19  sq.  In  full 
accordance  with  his  then  dangerous  situation  and 
with  a  backward  glance  at  God's  wonderful  help, 
he  first  utters  z.  prayer  for  deliverance  from  wicked 
and  ungodly  enemies,  vers.  3-5  (1-3),  and  then 
expresses  his  assurance  of  divine  help,  together 
with  the  promise  of  thanksgiving  for  deliverance, 
vers.  6-9  (4r-7). 

4.  Out  of  these  great  experiences,  in  David's 
sorrowful  Kfe,  of  the  grace  and  power,  wisdom 
and  justice,  mercy  and  goodness  of  God,  was  de- 
veloped in  him  and  through  him  in  his  people 
that  intelligence  of  faith  and  theological  know- 
ledge which  we  see  in  the  Psalms  and  the  pro- 
phetical writings. 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PEACTICAL. 

Ver.  2.  Stabke:  God  forsakes  not  those  who 
seek  Him  (Ps.  ix.  11  [10]).  When  we  wish  to 
begin  any  thing,  we  should  first  ask  counsel  of 
God. — Ver.  3.  Crameb  :  Flesh  and  blood  trem- 
bles when  at  God's  command  we  have  to  encoun- 
ter danger.  Schmid:  Corrupt  human  reason  al- 
ways has  something  which  it  opposes  to  the  word 
of  God. — Ver.  4.  Staeke:  When  we  have  God's 
will  on  our  side,  we  should  not  let  ourselves  be 
led  astray  by  men  (Acts  xxi.  13, 14).  The  shield 
of  the  pious  is  with  God,  who  helps  pious  hearts 
(Ps.  vii.  11  [10]). — ^Ver.  5.  Cbambb:  In  trouble 
God  yet  sometimes  gives  a  joyous  day,  and  after 
the  troublous  storm  He  shows  a  glimpse  of  His 
grace  (Eccl.  vii.  14). — Ver.  7.  Osianbek:  Hypo- 
crites have  God's  name  in  the  mouth,  but  the  de- 
vil always  in  the  heart.  And  although  they 
speak  of  God,  yet  they  have  always  a  bloody 
mind  against  God's  people  (Ps.  1.  16,  17). — Vers. 
11,  12.  God  foresees  not  only  what  will  really 
happen,  but  also  what  would  follow  if  this  and 
that  should  happen.  His  omniscience  and  fore- 
knowledge is  a  boundless  and  bottomless  sea 
(Acts  xxvii.  24-31). — The  greatest  benefits  are 
often  requited  with  the  greatest  ingratitude,  and 
this  is  a  shameful  evil  among  men,  which  then 
most  betrays  itself  when  they  should  be  thankful. 
— ScHLiEE :  True  thankfukiess  which  fears  God 
knows  well  how  to  find  out  the  right.  Let  us  be 
thankful  in  all  things  1  We  need  not  for  that 
reason  do  wrong  when  the  point  is  to  be  thank- 
ful, but  when  true  thankfulness  fills  the  heart 
there  open  up  ways  enough  to  show  it. — Ver. 
16  eq.  Osiandeb:  It  is  a  work  acceptable  to  God 
to  comfort  the  afflicted  (Isa.  xl.  1;  1  Thess.  v.  14). 
— God  is  wont  always  to  refresh  again  His  people 
who  are  in  danger,  that  they  may  not  utterly  sink 
under  the  cross  (2  Cor.  vii.  6). — Staeke:  True 
iriendship  must  be  grounded  in  communion  with 
God.  Eeal  love  does  not  diminish,  but  increases. 
— ScHLlEK :  God  lets  a  David  be  persecuted — ^lets 
him  be  driven  about  like  a  hunted  animal;  but 
at  His  own  time  He  also  sends  him  a  Jonathan 
with  friendly  words.  And  so  God  the  Lord  still 
always  does  to  all  His  servants. — F.  W.  Kbtjm- 


maoheb  :  The  picture  of  this  pair  of  friends — a 
picture  nobler  and  more  exalting  than  that  of  the 
heathen  Dioscuri,  beams  inextinguishably  in  the 
heaven  of  the  church,  as  a  kindling  and  inspiring 
ideal  of  unfeigned  manly  friendship,  sanctified  in 
God. — Vers.  25  sq.  Staeke:  God  never  leaves 
one  that  loves  Him  without  a  cross,  and  when 
one  cross  has  ceased,  another  is  at  once  ready 
(Ps.  Ixxiii.  14). — Osiander:  God  often  lets  His 
people  fell  into  extreme  need,  so  that  they  can 
neither  counsel  nor  help  themselves,  in  order 
that  the  divine  help  may  be  so  much  the  more  re- 
cognized and  honored  (Matt.  viii.  25). — Ckamee: 
God  lets  nothing  so  bad  happen,  but  that  He 
knows  how  to  make  out  of  it  something  good 
(Gen.  L  20). — Wuekt.  Bib.:  Even  enemies  must 
serve  our  God  in  reserving  His  believing  children 
from  peril  or  need  (2  Pet.  ii.  9). — Ver.  28.  Osr- 
andeb:  The  benefits  of  God  we  should  with 
thankful  mind  keep  in  lively  remembrance  (Ps. 
ciii.  2). — Schmeb  :  Why  is  it  that  the  Lord  very 
often  helps  only  when  the  need  has  reached  its 
height  I  It  is  in  order  that  we  may  give  the  ho- 
nor to  the  Lord  alone.^ — F.  W.  Krummacher: 
David  was  delivered  "at  the  last  hour,"  it  is 
true ;  but  this  never  strikes  too  late  for  the  Lord 
still  to  furnish  in  it  the  proof  to  those  that  trust 
in  Him,  that  His  word  is  Yea  and  Amen  when  it 
says,  "I  will  never  leave  thee  nor  forsake  thee." 

J.  DlSSBLHOEF :  flow  trying  days  shovM  be  borne 
after  God! s  heart:  1)  By  despairing  of  all  self-help 
and  believingly  fleeing  to  God's  heart,  there  to 
learn  supplication  and  thanksgiving.  2)  By 
opening  heart  and  hand  amid  our  own  need  for 
others'  need.  3)  By  contending  with  the  weapons 
of  gentleness  and  humility  against  the  supposed 
or  real  authors  of  the  trials. 

[Vers.  7-13.  David  at  Keiiah.  1)  Saul  eagerly 
arranges  to  seize  him :  a)  Rejoicing  beforehand 
in  a  success  taken  for  granted.  "Counting  the 
chickens,"  etc.;  b)  Inferring  that  God  was  on  his 
side  from  the  mere  prospect  of  a  single  success ; 
misinterpreting  Prm/idence,  comp.  xxiv.  4.  2)  The 
citizens  of  Keiiah  ready  to  betray  him — doubtless 
remembering  Nob;  Ingratitude — which  always 
finds  itself  some  excuse.  3)  David  sees  reason  to 
fear  them^  and  seeks  divine  direction:  a)  He 
speaks  humbly  as  God's  servant;  6)  He  earnestly 
implores  direction.  Prayer.  In  answer  to  hum- 
ble and  earnest  prayer,  God  often  delivers  from 
ungrateful  friends  and  scheming  foes. 

[Vers.  16-18.  The  last  meeting  of  Jonathan  and 
David:  1)  David  feeble  and  fearful  ("strength- 
ened," "fear  not").  Naturally  discouraged  by 
cowardly  ingratitude,  malignant  hostility,  weary 
wandering,  uncertainty  of  life.  2)  Jonathan  en- 
courages him:  a)  By  the  mere  fact  of  coming  to 
meet  him  through  difficulties  and  dangers;  6)  By 
piously  pointing  him  to  God;  c)  By  confident  as- 
surances of  preservation  and  triumph;  d)  By  de- 
claring that  his  great  enemy  himself  knows  this, 
comp.  xxiv.  20 ;  e)  By  avowing  his  own  willing- 
ness to  be  second  to  David.  3)  They  renew  their 
league  of  friendship  before  the  Lord  ( comp.  xviii. 
3;  XX.  16,  42).  They  part  to  meet  no  more  on 
earth.  Jonathan  is  next  mentioned  in  David's 
pathetic  lament  (2  Sam.  i.  17-27). 

[Vers.  25-27.  Datid^s  narrow  escape:  1)  He  is 
betrayed  by  men  of  his  own  tribe  (ver.  19),  and 


294  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


skilful  plans  are  laid  to  apprehend  him  (vers.  22- 
3).  2)  Hard  pressed,  fleeing  in  haste,  surrounded 
(ver.  26).     3)  Prays  to  trod  for  help  and  deliver- 


ance (Psalm  liv.).  4)  Strangely  delivered  at  th') 
last  moment  by  overruling  Providence  (ver.  27). 
— Te.] 


VI.  Dwind  in  the  Wilderness  of  Engedi.     He  spares  Said  in  the  cave.    His  conversation  vnth  Saul. 

Chap.  XXIV.  [Eng.  A.  V.  XXIII.  29— XXIV.  22]. 

2&  (1)        And  David  went  up  from  thence  and  dwelt  in  [ins.  the]  strongholds  at  [of] 

1  (2)     Engedi.'    And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Saul  was  returned  from  following  the 

Philistines,  that  it  was  told  him,  saying,  Behold,  David  is  in  the  wilderneas 

2  (3)     of  Engedi.    Then  [And]  Saul  took  three  thousand  chosen  men  [men  chosen] 

out  of  all  Israel,  and  went  to  seek  David  and  his  men  upon  the  rocks  of  the 

3  (4)     wild  goats."    And  he  came  to  the  sheep-cotes  by  [on]  the  way,  where  [and 

there]  was  a  cave,  and  Saul  went  in  to  cover  his  feet ;'  and  David  and  his 

4  (5)     men  remained  [were  abiding]  in  the  sides  of  the  cave.     And  the  men  of 

David  said  unto  him.  Behold  the  day  of  which  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto 
thee,  Behold,  I  will  deliver  thine  enemy  into  thine  hand,  that  thou  mayest  do 
to  him  as  it  shall  seem  good  unto  thee.     Then  [And]  David  arose,  and  cut 

5  (6)     off  the  skirt  of  Saul's  robe  privily.     And  it  came  to  pass  afterward  that 

6  (7)     David's  heart  smote  him  because  he  had  cut  off  Saul's  skirt.*    And  he  said 

unto  his  men,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  forbid'  that  I  should  do  this  thing  unto 
my  master  [lord],  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  anointed,  to  stretch  forth  mine 

7  (8)    hand  against  him,  seeing  [for]  he  is  the  anointed  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah].    So 

[And]  David  stayed'  his  servants  [men]  with  these  [om.  these]  woids,  and 
suffered  them  not  to  rise  against  Saul.  But  [And]  Saul  rose  up  out  of  the 
cave,  and  went  on  his  way. 

8  (9)        David  also  [And  David]  arose  afterward  and  went  out  of  the  cave  and 

cried  after  Saul,  saying.  My  lord  the  king.  And  when  [om.  when]  Saul 
looked  behind  him,  [ins.  and]  David  stooped  with  his  face  to  the  eaxSa.  and 

9  (10)  bowed  himself.     And  David  said  to  Saul,  Wherefore  hearest'  thou  men's 
10  (11)  words,  saying.  Behold,  David  seeketh  thy  hurt?    Behold,  this  day  thine  eyes 

have  seen  how  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  [om.  had]  delivered  thee  to-day 
into  my  hand  in  the  cave,  and  some  bade'  me  kill  thee ;  but  [and]  mine  eye 
spared  thee,  and  I  said,  I  will  not  put  forth  my  hand  against  my  lord,  for  he 

TEXTUAL   AND   GKAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  29  (1).  See  the  various  VSS.  in  this  verse  as  an  illustration  of  the  uncertainty  in  proper  names. — Ti.] 
3  [Ver.  2  (3).  "  On  the  face  of  the  rocks."    Possibly  we  have  here  a  proper  name,  the  Jeelim  or  ibex-rocKS. 

— Tb.] 

8  [Ver.  3  (4).  Explained  in  all  the  VSS.  as  =Tds  t^vaifcd;  eKKpitreiv  Troi^o-ao-Sat  (so  Erdmann),  except  Syr.,  which 

has  "  to  sleep."— Te.] 

*  [Ver.  6  (6).  All  ancient  VSS.,  except  Chald.,  read :  "  the  skirt  of  Saul's  robe,"  and  so  some  MSS.  In  the  pre- 
sent Heb.  text  we  should  expect  the  Art.  before  t\J3,  and,  apparently,  we  should  either  supply  the  Art.,  or  adopt 
the  reading  of  the  VSS.— Ta.J  ' 

s  [Ver.  6  (7).  Literally :  "  a  profane  thing  be  it  to  me  from  Jehovah."— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  T  (8).  This  word  _^DK^''T  is  variously  rendered  by  the  VSS.:  oweKoJ^eaev,  flrepteoTrao-ev,  en-eto-ei',  ijffanjtrec, 

Chald.  "  quieted  "  (D'3).  Syr.  "  caused  to  repent,  turned  aside  "  (so  Eng.  A.  V.),  Arab. "  threateningly  admonished," 

Vulg.  "  oonfregit."    Levy  suggests  ^DtyM  as  the  reading  of  the  Vat.  Sept.  (eireio-e).    The  Heb.  word  contains  a 

strong  figure  (so  (Jesen.  and  Erdmann)  "cut  up "—" hindered,  restrained." — Tb.] 

'  [Ver.  9  (10).  Or:  " hearkeneat  thou  to."— Tk.] 

8  [Ver.  10  (11).  1DX,  indefinite  as  in  xxiii.  22  (Maurer),  so  Syr.,  Arab.,  Ohald.    The  phrase,  however,  presents 

some  difficulties.    It  is  objected  (Bib.  Com.)  that  the  subject  of  IDS  In  the  present  Heb.  text  is  naturally 

"  Jehovah,"  so  that  it  would  read:  "and  Jehovah  said  (commanded)  to  kill  thee;"  but  this  is  not  necessarily 
required  by  the  grammar,  and  is  in  David's  mouth  impossible  (Bib.  Com.).  Thenius  rejects  the  sense  of  "com- 
mand "  here  as  belonging  to  later  Heb.  (but  it  Is  found  in  2  Sam.  i.  18 ;  xvi.  11),  and  adopts  the  reading  'r\'3S  tOi 


CHAP.  XXIV.  1-22. 


295 


11  (12)  is  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  aaointed.     Moreover  [And]  my  father,*  see,  yea  see 

the  skirt  of  thy  robe  in  my  hand ;  for,  in  that  I  cut  off  the  skirt  of  thy  robe 
and  killed  thee  not,  know  thou  and  see  that  there  is  neither  evil  nor  trans- 
gression in  mine  hand,  and  I  have  not  sinned  against  thee ;  yet  thou  huntest'" 

12  (13)  my  soul  to  take  it.     The  Lord  [Jehovah]  judge  between  me  and  thee,  and 

the  Lord  [Jehovah]  avenge  me  of  thee;  but  my  l;and  shall  not  be  upon  thee. 

13  (14)  As"  saith  the  proverb  of  the  ancients.  Wickedness  proceedeth  from  the  wicked. 

14  (15)  But  my  hand  shall  not  be  upon  thee.     After  whom  is  the  king  of  Israel  come 

out?  after  whom  dost  thou  pursue?  after  a  dead  dog,  after  a  [one]"  flea. 

15  (16)  The  Lord  therefore  [And  Jehovah]  be  judge,  and  judge  between  me  and 

thee,  and  see,  and  plead  my  cause,  and  deliver  [judge]"  me  out  of  thine 
hand. 

16  (17)      And  it  came  to  pass,  when  David  had  made  an  end  of  speaking  these  words 

17  (18)  unto  Saul,  that  Saul  said,  Is  this  thy  voice,  my  son  David  ?    And  Saul  lifted 

up  his  voice  and  wept.  And  he  said  to  David,  Thou  art  more  righteous  than 
I,  for  thou  hast  rewarded  [done]'*  me  good,  whereas  [and]  I  have  rewarded 

18  (19)  [done]  thee  evil.     And  thou  hast  showed  tbia  day  how  that  thou  hast  dealt 

well  with  me,'^  forasmuch  as  when  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  [pm.  had]  deli- 

19  (20)  vered  me  into  thine  hand,  thou  killedst  me  not.     For,  if  a  man  find  his  ene- 

my, will  he  let  him  go  well  away  ?  wherefore  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  reward 

20  ("21)  thee  good  for  that  [what]  thou  hast  done  unto  me  this  day."    And  now, 

behold  I  know  well  [om.  well]  that  thou  shalt  surely  be  king,"  and  that  the 
kingdom  of  Israel  shall  be  established  in  thine  hand.  Swear  now  therefore 
unto  me  by  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  that  thou  wUt  not  cut  off  my  seed  after  me, 
22  (23")  and  that  thou  wilt  not  destroy  my  name  out  of  my  father's  house.  And 
David  sware  unto  Saul.  And  Saul  went  home  [to  his  house],  but  [and]  David 
and  his  men  gat  them  up  into'°  the  hold. 

"I  did  not  wish,"  after  the  Sept.  oic  ij^ouX^'Siji',  adding  that  the  Heb.  text  is  most  readily  explained  from  the 
Vulg.:  "et  eogitavi  ut  oaAierem  te,"  whence  Heb.  'OnDNI  (so  Bii).  Com,:).  Both  these  readings  (and  1  with  Impf.) 
Wellhausen  rejects,  and  reads  after  Sept.  |KD^S1  (as  in  1  Sam.  viii.  19),  which  is  more  probable  from  the  form 
(the  present  Heb.  might  easily  oome  from  it),  and  gives  a  good  sense.  We  cannot  infer  anything  as  to  the  text 
from  Josephus' omission  of  this  clause. — Tb.]  ,.    ,_.  l  •  i.      ,  ^    xi. 

»  (Ver.  n  (12).  The  mutilation  of  the  Sep*,  here  loses  the  expression  of  excitement  which  is  so  natural  to  the 
occasion. — Te.1 

10  Ver.  11(12).  Sept.  Seo-jxeu'ew—"  bindest  in  toils  "—"huntest."—TB.]  ■    ■,     ^-    ,     -i.,. 

"  [Ver.  V-  (14).  Wellhausen  holds  this  verse  to  be  an  interpolation  because  its  last  clause  is  identical  with 
the  last  clause  of  the  preceding  verse ;  but  would  not  this  repetition  here  be  very  natural  ?— Te.] 

M  [Ver.  U  (15).  The  rendering  "  one  "  for  nnX  is  more  lively,  yet  not  linguistically  necessary ;  the  numeral 

is  sometimes  used  as  Indef.  Art.,  as  in  1  Sam.  i.  1. — Tb,] 

"  [Ver.  13  (16).  Of  the  three  words  here  rendered  "judge"  the  second  and  third  are  the  same  in  the  Heb. 

(B3ty,  indicating  the  act  of  a  governor-judge)  and  the  first  different  from  these  ([n—a  judicial  officer).— Tb.] 
M  [Ver.  17  (IS).  The  sense  of  retribution  is  sometimes,  but  not  always  found  in  this  word  (7nj).— Tb.] 
«  rVer.  18  (19).  This  clause  seems  awkward.    We  would  expect :  "  thou  hast  showed  thy  willingness  to  deal 

well,"  or  simply :  "  thou  hast  dealt  well,"  for  the  "  showing  "  and  the  "  dealing  "are  identical  m  content ;  nor 

does  the  Sep£  \Hm«->^^  help.    Perhaps  we  should  render :  "  Thou  hast  showea  this  day  that  thou  dealest  well," 

that  is,  that  such  is  thy  purpose  and  policy.— Tb.] 

'«  [Ver.  19  (20).  On  this  text  see  Erdmann  in  the  Exposition.— Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  20  (22).  Here  one  MS.  and  Arab,  add  'IflX,  "after  me,"  an  obvious  supplement.— Tb.] 

«  [Ver.  22  (23).  Heb.  ^y,  " upon,"  but  thirty  MSB.  read  Sx,  "to."— Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CEITICAL. 

Vers.  1-8  [29-7].  David^s  abode  in  Engedi  and 
his  meeting  there  with  Saul  in  a  cave. — Ver.  1 
[29].  Engedi  the  present  Ain  Jidy  (Jeddi), 
"Fountain  of  the  kid"  ('Eyyad^,  '-EryaSai,  Ptol. 
5,  16,  8),  about  the  middle  of  the  west  shore  of 
the  Dead  Sea,  about  thirteen  miles  north-east  of 
Maon  on  the  border  of  the  wUdemesa  of  Judah, 
in  a  mountainous  region  with  Umestone-soil, 
with  precipitous  rocks  and  deep  gorges  which 
run  towards  the  Dead  Sea,  and  with  many  caves 
in  the  limestone-hills.     It  belonged  to  the  then 


few  very  fruitful  regions  of  the  wilderness  of 
Judah. — [For  a  good  account  of  Engedi  with  its 
magnificent  scenery,  its  frightful  and  dangerous 
rocfc-passea  and  its  many  roomy  caverns,  see 
Bib.  Com.  in  loco.  Thomson,  in  "  The  Land  and 
the  Book,"  speaks  of  the  wild  goats  still  to 
be  found  there.  —  Te.]  —  Ver.  2  [1]  aq.  The 
obstinacy  of  Saul's  adherence  to  his  bloody 
plan  against  David  appears  in  the  fact  that 
immediately  after  his  campaign  against  the 
Philistines,  perhaps  even  before  they  were 
completely  overthrown,  he  again  _  sends  out 
spies  against  David,  and  sets  out  with  a  large 
body  of  warriors  (3000)  in  order  to  seize  him. 


29G 


THE  FEBST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


He  sees  in  him  a  rival  king,  against  whom  he 
muat  march  fully  equipped,  and  whom  he  must 
destroy  by  a  superior  force  of  disciplined  troops. 
The  ibex-rocks,  so  called  by  the  people  per- 
haps, because  from  their  steepness  and  wildness 
the  ibexes  or  wild-goats  could  subsist  there.  See 
Bob.  II.  432  [Am.  Ed.  I.  500].  Mountain-goats 
still  abound  there.  In  the  hardly  accessible 
gorges  and  caves  Saul  with  his  men  sought  David 
and  his  followers,  rightly  supposing  that  the  lat- 
ter, being  few  in  number,  would  seek  to  hide  in 
this  region  so  full  of  hiding-places.  There  were 
and  are  caves  there  wherein  thousands  might  hide. 
— The  words :  The  sheepcotes  on  the  way- 
indicate  (Uke  the  "ibex-rocks")  a  well-known 
locality,  which  from  its  fruitflilness  in  this  other- 
wise waste  region  served  for  the  abode  of  flocks. 
[Thomson  saw  many  sheepfolds  at  the  mouths  of 
caves ;  they  were  made  by  piling  stones  up  in  a 
circle  and  covering  them  with  thorns. — Tr.]. 
Saul  looks  out  a  cave  in  the  vicinity  to  cover 
his  feet,  that  is,  to  obey  a  call  of  nature,  when 
the  Orientals  usually  cover  their  feet  (the  ancient 
Vss.  [except  Syr.],  Keil,  Then.),  not:  "to sleep" 
(Mich.,  Ew.  [Syr.]).  David  and  his  men 
abode  ■within  or  in  the  back  of  the  cave  [ver.  4 
(3)],  while  Saul  was  in  front  not  far  from  the  en- 
trance. The  description  supposes  a  very  large 
cave,  of  such  as  are  numerous  there.  But  whe- 
ther this  cave  is  to  be  identified  (as  Van  de  Vclde 
supposes)  with  the  one  near  the  village  Chareitwn 
in  the  Wady  of  the  same  name  southwest  of  the 
Frank  Mountain  and  north-east  of  Tckoa  (it  Ls 
a  limestone  arch  with  many  side-passages  and 
wide  dark  rear-spaces)  is  uncertain,  inasmuch  as 
the  latter  on  account  of  its  proximity  to  Tekoa 
would  be  reckoned  to  the  wilderness  of  Tekoa  ra- 
ther than  to  the  wilderness  of  Engedi,  and  be- 
sides is  from  fourteen  to  nineteen  miles  from  En- 
gedi, which  does  not  seem  to  have  been  tlie  case 
with  the  one  here  described.  [DeSaulcy  {B.  Ccnn.) 
suggests  Bir-el-Mauquouchieh  near  Wady  IIasa.sa 
as  the  place. — Te.]. — Ver.  5  [4].  David's  men 
advise  him  to  seize  this  opportunity,  given  him, 
as  they  think,  by  God,  to  rid  himself  of  his  deadly 
foe.  See,  this  is  the  day  of  -which  the  Lord 
said  to  thee. — The  Lord's  " mying"  can  here 
be  understood  only  in  the  general  sense  of  the 
divine  ordering  of  this  favorable  opportunity. 
This  day,  with  its  fortunate  meeting,  seemed  to 
them  a  hint  and  direction  from  God.  A  reference 
to  a  definite  divine  declaration,*  given  to  David 
through  a  prophet  (Clericus :  "  There  would  come 
a  time  when,  his  enemies  all  conquered  and  pros- 
trate, he  would  peacefully  govern  Israel")  is  not 
in  the  words  themselves. — Saul  had  laid  aside  his 
upper  gavmemt  [robe]  for  his  present  purpose  [oi-, 
remaining  on  him,  it  may  have  been  spread  out. 
— Tr.  ] .  The  situation  was  such  that  David  could, 
without  being  observed,  cut  oflf  a  comer  of  the  up- 
per garment.  David  -vvished  to  have  in  hand  this 
sign  that  Saul  had  been  defenceless  in  his  power, 
and  that  he  could  have  kiUed  him,  in  order  to 
use  it  with  Saul  at  the  proper  time.  His  heart 
smote  him,  not  with  fright  at  the  bold  under- 
taking (Then.,  Ew.),  for  the  deed  was  already 


*  [Some  cite  1  Sam.  xv.  28 ;  xvi.  1, 12,  and  alao  xx.  15 ; 
xxiii.  17,  but  it  is  not  probable  that  David's  men  would 
know  these.  Of  any  other  promise  we  have  no  men- 
tion.—Te.] 


done,  but  in  the  ethical  sense :  his  conscience  smote 
him.  From  what  follows  it  is  clear  that  David 
regarded  Saul's  person  as  sacred ;  he  reproached 
himself  with  having  secretly  cut  off  a  piece  of  his 
garment,  and  thus  failed  in  reverence  for  his  per- 
son. Cler. :  "  David  was  afraid  that  Saul  would 
take  this,  though  a  clear  sign  of  (David's)  magna- 
nimity, in  bad  part,  and  regard  it  as  a  violation 
of  hLs  royal  majesty." — Ver.  7  [6].  The  decisive 
and  solemn  rejection  of  the  advice  of  the  warriors 
to  assail  Saul.  Be  it  far  from  me  from  the 
Lord,  that  is,  on  the  Lord's  account;  it  is  a  reli- 
gious ground  which  restrains  him  from  following  ' 
the  advice  of  his  men.  For  OocHs  sake  he  will 
not  do  it,  because  Saul  is  the  anointed  of  the  Lord, 
a  person  made  sacred  by  the  Lord.  And  there- 
fore also  David  could  not  have  received  command 
from  the  Lord  to  deal  with  Saul  according  to  his 
good  pleasure. — Ver.  8  [7].  "David  cid  dawn,  his 
men  mith words"  (J'32'  "to  rend,  cut  to  pieces," 
then  figuratively  "cut  down  -with  words"  verbis 
dilaceravit),  Luther  "beat  back"  {abweisen),  too 
weak  [soEng.  A.V.  "  stayed."— Tb.]  ;  Berl.  Bib. 
better:  "pulled  away"  (aireissen).  David  was 
obliged  to  hold  back  his  men  with  reproving 
words  from  taking  bloody  vengeance  on  Saul. 
V/e  must  suppose  that  Saul  went  alone  into  the 
cave  at  a  distance  from  his  people,  and  did  not 
suspect  that  such  a  body  of  men  lay  immediately 
behind  his  back. 

Vers.  9-23  [8-22].  The  conversation  of  Damd 
and  Saul  at  a  distance. — Ver.  9  [8].  David  uses 
this  God-given  opportunity  to  assure  his  perse- 
cutor of  his  innocence,  and  to  lodge  a  sting  in  his 
conscience.  His  words  are  a  declaration  (wrung 
out  by  suffering)  from  heart  to  heart,  from  con- 
science to  conscience.  The  address :  My  Lord, 
O  king!  indicates  the  double  point  of  view 
whence  David  in  what  follows  declares  by  deed 
and  by  word  his  relation  and  attitude  to  Saul.  He 
recognizes  and  honors  Saul  as  his  lord  to  whom  he 
feels  himself  bound  to  be  subject ;  in  calling  him 
his  lord  he  declares  himself  guiltless  of  insurrec- 
tion against  him.  In  the  king  he  sees  the  amointeJ 
of  the  Lord,  the  bearer  of  the  holy  theocratic  of- 
fice, in  which  character  he  was  inviolable.  In 
calling  him  king  he  aifirms  that  he  is  far  from 
attacking  his  person  and  working  him  harm.  To 
this  address  corresponds  David's  behaviour,  his 
gesture  of  deepest  reverence :  he  bent  his  face 
to  the  earth  and  bowed  himself. — Ver.  10 
[9].  David  refers  first  to  the  calumnies  by  which 
he  had  been  blackened  to  Saul  as  his  enemy  seek- 
ing his  destruction.  Compare  the  title  of  Ps.  vii., 
which  refers  to  the  present  situation  ;  there  were 
calumniating  go-betweens,  one  of  whom  was  the 
otherwise  unknown  Benjamite  Cush,  who  stood, 
therefore,  in  the  same  category  with  the  Ziphites 
and  Doeg.  Saul  hearkened  to  these  slanders  and 
believed  them,  because  his  heart  was  full  of  mis- 
trust and  hate  against  David. — Ver.  11  [10].  Da- 
vid expressly  represents  it  as  a  divinely  ordered 
circumstance  that  Saul  was  put  into  his  power. 
He  also  expressly  affirms  that  the  temptation  to 
kill  him  was  presented  to  him  ("lOX  "  one  said" 
as  in  xxiii.  22),  but  at  the  same  time  declares  that 
he  spared  him ;  to  the  "  spared  "  of  the  Heb.  sup- 
ply "  my  eye"  [so  Eng.  A.  V.— Tb.],  as  in  Gen. 
xlv.  20;  Deut.  vii,  16   (so  most  expositors)  or 


CnAP.  XXIV.  1-22. 


297 


"my  hand"  or  "my  soul"  (Cler.).  He  further 
gives  the  reason  which  deterred  him  from  laying 
hand  on  Saul,  his  lord:  for  he  is  the  Lord's 
anointed. — By  tlie  royal  anointing,  as  a  divine 
act,  Saul's  person  was  for  him  sacred,  inviolable. 
— Ver.  12  [11].  And  my  father;  with  this  ad- 
dress David  passes  from  his  relation  to  Saul  as 
king  to  the  divinely  ordered  relation  which  he 
occupied  towards  him  as  father.  To  this  ''  my 
father  "  answers  Saul's  "  my  sou."  David  calls 
Saul  father  Twt  (as  Grotius  thinks)  because  he  was 
his  father-in-law,  but  to  indicate  the  pious*  feel- 
ing which  so  fills  his  heart  as  he  speaks,  that  he 
involuntarily  breaks  out  into  this  address.  See 
ver.  17  [16]  and  xxvi.  17. — See,  yea  see. — A 
lively  introduction  of  the  faMwd  proof  of  whai  he 
had  just  said  that  Saul  had  been  given  into  his 
hand  so  that  he  could  have  done  to  him  what  he 
would.  The  "yea"  (DJ)  is  here  intensive,  not 
merely  copulative  (Ges.  |  155,  2  a).  The  skirt 
of  the  upper  garment  in  David's  hand  is  to  be  at 
the  same  time  ocular  proof  that  David  is  innocent 
of  the  wicked  accusations  brought  against  him  by 
the  calumniators.  With  his  innocence,  set  forth  in 
heaped  up  words :  "  in  my  hand  is  no  evil  nor 
transgression,  and  I  have  not  sinned  against  thee," 
he  next  contrasts  (with  the  adversative  phrase 
"(ItmJ  thov,"  and  in  curt,  incisive  words)  Saul's 
cnminal  conduct  towards  him  :  Thou  ^rorkest 
after  my  soul,  properly  "  huntest  my  soul ;" 
Cler.:  "A  very  suitable  phrase  concerning  a  man 
whom  his  enemy  was  pursuing  like  a  beast  over 
mountains  and  forests;"  Sept.:  "bindest,"  with 
allusion  to  the  nets  of  the  hunter,  and  so,  in  ac- 
cordance with  this  figure,  it  is  added :  to  take  it, 
Vulg.  id  avferas  earn. — Ver.  13  [12]  is  similarly 
to  be  taken  from  the  point  of  view  that  he  has  no 
evU  design  against  Saul. — The  Lord  will  judge 
between  me  and  thee,  that  is,  though  the 
Lord  gave  thee  into  my  hand,  I  attempted,  and 
shall  attempt  nothing  against  thee,  because  I 
leave  the  decision  wholly  to  the  Lord.  Here 
speaks  submission  to  God's  will,  leaving  to  him 
the  decLsion  concerning  right  and  wrong,  inno- 
cence and  guilt.  And  the  Lord  will  avenge 
me  of  thee, — ^the  expression  of  David's  con- 
fidence that  for  his  guilty  conduct  towards  his 
(David's)  innocence  Saul  will  not  go  unpun- 
ished, that  against  him  will  be  manifested 
the  weight  of  the  divine  punitive  justice. — 
But  my  hand  shall  not  be  against  thee, 
as  I  have  hitherto  been,  so  I  will  continue  to  be 
pure  irom  crime  against  thee;  OoiPs  hand  will 
punish  thy  injustice  towards  me,  my  hand  shall 
not  touch  thee. — Ver.  14  [13].  David  grounds 
this  declaration  of  innocence  on  the  reference  to 
its  inner  foundation  and  root  by  means  of  an 
"  old  proverb :"  from  the  evil  comes  edl,  evil  doing 
springs  from  an  evil  heart.  Cler.  well  explains : 
"David  means  to  say  that  if  he  had  been  guilty 
of  conspiracy  against  the  king,  he  would  not 
have  neglected  this  favorable  opportunity  to  kill 
him,  since  men  usually  indulge  their  feelings, 
and  from  a  mind  guilty  of  conspiracy  nothing 
but  corresponding  deeds  could  come  forth." 
Compare  the  Greek  proverb :  kokov  Kdpaxoc  xaxtiv 
o6v  ["from  a  bad  raven  a  bad  egg,"  see  Matt. 
vE  15-20. — Te.] — Grotius:  "Actions  usually 

*  [That  is  the  reiiermce,  fhepietas  of  the  Romans.— Tb.] 


correspond  to  the  quality  of  the  mind."  The 
repetition  of  the  words :  "  but  my  hand  shall  not 
be  against  thee,"  after  the  proverb  is  the  declara- 
tion of  innocence :  ''  1  am  not  wicked  and  crimi- 
nal, and,  therefore,  according  to  the  old  proverb, 
I  shall  undertake  and  do  nothing  evil  against 
thee,  wreak  no  vengeance  on  thee." — Ver.  15 
[14]  David  points  out  how  foolish,  superfluous 
and  um-oyal  is  Saul's  persecuting  campaign 
against  a  mean,  undangerous  man  like  him. 
Grot. :  "  A  very  pathetic  appeal  and  a  proof  of 
David's  very  great  modesty."  Comp.  Ps.  cxxxi. 
The  king  of  Israel  is  with  special  emphasis 
made  to  follow  the  "after  whom?"  in  contrast 
with  the  position  and  significance  of  the  person 
persecuted  by  him.  With  the  king  of  Israel 
adorned  with  honor  and  power  David  contrasts 
himself  under  the  figure  of  a  dead  dog:  1)  as  a 
despised,  lowly,  qualitatively  insignificant  man, 
comp.  xvii.  43;  2  Sam.  iii.  8,  where  the  figure 
of  a  dog  represents  a  man  despicable  in  the  eyes 
of  one  who  is,  or  is  supposed  to  be  of  high  stand- 
ing ;  2)  as  a  harmless,  or  in  no  vnse  dangerous  man, 
comp.  the  figure  of  the  dead  dog,  2  Sam.  ix.  8 ; 
xvi.  9. — The  comparison  with  the  fiea  adds  the 
idea  of  the  quantitatively  petty,  mean,  comp.  xxvi. 
20.  "Wherefore,"  would  David  say,  "O  thou 
mighty  king  of  Israel,  dost  thou  summon  thy 
army  against  so  little  and  insignificant  a  man  ?" 
Berl.  Bib.:  "against  a  single  flea,  which  is  not 
easily  caught,  and  easily  escapes,  and  if  it  is 
caught,  is  poor  game  for  a,  royal  hunter."  No 
more  than  a  dead  dog  can  harm,  and  a  flea 
endanger  thee,  am  I,  apart  from  the  fact  that  I 
have  no  wish  thereto,  m  position  to  work  thee 
destruction. — ^Ver.  16  [15].  Therefore — because 
Saul  persecutes  him  unjustly  as  an  innocent  man, 
and  foolishly  as  an  undangerous  man,  because  he, 
David,  is  unjustly  slandered  and  persecuted  as  a 
malicious  enemy  of  Saul — he  appeals  to  the 
Judge  who  alone  is  just  and  gives  success  to  a 
righteous  cause.  Ikv  things  David  here  says: 
1)  he  repeats  his  appeal  to  the  judicial  decision 
of  the  Lord  (ver.  13  [12]),  and  2)  declares  his 
firm  conviction  that  the  Lord  will  by  such  deci- 
sion help  him  to  his  rights  against  Saul:  He 
■will  conduct  my  cause,  that  is,  the  just  God, 
before  whom  I  am  not  only  consciously,  but 
really  innocent,  wiU  be  my  advocate,  undertake 
my  cause ;  and  do  me  justice  from  thy  hand, 
I  shall  be  delivered  out  of  thy  hand,  freed  from 
the  sujfferings  which  thou  preparest  me.  A  zeug- 
matic  construction.  —  [Bather  a  pregnant  con- 
struction :  "  will  judge  me  (and  thus  deliver  me) 
from  thy  hand."— Tb.]* 

Ver.  17  [16].  Saul's  answer  to  these  words  of 
David  shows  that  they  deeply  and  powerfully 


*  [Philippson :  "  This  address  of  Dayld  has  so  much 
natural  eloquence,  so  much  glow,  and  such  a  toneof 
conviction,  that  no  one  who  has  any  sense  for  the  sim- 
ple beauties  of  the  Bible  can  read  it  without  being 
moved.  The  whole  situation,  too,  is  noble:  David, 
standing  on  the  rocky  height  in  the  desert,  holding  on 
high  tho  trophy  of  his  magnanimity,  looking  at  and 
addfessing  the  melancholy  Saul,  whom  he  loved  as  a 
father,  honored  as  king,  reTered  as  the  Lord's  Anointed, 
who  yet  without  ground  hated  him  and  persecuted  him 
with  relentless  and  deadly  zeal— using  the  opportunity 
with  rapid  words,  which  expressed  his  deepest  feelingSj 
to  touch  the  heart  of  his  enemy— he  himself  full  of 
humility,  oppressed  by  indescribable  suffering  and 
weighed  down  by  the  feeling  of  powerlessness,  yet 
inspired  by  the  consciousness  of  a  noble  dcei." — Tk.] 


298 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


impressed  his  mind  and  sharply  pricked  his  con- 
science. The  address :  la  that  thy  voice,  my 
son  David?  indicates  hj  its  soft,  mild  tone 
that  David's  words,  issuing  from  a  deeply-moved 
heart,  and  in  the  ''my  father"  and  "thou  king 
of  Israel,  my  lord,"  expressing  profound  piety 
and  reverence,  had  struck  a  chord  in  Saul's 
inner  life  on  the  side  oi  feeling  and  disposition, 
which  he  could  not  help  letting  sound  forth  in 
this  address  counter  to  the  fierceness  and  hate 
that  otherwise  possessed  him.  The  sign  of  this 
sudden  awakening  of  nobler  feeling  is  SatU's 
weeping  cUovd.  There  is  no  hypocrisy  or  pretence 
here.  Saul,  tossed  powerless  hither  and  thither 
by  fierce  passions  without  self-control  and  with- 
out harmony  of  soul-life,  is  here  laid  hold  of  in  a 
hidden  comer  of  his  heart,  where  he  was  still 
accessible  to  the  power  of  truth,  and  involunta- 
rily yields  to  this  nobler  arousing  of  his  soul, 
though  it  is  not  destined  to  be  permanent. — Ver. 
18  [17].  On  this  psyehologicaUy  so  significant 
address  follows  the  ethically  so  important  confes- 
sion: Thou  art  more  righteous  than  I,  for 
thou  hast  done  me  good,  and  I  have  done 
thee  evil. — This  proves  that  his  conscience  was 
touched  by  David's  word,  which  had  so  sharply 
contrasted  innocence  and  baseless  persecution, 
righteousness  and  unrighteousness.  Saul  mv^t 
do  honor  to  the  truth ;  the  overwhelming  force 
of  David's  words,  founded  in  truth,  forces  this 
confession  from  him;  tliongh  a  thorough  and 
permanent  change  for  the  better  is  not  thereby 
eflected  in  his  heart.  Grotius :  "  The  confession 
is  unwillingly  extorted,  the  mind  being  nothing 
bettered."  But  we  see  from  this  of  how  high  a 
degree  of  good  Saul  was  capable,  if  he  had  been 
willing  to  deny  himself.  The  mode  in  which 
David's  word  so  struck  his  conscience  that  he 
was  compelled  involuntarily  to  acknowledge  his 
innA)cenee  and  the  justice  of  his  cause  is  indicated 
by  his  own  words:  it  was  his  perception  of  the 
glaring  contrast  between  his  evil,  destructive 
operations  against  David,  and  the  wholly  oppo- 
site conduct  of  the  latter,  who  did  only  good  to 
the  hostile  king:  The  requital  of  evil  with  good. 
Saul  thinks  of  all  the  good  that  David  had 
done  him  by  his  foithful  service.  By  right 
moral  conduct,  absolutely  accordant  with  God's 
holy  will,  and  simple  avowal  springing  from 
truth  and  from  the  heart,  a  deep  impression  for 
the  better  may  under  certain  circumstances  be 
made  on  the  corruptest  and  most  hardened  na- 
ture.— Ver.  19  [18].  In  proof  of  this  affirmation 
Saul  adduces  David's  preseni  behaviour,  which  is 
distinguished  from  the  preceding :  "  thou  hast 
done  me  good." — And  thou  hast  to-day 
showed,  hast  given  a  proof  of  what  good 
thou  hast  done  to  me,  namely  therein, 
that  the  Lord  had  delivered  me  Into  thy 
hand;*  Saul  also  here  recognizes  the  fact  that 
it  was  Ood's  hamd  that  had  to-day  delivered  him 
into  David's  hand,  in  contrast  with  his  previous 
declarations  that  God  had  given  David  into  his 
hand,  xxiii.  7. — But  thou  didst  not  kill  me, 
thou  didst  not  use  the  opportunity  given  thee  by 
God's  providence,  because  thou  wishest  not  to 
avenge  thyself  on  me,  and  thinkest  only  good 
towards  me.     All  this  is  a  splendid  justification 


*  [On  this  verse  and  its  translation  sea  "  Text,  and 
Gram."— Tb.] 


of  David  and  confirmation  of  the  assertions  that 
he  made  to  Saul.— Ver.  20  [19].  Thenius,  from 
the  Sept.,  Syr.  and  Arab.,  undertakes  to  restore 
the  supposed  original  text  of  this  verse  as  follows : 
1)  after  "his  enemy,"  we  are  to  hold,  stood  origi- 
nally "in  straits"  (n^SS).  Thenius  thinks  this 
reading  "necessary,"  since  one  might  find  his 
enemy  without  having  opportunity  to  hurt  him ; 
but  this  opportunity  is  especially  afforded  when 
he  finds  him  in  amjTjs/iis,  "in  straits."  But  this 
is  a  hair-splitting  and  far-fetched  argument,  since 
the  connection  does  not  leave  it  doubtful  what 
is  meant  by  finding  the  enemy.  "Find"  here  as 
in  xxiii.  17 ;  Ps.  xxi.  9  [8] ;  Isa.  x.  10,  means 
so  to  come  upon  as  to  afiect  with  suffering  or 
punislmient,="  get  into  one's  power."  2)  After 
naiO  [Eng.  A.  V.  after  "weU  away."— Te.] 
Then,  supposes  "  the  Lord  will  reward  him  good" 
to  have  fallen  away,  and  3)  instead  of  the  last 
words  of  the  verse,  to  have  originally  stood: 
"  the  Lord  reward  thee  good  for  what  thou  hast 
to-day  done  to  me."  But  the  authority  of  the 
versions  is  the  less  decisive  here,  because  their 
purpose  is  obvious,  to  avoid  a  harshness  and  pro- 
duce conformity.  They  included  the  whole  sen- 
tence in  the  protasis :  "  if  one  find  his  enemy  and 
send  him  away,"  and  there  was  no  apodosis.  To 
supply  this  apodosis  and  correspondingly  to  ei- 

S:es3  the  good  which  Saul  afterwards  wishes 
avid,  they  added :  "  the  Lord  will  reward  him 
good." — The  words,  as  they  stand  in  tlie  text, 
give  even  according  to  Thenius  a  "tolerable 
sense ;"  yea  more,  they  give  a  satisfiictory  sense 
if  we  translate :  If  one  find  his  enemy,  will 
he  let  him  go  on  a  good  ^7ay  (a  peaceful, 
unimperilled  way)  ?  that  is,  it  is  usual,  when  one 
has  his  enemy  in  his  power,  not  to  let  him  go  in 
peace  untouched.  In  the  lively  feeling  with 
which  Saul  speaks,  the  omission  of  the  interme- 
diate thought,  the  expression  of  which  might  be 
expected,  namely,  "so  hast  thou  not  acted  towards 
me,"  is  quite  natural.  The  negative  answer  to 
this  question  is  omitted  (an  omission  ;raychologi- 
cally  easily  understood),  and  immediately  fol- 
lows the  wish :  The  Iiord  reward  thee  good 
for  what  thou  hast  this  day  done  to  me. 
(So  Maur.,  De  Wette,  Buns.,  Keil.)  That  Saul  at 
this  moment  truly  and  honestly  meant  these  words, 
is  beyond  doubt;  it  is  the  witness  not  only  of  a 
bright,  but  also  of  a  good  moment  in  his  inner  life, 
though  indeed  no  deep  and  permanent  improve- 
ment followed.  Under  the  infiuence  of  David's 
presence  and  words  the  evil  spirit  had  for  a  mo- 
ment yielded  to  the  good. — Ver.  21  [20]  sq. 
Following  the  better  impulse  of  his  heart  Sam 
sees  clearly  that  the  theocratic  kingship  will  pass 
from  him  and  his  house  to  David,  and  only 
through  him  as  its  future  bearer  be  permanently 
established.  How  did  Saul  come  to  this  knowledge 
which  he  here  expresses,  and  which  Jonathan 
had  already  affirmed  that  his  father  had  (xxiii. 
17)  ?  Not  through  direct  divine  revelation,_but 
by  the  observation  that  all  his  undertaking 
against  David  were  unsuccessful,  and  that  David 
in  respect  to  his  persecutions  was  under  special 
divine  protection,  coupled  with  the  recollection 
of  what  Samuel  had  once  said  to  him  in  the  name 
of  God  respecting  his  rejection  for  disobedience. 
The  declaration  of  his  conscience :  "  Thou  art  re- 


CHAP.  XXIV.  1-22. 


299 


jeeted  by  God"  was  confirmed  by  the  manifest 
signs  of  divine  guidance  and  protection  in  David's 
life,  and  by  the  imposing  moral  power  of  David's 
conduct.  Cler. :  From  this  great  magnanimity 
of  David  he  concluded  that  a  man  who  was  much 
superior  in  soul  to  kings  could  not  but  reign." 
Two  things  he  says:  1) ''  Thou  mlt  become  king,"  and 
2)  "  in  thy  hand  the  kingdom  will  be  permamenUy 
established,"  not  "  will  be  raised  up,  grow,  increase" 
(Gramb.).  So  far  has  the  dark  cloud  of  envy  and 
hate  passed  away  from  Saul's  soul,  that  he  not  only 
reco^izcs  and  affirms  David's  ftiture  kingship,  but 
to  him  as  future  king  prefers  a  request  in  the  form 
of  an  adjuration,  that  he  wovld  show  royal  kind- 
ness a/nd  mercy  to  his  homae  and  name.  David  gave 
him  the  promise  in  an  oath  that  he  would  not 
after  his  death  exterminate  his  posterity,  as  was 
often  the  case  in  changes  of  dynasty  in  the  East, 
and,  as  Keil  well  points  out,  repeatedly  occurred 
also  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Ten  Tribes.  1  Kings 
XV.  28  sq. ;  xvi.  11  sq. ;  2  Kings  x.  Similar  re- 
quest by  Jonathan  xx.  15.  yBib.-Com.:  "The 
deep  genealogical  feeling  of  the  Israelites  breaks 
out  here  as  so  often  elsewhere."  Saul's  declara^ 
tion  as  to  David's  future  kingship  is  not  divine 
prophecy,  but  human  foresight. — Tb.] — ^Ver.  23 
[22].  The  description  of  the  interview,  so  signifi- 
cant for  both  parties  to  it,  concludes  with  the 
statement  that  Saul  went  to  his  residence,  while 
David  with  his  men  went  up  into  the  strong  and 
secure  mountain-heights.  'The  latter  did  not  re- 
turn home,  because  he  could  not  expect  that 
Saul  would  retain  this  disposition  and  essen- 
tially change  his  bearing  towards  him. — Cler.: 
"  He  knew  Saul's  changeable  and  perfidious  na- 
ture, and  was  afraid  of  his  snares."  [Nor,  appa- 
rently, did  Saul  invite  or  expect  him  to  go  home. 
His  presence  at  court  would  have  been  embar- 
rassing ;  his  training  in  the  fields  is  to  continue 
yet  some  time. — ^Te.] 

HI8TOEICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  This  incident  of  David's  life  in  ch.  xxiv. 
(not  xxvi.)  forms  the  basis  of  Ps.  vii.(of  which  he 
is  the  author),  which  is  rich  in  references  to  this 
event  and  whose  title :  "  Shiggaion  of  David  which 
he  sang  to  the  Lord  concerning  the  words  of  Cush 
the  Benjaminitfi,"  giving  the  slanderous  accusa- 
tions of  this  man  as  the  occasion  of  the  Psabn, 
presents  a  situation  identical  with  that  of  ver.  10 
[9]  of  ch.  xxiv.  There  were  men  who,  by  all 
sorts  of  slanders,  blackened  David  with  Saul,  and 
inflamed  his  hate  against  him.  Among  these, 
according  to  the  title,  was  the  Benjaminite  Cush. 
The  Benjaminites,  on  account  of  the  tribal  rela- 
tionship, were  pronounced  adherents  of  Saul,  and 
he  had  bound  them  to  him  by  all  sorts  of  favors 
(comp.  xxii.  7).  Oush  is  not  a  symbolical  name 
for  a  man  of  black  wickedness,  namely  here  for 
Smd  (to  whose  father's  name  Kish,  Hengstenberg 
and  Kimchi  see  an  allusion),  but  the  proper  name 
of  a  Benjaminite  man,  one  of  those  slanderers  and 
go-betweens,  whose  mention  in  the  title  of  this 
Psalm  (the  situation  in  which  accords  throughout 
with  that  in  ch.  xxiv.)  is  a  supplement  to  the  al- 
lusion in  ver.  10.  How  the  content  of  the  Psalm 
is  based  on  David's  assertion  of  innocence  and 
confident  appeal  to  God  which  is  given  here  in 
ch.  xxiv.  is  clear  from  the  train  of  thought: 


After  the  singer's  introductory  cry  for  help,  vers. 
2,  3  [1,  2]  follows  the  affirmation  of  Jreedmn  from 
revenge  and  of  innocence  as  to  the  accusations  made 
against  him  (pointing  to  xxiv.  5-8,  18,  19  [4-7, 
17,  18]),  vers.  4r-6  [3-5].  On  this  is  based  (see 
xxiv.  13-16  [12-15])  the  appeal  to  the  Lord  for 
execution  of  His  judgment,  to  which  he  submits  in 
firm  confidence  and  good  conscience,  vera.  7-10 
[6-9].  To  this  is  added  (see  xxiv.  16  [15])  avowal 
of  trust  in  the  help  of  the  righteous  God,  and  in 
the  self-prepared  destruction  of  the  unrighteous, 
vers.  11-17  [10-16].  In  conclusion  the  vow  of 
thanksgiving  [ver.  17.] — What  Delitzsch  excel- 
lently says  of  the  character  of  the  Psalm ;  "  It  is 
the  most  solemn  pathos  of  lofty  self-consciousness, 
that  here  speaks, — anxious  unrest,  defiant  self- 
trustj  triumphant  upsoaring,  confident  trust,  pro- 
phetic certainty,  all  these  tones  find  expression  in 
the  irregular  strophe-sequence  of  this  Davidic 
dithyramb,"  all  this  is  found  substantially  in  Da- 
vid's words  to  Saul. — Hengstenberg's  statement 
of  the  didactic  content  of  the  Psalm :  "  There  is  a 
twofold  didactic  element  in  the  Psalm:  1)  it  Is  a 
necessary  condition  of  divine  hdp  that  one  lift  up 
pure  hands  to  God,  and  2)  this  condition  being 
fulfilled,  the  divine  righteousness  vouches  for  the  ab- 
solute certainty  of  the  deliverance,"  answers  precisely 
in  both  points  to  the  two  fundamental  thoughts  of 
David's  address  (ch.  xxiy.)  to  Saul:  1)  I  am  inno- 
cent, and  therefore  sure  of  divine  help,  and  2) 
God's  justice  will  bring  my  innocence  to  Ught, 
and  punish  my  unrighteous  persecutors. 

2.  As  fundamental  traits  in  the  religious-moral 
character  of  David  appear  in  this  section  the  fol- 
lowing :  magiw/nimous  forbearance  towards  his  ene- 
my providentially  given  into  his  hand,  decided 
reptdse  of  the  temptation  to  revenge  on  him,  tender- 
ness of  conscience  whereby  his  heart  smote  him  for 
appropriating  a  piece  of  Saul's  garment,  frank 
and  bold  affirmation  of  his  innocence  against  slan- 
ders and  persecutions,  reverent  piety  towards  the 
sacred  person  of  the  Lord's  chosen  and  the  de  facto 
theocratic  king,  the  confidence  of  a  good  conscience, 
and  the  patient  waiting  of  a  mind  resigned  to 
God's  dispensations  in  respect  to  the  severe  sufier- 
ings  appointed  him,  and  the  expected  decision  of 
the  divine  justice,  love  of  enemies  which  not  only 
puts  far  away  revenge,  but  repays  evil  with  good, 
firm  confidence  in  God's  justice  (having  its  root  in 
humility),  with  which  in  the  consciousness  of  in- 
nocence he  appeals  to  the  highest  tribunal,  clear 
knowledge  of  the  ways  of  the  divine  justice,  whose 
aim  is  the  mairdenance  of  the  divinely-appoimted^  holy 
order  of  his  kingdom  (namely,  that  the  unright- 
eously introduced  evil  be  punished),  and  hope  in 
the  saving  help  of  God  founded  on  faith  in  God's 
justice.  "  That  David  was  magnanimous  towards 
enemies,  that,  when  his  foe  was  through  chance 
in  his  hands,  instead  of  satiating  his  vengeance, 
he  sent  him  reverently  away,  is  wholly  in  keep- 
ing with  his  nature,  and  in  the  song  Ps.  vii-  5  [4] 
is  referred  to  by  him  briefly  and  incidentally,  but 
clearly  enough ;  that  to  Saul  himself,  even  when 
there  would  have  been  the  most  favorable  oppor- 
tunity to  inflict  grievous  injury  on  him,  he  could 
do  no  bodily  harm,  follows  immediately  from  the 
idea  itself  of  the  'Anointed  of  God'  which  filled 
his  soul"  (Ew.,  III.,  130). 

3.  The  old  proverb:  ''From  the  evil  comes  eoil" 
(ver.  14  [13]  expresses  the  truth  that  the  moral 


300 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


character  of  the  man  necessarily  determines  his 
conduct;  the  ethical  aci«s  is  always  the  expres- 
sion of  the  ethical  hainius;  the  precise  nature  of 
the  inner  life,  whether  in  good  or  in  evil,  the 
ethical  character  of  the  personality  shows  itself  in 
the  man's  outward  doing.  It  is  the  same  truth 
which  is  expressed  in  the  New  Test,  declaration: 
"As  the  tree  so  the  fruit"  (Matt.  vii.  17). 

4.  The  simple  self-presentation  and  self- witness 
of  moral  purity  and  truth  (as  here  in  David  in 
word  and  deed)  has  a  great  missionary  power, 
and  often  makes  a  mighty  impression  on  spiritu- 
ally darkened  and  morally  perverted  natures  (as 
Saul's  here)  in  such  wise  that  the  divine  in  them 
is  freed  from  the  binding  power  of  the  evil,  and 
the  religious-moral  element  of  the  conscience, 
which  is  concealed  deep  under  religious-moral 
corruption,  breaks  freely  forth,  at  least  in  some 
bright  and  good  moments,  in  order  to  point  to  the 
way  of  salvation  and  show  the  possibility  of  de- 
liverance, provided  the  man  is  milling  to  be  saved 
and  renewed. 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PKACTICAL. 

Ver.  3  [2].  S.  Schmid:  How  much  it  were  to 
be  wished  that  the  pious  would  apply  as  much 
diligence  to  the  practice  of  good  as  the  ungodly 
do  to  the  practice  of  evil  (Eiom.  vi.  19). — Ver.  5 
[4].  Wtjekt.  BrB.:  It  happens  quite  often  that 
men  seek  to  mislead  us  by  an  apparent  applicar 
tion  of  the  Word  of  God ;  let  us  therefore  prove 
all  things  and  hold  fast  that  which  is  good  (Matt, 
iv.  6).  [Hall:  Those  temptations  are  most  pow- 
erful which  fetch  their  force  from  the  pretence 
of  a  religious  obedience. — Tb.] — Vers.  6,  7  [5,  6]. 
Cramer  :  It  is  a  praiseworthy  virtue  to  be  able 
to  conquer  one's  self,  and  he  that  ruleth  his  spirit 
is  better  than  he  that  taketh  a  city  (Prov.  xvi. 
32). — ScHLiEB:  David  reaUy  gained  a  greater 
victory  at  this  moment  than  formerly  in  the  fight 
against  Goliath. — Let  us  be  master  over  ourselves, 
let  us  fight  against  our  anger  and  overcome  the 
enemy  in  our  own  heart.  It  is  a  wonderful,  every 
way  instructive  and  Rhame-iuspiring  sight,  the 
fugitive  David  protecting  his  deadly  foe  against 
the  hand  of  his  friends.  [Chbysostom  remarks 
that  David  had  reason  to  fear  lest  his  men  should 
rebel  and  do  violence  to  him  if  he  spared  their 
common  enemy ;  also  that  they  were  very  cunning 
in  not  suggesting  revenge — to  which  they  knew 
David  would  not  incline — but  the  pious  recogni- 
tion of  God's  hand. — Taylor  :  No  doubt  it  might 
be  said  that  God  had  rejected  Saul,  and  had 
caused  David  to  be  anointed  in  his  room;  but 
that  had  not  given  to  David  the  right  to  deal 
summarily  with  Saul;  it  had  only  indicated  that 
when,  in  the  course  of  Providence,  Saul  should  be 
removed,  David  would  be  set  upon  his  throne. 
For  this,  therefore,  David  would  wait.  He  would 
not  take  Providence  into  his  own  hands.  He 
would  bide  God's  time,  and  it  should  not  be  said 
for  him  that  he  had  come  into  the  kingdom  by 
the  assassination  of  his  predecessor.  Even  his 
cutting  off  a  portion  of  Saul's  robe  caused  him 
some  misgivings  of  heart,  the  rather  as  perhaijs 
after  he  had  done  it,  hie  men,  emboldened  by  his 
example,  might  have  felt  themselves  at  liberty  to 
go  farther,  and  lay  hands  on  the  king  himseli  If 
any  such  disposition  was  manifested  by  them,  it 


was  immediately  repressed  by  their  leader. — Te.] 
— ^Hall  :  Tender  consciences  are  moved  to  regret 
at  those  actions,  which  strong  hearts  pass  over 
with  a  careless  ease. — Ver.  8  [7].  Schmid:  What 
one  cannot  himself  do  with  a  good  conscience,  he 
must  also  not  permit  those  to  do  whom  he  has  to 
command.  [This  holds  good  only  within  certain 
limits. — Tr.] — Starke:  We  must  not  yield  even 
to  our  dearest  and  best  friends  when  they  desire 
from  us  something  wrong. — Ver.  9  [8].  Schliee: 
How  instructive  is  this  union  of  reverence  with 
genuine  manly  spirit  I  It  is  a  servant  of  the  Lord 
who  speaks — a  servant  of  the  Lord  fUled  with 
fear  of  God. — Modesty  and  respect  are  becoming 
to  a  Christian  in  all  cases.  But  that  does  not  ex- 
clude us  from  also  telling  the  truth,  with  all  mo- 
desty, to  be  sure,  but  yet  with  all  candor. — Ver. 
10  [9].  Oslander:  One  must  not  lay  his  hand 
on  even  an  ungodly  ruler. — Ver.  12  [11].  S. 
Schmid  :  That  is  the  highest  love  towards  God 
and  one's  neighbor,  when  any  one  restrains  him- 
self from  revenge  in  such  a  manner  that  he  re- 
turns his  enemy  good  for  the  highest  wrong  (Eom. 
xu.  21). — Berl.  BrB.:  As  men  are,  so  are  thpir 
actions.  As  the  tree,  so  is  the  fruit.  What  flie 
heart  is  full  of,  the  mouth  runs  over  with  and  the 
hands  work  at  and  accomplish.  Ver.  16  [15]. 
OsiANDEB :  God  is  advocate,  judge,  avenger  and 
protector  for  those  who  suffer  for  righteousness' 
sake. — Ver.  17  [16].  Starke:  A  good  word  finds 
a  good  reception  often  even  with  the  most  corrupt 
men. — ^Ver.  18  [17].  Berlenburg.  Bible:  See 
how  David's  patience  works  upon  Saul,  and  how 
one  may  heap  coals  of  fire  upon  the  heads  of  his 
enemies  (Prov.  xxv.  22).  Try  this  means  on  thy 
unfriendly  and  perverse  neighbor  or  relative 
(Eom.  xii.  20).  —  Ver.  20  [19].  Cramer:  A 
mighty  thing  is  the  truth.  Therefore,  if  thy  bro- 
ther sins  against  thee,  go  and  rebuke  him  between 
thee  and  him  alone  (Matt,  xviii.  15). — S.  Schmid: 
The  ungodly,  too,  must  at  last  confess  that  it  is 
right  for  God  to  requite  the  righteous  according 
to  their  righteousness.  —  Vers.  21-23  [20-22]. 
Cramer:  To  be  able  to  constrain  and  win  an 
enemy  with  good  words,  gentleness  and  modesty, 
is  the  noblest  victory  (Prov.  xv.  1). — Osiandee: 
Enemies  are  often  overcome  much  sooner  by  good 
deeds  than  by  force. — S.  Schmid  :  What  God  has 
according  to  His  wise  counsel  designed  for  His 
pious  and  upright  servants,  must  become  theirs, 
although  the  ungodly  with  all  their  powers  set 
themselves  against  it  and  begrudge  it  to  them ; 
yea,  at  last  the  ungodly  must  themselves  confess 
that  their  eflbrts  against  it  are  in  vain. — Schliee: 
How  often  we  think,  too,  as  soon  as  good  thoughts 
and  feelings  stir  in  ns,  that  already  it  is  all  done; 
how  often  we  think  with  a  couple  of  good  purposes 
and  resolutions  to  get  to  the  end  1  O  believe  it 
though :  before  aU  things  there  must  be  a  change 
towards  the  living  God,  before  all  things  must  we 
bow  before  God,  before  all  things  confess  our  sins 
to  Him ;  the  first  thing  and  the  most  necessary  of 
all  is  repentance !  That  is  the  only  way  there  can 
be  a  real  and  thorough  change.  (See  above 
"Hist,  and  Theolog.") 

[Ver.  4.  Promdemtial  purpose,  appareiU  and  red. 
1)  What  was  here  the  apparent  purpose  of  God? 
To  give  an  injured  man  opportunity  for  deliver- 
ing and  avenging  himself.  He  was  strongly 
tempted:  o)  It  was  indeed  a  "special  providence" 


CHAP.  XXV.  1-44. 


301 


of  an  extraordinary  and  very  striking  kind  (comp. 
V.  10).  6)  He  had  been  cruelly  wronged,  by 
friend  (xxiii.  12)  and  foe,  and  there  seemed  no 
other  hope  of  deliverance  from  this  perpetual  per- 
secution, c)  His  followers  insisted  on  his  em- 
bracing the  tempting  opportunity,  and  might  re- 
bel if  he  refused.  2)  How  did  he  know  that  such 
could  not  be  the  purpose  of  Providence?  Because 
it  would  involve  his  doing  what  was  wrong  in  itself 
(vers.  5,  6,  10).  An  enlightened  and  tender  con- 
science must  check  our  interpretations  of  Provi- 
dence. 3)  What  was  the  real  Providential  pur- 
pose? As  usual,  it  was  manifold:  we  can  see  the 
following  points :  a)  To  make  him  more  conscien- 
tious by  obeying  conscience  under  sore  temptation 
(vers.  5,  6).  6)  To  present  a  noble  example  to 
his  rude  followers  and  the  people  at  large  (vers. 
6, 10).  c)  To  furnish  a  most  convincing  proof 
that  he  was  wrongly  accused  (vers.  9-11).     d)  To 

five  him  ground  for  a  confident  appeal  to  Provi- 
ence  in  future  (ver.  12  sq.;  comp.  xxvi.  23-4). 
e)  To  heighten  his  reputation  for  loyalty  and 
magnanimity,  and  smooth  the  way  to  his  finally 
becoming  king  (comp.  ver.  20). 

[Vers.  1-15.  David's  magnanimity.  (Group 
homiletically  the  materials  indicated  in  "Hist, 
and  Theol.,"  No.  2.) 

[Ver.  13.  A  Bible  proverb  before  Solomon:  1) 
Habitual  bad  conduct  proves  bad  character.  2) 
Habitual  good  conduct,  notwithstanding  tempting 


occasions  for  wickedness,  proves  that  the  charac- 
ter is  not  bad.  3)  It  is  well  when  one  can  appeal 
to  his  actions  as  supporting  his  words  and  proving 
the  purity  of  his  motives. 

[Vers.  9-15.  A  good  man  d^ending  himself 
against  susfpidon  and  slamder:  1)  He  remonstrates 
against  listening  to  slanderous  accusers  (ver.  9). 
2)  He  sets  forth  his  actions  as  showing  that  the 
charges  are  false  (vers.  10,  11,  13).  3)  He  de- 
clares the  persecution  of  him  to  be  utterly  unbe- 
coming in  a  person  of  high  position  (ver.  14). 
4)  He  solemnly  appeals  to  God:  a)  to  plead  his 
cause,  6)  to  deliver  him,  c)  to  punish  his  perse- 
cutor, which  he  will  not  himself  do  (vers.  12,  15; 
comp.  Psa.  vii.). 

Vers.  16-22.  Temporary amendmentinafallenman: 
1)  Its  occasion — an  exhibition  of  magnanimous 
kindness  touches  his  better  feelings.  2)  Its  signs. 
a)  Bitter  weeping,  b)  Frank  confession  (ver.  17). 
o)  Prayer  that  a  man  he  has  been  wronging  may 
be  blessed  of  God  (ver.  19).  d)  Acknowledgment 
that  this  man  is  not  only  better  than  himself,  but 
has  a  righteous  cause  (ver.  20).  e)  Abandonment 
of  his  attempts  to  wrong  the  other.  3)  Why  the 
amendment  proves  only  temporary :  o)  It  is  only 
matter  oi  feeling,  not  of  principle  (ver.  16).  b) 
He  is  thinking  more  of  his  oum  interests  than  of 
justicetoanother  (ver.  21).  c)  He  does  moi  really 
return  to  Ood,  but  only  softens  towards  a  man. 
d)  Sooner  or  later  comes  a  fresh  temptaiion  (xxvi, 
Isq.).— Te.] 


VH.  SamueHi  death. 


David!  s  march  into  the  mldemess  of  Paran. 
the  wise  Abigail. 

Chapter  XXV.  1-44. 


I%e  history  of  thefooUsh  Nabal  amd 


1  And  Samuel  died  ;  and  all  the  Israelites  [Israel]  were  gathered  together,  and 
lamented  him  and  buried  him  in  his  house  at  Ramah.  And  David  arose  and  went 
down'  to  the  ■wilderness  of  Paran.' 

2  And  there  was  a  man  in  Maon,  whose  possessions  were  in  Carmel.  And  the  man 
was  very  great,  and  he  had  three  thousand  sheep,  and  a  thousand  goats ;  and  he 

3  was  shearing'  his  sheep  in  Carmel.  Now  [And]  the  name  of  the  man  was  Nabal, 
and  the  name  of  his  wife  Abigail ;  and  she  was  a  woman  [the  woman  was]  of  good 


TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

»  [Ver.l.  Some  MSS.  have  simply  "  went,"  IjV  instead  ofn^;.— Tb.] 

"  |;Ver.  1.  This  reading  is  well  defended  by  Erdmann  against  the  Sept.  "  Maon  "  which  is  preferred  by  Wellh. 
and  Bib.  Comm. — Tb.| 

»  [Ver.  2.  Eng.  A.  V.  here  follows  the  Vulg.,/arf2w»6S<  at  (ondereiwsrsaceitM.  But  the  exactor  rendering  seems 
to  be :  "  and  he  was,  when  he  was  shearing  his  sheep,  in  Carmel "  (so  Oahen,  Philippson,  and  apparently  Sept.). 
On  the  other  hand  the  Syr.  takes  TT'l  in  the  sense  :  "  and  it  came  to  pass,"  the  rest  of  the  clause  bemg  the  Ee- 

lative  protasis,  vers.  3,  i  parenthesis,  and  ver.  5  the  apodosis :  "  and  it  came  to  pass,  when  he  was  shearing,  etc., 
(and  the  name  ...  his  sheep),  that  David  sent,  efe"  This  construction  is  adopted  by  Then.,  lirdmann,  and  in 
pirt  (ver.  3)  by  Cahen.    To  this  Wellh.  properly  objects  that  ver.  2  is  closely  connected  with  ver.  3,  and  ver.  4  with 

ver.  6,  and  that  the  proposed  construction  would  require  the  suffix  i  to  Ilja.  The  Heb.  text  (simple  Inf.)  is  con- 
firmed by  Sept.  and  Chald.  and  perhaps  by  Syr.  (Partop.  without  following 'Pron.),  and  it  is  to  be  noticed  that  the 
Greek  has  herJiBr,  (as  in  ver.  20)  and  not  iyiveTo,  which  is  the  usual  rendering  of  the  pleonastic  or  anticipatory 
Tl'l  (as  in  vers.  37,  38).    Statements,  more  naturally  conceived  by  us  as  parenthetic,  are  frequently  put  m  Heb.  in 

the  form  of  continuous  narration. — Tb.] 


302  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

understanding  and  of  a  beautiful  countenance;  but  the  man  was  churlish  and  evil 

4  in  his  doings ;  and  he  was  of  the  house  of  Caleb.*    And  David  heard  in  the  wilder- 

5  ness  that  Nabal  did  shear  his  sheep.  And  David  sent  out  [om.  out]  ten  young  men, 
and  David  said  unto  the  young  men,  Get  you  up  to  Carmel  and  go  to  Nabal  and 

6  greet*  him  in  my  name.  And  thus  shall  ye  say  to  him  that  liveth'  in  prosperity 
[om.  that  liveth  in  prosperity],  Peace  be  both  [om.  both']  to  thee,  and  peace  be  to 

7  thy  house,  and  peace  be  unto  all  that  thou  hast.  And  now  I  have  heard  that  thou 
hast  shearers."  Now  thy  shepherds  which  [om.  which]  were  with  us ;  we  hurt*  them 
not,  neither  was  there  aught  missing  unto  them  all  the  while  they  were  in  Carmel. 

8  Ask  thy  young  men  and  they  will  show  [tell]  thee.  Wherefore  let  the  young  men 
find  favor  in  thine  eyes,  for  we  come  in  a  good  day ;  give,  I  pray  thee,  whatsoever 

9  [what]  cometh  to  thine  hand  unto  thy  servants'"  and  to  thy  eon  David.  And  when 
[om.  when]  David's  young  men^*  came  they  [and]  spake  to  Nabal  according  to  all 

10  those  words  in  the  name  of  David,  and  ceased."  And  Nabal  answered  David's  ser- 
vants and  said.  Who  is  David  ?  and  who  is  the  son  of  Jesse?  there  be  [are]  many 

11  servants"  nowadays  that  break  away  every  man  from  his  master.  Shall  I  then 
take  my  bread  and  my  water  and  my  flesh  [meat]  that  I  have  killed  for  my  shear- 

12  ers,  and  give  it  unto  men  whom  I  know  not  whence  they  be  ?  So  [And]  David's 
young  men  turned  [im.  to]  their  way,  and  went  again  [returned]  and  came  and  told 

13  him  [ins.  according  to"]  all  those  saying.^.  And  David  said  unto  his  meu.  Gird  ye 
on  every  man  his  sword.  And  they  girded  on  every  man  his  sword,  and  David 
also  girded  on  his  sword.  And  there  went  up  after  David  about  four  hundred  men, 
and  two  hundred  abode  by  the  stuff. 

14  But  [And]  one  of  the  young  men  told  Abigail,  Nabal's  wife,  saying,  Behold,  Da- 
vid sent  messengers  out  of  [from]  the  wilderness  to  salute  our  master ;  and  he  railed." 

15  on  them.  But  [And]  the  men  were  very  good  unto  us,  and  we  were  not  hurt,  nei- 
ther missed  we  anything,  as  long  as  we  were  conversant  with  them,  when  we  were 

16  in  the  fields  [field].     They  were  a  wall  unto  us  both  by  night  and  day  all  the  while 

17  we  were  with  them  keeping  sheep.  Now  therefore  [And  now]  know  and  consider 
what  thou  wilt  do,  for  evil  is  determined  against  our  master  and  against  all  his 
household,  for  he  is  such  a  son  of  Belial  [bad  man]  that  a  mxin  [one]  cannot  speak 
to  him." 

18  Then  [And]  Abigail  made  haste,  and  took  two  hundred  loaves  and  two  bottles 
[skins]  of  wine  and  five  sheep  ready  dressed  and  five  measures  [seahs]  of  parched 

*  [Ver.  3.  So  the  Qeri.    The  Kethib  or  text  is  discussed  by  Erdmann  in  Expos.— Tb.] 

s  [Ver.  6.  Literally :  "  ask  him  as  to  peace."    On  the  pointing  of  DflSxE'  see  Ges.  Or.,  §  44,  2  Rem.  2.— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  6.  'n  7.    In  the  impossibility  of  determining  the  form  and  sense  of  this  word  it  seems  better  to  omit 

rt  TV 

the  certainly  wrong  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  (though  it  is  adopted  by  Philippson),  especially  as  the  word,  what- 
ever its  meaning,  cannot  affect  the  general  sense  of  the  clause.    See  Erdm.  in  Expos. — Te.] 

7  [Ver.  6.  This  "  both  "  is  intended  as  translation  of  1,  but  this  letter  must  be  stricken  out,  or,  possibly,  at- 
tached to  preceding  word  (Bib.  Com.). — Te.] 

*  [Ver.  7.  So  the  Heb.  and  the  VSS.,  except  Sept.  which  reads :  "  that  thy  shepherds  are  now  shearing  for 
thee,"^  connecting  the  following 'IH  with  the  Partcp.,  which  the  connection  does  not  allow.    Yet  the  Heb.  phrase 

sounds  curt  and  strange.    We  should  expect  "  thou  art  shearing,"  or,  "they  are  shearing  for  thee."— Te.] 

9  [Ver.  7.  The  Seghol  of  the  ri  is  a  neighboring  form  to  Chireq,  both  being  degradations  (the  latter  more 
advanced)  of  the  original  Pattach.— TeJ 

I"  [Ver.  8.  Sing,  in  some  MSS.  and  Bdd.,  "  thy  servant,  namely,  thy  son,  David,"  perhaps  from  failure  to  see  the 
application  to  David's  young  men.    Sept.  omits  the  word.— Te.J 

"  [Ver.  9.  Some  MSS.  read  '13J^  "  servants,"  indicating  a  certain  vacillation  in  the  use  of  these  syno- 
nyms.— Tr.] 

"  [Ver.  9.  Erdmann:  "eat  down,"  Chald.,  Vulg.,  Philippson,  Cahen,  Wellhausen  as  Eng.  A.  V.,  Bib.  Oomm. : 
"rested."  Syr.  eludes  the  difficulty  (as  it  often  does)  by  omitting  the  word.  For  various  text-worcfs  which  Sept. 
(iv€irriSri<re)  may  have  had  before  it  see  Schleusner  s.  «.  If  we  retain  the  Heb.,  the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  as 
good  as  any  other;  for  tlie  impression  made  on  us  is  that  Nabal's  answer  followed  immediately  on  the  delivery 
of  the  message  (so  that  there  was  no  occasion  to  rest),  and,  if  a  considerable  time  (as  a  night)  had  intervened  be- 
tween message  and  answer,  it  would  probably  have  been  mentioned.  Yet  the  passage  is  not  satisfactory:  we  do 
not  expect  to  be  informed  here  that  David's  messengers  ceased  when  they  had  said  their  say,  or  sat  down  to 
rest ;  we  should  rather  look  for  some  intimation  of  churlish  bearing  on  Nabal's  part,  which,  however,  cannot  well 
be  found  (even  by  changing  our  word)  in  the  present  form  of  the  Heb.  text.- Te.] 

"  [Ver.  10.  Wellh.  inserts  the  Art.  before  '»,  yet  Heb.  (perhaps  the  conversational  language  particularly) 
allowed  latitude  in  this  respect.— Tb,] 

"  [Ver.  12.  So  Heb.,  Chald.,  Sept.  and  Erdmann  (gleich) ;  the  J  is  omitted  by  Syr.,  Arab,  and  Vulg.  which  last 
Eng.  A.  V.  probably  follows.— Te.] 

»  I  Ver.  14.  Or,  "  flew  on  them."  See  the  Exposition.  Chald.  and  Syr.  "  was  disgusted  with  them  "  (from  Vlp 
ort3ip>-TE.]  ' 

i«  [Ver.  17.  The  rendering  of  the  Syr.  is  strange:  "  he  was  with  the  shepherds."  Is  this  a  copyist's  erroneous 
repetition  of  the  end  of  the  preceding  verse  ? 


CHAP.  XXV.  1-41  303 


corn  and  an  hundred  clusters  of  raisins  and  two  hundred  cakes  of  figs  and  laid  them 

19  on  lins.  the]  asses,  And  she  [om.  she]  said  unto  her  servants  [young  men],  Go  on 
before  me ;  behold,  I  come  after  you.     But  [And]  she  told  not  her  husband  Nabal. 

20  And  it  wa.s  so,  as  she  rode  [And  she  was  riding]  on  the  ass  that  she  came  down  by 
[and  descending  into]  the  covert  of  the  hill  [mountain],  and  behold,  David  and  his 

21  men  came  down  [were  coming  down]  against  her,  and  she  met  thera.  Now  [And] 
David  had  said,  Surely  in  vain  have  I  kept  all  that  this  fellow  hath  in  the  wilder- 
ness, so  that  nothing  was  missed"  of  all  that  pertained  unto  him,  and  he  hath  re- 

22  quited  me  evil  for  good.  So  and  more  also  do  God  unto  the  enemies  of  [om.  the 
enemies  of']  David  if  I  leave  of  all  that  pertain  to  him  by  the  morning  light"  any 
that  pisseth  against  the  wall  [any  male]. 

23  And  when  Abigail  saw  David,  she  hasted,  and  lighted  off  the  ass,  and  fell  before 

24  David  on  her  face,  and  bowed  herself  to  the  ground,™  And  fell  at  his  feet,''  and 
said,  Upon  me,  my  lord,  upon  me  let  this  iniquity  be  [On  me,  even  me,  my  lord,  be 

_  the  sin],  and  let  thine  handmaid,  I  pray  thee,  speak  in  thine  audience,  and  hear  the 

25  words  of  thine  handmaid.  Let  not  my  lord,  I  pray  thee  [om.  thee],  regard  this 
man  of  Belial  [this  bad  man],  even  [om.  even]  Nabal.  For,  as  his  name  is,  so  is  he ; 
Nabal  is  his  name  and  folly'*  is  with  him.     But  I,  thine  handmaid,  saw  not  the 

26  young  men  of  my  lord  whom  thou  didst  send.  Now,  therefore  [And  now],  my  lord, 
as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth  and  as  thy  soul  liveth,  seeing  [om.  seeing]  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  hath  withholden  thee  from  coming  to  shed  blood  [into  blood-guiltiness] 
and  from'^  avenging  [saving]  thyself  with  thine  own  hand.     [ins.  And]   now,  let 

27  thine  enemies  and  they  that  seek  evil  to  my  lord  be  as  Nabal.  And  now,  this  bless- 
ing which  thine  handmaid  hath  brought'*  unto  my  lord,  let  it  even  [om.  even]  be 

28  given  unto  the  young  men  that  follow  my  lord.  I  pray  thee,  forgive  [Forgive,  I 
pray  thee]  the  trespass  of  thine  handmaid  ;  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will  certainly 
make  my  lord  a  sure  house,  because  my  lord  fighteth  the  battles  of  the  Lord  [Je- 

29  hovah],  and  evil  hath  not  been  [shall  not  be]  found  in  thee  all  thy  days.  Yet 
[And]  a  man  is  risen'*  to  pursue  thee,  and  to  seek  thy  soul  [life]  ;  but  [and]  the 
soul  [life]  of  my  lord  shall  be  bound  in  the  bundle  of  life  with  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
thy  God,  and  the  souls  [life]  of  thine  enemies,  them  [it]  shall  he  sling  out  as  out  of 

30  the  middle  [sling  out  in  the  pan"]  of  a  [the]  sling.  And  it  shall  come  to  pass, 
when  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  have  done  [shall  do]  to  my  lord  according  to  all  the 
good  that  he  hath  spoken  concerning  thee,  and  shall  have  appointed  [shall  appoint] 

31  thee  ruler  over  Israel,  That  this  shall  be  no  grief  unto  thee  nor  offence  of  heart 
unto  my  lord,  either  [pm.  either"]  that  thou  hast  shed  blood  causeless  [causelessly] 

"  [Ver.  21.  Sept.  {" we  prescribed  not")  and  Theodotion  ("we  demanded  not")  take  this  wrongly  as  1  plu. 
Impf.  (in  the  Coislin.  it  is  sing.),  where  Symmachus  has  Sie^iivticrtv  in  the  sense  of  "  perished  "  (see  Sohleusner), 
Vulg.  perii*.— Te.1 

"  JVer.  22.  Tlie  sense  of  the  common  formula  requires  the  omission  of  this  phrase,  for  the  insertion  of  which 
there  is  no  good  reason  here.  It  is  liot  improbable,  as  Wellhausen  suggests,  that  it  was  added  by  a  copyist  who 
saw  that  in  fact  David  had  not  carried  out  his  scheme  of  destruction,  and  would  thus  avert  the  imprecation  from 
his  head  to  that  of  his  enemies.  But  such  an  imprecation  is  always  to  be  considered  as  resting  on  two  condi- 
tions :  1)  if  it  be  wrong,  it  must  be  withdrawn,  and  2)  if  its  occasion  be  removed,  it  is  null  and  void. — Te.] 

»  [Ver.  22.  The  word  "  light "  (niN)  is  omitted  in  Sept.,  Syr.,  Vulg.,  and  in  many  MSS.  and  Edd. ;  it  was  per- 
haps introduced  by  a  copyist  from  vor.  34. — Te.] 

'»  fVer.  23.  We  should  here  expect  nXIK  as  one  MS.  has  it.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  24.  In  this  description  of  Abigail's  demeanor  {vers.  23, 24)  the  7j;  "  on  "  before  v'?  J1  and  the  two 

prostrations  are  somewhat  difficult.  The  difficulty  is  removed  by  the  Sept.  vfhieh  omits  the  second  "fell"  (ver. 
24)._  But  here  we  should  probably  maintain  the  harder  reading,  and  it  is  likely  that  Abigail's  anxiety  and  trepi- 
dation made  her  movement  somewhat  elaborate  and  complicated. — Te.] 

^  [Ver.  25.  Aquila :  anoppevffn  (see  Ges.,  Thes.  on  73J),  on  which  says  Schol.  (in  Schleusner) :    'AicuAa?  ^PJ*^ 

vevvev  airdppevtris  jtteT*  avroO  TOv  vAp  \oyuriiov  iiiroppiovToi  Te  kcu  trPevwfjL^oVj  xb  T779  a^potrvvT}^  yiverau,  irados. — ^Te.] 
^  [Ver.  26.  We  here  expect  tne  D  to  be  repeated  before  the  Inf. — Te.] 

2*  [Ver.  27.  The  fem.  form  (see  ver.  35)  is  found  in  some  MSS.  and  Edd.,  and  in  some  is  given  as  Qeri.— Te.] 

*  [Ver.  29.  Erdmann :  "  should  a  man  arise."  Sept.  has  the  Put.  The  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  seems  to  suit 
the  connection  better.— Erdmann :  "  the  bundle  of  the  living,"  which  is  the  same  in  general  meaning  with  Eng. 
A.  v.— Te.] 

»  [Ver.  29  So  the  Heb.,  Sept.  and  Syr.  The  general  meaning  Is  clear,  but  the  VSS.  vary  in  the  rendering. 
Chald ;  "  As  those  who  sling  stones  in  a  sling."  vulg. :  inimicorum  tuorum  anima  rotabiiw  quasi  inimpetu  et  cirouo 
fundas.    The  Heb.  is  difficult,  but  perhaps  for  that  reason  better  retained  — Te.]  . 

^  [Ver.  31.  Commonly  now  rendered  "  stumbling-block," — Wellh.  would  regard  2/  as  clerical  repetition  of 

I?  and  'j'IkS  as  courtly  correction  of  the  latter,  and  would  omit  these  two  words.    This  would  give  the  simple 

rendering :  "  This  will  not  be  to  thee  an  offence  and  a  stumbling-block  "  (Sept.  aKavia^ov),  and  get  rid  of  the  ap- 
parently cumbrous  "  to  my  lord."    Yet  here  again  simplifying  corrections  are  suspicious. — Te.] 


304 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL, 


or  [and]  that  my  lord  hath  avenged  himself  [hath  saved  himself  with  his  own  hand]. 
But  [And]  when  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  have  dealt  [shall  deal]  well  with  my 
lord,  then  remember  thine  handmaid.'* 

32  And  David  said  to  Abigail,  Blessed  be  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  God  of  Israel,  which 

33  [who]  sent  thee  this  day  to  meet  me ;  And  blessed  be  thy  advice  [understanding'"], 
and  blessed  be  thou,  which  [who]  hast  kept  me  this  day  from  coming  to  shed  blood 

34  [into  blood-guiltiness]  and  from  avenging  [saving]  myself  with  my  own  hand.  For 
[And]  in  very  deed,  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  God  of  Israel  liveth,  which  [who]  hath 
kept  me  back  from  hurting  thee,  except  thou  hadst  hasted  and  come  to  meet  me, 
surely  l_om.  surely]  there  had  not  been  left  unto  Nabal  by  the  morning-light  any 

35  that  pisseth  against  the  wall  [any  male].  So  [And]  David  received  of  her  hand 
that  w  hich  she  had  brought  him,  and  said  unto  her.  Go  up  in  peace  to  thine  house ; 
see,  I  have  hearkened  to  thy  voice,  and  have  accepted  thy  person. 

36  And  Abigail  came  to  Nabal.  And  behold,  he  held  a  feast  in  his  house  like  the 
feast  of  a  king ;  and  Nabal's  heart  was  merry  within  him,  for  [and]  he  was  very 

37  drunken,  wherefore  she  told  him  nothing,  less  or  more,  until  the  morning  light.  But 
[And]  it  came  to  pass  in  the  morning,  when  the  wine  was  gone  out  of  Nabal,  and 
[that]  his  wife  had  {pm.  had]  told  him"  these  things,  that  [and]  his  heart  died 

38  within  him  and  he  became  as  a  stone.     And  it  came  to  pass  about  ten  days'"  after, 

39  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  smote  Nabal  that  [and]  he  died.  And  when  [om.  when] 
David  heard  that  Nabal  was  dead  [ina.  and]  he  said.  Blessed  be  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] that  hath  pleaded  the  cause  of  my  reproach  from  the  hand  of  Nabal,  and  hath 
kept  his  servant  from  evil,  for  [and]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  returned  the  wicked- 
ness of  Nabal  upon  his  own  head.     And  David  sent  and  communed  with  Abigail 

40  to  take  her  to  him  to  wife.  And  when  [om.  when]  the  servants  of  David  were  come 
[came]  to  Abigail  to  Carmel  they  [and]  spake  unto  her  saying,  David  sent  us  unto 

41  thee  to  take  thee  to  him  to  wife.  And  she  arose  and  bowed  herself  on  her  face  to 
the  earth,  and  said.  Behold,  let  thy  handmaid  be  [thy  handmaid  is]  a  servant  to 

42  wash  the  feet  of  the  servants  of  my  lord.  And  Abigail  hasted  and  arose  and  rode 
upon  an  [the]  ass  with  five  damsels  of  hers  that"  went  after  her,  and  she  went  after 
the  messengers  of  David  and  became  his  wife. 

43  David  also  [And  David]  took  Ahinoam  of  Jezreel ;  and  they  were  also  both  of 

44  them  his  wives.  But  Saul  had  given  [And  Saul  gave]  Michal  his  daughter,  Da- 
vid s  wife  to  Phalti  the  son  of  Laish,  which  [who]  was  of  Gallim. 

28  [Vcr.  31.  The  "  either  "  is  translation  of  1,  which  is  better  stricken  out. — The  construction  seems  to  requiri 
as  to  supply  "his  hand  "  (IT)  as  in  vers.  20, 33). — Tk.] 

»  [Ver.  31.  The  Sept.  adds  flatly  and  indelicately  "  to  do  good  to  her."— Tb.] 

so  L^er-  33.  Thy  "  good  sense,  discretion."— Te.] 

1  [Ver.  37.  The  Ai  ab.  VS.  and  some  MSS.  insert  "  all "  (Vs).— Tb.] 

32  [Ver.  38.  V/ollh.  rejects  the  Art.  an  the  time  is  not  defined,  but  the  Heb.  allows  in  such  eases  definiteness 
of  statement.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  42.  The  Partpp.  has  the  Art.,  and  so  we  render  better:  "  the  five,  rfc,  that  went."  Sept.  omits  the  Art, 
which  may  be  a  repetition  from  the  preceding  PI ;  but  the  Heb.  giyes  a,  good  sense.  The  Partop.  is  not  neces- 
sarily predicate,  but  may  be  subject  along  with  "  Abigail."— Te.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

Ver.  1.  Brief  account  of  Samuel's  death. — And 
Samuel  died. — The  narrator  supposed  Samuel's 
death  to  fall  in  the  time  of  the  events  here  related. 
— All  Israel  mourned  him,  not  merely  be- 
cause his  career  as  judge  and  leader  up  to  the 
time  of  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  -was 
fresh  in  the  memory  of  the  people,  but  because 
his  political  work  as  prophet  and  watcher  over 
the  kingdom  had  remained  to  the  end  of  pro- 
found importance  for  the  whole  people,  a.s  is 
clear  from  his  relation  to  Saul  and  David  on  the 
one  hand,  and  his  position  as  head  of  the  pro- 
phetic community,  on  the  other.  At  his  burial 
the  people  were  no  doubt  represented  by  their 
elders.    As  to  such  mourning  for  the  dead  see 


Gl«n.  1.  10. — And  buried  Mm  in  his  house 
at  Ramah. — Not  literally:  "in  his  house," — 
this  ''would  not  have  accorded  (Lev.  xix.  16) 
with  the  Jewish  purification  laws"  (Then.),— 
but  in  some  space,  court  or  garden  (Matt,  xxvii. 
60)  belonging  to  the  house.  Grot. :  "  Sepulchres 
were  then  usually  private,  see  Gen.  xxiii.  9 ;  1. 
5."  On  such  interments  "  in  the  house,"  comp. 
1  Kings  ii.  34 ;  2  Kings  xxi.  18 ;  2  Chron.  xxiiii. 
20.  Tradition  puts  the  burial-place  of  Samuel 
on  the  height  of  IVIizpah,  where  it  is  yet  shown. 
The  harmonization  of  this  statement  with  our 
passage  by  regarding  Eamah  as  a  region  (Pressel, 
8.  V.  ''Bamah"  in  Herzog)  Ls  untrustworthy  by 
reason  of  the  untenableness  of  this  geographical 
and  topographical  supposition  and  the  distance 
of  Mizpah  from  the  city  Bamah  (comp.  Nagels- 
bach  in  Herz.  XIII.  399).    In  Bamah—"  for  the 


CHAP.  XXV.  1-44 


305 


prophets  seem,  though  we  infer  it  only  from  this 
passage  and  xxviii.  3,  to  have  shared  with  the 
kings  the  right  of  burial  within  the  city  "  (The- 
niua).* 

Ver.  2  sq.  David's  affair  with  the  rich  land- 
holder and  herd-owner  NabaX  of  Moon,  after  he  had 
gone  down  from  his  hitherto  abode  in  the  high- 
land of  Engedi  farther  south  and  into  the  wilder- 
ness of  Paran.  The  Sept.  (Vat.)  has  Moon  in- 
stead of  Paran,  and  this  is  taken  as  the  original 
reading  by  Then.,  Ew.,  Bun.sen,  because  the  wil- 
derness of  Paran  would  be  too  far  olf  (at  least 
fifteen  geographical  miles)  from  Nabal's  residence 
(Thenius).  But  this  supposition  is  "certainly 
unnecessary"  (Win.  s.  v.  193,  Bern.  1) ;  for  David, 
descending  southward,  withdrew  into  the  north- 
ernmost part  of  this  somewhat  undefined  wilder- 
ness, "  which  extended  widely  between  the  wil- 
derness of  Shur  on  the  west,  the  present  Jebel 
et-Tih  on  the  south,  the  Edomite  territory  on  the 
east,  and  the  laud  of  Canaan  on  the  north" 
(Winer).f  Cler. :  "  the  boundaries  of  this  desert 
are  not  clearly  defined."  Comp.  KeU  on  Num. 
X.  12.  Probably  the  wilderness  of  Judah  no 
longer  afibrded  sustenance  to  David  and  his  large 
body  of  six  hundred  men  (Keil).  Nabalis  called 
a  mam,  of  Moon  because  he  dwelt  in  this  city  in 
the  hill-country  of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  55).  His 
business  (see  Ex.  xxiii.  6)  on  the  contrary  was 
ia  Carmel,  where  Saul  had  raised  his  monument 
of  victory  over  the  Amalekites,  whence  also 
came  his  wife  Abigail,  "the  Carmelitess"  (xxvii. 
3).  It  is  the  present  Karmvl  on  the  elevated 
plain  of  the  highland  of  Judah,  about  a  mile 
north  of  Maon  [and  ten  miles  south-east  of  He- 
bron.— Tb.].  It  is  thence  easily  understood  how 
Nabal,  living  in  the  mountain-city  Maon,  had 
his  herds  on  the  high  plain  in  Carmel.  Thenius 
understands  mount  Carmel  [in  the  north],  he- 
cause  a  mountain  ia  spoken  of  in  vers.  5,  7,  8,  13, 
20,  35,  and  because  it  is  said  that  Nabal  had  his 
possessions,  his  herds,  on  Carmel,  and  the  moun- 
tain-meadow would  be  specially  wholesome  for 
the  sheep  and  goats.  But,  as  to  height,  the  place 
Carmel  lay  on  a  mountain-plain,  which  afforded 
the  best  pasture  for  the  herds.  Moreover,  the 
distance  of  Mount  Carmel  from  the  scene  of  this 
history  [nearly  one  hundred  miles  north-west. — 
Tr.]  would  exclude  it.  Maon,  Carmel,  Ziph, 
are  named  together  in  Josh.  xv.  55.  Nabal' s 
claim  to  the  title  of  "  very  great,"  that  is,  rich 
man,  is  proved  by  the  size  of  his  herds  ("three 
thousand  sheep  and  one  thousand  goats"). — 
Sheep-shearing  was  usually  accompanied  by  fes- 
tivities, as  now  also  on  great  estates.  While  the 
rich  man  was  shearing  at  Carmel,  David  sent  to 
him;  the  protasis  begins  with  "and  it  came  to 
pass,  in  the  shearing"  ("J?  'n;i),  vers.  3,  4,  is 
explanatory  parenthesis,  and  the  apodosis  begins 
with  ver.  5  (Then.).t  The  statements  of  the 
names,  Nabal,  Abigail,  and  the  descriptions  of 
the  persons  are  arranged  chiastically :  The  woman 
good  of  understanding  (sensible,  wise)  and  beauti- 


*  [Sib.  Com.  compares  the  death  and  burial  of  Moses, 
Dent,  xxxiv.  6,  6,  8.— TeJ      ,      „.,„.,.  ^  .,„         ,< 

t  l"So  Mr.  Hayman  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  Art.  "  Paran, 
who  suggests  that  the  skirts  of  the  great  wilderness 
may  htfve  passed  (without  well-fixed  dividing  lines) 
under  different  names,  Zin,  Maon,  «^c.— Tn.] 

t  ipn  this  oonstrnotion  se"  "  Text,  and  Gram.,"  where 
a  different  view  is  taken.— Tb.] 
20 


fvl  of  form — the  man,  on  the  contrary,  hard, 
churlish  of  disposition  and  wicked  in  condv/A, 
As  to  the  last  word  of  the  verse,  the  Kethib  or 

text  (''3'?3)  "according  to  his  heart"  would 
mean  "  following  only  the  desire  of  his  mind  " 
(Maur.),  that  is,  self-willed — which  is,  however, 
"linguistically  impossible"   (Buns.).    The  Qeri 

or  marginal  reading  ('373),  "found  also  in  soma 
manuscripts  and  printed  editions  in  the  text" 
(Then.),  is,  with  Targum  and  Vulgate,  certainly 
preferable :  "  he  was  of  the  family  of  Caleb." 
The  two  former  statements  sufficiently  character- 
ize hia  disposition ;  a  third  would  be  out  of  keep- 
ing with  the  simplicity  of  the  description.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  statement  of  his  origin  ac- 
cords with  his  importance  as  a  man  "  great "  by 
his  riches,  and  it  is  introduced  as  something  new 
by  the  words  "  and  he"  C'^l),  which  would  not 
suit  the  continuation  of  the  moral  portraiture. 
Caleb  had  received  for  a  possession  the  region 
of  Hebron,  near  which  Maon  and  Carmel  lay 
(Josh.  XV.  13  sq.).  Comp.  ch.  xxx.  14:  the 
southland  of  Caleb,  a  region  in  the  south  of  Ju- 
dah. The  translation  of  the  Sept.,  "  a  doggish, 
cynical  man"  (so  Arab,  and  Syr.)  and  of  Jose- 

phus  leading  a  cynical  life"  (from  373  a  dog") 
must  be  rejected.  [So  Boothroyd :  "  irritable  as  a 
dog"  (PhiUpps.) — Tb.]. — Ver.  4.  As  Nabal  was 
a  man  rich  in  herds,  it  was  worth  while  to  send 
an  embassy  to  him  from  some  distance  for  the 
purpose  indicated  in  the  context.  The  distance 
would  indeed  be  great  and  improbable,  if  with 
Thenius  we  took  Carmel  to  be  the  mountain  of 
that  name.  The  stately  number  toi  of  the  mes- 
sengers shows  the  importance  and  solemnity  of 
the  embassy ;  such  a  solemn  sending  would  not 
suit  the  proximity  of  "Maon,"  David's  abode 
according  to  the  reading  of  the  Sept.  In  Carmel 
Nabal  had  a  house  (vers.  35,  36).  The  Sept. 
adds  to  Nabal :  "the  Carmelite,"  taking  the  desig- 
nation from  xxx.  5,  where  it  belongs  to  Abigail. 
Ask  in  my  name  after  bis  peace,  give  him 
friendly  greeting.  Comp.  Ex.  xviii.  7.— Ver.  6. 
Here  the  content  and  form  of  the  greeting  is  ex- 
actly prescribed.  First,  the  general  wish:  'H/, 
[Eng.  A.  v.:  "  to  him  that  liveth  (in  prosperity")] . 
The  translation  "to  my  brothers"  ('On'?,  Vulg.), 
is  impossible  by  reason  of  the  following  ''  thou ;" 
it  could  only  be  "  my  brother"  =  ''friend,"  but  it 
is  an  arbitrary  conjecture.  Some  take  the  word 
on)  as  adjective  ["living,"  soEng.  A.  V.— Te.]. 
Clericus  joins  it  to  the  preceding  "  say  "  and  ren- 
ders: "  to  the  living  (say),  if  ye  find  him  alive," 
S-  Schmid  :  "and  thus  shall  ye  say :  to  the  living 
(that  is,  the  living  God)  I  commend  thee."  But 
the  first  (Clericus)  is  superfluous,  since  in  sending 
the  messengers,  David  assumed  that  Nabal  still 
lived;  the  latter  (Schmid)  is  untenable  because 
of  the  arbitrariness  of  the  reference  to  God.  Bott- 
cher  connects  it  with  the  "  say,"  and  takes  the 
Sing.  CD)  in  the  sense  of  "  man  "  (as  one  pos- 
sessing vigorous  life),  adducing  the  use  of  the 
Plu.  (Q"n)  and  the  Collective-form  (n^n)  in  the 
sense  of  "peop/e,"  as  in  xviii.  18;  Num.  xxxv.  • 
3 ;  2  Sam.  xxiii.  13.    %h.e  meaning  would  then 


306 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


be :  "  Say  to  the  living  one,"  that  is,  to  the  man. 
But  the  Sing,  ia  never  used  in  this  sense.  Against 
T>e  Wette's  earlier  rendering  :  "  say  to  the  weU- 
living"  [so  Philippson  and  Eng.  A.  V. — Tr.]  is 
the  fact  that  the  simple  word  will  not  bear  this 
meaning  [the  addition  of  "  well "  or  "  in  pros- 
perity" is  unwarranted. — Te.].  The  Sept.  has 
"  for  this  year  "  (fif  apac  as  in  Gen.  xviii.  10, 14), 
that  is,  mayest  thou  with  thy  house  be  in  peace 
till  the  return  of  this  happy  day — a  "  tolerably 
far-fetched  idea,"  impossible  as  a  translation  of 
the  text,  and  a  mere  makeshift  to  avoid  the  diffi- 
culty.— It  ia  better  (considering  the  difficulties)  to 
take  the  word  as  Subst.  =  "  life."  It  is  objected 
that  only  the  Plu.  is  so  ii«ed ;  but  the  Sing,  is 
found  not  only  in  the  formula  of  swearing  "  by 
the  life  of  thy  soul,  of  Jehovah,"  but  also  in  Lev. 
XXV.  36  in  the  signification  "  life."     The  phrase 

on?),  however,  can  then  mean  neither  "  for  a  long 
time,  for  many  years  "  (Vulg.  according  to  an- 
other reading,  and  Jos.),  nor  "for  the  life,  the 
whole  lifetime,  forever"  (Chald.,  D.  Kimchi, 
Dathe) ;  the  expression  does  not  allow  these  ren- 
derings, which  introduce  a  foreign  idea  (long), 
unless  we  change  the  following  letter  (i)  into  the 
suffix  ('1)  and  read  "  for  thy  life."  But,  instead 
of  this  bold  and  unsupported  conjecture,  it  is  bet- 
ter to  take  life  (De  Wette :  eumleben  "  unto  life") 
as  =  "  fortune,  prosperity,"  and  to  regard  the  ex- 
pression as  a  popular  form  of  congratulation,  not 
found  in  the  literary  language;  Luther:  suc- 
cess "  {gluck  m^ )  /  Maurer :  "  to  life,  that  is, 
may  it  turn  out  well ;  may  thy  affairs  be  fortu- 
nate" [so  Bashi,  and  apparently  Talmud  Bab., 
Berakoth  fol.  55,  2. — Tr.].  We  cannot  admit 
Buch  a  congratulation  is  superfluous  by  reason  of 
what  follows  (Then.),  for  the  threefold  special 
"  peace  "  on  Nabal,  his  house  and  his  possessions 
is  the  unfolding  of  the  general  wish,  the  latter  is 
the  prelude,  the  former  the  triple  chord.  It  may 
be  freely  rendered  "thou  shalt  live"  or  "live 
thou  long!"  [Bib.  Com.  prefers  to  attach  the  fol- 
lowing letter  (1)  as  suffix  and  render :  "  and  ye 
shall  say  thus  about  his  life,"  which  seems  forced 
and  unsatisfactory,  though  it  accounts  for  the  1, 
which  in  its  present  position  is  disturbing.  Ca- 
hen :  ainsi  pour  la  vie/  " thus  for  life  1"  which  is 
obscure.  Wellhausen  sees  nothing  better  than 
"  to  my  brother."  In  support  of  the  rendering 
which  Erdmann  adopts  Gesenius  cites  the  Arabic 
formula:  "may  God  grant  thee  life  I"  The  phrase 
cannot  be  said  to  have  received  a  satisfactory  ex- 
planation.— Tr.] 

Ver.  17  sq.  After  the  instruction  to  greet  comes 
the  direction  now  to  present  his  earnest  request  to 
Kabal.  Nov7  I  have  beard  that  thou  hast 
shearers. — These  words  correspond  precisely  to 
the  real  Ufe,  and  can  only  be  rightly  understood 
when  we  recollect  that  the  regularly  recurring 
sheepshearing  was  one  of  the  greatest  events  in 
the  housekeeping  of  such  an  establishment.  In 
accordance  with  the  urgency  of  his  request,  which 
is  due  to  his  pressing  need  of  sustenance  for  his 
men,  David's  introduction  is  very  circumstantial 
and  is  based  on  a  captatio  benevolentise ;  he  re- 
minds Nabal  of  the  peaceful  assodaiion  of  his  men 
with  Nabal's  herdsmen  during  his  stay  in  the 
wilderness  {"thy  herdsmen  were  with  us'^),  of  the 
forbearance  exercised  by  his  warriors  towards  the 


unarmed  herdsmen  ("we  did  not  injure  them" 
— 'iPi^n  as  in  Judg.  xviii.  7 ;  on  the  form  see 
Ges.  I  53,  3  Eem.  6),  and  of  the  honorable  disin- 
terestedness with  which  his  people  had  refrained 
from  appropriating  the  property  of  others  ("no- 
thing was  missing  to  them").  The  last  words 
may  refer,  however,  to  the  protection  afforded  the 
herdsmen  by  David's  people  against  the  predatory 
incursions  of  the  neighboring  desert-tribes;  for 
such  protection  against  thieving  attacks  (which 
came  especially  from  the  south)  is  expressly  af- 
firmed in  vers.  16,  21.  "  Thus,  even  in  his  out- 
lawry, David  showed  himself  the  protector  of  his 
people''  (Keil).  Apart,  therefore,  from  eastern 
custom,  according  to  which  such  a  request  would 
seem  no  ways  strange,  David  had  a  certain  right 
to  ask  a  gift  from  Nabal's  superfluity ;  he  had  in- 
directly no  small  share  in  the  festal  joy  of  Nabal 
and  his  house ;  "  without  some  part  of  the  super- 
fluity of  the  inhabitants  whom  he  protected,  he 
could  not  have  maintained  him.self  with  hie 
army  "  (Ewald).  And  this  must  modify  Stahe- 
lin's  remark  (p.  19),  that  "  this  narrative  shows 
that  David  blackmailed  even  his  own  country- 
men, regarding  himself,  like  an  Arab  sheikh,  as 
lord  of  the  desert  where  he  lived."  For  the  rest 
Eobinson  remarks  II.  429  [Am.  ed.  I.,  498— Tk.] 
in  reference  to  the  permanence  of  customs  in  the 
East :  "  On  sucli  a  festive  occasion  near  a  town  or 
village,  even  in  our  own  day  an  Arab  Sheikh  of 
the  neighboring  desert  would  hard  ly  fail  to  put 
in  a  word,  either  in  person  or  by  message ;  and 
his  message,  both  in  form  and  substance,  would 
be  only  the  transcript  of  that  of  David." — In  a 
"  good  day,"  that  is,  a  festive,  happy  day ;  sheep- 
shearing  was  conducted  like  a  festival  (comp.  Gen. 
xxxviii.  12 ;  2  Sam.  xiii.  23),  when  feasts  were 
held,  strangers  entertained,  and  portions  given  to 
the  poor.  Give  'what  thy  hand  finds,  that 
is,  as  much  as  thou  canst,  to  thy  servants  and 
thy  son  David,  an  expression  of  deepest  reve- 
rence and  devotion,  and  of  the  piety  of  the  younger 
man  towards  the  older,  in  order  that  he  might 
share  in  his  paternal  goodwill. — Ver.  9.  The  mes- 
sengers executed  their  commission,  making  the 
request  in  David's  name.  And  they  sat  down, 
so  we  must  translate  the  Heb.  word  (imj'l),  not 
"  they  waited  modestly  for  an  answer  "  (Buns.\ 
not  "they  were  silent"  (Vulg.,  Grot.,  De  Wette). 
That  they  sat  down  is  not  a  superfluous  remark, 
but  serves  to  complete  the  description,  which  is 
true  to  the  reality  in  the  smallest  details.  Formal 
sitting  down  is  part  of  oriental  custom  in  such 
visits ;  it  is  not  necessary,  therefore,  to  refer  to 
their  need  of  rest,  though,  alter  so  long  a  journey, 
they  need  not  have  been  weaMy  persons  (Then.), 
to  require  rest.  Thenius'  change  of  text  so  that 
this  shall  read  "  and  he  arose  "  {Op\  after  Sept. 
aveir^Sr/ae  "he  sprang  up  ")  is  improbable. 

Ver.  10  sq.  The  insulting  answer  with  which 
Nabal  contemptuously  rebuffed  David  s  ambassa- 
dors. Who  is  David  ?  Who  is  the  son  of 
Jesse  ? — He  knew  him  well ;  all  the  more  in- 
sulting is  this  answer,  whose  meaning  is:  what  do 
I  care  for  David  7  what  have  I  to  do  with  him  ? 
There  are  many  servants  nowadays  that 
break  away  every  one  from  his  master.— 
(The  Art.   stands  here  with  Partcp.,  not  with 


CHAP.  XXV.  1-44. 


307 


Subst.,  'H  Q"J3.I?.,  because  the  former  alone  is  to 
be  distinctly  defined  (Maurer)). — To  his  imper- 
tinent question  Nabal  adds  a  iiide  insult  to  David's 
servants,  whom  he  characterizes  as  good-for-no- 
thing runaways,  and  also  to  David  himself,  to 
whose  relation  to  Saul  he  maliciously  alludes. — 
Ver.  11.  Nabal  speaks  out  his  mean,  niggardly 
mind  ('J?np7l,  Perf.  with  1  consec.,  here  express- 
ing future  time,  Ges.  ?  126,  6,  Eem.  1).  The 
whole  sentence  is  to  be  taken  as  a  question: 
Shall  I  take  ?  The  bread  and  water  represents 
the  necessary  sustenance  of  life.  The  flesh  stands 
for  luxuries  beyond  mere  necessaries.  Instead  of 
"  water  "  the  Sept.  has  ''  wine  "  in  accordance  with 
its  arbitrary  way  of  getting  rid  of  difficulties. 
In  the  excitement  of  his  avaricious  soul,  Nabal 
declares  that  he  will  give  David  and  his  men 
neither  necessaries  of  life  nor  what  he  had  killed 
for  the  feasting  of  his  shearers. — [Bib.  Com.: 
The  mention  of  water  indicates  a  countiy  where 
water  was  scarce.  Josh.  xv.  19.  Or,  "  bread  and 
water"  may="meat  and  drink." — Tr.] — Ver. 
12.  The  report  of  this  contemptuous  and  insult- 
ing rebuff. — Ver.  13.  David  determines  to  take 
bloody  revenge  for  the  insult  and  hostile  recep- 
tion. Nabal's  wicked  response  to  his  friendly 
and  modest  overture  excites  his  anger.  The  fol- 
lowing narrative  shows  that  he  herein  sinned 
before  God,  but  also  hov?  God's  wonderful  provi- 
dence saved  him  from  the  factual  completion  of 
his  sin. 

Vers.  14-22.  Abigail,  NahaJ^s  wife,  goes  to  David. 
— ^Vers.  14r-17.  One  of  Nabal's  servants  informs 
Abigail  of  what  has  occurred;  he  relates  Nabal's 
bearing  towards  David's  greeting  (ver.  14),  de- 
scribes the  friendly  protection  they  had  had  from 
David's  people  (vers.  15,  16),  asks  Abigail's 
counsel  and  help  in  respect  to  the  danger  that 
threatened  her  husband  and  his  whole  household, 
and  excuses  himself  for  applying  to  her  by  refer- 
ring to  Nabal's  bad  character  and  inaccessibility 
to  well-meant  representations  and  requests. 

Ver.  14.  A  lad  of  the  lads.— The  word  "lad" 
("^.2?),  which  is  wanting  in  Sept.  and  Vulg. 
[which  render,  as  Eng.  A.  V.,  "  one  of  the  lada." 
— ^Tr.],  is  indeed  a  rounding  of  the  phrase,  but 
is  not,  for  this  reason,  and  because  these  transla- 
tions have  properly  declined  to  transfer  the 
phrase  literally,  to  be  regarded  as  the  error  of  a 
copyist  (Then.).  "J^a  [lit.  "to  bless."— Tr.]= 
"to  congratulate,  greet,"  comp.  xiii.  10. — And 
he  drove  over  them,  that  is,  as  above  de- 
scribed, with  insulting,  angry  ivords. — [Eng.  A. 
V.  "railed  on  them,"  better  "flew  on  them." — 
Ts.]  See  on  xiv.  32,  x  v.  19.*— Ver.  15  is  the  confir- 
mation of  the  words  of  ver.  8:  "ask  thy  young 


*  Instead  of  Bj;'!  Thenius  proposes  to  read  tSD'!  be- 
cause several  VSS.  so  render,  Sept,  e^eKKivev  an-'  avrStv, 
Sym.  a-TTtitrrpd^n),  Vulg.  aversatus  est  eos ;  but  this  is  nn- 
pafe^  for  1)  to  the  phrase :  "  he-was;disgn.ited  with  them," 
we  must  then  give  the  sense:  "ho  treated  them  with 
contempt "  (Thcn.l,  which  the  substituted  verb  does  not 
permit,  and  2)  it  is  tolerably  clear  that  these  VSS.  read 
wrongly  Q'l  from  MDJ  in  the  transitive  sense :  "  to  turn 
one's  self  "="  thrunt  out  of  the  way."  Job  xxiv.  4 ;  comp. 
Am.  ii.  7,  "lead  aside,"  2  Sam.  iii.27,  "repulse,"  Psalm 
xxvii.  9. 


men,  and  they  will  tell  thee.''  The  testimony  of 
these  youths  to  the  friendly  and  helpful  conduct 
of  David's  men  agrees  exactly  with  what  David 
told  his  messengers  to  say,  ver.  7.  On  the  phrase: 
"all    the    days    of   our    walking  with    them" 

('n  'n;-'?!,  Eng.  A.  v.:  "conversant  with 
them"),  it  is  to  be  remarked,  that  sometimes, 
as  here,  substantives  of  time,  place  or  manner 
stand  in  construct  relation  to  a  whole  sentence 
(Ew.,  ?  286,  3,  1).— The  words:  "while  we  were 
in  the  field"  (Vulg.,  Syr.,  Arab.:  "in  the  wil- 
derness"), are  not  to  be  connected  with  the  fol- 
lowing (Sept.,  Syr.,  Then.),  making  "they  were 
a  wall  to  us"  [ver.  16]  the  apodosis,  because 
then  in  the  words:  ''as  long  as  we  were  with 
them  keeping  the  flocks,"  there  would  he  a 
second  indication  of  time  in  the  same  sentence 
(comp.  Zech.  ii.  5). — Ver.  16.  A  ■wall,  that  is,  a 
powerful  protection  against  the  wild  beasts  and 
the  attacks  of  robbers  from  the  Arabian  desert. — 

Ver.  17.  "Is  determined"  (i^^^),  "is  a  thing 
settled,"  as  in  xx.  9.  It  is  not  necessary  on  ac- 
count of  the  "and  he''  (X?ni),  which  refers  not 
to  David,  but  to  Nabal,  to  insert  with  the  Sept. 
"thou"  {m)  after  "consider"  ('Xnj,  as  Thenius 
insists,  for  such  a  contrast  is  not  demanded. 
Nabal  is  described  as  a  "bad  man"  [so  should 
Eng.  A.  V.  read  instead  of  "son  of  Belial."— 
Tr.],  see  on  i.  16;  xxx.  22;  2  Sara.  ii.  12;  1 
Kings  xxi.  10.  "So  that  one  cannot  speak" 
n5^?="from  speaking"),  or  "he  is  too  wicked 
for  one  to  be  able  to  speak  to  him."  Tliia  is  the 
confidential  expression  of  the  estimation  in  which 
Nabal  was  held  by  his  household  and  servants, 
comp.  ver.  3. 

Ver.  18  sq.  To  avert  the  impending  danger, 
Abigail,  on  the  representation  and  at  the  request 
of  the  faithful  servant,  sets  out  to  go  to  David 
without  her  husband's  knowledge,  with  a  rich 
present  of  various  articles  of  food.  They  carried 
two  hundred  loaves  of  bread,  two  skins,  not  jars 
(De  Wette),  five  prepared  sheep,  of  parched  corn 

('/P,  xvii.  17=by-meat)  five  Beahs=one  and 
two-thirds  ephahs  (Then.) .  Sept.  has  five  ephahs 
instead  of  five  seahs,  thinking  the  latter  too  little 
for  so  many  people  [theseah  about  one  and  a  half 
pecks,  ephah==about  four  and  a  half  pecks. — 
Tr.]  ;  but  it  would  not  be  too  little  as  entremets. 
We  need  not,  therefore,  with  Ewald  read  five 
hundred  seahs. — [Abigail's  present  was  intended 
not  to  supply  David's  army,  but  to  show  her 
good-will. — Tr.]  ;  one  hundred  cakes  of  dried 
grapes  ('0^),  two  hundred  cakes  of  pressed  tigs 
(On). — Ver.  19.  Her  journey  is  described  in  the 
minutest  particulars;  she  sends  the  servants  on 
before  with  the  present,  herself  following,  riding 
on  an  ass,  in  order  the  better  to  superintend  the 
movement. — Ver.  20.  Her  meeting  with  David. 
In  the  covert,  a  hidden  place  in  the  mountain. 
It  was  "  probably  a  depression  between  two  peaks 
of  a  mountain"  (Keil),  so  that  David's  march, 
in  the  main  upward,  was  here  downward,  and  he 
encountered  Abigail's  train,  which  was  also 
moving  downward. — [Wellhausen's  objection  to 
this  explanation  as  topographically  taking  too 
much  for  granted,  seems  unfounded,  and  there  is 


303 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


no  need  for  toking  tlie  verb  (1]^)  in  the  general 
sense  of  "pursuing  one's  way." — Tit.] — Vers.  21, 
22.  A  parenthetical  explanation  of  David's  feel- 
ing and  motive  in  making  this  movement.  IDX 
="  had  said."— Only  to  deception  [Eng.  A. 
V.  "surely  in  vain"],  that  is,  only  to  be  deceived 
in  my  just  expectations,  have  I  kept,  etc.  (comp. 
ver.  16),  so  that  nothing  -was  missed,  he  is 
indebted  to  me  for  the  undiminished  possession 
of  his  herds.  David  had  a  right  to  expect  grate- 
ful requital  firom  Nabal,  instead  of  which  Nabal 
returned  him  evil  for  good. — Ver.  22.  Oath  of 
vengeance.  In  this  formula  ["God  do  so  to  me 
and  more  also,"  efc.],  the  divine  punishment  is 
commonly  invoked  on  the  swearer :  "  God  punish 
me  if,"  etc.  (comp.  xiv.  44;  xx.  13).  In  some 
cases  it  is  invoked  on  the  person  addressed,  as  in 
iii.  17. — [But  there  it  is  for  failure  in  the  person 
addressed,  and,  in  general,  the  curse  is  invoked 
on  the  person  failing  to  do  something  mentioned. 
— -Te.] — But  here  the  curse  is  directed  against 
persons  not  present;  the  sense  is:  God  shall 
punish  David's  enemies,  if  I  take  not  this  ven- 
geance on  them ;  so  surely  as  God  will  not  let 
this  evil  go  unpunished,  will  I,  etc.    Instead  of 

"enemies"   (U'lK?)  Then,  reads,  after  Syr.  and 

Arab.:  "his  servant"  (n.?>17);  but  these  versions 
have  evidently  substituted  this  reading  to  avoid 
the  difficulty  of  the  text. — [In  spite  of  the  sup- 
port of  Vulg.  and  Chald.  (and  indirectly  of  Syr. 
and  Arab.),  the  word  "enemies"  must  be  omitted 
with  Sept.,  being  here  meaningless  and  disturb- 
ing, and  the  curse  must  be  considered  a-s  invoked 
on  David's  own  head.  Erdmann's  defence  of  the 
text  is  far-fetched  and  unavailing.  See  "Text, 
and  Gram." — Tb.] — Mingentem  ad  parietem,  that 
is,  "every  male."  Biihr  on  1  Kings  xiv.  10: 
"The  expression  may  have  been  taken  originally 
from  dogs,  and  it  is  certainly  not  an  honorable 
designation  of  the  male  sex,  being  used  every- 
where (1  Kings  xvi.  11;  xxi.  21;  2  Kings  ix.  8) 
of  those  who  are  cast  out  and  exterminated." — 
[See  Ges.,  Thes.  a.  ■<).  yp,  where  the  authorities 
are  quoted,  and  decision  given  for  the  meaning 
"male  person,"  and  not  "mean,  insignificant 
male."— Tr.] — David  swears  to  root  out  Nabal 
and  all  the  males  of  his  house  in  revenge  for  the 
insult  to  his  person,  which  he  regards  as  a  sin 
against  the  Lord  in  whose  service  he  is. — [There 
is  not  the  least  evidence  that  David  so  regarded, 
or  had  a  right  so  to  regard  Nabal's  fault;  he 
acted  under  a  weak,  human  impulse  of  unworthy 
revenge,  from  which  he  was  estopped  by  God'a 
mercy. — Tk.] 

Vers.  23-31.  Abigails  address  to  David.— Vei. 
23  sq.  In  the  most  circumstantial  manner  five 
things  are  first  mentioned  as  to  Abigail's  conduct 
on  meeting  David,  before  the  narrative  comes  to 
her  words,  which  in  their  form  and  content  con- 
firm what  is  said  in  ver.  3  of  her  understanding. 
Her  mode  of  doing  reverence  to  David  is  based 
on  her  conviction  that  he  is  the  divinely  chosen 
future  king  of  Israel,  comp.  ver.  30.  This  con- 
viction had  spread  not  only  in  the  king's  house 
(Saul  included),  but  also  among  the  people.— 
On  me,  me,  my  lord,  be  the  blame  ('JS  '3 
see  Ges.,  ?  121,  3).    At  the  outset  she  gives'the 


matter  such  a  turn  that  David  has  to  deal  with 
her  only,  and  is  obliged  to  put  Nabal  out  of  sight. 
At  the  outset  she  assuredly  opposes  to  David's 
vengeance  the  contradictory  statement,  that,  on 
the  one  hand  (ver.  25),  she  did  not  see  David's 
servants  and  knew  nothing  of  Nabal's  contemptu- 
ous behaviour,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  she  takes 
all  the  blame  on  herself.  "Think  not,"  she  says, 
"  of  the  bad  man,  Nabal ;  for  he  is  what  his  name 
signifies:  foolishness  is  his  companion  (IBj;  with 
him)."  Here,  as  often  happens,  foolishness  ap- 
pears connected  with  wickedness  and  ungodliness. 
"Consider  me  alone  as  the  guilty  person  with 
whom  thou  hast  to  do."  She  does  not,  however, 
ask  for  pardon  and  forbearance ;  this  she  does  not 
do  till  ver.  23 ;  till  then  she  urges  what  may  turn 
David  away  from  his  revenge ;  from  there  on  she 
points  out  to  him  the  blessing  he  will  receive  from 
the  Lord  if  he  grants  her  request.  Vers.  26,  27. 
She  begins  with  "and  now"  each  of  the  three 
sentences  with  which  she  introduces  the  petition, 
and  seeks  to  secure  David's  favor  for  it.  Mrst, 
indicating  the  highest  point  of  view  in  which,  as 
a  God-fearing  woman,  she  regards  this  meeting 
with  the  vengeful  David,  she  affirms  that  God 
has  thus  restrained  him  from  committing  a  griev- 
ous sin.  (1??^  is  not  here  the  superfluous  trri  of 
indirect  discourse,  but  is  (Then.)  dependent  on 
the  doubfe  -'n-)  So  true  as — so  true  is  it — the 
Lord  hath  kept  thee  from  coming  into  blood- 
guiltiness  and  saving  thyself.  David  would 
have  brought  the  crime  of  blood  on  himself,  and 
with  his  own  hand  against  God's  will  and  com- 
mand have  procured  help  for  himself. — TJien  she 
says:  May  all  thy  enemies  be  as  Nabal, 
such  fools  as  he;  that  is,  thou  standest  under 
God's  protection  and  guidance,  so  that  all  who  as 
thine  enemies  will,  like  Nabal,  do  thee  evil,  shall 
like  him  become  fools,  and  fall  under  God's  pun- 
ishment. Seb.Schmid:  "whosoever  doe's  good  to 
his  enemies,  and  takes  not  vengeance  on  them, 
him  will  God  Himself  avenge,  as  it  is  said,  Ven- 
geance is  mine,  I  will  repay."  Thirdly,  she,saya, 
ver.  27 :  And  novr,  this  present  .  .  .  blessing 
(n313)  =  gift  of  blessing,  xxx.  26 ;  Gen.  xxxiii. 
11.  It  is  a  delicate  feature  of  her  wise  and  skil- 
ful procedure  that  she  offers  the  present,  with 
which  she  designs  to  make  good  her  husband's 
neglect  by  dispensing  what  he  ought  to  have 
offered,  not  to  David  himself,  but  to  his  men. 
On  the :  in  the  retinue  of  my  lord  comp.  Ex. 
xi.  8 ;  Judg.  iv.  10  (Keil).— Ver.  28.  Forgive 
the  trespass  of  thy  handmaid. — With  this 
brief  word,  which  rests  on  that  other:  "on  me  be 
the  blame,"  she  now  makes  her  request  for  for- 
giveness and  sparing.  The  following  words  to 
ver.  31  inclusive  contain  the  promise  of  the  divine 
blessing  which,  by  fulfilling  this  request,  David 
will  receive  instead  of  the  curse  that  would  follo\Y 
revenge.  Her  personal  affair  serves  her  as  occa- 
sion to  speak  to  David  of  the  future  of  his  house 
and  his  life,  and,  indeed,  she  belongs  to  the  pro- 
phetic women  who,  like  Hannah,  filled  with  the 
Spirit  of  the  Lord,  share  in  the  theocratic  inspira- 
tion and  in  the  prophetic  outlook  into  the  future 
development  of  tJie  theocracy.  She  says  to  David 
that  the  Lord  would  not  leave  the  fulfilment  of 
her  request  unrequited:  1)  For  the  Lord  will 
make  my  lord  a  sure  house.    Since  she  is 


CHAP.  XXV.  1-44. 


309 


s  -re  of  David's  call  to  tho  kingship  of  Israel,  she 
means  by  "sure  house"  permanent  Ungly  ride  in 
his  house.     Comp.  the  divine  promise,  2  Sam.  vii. 
8  sq.     [Bib.-Gom.  compares  Eahab's  faith  and 
foresight,  Josli.  xi.  9-13,  and  cites  Abigail  as  an 
illustration  of  how  faith  and  reason  may  concur 
now  in  leading  men  to  Christ.     "  In  connecting 
her  prayer  for  forgiveness  with  the  reference  to 
David's  future  reign,  she  is  asking  for  complete 
pardon  to  be  in  force  then." — Tii.]     2)  For  my 
lord  will  fight  the  battles  (wars)  of  the 
Lord.     On  the  expression  "  wars  of  the  Lord," 
comp.  xviii.  17.     In  the  celebrated  warrior,  who 
has  fought  and  conquered  in  the  name  and  power 
of  the  Lord,  she  sees  the  future  royal  hero,  who,  in 
the  wars  which  the  covenant-God  as  King  of  His 
people  will  wage  against  their  enemies,  will  prove 
himself  OocHs  champion.    3)  And  no  evil  will 
be  found  in  thee  all  thy  days.     "Evil" 
(n^l)  is  here  misfortune,"   not    "wickedness" 
(Mich.,  Dathe).    She  does  not  mean  to  say :  "  Thy 
hand  wiU  not  be  stained  with  wickedness,  as  would 
be  the  case  if  thou  tookest  revenge  for  this  insult ;" 
she  says  that  in  ver.  31.     Here  she  predicts  for 
him  safety  and  good  fortune  as  the  gift  of  the 
Lord. — Ver.  29  attaches  itself  in  its  content  to 
this  third  aiErmation.     The  text  reads   "hath 
arisen"  or  "arises"  CDp^l).  instead  of  which  we 
must,  with  Then,  and  Bottch.,  after  Tanchum, 
read  it  as  Impf.  (Dp')) :  And  should  a  man 
arise  ....     Though  she  knows  that  Saul  is  per- 
secuting David,  she  yet  with  delicate  reserve  ex- 
presses herself  hypothetically.     In  relation  to 
what  precedes  the  sense  is :  "  Though  such  a  mis- 
fortune should  come  upon  thee  that  some  one 
should  rise  against  thee  .  .  .  yet  it  will  not  con- 
tinue." _  [The  text,  however,  as  rendered  in  Eng. 
A.  v.,  gives  a  good  sense,  and,  as  the  fact  was  so 
notorious,  the  more  open  reference  to  Saul's  per- 
secution could  not  be  considered  as  an  offence 
against  delicacy.     Bih.-Com.,  interpreting    the 
sense  properly,  renders :  "  Though  a  man  is  risen 
. . .  yet,"  etc. — Te.]     What  is  bound  in  a  bundle 
is  safely  kept.     The  bundle  of  the  living 
[Eng.  A.  V.  life]  with  the  Lord  is  thus  the 
figurative  expression  for  those  whose  life  is  under 
the  protection  of  God's  love.     In  contrast  with 
the  wicked  human  power,  which  might  seek  after 
his  life,  she  points  him  to  the  safe  preservation  of 
his  life  which  is  involved  in  the  inclusion  of  his 
person  in  the  community  of  the  godly,  whose 
life — that  is,  their  temporal-earthly  life,  since  she 
is  not  speaking  here  of  the  eternal  life  beyond,  to 
which  Keil  fihds  here  an  indirect  reference* — is 
preserved  inviolable  in  God's  hand.     Then  the 
contrast:  But  the  life  of  thy  enemies  'will 
he  sling  out  in  the  pan  of  the  sling — an  en- 
ergetic expression  for  the  divine  rejection  in  contrast 
with  gracious  preservation.     The  "pan"  of  the 
sling  is  the  hollow  for  the  reception  of  the  mis- 
sile.    See  Gen.  xxxii.  26  [hollow  of  the  thigh] . — 
Ver.  30  is  the  protasis,  ver.  31  the  apodosis.     In 
the  words:   And  when  the  Lord  shall  ap- 
point thee  ruler  over  Israel,  Abigail  sIiowf 
that  she  is  acquainted  with  God's  .choice   and 
calling  of  David  to  be  king  of  Israel.     This  she 


*  [So  Abnrbanel,  Targ.,  Talmud  Shab.  I'i2,  2;  Chag.  12, 
2;  PirU.  El.  34  (_Philippsm}.—Ta.] 


had  probably  learned  through  personal  acquaint- 
ance with  those  prophetic  circles,  her  spiritual 
affinity  with  which  is  shown  by  her  words.  Here 
she  looks  out  beyond  the  attacks  of  his  enemies 
to  the  goal  of  his  divine  calling  which  David  has 
reached.  Then  (ver.  31)  "this  will  not  be  a 
stumbling-block  and  vexation  of  heart  to  thee 
that  thou  didst  shed  blood  without  cause,  and 
also  that  my  lord  with  his  own  hand  helped  him- 
self." The  word  "this"  (nX!)  dofs  not  refer  to 
the  request  for  forgiveness  in  vor.  23  (Keil),  but 
to  the  two  following  facts,  namely,  bloodshed  and 
self-help.  The  sense  is:  After  obtaining  the 
kingdom,  thou  wilt  not  have  a  bad  conscience  in 
the  recollection  of  having  shed  innocent  (inno- 
cent, that  is,  in  respect  to  such  revenge)  blood, 
and  depended  on  thyself  for  help.  In  tho  words: 
And  when  the  Lord  shall  do  good  to  my 
lord,  she  briefly  includes  all  her  wishes  and 
hopes  for  D.ivid.  that  to  her  so  deeply-grounded 
request  for  forgiveness  (ver.  28)  she  may  in  con- 
clusion attach  the  thought  of  future  prosperity. 
(a'B'ni  is  to  be  taken  as  condition  or  hypotheti- 
cal indication  of  the  desired  result). 

Vers.  32-35.  David's  answer  and  conduct  to 
Abigail. — Ver.  32.  Thankful  acknowledgment 
that  the  Lord  had  sent  her  to  him.  So,  in  his 
whole  life  even  in  errors  and  faults  David  knows 
himself  to  be  under  the  oversight  and  guidance 
of  the  divine  providence. — Ver.  33.  Having 
given  due  honor  to  the  Lord,  he  praises  Abigail's 
wisdom  and  her  opposition  to  his  purpose  so  dis- 
pleasing to  the  Lord.  He  acknowledges  that  she 
has  restrained  him  from  bloody  revenge  and 
ungodly  self-help,  and  confesses  his  sin  and  guilt 
in  forming  such  a  plan. — Ver.  34.  His  discourse 
advances  rapidly  to  the  declaration  (which 
strengthens  that  thanlcful  acknowledgment)  that, 
but  for  her  interposition,  he  would  have  ex- 
terminated   Nabal's    house.      ''For  otherwise" 

(^071X1),  Vulg.  aiioquin,  "otherwise"  [Eng.  A. 
V.  "in  very  deed"]. — By  the  life  of  the 
Lord,  the  God  of  Israel,  who,  etc.,  I  swear 
that  if  thou,  etc.,  that  nothing  w^ould  have 
remained. — The  thought  that  the  Lord  had 
brought  her  to  meet  him  is  here  completed  by 
the  parenthetic  declaration:  God  the  Lord  has 
here  Himself  interfered  with  my  purpose,  and 
through  thee  prevented  the  execution  of  the 
wicked  deed.* — Ver.  35.  David  accepts  the  pre- 
sent, and  dismisses  Abigail  with  the  assurance 
that  her  request  is  granted.  "  To  accept  the  per- 
son" (D'J3  KE?J)  =  "to  have  regaxd  to,"  Gen. 
xix.  21. 

Vers.  36-38.  NaiaCs  death.— Wet.  36.   Abigail 


*  j;ina— Inf.  const.  Hlph.  fiom  J^J'I.  '3  is  depend- 
ent on  a  verb  of  affirmation  which  is  to  be  supplied  from 
the  connection.  Tlie  repetition  of  the  "'3  is  occasioned 
by  the  parenthesis  "  unless  thou."  The  strange  form 
'nxnn.  Impf.  with  termination  of  Perf.,  is  either  a  cle- 

T 

rical  error  for  ''N3ri,  perhaps  arisen  from  the  following 

•         T 

word,  in  which  the  final  '3  is  preceded  by  X  (Then.); 
comp.  Olsh.  Qr.t  pp.  452, 525 ;  or,  according  to  Ew.  §  191  c, 
a  strengthened  form  of  2  fern.  Impf.  as  n.nx^^n,  Deut. 

T  T 

xxxiii.  16  (Keil). 


310 


THE  PIBST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


finda  Nabal  in  the  revel  of  a  feast. — Like  a 
king's  feast,  as  rich  and  luxurious.  Compare 
the  description  of  the  rlcli  man,  Luke  xix. 
"  Merry  on  account  of  it,"  that  Is,  the  feast.    The 

reference  (In  vSj;;)  to  the  feast  (Maur.,  De  W., 
KeH),  as  in  Prov.  xxlU.  30,  answers  better  to 
Nabal's  thorough  self-abandonment  to  pleasure 
than  the  reference  to  his  person:  ''witMn  him" 
[so  Eng.  A.  v.] ;  and  this  view  is  confirmed  by 
the  following  words:  he  was  very  drunken. 
Ver.  37.  Not  till  next  morning,  when  the  wine 
was  gone  out  of  him,  that  is,  not  by  vomiting, 
but  by  the  gradual  passing  off  of  the  debauch, 
can  Abigail  tell  him  what  has  happened.  The 
choleric  man  is  so  affected  by  it  that  he  has,  an 
apoplectic  stroke.  The  cause  of  this  is  neither 
horror  at  his  loss  (Then.),  for  AbigaU'a  gift  to 
David  was  insignificant,  nor  at  the  danger,  hith- 
erto unsuspected,  which  threatened  him  (Cler., 
Mich.),  for  this  could  not  surprise  him,  he  must 
have  contemplated  Its  possibility  when  he  dl:- 
missed  David's  messengers,* — but  the  violent 
anger  and  vexation  of  the  passionate  man  (always 
hard  and  inflexible),  becjiuse  his  right  had  been 
usurped,  his  authority  as  master  ignored,  and  the 
whole  business  transacted  by  his  wife  against  his 
will  with  the  hated  David.— His  heart  .  .  . 
stone  ;  here  we  must  retain  the  text  [''  he  be- 
came a  stone"],  and  not  render  with  the  VSS. : 
"as  a  stone"  (T?hen.).,  the  strong  hyperbole  of 
the  text  corresponding  to  the  preceding  expres- 
sion: "his  heart  died,"  and  the  reading  of  these 
VSS.  being  obviously  an  explanatory  change  [so 
Eng.  A.  V.]. — Ver.  38.  It  is  expressly  said,  that 
Naoal's  death,  which  did  not  occur  till  ten  days 
after  the  stroke,  was  a  dispensation  of  the  Lord. 
As  an  execution  by  God's  hand,  this  death  is 
here,  though  not  expressly  in  words  (as  in  ver. 
39),  yet  in  the  connection  represented  as  a  pun- 
ishment for  his  ungodliness. 

Vers.  39-42.  Abigail  Barnes  wifc—Yer.  39. 
In  Nabal's  sudden  death  David  recognizes  God's 
judgment  for  the  insult  offered  him,  over  against 
the  revenge  which  he  himself  would  have  taken, 
from  which  the  Lord  estopped  him  in  order 
Himself  to  exercise  vengeance.  This  rests  on 
the  thought  thai  the  insult  offered  David  was 
also  offered  to  the  Lord,  since  David  was  the 
Lord's  Anointed,  and  represented  the  Lord's 
cause.  The  figure  is  of  a  case  in  law,  which  is 
settled  by  the  judicial  decision.  The  "law-cause 
of  my  reproach,"  that  is,  the  reproach  offered  me, 
on  account  of  which  the  Lord  had  to  appear 
against  Kabal  as  Judge  and  Avenger.  Connect 
the  "from  the  hand"  with  "pleaded"  l^r],  not 
with  "  my  reproach,"  and  render  pregnantly 
[Germ,  zeugmatically. — Tk.]  :  "  he  lias  conducted 
my  cause  to  a  conclusion  out  of  the  hand,"  that 
is,  he  has  collected  the  costs  from  the  condemned 
person,  and  has  sotUed  the  matter  by  the  inflic- 
tion of  the  proper  punishment."— And  the 
•wickedness  of  Nabal.  The  connection  shows 
that  these  are  the  words  of  David,  not  of  the  nar- 
rator (Then.). — Ver.  40.  David's  formal  applica- 
tion forthe  hand  of  Abigail. — Ver.  41.  With  the 
expression  of  the  deepest  devotion  in  gesture  and 

*  [Not  neoe.saarily.    It  seems  not  unlikely  that  fright 
had  something  to  do  with  his  seizure.— Tr.J 


word,  according  to  oriental  custom,  she  declares 
herself  ready  to  become  David's  wife. — Ver.  42. 
She  sets  out  with  a  small  train,  "five  damsels," 

her  ordinary  retinue  (' '  ^^^^i^iQ))  'o  follow 
David's  servanta  and  become  his  wife. 

Vers.  43,  44.  Appendix  concerning  David's 
matrimonial  and  domestic  relations,  occasioned 
by  the  account  of  his  marriage  with  AbigaiL — 
And  Abinoam  David  had  taken  from 
Jezreel,  that  is,  before  his  marriage  with  Abi- 
gail (Then.) ;  Jezreel  is  not  the  city  in  lesachar 
(Josh.  xix.  18),  but  in  the  hill-country  of  Judah 
(Josh.  XV.  55,  56),  near  Maon,  Carmel  and  Ziph. 
"  And  these  two  oteo,"  where  "also"  (OJ)  refers 
to  Michal,  xviii.  28. — ^Ver.44.  Saul  "had  given" 
(tnj,  as  the  "had  taken"  above,  in  Plupcrf. 
sense)  Michal  to  Palti  (2  Sam.  ill.  18)  to  ivife. 
Gallim,  in  Benjamin,  between  Oibeah  of  Saul 
and  Jerusalem,  Isa.  x.  30. 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  universal  mourning  among  the  whole 
people  at  Samuel's  death  is  a  sign  that  they  had 
preserved  the  deepest  impressions  and  influences 
of  his  reformatory  work,  and  honored  in  him, 
even  after  his  withdrawal  from  public  labors,  the 
great  restorer  of  the  genuine  theocracy.  Their 
sorrow  at  his  decease  was  the  deeper,  the  more 
heavily  the  yoke  of  Saul's  misgovemmont  pressed 
on  them.  It  was  as  if  from  the  noble  star,  as 
long  as  it  shone  in  the  heaven  of  the  holy  land, 
though  veiled  by  clouds,  there  streamed  a  mild, 
beneficent  light  over  all  Israel.  Now  this  star 
was  extinguished  in  Israel"  (F.  W.  Krum- 
macher). 

2.  Self-help  by  one's  oum  might  through  revenge 
is  as  sinful  and  ungodly  when  one  knoAvs  or  sup- 
poses that  he  has  suffered  insult  for  the  Lord's 
sake,  or  in  His  service,  as  when  one  feels  his  own 
honor  violated.  There  is  always  thus  a  head- 
strong and  impatient  anticipating  of  God's  coun- 
sel and  work  in  the  interest  of  passion,  opposition 
to  the  fundamental  law,  according  to  which  God's 
justice,  not  man's  revenge,  is  the  guardian  of 
moral  order,  and  every  man  receives  what  is  his 
in  the  right  time  and  way,  according  to  the  atti- 
tude of  Ma  heart  to  God.  By  his  excitable  tem- 
perament, which  tends  to  overflow  in  passion, 
David  is  in  great  danger  of  setting  himself  agaipt 
the  supreme  tribunal  of  divine  justice,  and  taldng 
vengeance  into  his  own  hands  instead  of  leaving 
it  to  God.  "For  the  first  time  we  find  him  not 
master  of  his  spirit,  overborne  by  the  passion, 
which  is  indeed  a  natural  trait  of  his  character. — 
lie  purposes  to  break  the  peace,  to  seize  the  pro- 
perty of  others,  and  to  stain  his  hands  with  the 
blood  of  peaceful,  yea,  kindred  citizens.  This 
time  surely  he  had  not  prayed,  nor  inquired  of 
the  Lord  through  the  'Light  and  Eight'  [Urim 
and  ThummimJ.  If  he  had  executed  what  his 
wrath  suggested — and  it  was  not  his  doing  if  it 
went  no  farther  than  suggestion — ^he  would  have 
given  the  death-blow  to  his  honor  and  his  cause" 
(F.  W.  Krummacher). 

3.  God  rules  and  watches  with  such  paternal 
special  providence  and  care  over  those  that  hum- 
bly look  to  His  guidance  that,  when  thev  are  in 
danger  through  their  own  flesh  and  blooJ  of  fall- 


CHAP.  XXV.  1-44. 


311 


ing  into  sin,  He  raises  up  persons  to  guide  them 
b^  exliortation,  warning,  and  instruction  into  the 
right  way,  He  enlightens  and  strengthens  them 
by  His  word,  so  that  they  see  in  good  time  their 
moral  danger  and  how  to  avoid  it,  and  go  firmly 
on,  and  at  last  praise  the  Lord  for  such  gracious 
preservation.  ''  David  j^raised  God  that  He  had 
kept  him  from  sin,  and  yet  saved  his  honor. — So 
well  does  everything  at  last  turn  out  with  those 
who  give  heed  to  God  and  their  own  heart.  God 
receives  them  when  they  fall,  and  raises  them  up 
when  they  are  cast  down ;  but  the  ungodly,  who 
listen  to  nothing  and  hate  instruction,  cool  their 
wrath  and  perish"  (Eoos). — "That  David,  like 
every  human  being,  was  not  free  from  d&sire  of 
revenge,  to  which  he  was  especially  exposed  from 
his  liveliness  of  feeling,  is  shown  in  1  Sam.  xxv. 
But  there  is  needed  only  a  slight  rousing  of  his 
conscience,  and  he  says  to  Abigail  (vers.  31,  32) : 
'  The  Lord  be  praised  who  hath  sent  thee  to  meet 
me  to-day.  And  blessed  be  thy  discourse,  and 
blessed  be  thou,'  etc.  And  what  Abigail  could 
do,  could  not  the  presence  of  the  Holy  One  have 
done,  before  whom  he  stood  when  he  sang  his 
Psalm  ?"     (Hengst.,  Ps.  iv.,  302.) 

4.  Abigail  belongs  to  the  prophetic  personages 
of  this  time,  and  takes  a  prominent  place  among 
the  pious  women  of  the  Old  Covenant.  In  con- 
trast with  her  ungodly,  doltish,  hard-hearted, 
thankless,  avaricious,  purse-proud,  rough,  and 
riotous  husband,  she  is  deeply  pious,  clever  and 
intelligent,  thankful,  generous,  humble,  of  noble 
disposition  and  fine  tact,  intellectual,  and  gifted 
with  pleasing  and  winning  speech. — Solomon 
says :  By  wise  women  the  house  is  builded,  but 
a  foolish  woman  destroys  it."  This  word  finds  a 
noble  confirmation  in  Abigail  as  housewife  in 
respect  to  this  perverse  man  sunk  in  sordid  ava- 
rice and  gross  materialism. — "  Where  do  we  find 
in  all  the  heathen  world  a  woman  comparable 
with  Abigail,  the  daughter  of  the  wilderness? 
Unfortunate,  indeed,  she  is.  Ah,  her  house,  how- 
ever blessed  with  earthly  goods,  is  no  Bethany- 
cottage.  With  deep  sorrow  she  must  call  her 
rude,  Mammon-serving  husband  a  'fool.'  But 
she  bears  with  him  in  patient,  hopeful  love  and 
faithfulness,  and  doubtless  often  lifts  holy  hands 
to  God  for  him.  So  for  him  she  goes  to  David, 
like  a  sacrificial  lamb  taking  her  husband's  mis- 
deed on  herself.  She  holds  up  ako  to  David  the 
grievous  sin  with  which  he  would  have  laden 
himself  if  he  had  carried  out  his  purpose  against 
the  man. — Indeed  the  truth  and  sincerity,  the 
dovelike  simplicity  united  to  sanctified  wisdom, 
which  appears  in  the  childlike-pious  address  of 
the  noble  woman,  is  worthy  of  our  liveliest  admi- 
ration. Who  can  fail  to  see  that  here  already  the 
Spirit  from  above  was  working  mightily?  Is  it 
not  almost  as  if  in  her  we  heard  an  advanced  dis- 
ciple of  the  Gospel  speak  ?  Has  not  her  word  : 
'Thou  shalt  be  bound  in  the  bundle  of  the  living 
of  the  Lord'  been  long  naturalized  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  whole  Christian  congregation  as  a 
Javorite  expression,  and  as  the  designation  of  the 
most  precious  thing  that  man  can  desire  on 
earth?"  (F.  W.  Krummacher).— "  What  wisdom, 
what  humility,  what  free-heartedness,  what  order 
we  find  in  her  words !  How  well  she  knew  how 
to  speak  to  David's  heart  1  How  well  her  whole 
discourse  was  suited  to  her  position  as  woman  1    I 


know  no  example  of  eloquence  that  excels  this. 
Doubtless  she  had  not  studied  eloquence  in  the 
schools,  but  the  Spirit  of  God  alone  made  her  such 
an  orator.  God  put  wisdom  into  her  heart,  and 
it  flowed  out  in  wise  discourse"  (Roos). — Abigail 
appears  as  an  org.in  of  the  Spirit  of  God,  the  pro- 
phetic spirit  breathes  through  her  words,  and  she 
speaks  to  David  in  the  manner  of  the  prophets. 
She  sees  clearly  and  declares  to  David  with  vig- 
orous, heart-searching,  and  conscience-piercing 
words,  that  his  high-handed,  revengeful  purpose 
is  against  God's  law  and  order;  she  convinces  him 
of  his  deep  guilt,  and  brings  him  to  acknowledge 
that  she  is  God's  instrument  to  save  him  from  a 
wicked  deed  which  would  have. cast  a  dark  sha- 
dow over  his  future  life ;  she  announces  his  future 
royal  calling  and  his  lofty  mission  therein  as  hero 
to  wage  the  wars  of  the  Lord  against  the  enemies 
of  God's  people,  earnestly  exhorts  him  to  walk 
conformably  to  the  glory  and  holiness  of  this  call- 
ing, predicts  under  this  condition  the  continuance 
of  the  royal  dignity  in  his  house  (comp.  2  Sam. 
vii.),  and  promises  him  the  rich  blessings  of  the 
favor  of  God.  Thus  in  her  is  presented  the  type 
of  the  guardian  watch-ofiice  of  prophecy  in  rela- 
tion to  the  royal  office.  Abigail  could  so  speak 
only  as  moved  or  filled  by  the  prophetic  Spirit ; 
and  the  means  thereto  was  her  personal  relation 
to  the  prophetic  circles,  whose  centre  Samuel  was 
till  his  death  and  to  which  all  truly  God-fearing 
persons  attached  themselves.  As  the  prophetic 
community  was  at  this  time  of  great  importance 
for  awakening  and  cherishing  a  new  religiqus- 
moral  life  in  the  people,  it  cannot  be  surprising 
if  we  meet  with  personages,  like  Abigail,  among 
the  people,  filled  and  illuminated  with  the  pro- 
phetic Spirit. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PEACTICAL. 

Chap.  XXV.  J.  DissELHOPP :  Let  the  righteovs 
smite  me  kindly  and  reprove  me:  1)  Even  the  be- 
loved of  the  Lord,  when  he  watches  not  his  heart, 
fiills  into  wrath  that  deserves  reproof;  2)  The 
gracious  God  sends  His  beloved  ones  the  deserved 
reproof  through  some  human  mouth ;  3)  The  way 
in  which  any  one  receives  reproof  shows  how  far 
he  is  a  man  after  God's  own  heart. 

Ver.  1.  Remember  your  teachers,  etc.  Heb. 
xiii.  7.  [The  aged  man  is  laid  aside,  and  sinks 
out  of  the  popular  view ;  and  when  at  length  he 
dies,  people  are  startled  as  they  recall  how  great 
a  man  he  was  in  his  prime,  how  great  a  work  he 
did.  It  is  something  to  live  so  that  one's  death 
will  be  truly  mourned  by  a  whole  people.  The 
old,  who  sadly  think  themselves  forgotten,  may 
find  solace  not  only  in  reviewing  the  past,  but  also 
in  the  persuasion  that  yet  once  again  they  will  be 
vividly  remembered;  while  the  younger  should 
strive  to  anticipate  the  feelings  of  that  coming 
time,  and  show  respect  and  afiection  while  it  can 
be  fully  enjoyed. — Tb.] — Ver.  2  sqq.  Cramer  : 
Wealth,  consideration,  power,  and  good  fortune, 
are  nothing  without  wisdom  (Pro v.  xvii.  16). 
Therefore  we  should  prefer  wisdom  and  virtue  to 
all  temporal  things ;  for  riches  and  rank  do  not 
help  against  folly. — Schlier  :  What  does  money 
help  us,  when  we  make  Mammon  our  idol,  and 
know  only  how  to  rake  and  scrape  and  get  rich? 
How  well  it  would  be  if  we  did  but  once  believe 


812 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


that  money  is  not  man's  fortune,  and  that  with  all 
riches  we  may  yet  be  unfortunate  people. — [Hall  : 
Even  the  line  of  faithful  Caleb  will  afford  an  ill- 
conditioned  Nabal.  Virtue  is  not,  like  unto  lands, 
inheritable.— TK.]—Ver.  10  sq.  Berl.  B.:  The 
fountain  of  his  speech  is  avarice,  and  the  stream 
is  malignity.  So  the  rich  of  the  world  are  often 
haughty  and  unfriendly,  and  thereby  show  them- 
selves to  be  true  Nabals  or  fools,  as  Christ  also 
named  that  rich  farmer. — Schlier  :  Let  us  not 
look  at  Nabal,  we  will  rather  think  of  ourselves. — 
There  is  nothing  that  releases  us  from  the  duty 
of  thankfulness,  let  the  other  person  be  as  he  will. 
To  whomsoever  you  owe  thanks,  to  him  you  should 
also  show  your  thanks.  And  such  ingratitude  is 
doubly  a  wrong,  when  the  fault  on  the  other's  part, 
because  of  which  you  refuse  the  thanks,  is  only 
an  imagined  fault,  when  you  have  only  a  wicked 
grivdge  against  him,  as  Nabal  considered  David 
a  seditious  person,  although  he  was  the  most  faith- 
ful subject  of  the  king. — [Scott:  When  worldly 
men  are  determined  not  to  relieve  the  necessitous, 
they  often  excuse  themselves  by  railing;  by 
charging  the  vices  of  some  poor  persons  upon 
all;  and  by  representing  almsgiving  as  an  en- 
couragement to  idleness,  impertinence,  and  ex- 
travagance :  nor  are  the  most  excellent  characters 
any  defence  against  such  undLstinguishing  invec- 
tives.— Tr.] — Ver.  13.  Starke:  How  subject  are 
the  best  of  God's  saints  to  weak  passions  1  Ye 
who  are  pious,  recognise  this  fact,  and  diligently 
call  on  God  for  the  government  of  His  Spirit 
(Jer.  X.  23).  Schlier:  If  wrong  is  done  us,  we 
will  commit  vengeance  to  the  Lord,  and  will  be 
afraid  of  all  self-revenge.  He  who  suffers  inju- 
ries and  commits  his  revenge  to  the  Lord,  is  a 
righteous  man;  but  it  is  unmanly  to  give  free 
course  to  one's  revenge,  and  to  do  what  flesh  and 
blood  prompts. — Berl.  B.  :  David  here  felt  some- 
thing quite  human,  and  fell  into  sudden  heat  at 
the  affront  offered  him,  and  the  contemptuous  in- 
gratitude of  the  rude  arch-churl.  His  passions 
started  np,  and  most  of  all  because  Nabal  had 
treated  him  shamefully  when  he  had  done  him  no 
hurt.  In  such  a  case  it  may  well  be  said :  "The 
wrath  of  man  worketh  not  the  righteousness  of 
God"(Jamesi.20).— [Ver.l3.  Henry:  "Is this 
thy  voice,  O  David?"  Can  this  man  after  God's 
own  heart  speak  thus  unadvisedly  with  his  lips? 
....  Is  this  he  who,  but  the  other  day,  spared  him 
who  sought  his  life,  and  yet  now  will  not  spare 
anything  that  belongs  to  him  who  had  only  put 
an  affront  on  his  messengers?  Lord,  what  is 
man !  What  need  have  we  to  pray.  Lord,  "  lead 
us  not  into  temptation  I"  Ver.  18:  Henry:  The 
passion  of  fools  often  makes  those  breaches  in  a 
little  time,  which  the  wise,  with  all  their  wis- 
dom, have  much  ado  to  make  up  again. — Tr.] 
— Ver.  19.  Starke:  Silence  has  its  time,  speech 
has  also  its  time.  Well  for  those  who  know  how 
to  suit  themselves  thereto  (Eccl.  iii.  7  sq.). 

Ver.  22.  Berl.  Bib.  :  David  here  completely 
changes  into  a  barbarous  man,  and  forgets  him- 
self altogether.  If  this  purpose  had  been  carried 
into  execution,  Saul  would  for  the  first  time  have 
had  a  just  cause  for  pursuing  him  as  a  disturber 
of  the  public  peace. — Ver.  23  sqq.  Schlier: 
Men's  wrath  is  a  frightful  enemy,  and  works  not 
the  righteousness  of  God,  and  yet  there  is  a 
means  of  making  this  enemy  no  longer  hurtful. 


namely,  a  friendly,  loving  word. — Let  us  espe- 
cially when  one  falls  into  wrath  observe  well 
whether  we  cannot  perhaps  quiet  such  wrath  by 
a  mild,  gentle  word.  A  word  spoken  in  season, 
and  with  an  eye  to  the  Lord,  is  not  in  vain. — 
When  we  are  on  a  bad  way^  the  Lord  comes  not 
in  miracles  and  signs  to  bring  us  to  good  ways, 
but  He  interposes  through  men.  He  warns  us 
through  parents  and  friends  and  other  connec- 
tions, and  their  word  is  the  Lord's  word. — Ver. 
27.  Starke:  Free  and  rich  gifts  bring  blessing 
with  them ;  therefore  give,  and  it  is  given  to  you 
(2  Cor.  ix.  5,  6).— Osiauder:  Ver.  29.  Our  life 
is  not  in  the  power  of  our  enemies,  except  so  far 
as  God  permits  it  them  (Job  ii.  6). — [Ver.  31. 
Henry  :  When  we  are  tempted  to  sin,  we  should 
consider  how  it  will  appear  in  the  reflection. 
Let  us  never  do  anything  for  which  our  own  con- 
science will  afterward  have  occasion  to  upbraid 
us. — Taylor  :  Only  a  woman  could  have  man- 
aged such  a  negotiation  as  this  so  smoothly  and 
successfiilly ;  but  only  a  God-fearing  woman 
would  have  managed  it  so  as  to  bring  David  to  a 
sense  of  the  sinfulness  of  the  act  which  he  had 
been  about  to  commit. — Vers.  32-35.  Hall  :  A 
good  heart  is  easily  stayed  from  sinning,  and  is 
glad  when  it  finds  occasion  to  be  crossed  in  ill 
purposes. — Wicked  vows  are  ill  made,  but  worse 
kept.  Our  tongue  cannot  tie  us  to  commit  sin. 
Good  men  think  themselves  happy,  that  since 
they  had  not  the  grace  to  deny  sin,  yet  they  had 
not  the  opportunity  to  accomplish  it. — Th.] — 
Vers.  36-38.  Schlier  :  So  true  it  is  that  sin  is 
ruin  to  the  people.  What  multitudes  think  that 
with  avarice  one  can  get  rich,  and  yet  avarice  is 
a  root  of  all  evil;  how  many  think  by  hard- 
heartedness  and  selfishness  to  get  on,  and  yet 
thereby  every  one  Ls  only  building  up  his  own 
misfortune ;  what  multitudes  think  that  if  they 
should  give  themselves  up  to  excesses,  they  would 
get  pleasure  and  enjoyment  therefrom,  and  yet 
all  good-living  comes  only  of  evil. — [Hall:  It 
was  no  time  to  advise  Nabal,  while  his  reason 
was  drowned  in  a  deluge  of  wine.  A  beast,  or  a 
stone,  Ls  as  capable  of  good  counsel  as  a  drunkard., 
O  that  the  noblest  creature  should  so  far  abase 
himself  a.s  for  a  little  liquor  to  lose  the  use  of 
those  faculties  whereby  he  is  a  man  ! — "  O  that 
men  should  put  an  enemy  in  their  mouths  to 
steal  away  their  brains!" — Tr.] — Ver.  39  sqq. 
Schlier  :  It  is  a  good  thing  to  trust  in  the  Lord 
and  give  up  everything  to  Him.  All  self-revenge 
in  every  case  comes  of  evil ;  but  to  contain  one's 
self,  to  suppress  one's  wrath,  to  turn  over  ven- 
geance to  the  Lord,  brings  good  fortune  and 
blessing. 

[Vers.  2-11.  Nabal:  1)  His  advantages:  o) 
Of  excellent  family  (ver.  3,  comp.  Josh.  xiv.  6 ; 
XV.  13);  b)  Very  wealthy;  c)  Having  a  wife 
most  remarkable  not  only  for  personal  beauty 
(ver.  3),  but  for  thoughtfulness,  energy,  tact  and 
grace.  2)  His  faults:  a)  Avaricious  and  stingy 
in  the  extreme ;  6)  Yet  ostentatious  of  his  wealth 
(ver.  36) ;  c)  A  drunken  sot;  d)  A  fool;  e)  Eude 
and  insulting  habitually  (ver.  17).  What  a  son 
of  Caleb  1  what  a  husband  for  Abigail  1  3)  His 
ignoble  end.  Remembered  for  his  faults,  and 
from  his  connection  with  the  men  he  insulted. 

[Vers.  23-31.  A  specimen  of  the  soft  answer  thai 
tumeth  awayiiralh:  1)  She  takes  the  blame  on 


CHAP.  XXVI.  1-25. 


313 


hersalf,  so  as  to  divert  attention  from  tlie  offender 
{ver.  24).  2)  She  extenuates  the  offence,  and 
makes  amends  for  it,  as  far  as  the  circumstances 
admit  (vers.  25,  27).  3)  She  delicately  assumes 
that  the  wrathful  purpose  will  be  abandoned 
through  divine  influence  (ver.  26).  4)  She  turns 
the  angry  man's  mind  towards  a  future  of  great 
and  sure  prosperity,  through  Jehovah's  blessing 
(vers.  28,  29).  5)  She  declares  that  in  that  hap- 
py time  he  will  be  glad  he  did  not  to-day  incur 
blood-guiltiness  (vers.  30,  31).  The  sum  of  the 
whole  13  that  she  makes  him  forget  his  wrath  in 
thoughts  of  Jehovah  and  of  the  brilliant  future 
which  Jehovah  has  in  reserve  for  him.  The 
result  appears  in  vers.  32,  33. 


,  [Vers.  32,  33.  South:  "Prevention  of  sin  is 
one  of  the  greatest  mercies  that  God  can  vouch- 
safe a  man  in  this  world."  South  o)  shows  the 
danger  that  sin  unprevented  may  never  be  par- 
doned, and  b)  argues  that  prevention  is  better 
than  pardon;  and  in  the  "  Application,"  urges  a) 
that  a  higher  satisfaction  is  to  be  found  from  a 
conquered  than  from  a  conquering  passion;  b) 
that  the  temper  with  which  we  receive  pro- 
vidential prevention  of  sin  is  a  criterion  of 
the  gracious  or  ungracious  disposition  of  our 
hearts;  c)  that  we  ought  thankfully  to  acquiesce 
in  any  providential  crosses,  since  these  may  be 
the  instruments  of  preventing  grace. — Tb.] 


Vm.  David,  betrayed  again  by  the  Ziphites,  spares  Said  the  second  time. 

Chapteb  XXVI.  1-25. 

1  And  the  Ziphites  came  unto  Saul  to  Gibeab,  saying,  Doth  not  David  hide  him- 

2  self  in  the  hill  of  Haehilah'  which  is'  before  Jeshimon.  Then  [And]  Saul  arose 
and  went  down  to  the  wilderness  of  Ziph,  having  three  thousand  chosen  men  of 

3  Israel  with  him,  to  seek  David  in  the  wilderness  of  Ziph.  And  Saul  pitched  in 
the  hill  of  Hachilah  which  is  before  Jeshimon  in  the  way,  but  [and]  David  abode 

4  in  the  wilderness.  And  he  saw  that  Saul  came  after  him  into  the  wilderness,  David 
therefore  [And  David]  sent  out  spies,  and  understood  that  Saul  was  come  in  very 

5  deed.'  And  David  arose  and  came  to  the  place  where  Saul  had  pitched.  And 
David  beheld  the  place  where  Saul  lay,  and  Abner,  the  son  of  Ner,  the  captain  of 
the  host ;  and  Saul  lay  in  the  trench  [wagon-rampart],*  and  the  people  pitched 
round  about  him. 

6  Then  answered  David  [And  David  answered]  and  said  to  Ahimelech  the  Hitt- 
ite  and  to  Abishai,  the  son  of  Zeruiah,  brother  to  Joab,  saying,  Who  will  go  down 

7  with  me  to  Saul  to  the  camp  ?  And  Abishai  said,  I  will  go  down  with  thee.  So 
[And]  David  and  Abishai  came  to  the  people  by  night,  and  behold,  Saul  lay  sleep- 
ing within  the  trench  [in  the  wagon-rampart],  and  his  spear  stuck  in  the  ground 
at  his  bolster  [head],*  but  [and]  Abner  and  the  people  lay  round  about  him. 


TEXTtTAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

'  [Ver.  1.  Here,  aa  in  xxiii.  19,  there  is  diversity  of  spelling,  Syr.  and  Arab,  having  "  Havilah,"  and  some  MSS. 
and  Edd.  "  Habilah ;"  but  the  Heb.  text  seems  preferable.— Taj 

'  [Ver.  1.  The  Eel.  is  supplied  in  ver.  3  and  in  xxiii.  19,  and  is  involved  in  the  connection.    For  Ifn'tyn  Aq. 

hasT^s  ^.(.tti-io-jicnii,  as  iffrom  DDE',  "  the  desolated,"  and  Sym.  epwov,  "  the  desert."— Te.J 

'  [Ver.  4.  Instead  of  JlDJ-bx,  Ewald  would  read  ni>'D  "lpJ-'7N,  "  into  the  fissure  of  a  cave,"  partly  after 

the  Sept.  KeiKd.  or,  as  Thenius  affirms,  for  the  purpose  of  introducing  here  a  trace  of  his  alleged  "  original  narra- 
tive," though  the  context  shows  that  Saul  was  not  m  a  cave,  but  in  a  wagon-rampart  (ver.  5).  The  text-phrase 
occurs  in  xxiii.  23  in  the  sense  "  certainly,"  and  is  quite  intelligible  here,  though,  as  Wellhausen  remarks,  its 

p»sition  is  strange,  we  should  expect  it  after  j;!']^,  while  after  Swj?  N3  we  should  look  for  the  name  of  the 

place  to  which  Saul  goes.  The  Sept.  gives  not  only  eToi/uot.  but  also  the  place  from  which  Saul  comes,  e«  KeiAa, 
which  throws  no  light  on  the  sense;  Vulg.  and  Chald.  support  the  Feb.,  and  Syr.  and  Arab,  render  "after  him," 
"  to  him."    On  the  whole  there  does  not  seem  sufficient  reason  for  altering  the  text ;  the  VSS.  testify  that  there 

was  something  after  SlSty,  and  nothing  better  than  this  offers  itself.— Te.] 


meaning  t 


'  way." 


.  proposes 


ya. 


into  accordance  with  xxiv.  6. — Te.] 

'  [Ver.  7.  "  The  place  at  his  head,"  see  on  xix.  13.    Derive  from  ^tJ'N^D.— -Te-J 


314  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


8  Then  said  Abishai  [Aud  Abishai  said]  to  David,  God'  hath  [ins.  this  day]  de- 
livered thine  enemy'  into  thine  hand  this  day  [om.  this  day]  ;  now,  therefore  [and 
now,]  let  me  smite  him,  I  pray  thee,  with  the  spear  even  [om.  even]  to  the  earth' 

9  at  [om.  at]  once,  and  I  will  not  smite  him  the  second  time.  And  David  said  to 
Abishai,  Destroy'  him  not ;  for  who  can  stretch  forth  his  hand  against  the  Lords 

10  [Jehovah's]  anointed,  and  be  guiltless?  David  said  furthermore  [And  David 
said].  As  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth,  [ina.  but]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  smite 
him,  or  his  day  shall  come  to  die  [and  he  shall  die],  or  he  shall  descend  into  battle 

11  and  perish.  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  forbid'"  that  I  should  stretch  forth  mine  hand 
against  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  anointed;  but,  I  pray  thee,  take  thou  now  [and 
now,  take]  the  spear  that  is  at  his  bolster  [head]  and  the  cruse  of  water,  and  let 

12  us  go.  And  David  took  the  spear  and  the  cruse  of  water  from  Saul's  bolster 
[head],"  and  they  gat  them  away,  and  no  man  saw  it,  nor  knew  it,  neither  awaked, 
for  they  were  all  asleep,  because  [for]  a  deep  sleep"  from  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was 
fallen  upon  them. 

13  Then  David  went  over  to  the  other  side,  and  stood  on  the  top  of  an  hill  [the 

14  mountain]  afar  off,  a  great  space  being  between  them.  And  David  cried  to  the  peo- 
ple and  to  Abner,  the  son  of  Ner,  saying,  Answerest  thou  not,  Abner?    Then 

15  [And]  Abner  answered  and  said.  Who  art  thou  that  criest  to  the  king  ?  And 
David  said  to  Abner,  Art  not  thou  a  valiant  [om.  valiant]"  man  ?  and  who  is  like 
to  thee  in  Israel  ?  wherefore,  then,  hast  thou  not  kept  thy  lord  the  king  ?  for  there 

16  came  one  of  the  people  in  to  destroy  the  king  thy  lord.  This  thing  is  not  good  that 
thou  hast  done.  As  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth,  ye  are  worthy  to  die,  because  ye 
have  not  kept  [watched  over]  your  master  [lord]  [ins.  over]  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's] 
anointed.  And  now,  see  where  the  king's  spear  is,  and  the  cruse'*  of  water  that 
was  at  his  bolster  [head]. 

17  And  Saul  knew  [recognized]  David's  voice  and  said.  Is  this  thy  voice,  my  son 

18  David?  And  David  said.  It  is  my  voice,  my  lord,  O  king.  And  he  said.  Where- 
fore doth  my  lord  thus  [om  thus]  pursue  after  his  servant?  for  what  have  I  done? 

19  or  [and]  what  evil  is  in  mine  hand?  Now,  therefore  [And  now],  I  pray  thee,  let 
my  lord  the  king  hear  the  words  of  his  servant.  If  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  have 
stirred  thee  up  against  me,  let  him  accept  an  offering;  but  if  they  be  [it  6e]  the 
children  of  men,  cuised  be  they  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  for  they  have  driven 
me  out  this  day  from  abiding'*  in  the  inheritance  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  saying, 

20  Go,  serve  other  gods.    Now,  therefore,  [And  now,]  let  not  my  blood  fall  to  the 

*  [Ver,  8.  Sept.  icvpto?,  Jahvoh.  This  variation  in  the  divine  names  may  be  error  in  the  Sept.,  or  it  may  be 
from  variation  in  manuscripts ;  there  is  no  decisive  internal  reason  for  tne  use  of  one  name  rather  than  the 
other.— Tn.j 

'  [Ver.  8.  So  the  Qeri  (Kethib  is  plural)  which  is  found  in  the  text  of  several  MSS.  and  Edd. — Tn.] 

s  rVor.  8.  Tho  Heb.  construction:  '"with  the  spear  and  in  the  ground,"  is  unusual;  from  xvii.  11;  xix.  10,  we 
should  expect :  "  with  the  spear  ia  him  and  in  the  ground  "  (Wellh.). — Ta.] 

»  [Ver.  9.  Sept.:  "humble  (TtUW)  him  not;"  here  inappropriate.— Te.1 

10  [Ver.  11.  Literally :  "  bo  it  a  profane  thing  to  me  from  Jehovah,"  Erdmann  '•  on  Jehovah's  account,"  or,  it 
may  be  "by,  through  Jehovah"  (as  in  Eng.  A.  V.). — Tn.] 

"  [Vfcr.  12.  The  form  is  variously  explained  CHii'X'm),  some  talsing  it  for  'TBO,  one  Mem  falling  out  (so 
Erdmann),  others  from  a  noun  riE/SI  (so  Furst).  In  any  case  we  have  to  suppose  the  presence  of  the  Prep.  m. 
-Tn.]  ■■'    '•■ 

"  [\  er.  12.  This  word  (nOT^j^)  is  used  only  a  few  times  in  the  Old  Testament,  and  apparently  of  a  super- 

T  "    !  - 

natural  sleep.  In  prose  it  occurs,  besides  here,  only  in  Gen.  ii.  21 ;  xv.  12,  in  both  which  places  the  sleep  is  su- 
Iiernaturnl.  So  in  Joo,  Kliphaz  (iv.  13)  and  Elihu  (xxxiii,  10)  refer  to  revelations  from  God,  and  in  Isa.  xxix.  10 
the  nn'l'ljl  nil  is  a  divine  judicial  infliction.    Even  in  Prov.  xix.  16  the  "deep  sleep,"  which  is  the  result  of 

slothfulncsR,  is  viewed,  from  the  connection,  as  a  part  of  God's  moral  government  of  men.  A  distinctly  super- 
natural sleep  would,  therefore,  seem  to  be  here  intended.  This  is  the  general  feeling  of  the  Greek  renderings 
of  the  word  (Sept.  ea|u;3o!,  Aq.  KciTaifiopa,  Sym. /capoi,  Theod.  Ikittiiitis)  ;  Syr,  Arab.,  Vulg.,  Chald.,  render  "sleep;" 

Sam.  Vers,  gives  nnijfl,  "sleep,"  in  Gen.  xv.  12,  and  in  ii.  21  XplS'i),  compared  by  Uhlemann  with  Kabb. 

nj73n  (iiyperbole)  in  sense  of  " ecstasy,"  but  comp.  Talm.  phs,  "bind,"  hence,  perhaps,  "a  binding  sleep." 

— Te.'] 

"  [Ver.  15.  The  Adj.  is  understood,  though  not  expressed,  in  Heb.  as  in  English.— Tk.] 

"  [Ver.  16.  On  the  construction  see  Erdmann.    The  riN  might  be  regarded  an  emphatic  sign  introducing 

the  second  thing  mentioned,  which  might  then  be  in  the  Aco. :  "  and  as  to  the  cruse."  The  Vulg.  inserts  a  second 
"  where  ?"  the  Sept.  omits  it  where  the  Heb.  has  it— two  ways  of  smoothing  over  the  difficulty  of  the  construc- 
tion.— Tb.] 

'5  [Ver.  19.  Literally:  "  from  Joining  myself  to  "  (Ges.).    So  Aq.  awrweai.,  Sym.  crvvSviftaeai,  Sept.  (i.i)e<m)pi'\(l«'- 


CHAP.  XXVI.  1-25. 


315 


earth  before  the  face  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah] ;  for  the  king  of  Israel  is  come  out  to 
seek  a  flea,*'  as  when  lorn,  when]  one  doth  hunt  a  [the]  partridge  in  the  moun- 
tains. 


21 


Then  said  Saul  [And  Saul  said],"  I  have  sinned ;  return,  my  son  David ;  for  I 
will  no  more  do  thee  harm,  because  my  soul  [life]  was  precious  in  thine  eyes  this 

22  day;  behold,  I  have  played  the  fool,  and  have  erred  exceedingly.  And  Divid 
answered  and  said,  Behold  the  king's  spear !"  and  let  one  of  the  young  men  coma 

23  over  and  fetch  it.  litis.  And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  render  to  every  man  his  right- 
eousness and  his  faithfulness;  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  delivered  thee  into  my^'  hand 
to-day,  but  [and]  I  would  not  stretch  forth  mine  hand  against  the  Lord's  [Jeho- 

24  vah's]  anointed.  And  behold  as  thy  life  was  much  set  by  this  day  in  my  eyes,  eo 
let  my  life  be  much  set  by  in  the  eyes  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  let  him  deliver 

25  me  out  of  all  tribulation.  Then  [And]  Saul  said  to  David,  Blessed  be  thou,  my 
son  David;  thou  shalt  both  do  great  things,  and  also  shalt  surely  prevail.  So 
David  went  on  his  way,  and  Saul  returned  to  his  place. 

"  fVer.  20.  Or,  "a  single  flea,"  .is  in  xxiv.  IS.  This  repetition  is  somewhat  surpri.sing,  and  the  Sept.  reading 
"my  soul"  seems  better.  The  repetition  of  the  phrase  would  enter  into  the  question  whether  we  are  to  suppose 
two  betrayals  by  the  Ziphites,  or  only  two  aooounts  of  the  same  betrayal.— Tr.] 

"  rVer.  21.  Syr.,  Arab,  and  2  MSS.  have  "  Saul  F.aid  to  David."— Tn.  | 

>'  [Ver.  22.  The  Art  with  n'jn  (om.  in  Qeri)  in  stat.  conat.  is  strange,  but  not  impossible,  especially  whore 

the  defining  noun  is  comparatively  insigniflcant,  or  the  defined  is  to  be  brought  out  more  prominently,  as  here 
See  Ew.,  §  290  d,  Philippi,  "Stat.  Const,  im  Scb.,"  p.  36  sq.— Tn.] 

l»  [Ver.  23.  The  insertion  of  the  suffix  is  supported  by  many  VSS.,  MSS.  and  EDD.— Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CEITICAL. 

The  ccnnparison  of  chap.  xxvl.  with  the  section 
xxiii.  19-24,  xxiv.,  shows  that  the  narratives 
agree  in  three  principcd  points,  in  the  treachery  of 
the  Ziphites  towards  David,  in  the  persecution 
of  David  by  Saul,  and  in  the  sparing  of  Saul  by 
David.  There  is  besides  much  concerning  lo- 
calities, connected  circumstances,  conversation, 
wherein  an  agreement  cannot  be  denied.  Ver.  1 
^  xxiii.  19,  the  coming  of  the  Ziphites  to  Saul, 
and  their  information  as  to  David's  whereabouts. 
Ver.  2  =  xxiv.  3  [2] ,  Saul's  march  against  David 
with  three  thousand  men.  Vers.  8—11  =  xxiv. 
5-7  [4-6.],  David's  protest  against  laying  hands 
on  Saul  as  the  anointed  of  the  Lord.  Ver.  17  ^ 
xxiv.  17  [16],  Saul's  question  about  tlie  voice  of 
David.  Ver.  18  =  xxiv.  10-12  [9-11.],  David's 
affirmation  of  his  innocence.  Ver.  20  =  xxiv.  15 
[14]  concerning  the  flea.  Ver.  21  =  xxiv.  18 
[17.]  Saul's  penitent  confe-ssion  of  his  guilt.  Ver. 
23  =  xxiv.  13-16  [12-15],  David's  appeal  to 
his  innocence  and  to  the  divine  justice.  Ver.  25 
=  xxiv.  20,  21  [19,  20],  Saul's  invocation  of 
blessing. 

But  it  does  not  follow  necessarily  from  these 
agreements  that  these  narratives  are  two  accounts 
of  the  same  event,  as  Ew.,  Then.,  DeWette,  Bleek 
(the  last,  however,  "  with  some  probability"  only) 
and  others  suppose.  The  wilderness  of  Ziph,  and 
especially  the  strong,  protected  position  on  the 
mountain  Hachilah,  might  well  seem  to  David  on 
his  return  from  the  wilderness  of  Paran  a  suitable 
abiding-place  for  himself  and  his  men.  That  the 
Ziphites,  who  held  with  Saul,  consequently  again 
showed  him  David's  abode  cannot,  however,  seem 
strange.  The  coincidence  as  to  the  three  thou- 
sand men  need  not  be  regarded  a-s  showing  that 
there  was  only  one  occurrence,  since  according  to 
xiii.  2  Saul  had  found  a  body  of  "  three  thousand 
chosen  men  out  of  Israel "  (as  thej^  are  called  here 
also  xxvi.  2)  as  a  standing  army,  with  which  guard 


he  might  easily  under  similar  circumstances  have 
marched  a  second  time  against  David.  Tiienius, 
indeed,  affirms  that  "  Saul  must  have  been  a  moral 
monster,  which  he,  however,  evidently  was  not,  if 
h  e  had  deliberately  and  under  the  persuasion  of  lli  o 
same  persons  made  a  second  attempt  on  David's 
life  after  the  latter  had  so  magnanimously  spared 
his  life."  Against  which  Niigelsbach  {Hers.  XII., 
402  sq.)  rightly  says :  "  That  Saul  marched  a  ae- 
cond  time  against  David  is  psychologically  only 
too  easily  explained,  even  though  he  was  no  moral 
monster.  His  hatred  to  David  was  so  deeply 
rooted  that  it  could  be  only  temporarily  suppressed 
by  that  magnanimous  deed,  not  extinguished." 
Saul's  inner  life  under  the  dominion  of  envy  and 
hate  towards  David,  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  the 
various  influences  of  the  better  spirit,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  hitherto  been  full  of  vacillations  and 
contradictions.  Why  should  it  seem  strange  if, 
in  the  better  impulses  which,  through  David'.T 
presence,  words,  and  noble  conduct,  got  suddenly 
the  upper  hand  and  lasted  for  awhile,  there  fol- 
lowed in  all  the  stronger  reaction  of  the  evil 
spirit,  especially  as  the  spur  to  violent  procedure 
against  David  again  came  from  the  same  quarter 
as  before?  How  little  David  himself  relied  on 
the  permanence  of  Saul's  good  inclinations  (ex- 
pressed in  xxiii.  19-24,  xxiv.)  appears  irom  the 
fact  that  he  did  not  leave  the  wilderness,  and  fore- 
seeing a  repetition  of  Saul's  persecution,  deter- 
mined to  go  to  another  land.  Thonius'  own  re- 
mark on  xxvii.  1  sq.,  that  "  David  knew  how 
quickly  Saul  could  change  his  mind,  and  there- 
fore preferred  to  leave  the  country,"  confirmj  the 
clear  statement  of  the  preceding  history  as  to 
Saul's  vacillation  and  moral  ungodliness,  which 
makes  a  new  persecution,  as  narrated  in  chap. 
xxvi.  p.sychologically  and  ethically  easily  expli- 
cable. According  to  this  remark  of  Thenins, 
therefore,  the  account  of  this  second  march  fits  in 
pyschologically  between  chaps,  xxiv.  and  xxvii., 
which  sections  are  referred  by  him  to  the  same 
author.     Thenius  affirms  that   "this  narrative 


316 


THE  riEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


[chap,  xxvi.]  is  shown  by  the  dramatic  form  of  the 
action  (Night — Secret  entry  into  the  camp — 
Spear  and  water-cruse — Ironical  address  to  Ab- 
ner),  by  an  improbability  ( ver.  24),  individual  decla- 
rations (vers.  19,  20),  and  in  part  also  by  the  lan- 
guage (vers.  6,  11,  12)  to  be  the  later,  resting  on 
popular  tradition;  but  these  particulars  pertain 
to  those  points  of  the  narrative  in  which  its  dif- 
ference from  the  former  account  (xxiii.,  xxiv.), 
and  therefore  its  reference  to  another  occurrence 
may  be  recognised,  as  will  appear  in  the  explana^ 
tion  of  the  special  points  and  the  comparison  with 
the  related  passages.  See  Keil's  excellent  re- 
marks. 

Ver.  1.  The  information  given  by  the  Ziphites 
concerning  David  supposes  that  he  had  returned 
from  the  wilderness  of  Paran  into  the  wilderness 
of  Judah  in  consequence  of  his  marriage  with 
Abigail.  "  In  the  fece  of  [over  against]  the  de- 
sert ;"  for  which  we  have  in  xxiii.  19  more  ex- 
actly "  on  the  right ;"  that  is,  south  of  the  desert. 
The  agreement  with  the  words  of  xxiii.  19  is-  the 
result  of  the  narrator's  desire  to  conform  the  ac- 
count of  this  second  occurrence  to  that  of  the  first 
in  the  points  in  which  there  was  essential  agree- 
ment.* Ver.  2.  The  "  three  thousand  cliosen  men 
of  Israel "  are  the  permanent  guard  whose  forma- 
tion is  mentioned  in  xiii.  2. — Ver.  3  sq.  Saul's 
camp  was  near  the  mountain  Hachilah  on  the 
way,"  that  is,  in  a  well-known  higliroad  passing 
by.  And  David  abode  la  the  'wilderness; 
that  is,  he  had  withdrawn  from  the  hill  Hachi- 
lah (where  the  Ziphites  reported  him  as  being, 
and  Saul  sought  first  to  attack  him)  farther  into 
the  wilderness,  and  was  then  on  the  highland 
(comp.  ver.  6:  "who  will  go  doton  with  me?"), 
while  Saul  was  encamped  on  the  road  in  the  plain. 
On  hearing  (^TI  =  "ne  learned,"  not  "  he  saw") 
that  Saul  had  followed  him  into  the  wilderness, 
he  assured  himself  of  the  fact  by  scouts.  Cer- 
tainly [Eng.  A.V.  "in  very  deed,"  Heb.  "to 
certainty" — Tn.],  undoubtedly,  comp.  xxiii.  23. 
[So  in  xxiii.  24,  25  David  leama  (probably  by 
Bcouts)  that  Saul  is  come  into  the  wilderness  of 
Maon,  south  of  the  desert.— Ta.] — Ver.  5.  David 
now  himself  goes  by  night  to  examine  Saul's  camp 
and  position.  The  Sept.  and  Vulg.  add:  "se- 
cretly," an  explanatory  addition  which  we  need 

not  insert  in  the  text  (=  £373,  Thenius).  He 
found  Saul  at  the  wagon-rampartf  (see  on  xrvii. 
29)  with  Ahner,  his  general,  and  the  army  camped 
around  him.  David  was  accompanied  by  Ahime- 
lech,  the  Hittite,  who  is  nowhere  else  mentioned, 
and  Abishai  "  the  son  of  Zeruiah,"  David's  sister 
(1  Chron.  ii.  16),  and  brother  of  Joab,  afterwards 
one  of  David's  captains  (2  Sam.  xviii.  2 ;  xx.  6 ; 


•  [We  should,  however,  expect  an  indication  of  the 
repetition  of  the  occurrence  Dy  some  such  phrase  as 
"the  Ziphites  came  again  to  Saul,"  and  the  absence  of 
such  indication  is  one  of  those  delicate  features  which 
favor  the  supposition  of  a  single  occurrence,  while,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  argument  for  two  occurrences,  as 
given  by  Erdmann  and  others,  cannot  be  considered  a 
weak  one. — Tr.] 

t  [The  proposal  of  Bih.-Com.  to  read  Vj>D,  "  garment," 

and  repres»nt  Saul  as  sleeping  in  his  garment,  as  in 
xxiv.  6  [4],  is  an  unfounded  conjecture,  and  the  assimi- 
lation of  the  two  accounts  in  this  way  can  be  effected 
only  by  a  violent  reconstruction  of  the  narratives,  the 
necessity  for  which  is  a  serious  objection  to  the  suppo- 
sition of  one  occurrence. — Tb.] 


xxiii.  19). — The difFerence in  jjarticularsbetween 
this  narrative  and  that  of  xxiii.  19  sq.  is  as  fol- 
lows :  There  on  Saul's  approach  David  proceeds  to 
the  wilderness  of  Maon,  where  he  is  surrounded, 
and  only  escapes  capture  by  the  invasion  of  the 
Philistines,  which  compels  Saul  to  withdraw, 
xxiii.  25-28.  Sere,  on  the  contrary,  nothing  is 
said  of  such  a  Philistine  invasion ;  Saul's  camp  is 
on  another  spot;  the  endangered  person  is  not  Da- 
vid, but  Saul,  whose  camp  David  enters  at  night, 
and  whom  David  might  have  killed.  [However, 
this  incident  is  parallel  to  xxiv.  3  [2]  sq. — Te.] 
There,  after  Saul's  return  from  the  Philistine  cam- 
paign, the  scene  of  the  persecution  is  Engedi, 
where  David  is  hidden  in  a  cave  into  which  Saul 
enters,  xxiv.  2-4 — completely  different  circum- 
stances and  situations. 

Ver.  6  sq.  Ahimdech,  the  Hittite.  This  Canaan- 
itLsh  people,  already  settled  around  Hebron  in 
Abraham's  time  (Gen.  xv.  23),  dwelt,  after  the 
return  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  in  the  hill- 
country  of  Judah  along  with  the  Amorites  reach- 
ing as  far  north  as  toward  Bethel  ( Judg.  ii.  26), 
subdued  but  not  exterminated  by  the  Israelites. 
A  portion  of  them  had  maintained  a  certain  inde- 
pendence. Comp.  1  Kings  ix.  20 :  x.  29 ;  2  Kings 
vii.  6.  In  the  time  of  Saul's  reign  the  internal 
contrast  between  the  Israelites  and  the  remnant 
of  the  Canaanites  may  have  greatly  diminished, 
so  that  a  Hittite  could  occupy  so  prominent  a  po- 
sition with  David,  and  be  employed  by  him  in 
his  service.  For,  according  to  this  narrative,  he 
must  have  held  a  preferred  position  with  David, 
along  with  Abishai  (2  Sam.  li.  18;  xvi.  9),  who  is 
here  named.  Uriah  also  was  a  Hittite  (2  Sam.  li. 
3,  6;  xxiii.  39). — ^They  find  Saul  in  his  camp 
asleefp,  his  "  spear  (the  sign  of  royal  authority,  in 
place  of  the  sceptre)  stuck  in  the  ground  at  his 
head."— Ver.  8.  Thy  enemy— the  Sing.  [Qeri] 
is  preferable  [Keth.  has  Plu.].  Abishai  speaks 
merely  according  to  the  right  of  retaliation  and 
the  usage  of  war.  The  sense  of  his  words  is:  I 
will  pin  him  to  the  ground  so  thoroughly  with  one 
blow  that  it  will  not  need  another  to  kill  him. 
Vulg. :  "  there  wUl  be  no  need  of  a  second." — Ver. 
9.  David  rejects  not  the  first  part  of  Abishai's 
word :  "God  has  given  thy  enemy  into  thy  hand," 
but  the  second :  "I  will  transfix  him."  For  cer- 
tainly God  had  given  Saul  into  his  hand ;  but 
"  the  divine  providence  thus  give:!  David  oppor- 
tunity not  to  slay  his  enemy,  but  rather  to  con- 
quer him  by  a  new  kindness"  (Berl.  B.) ;  Da- 
vid's reply  to  Abishai  is  a  brief,  strict  pro- 
hibition: Destroy  him  not,  and  the  reason 
for  it,  made  more  earnest  and  pressing  by  the  in- 
terrogative form:  Who  stretches  out  his 
hand  against  the  Lord's  anointed  and 
goes  nnpunished  ?— (nj33  =  Exod.  xxi.  19; 
Num.  V.  31).  By  the  royal  anointing  Saul's  per-, 
son  was  made  sacred  and  inviolable.  As  anointed 
he  was  the  Lord's  property.  Therefore  only 
Ood!s  hand  could  touch  his  life.  And  so  David 
says,  ver.  10,  with  an  oath :  "  As  God  lives,  his 
life  is  in  God's  hand  only,  and  far  be  it  from  me 
to  touch  it."  Translate  not  with  DeWette:  "No! 
but  Jehovah  will  smite  him,  either  his  day  will 
come,  etc.",  but  with  Then,  and  Keil :  "  Unless 
the  Lord  smite  him,  etc.",  the  apodosis  being: 
"far  be  it  from  me,  etc."  [ver.  11].  David  men- 
tions three  possible  cases:   1)  sudden  death  by  a 


CHAP.  XXVI.  1-25. 


317 


stroke  (as  in  xxv.  38) ;  2)  dying  j 
"in  his  day;"  the  day  of  death, 


;  a  natural  death 
J  as  Job  xiv.  6 ; 
XV.  32:  3)  falling  in  battle.  "  Far  be  it  to  mo 
from  Jehovah"  (nin''D),  that  is,  as  in  xxiv.  7,  ou 
the  part  of  the  Lord,  on  the  Lord's  account  I 
will  not  smite  him. — Abishai  is  ordered  to  take  the 
spear  at  his  head,  and  the  water  pitcher  (not  basin, 
Ewald,  comp.  1  Kings  xvii.  12  sq.) ;  then,  says 

he,  w& 'mil"  go  our  way"  (U'). — Ver.  12.  David 
took,  it  is  said  (though  David  had  ordered  Abi- 
shai to  take),  having  reference  to  the  fact  that  Da- 
vid was  the  controlling  head.*  Their  unobserved 
taldng  of  the  spear  and  cruse  and  subsequent  de- 
parture is  vividly  portrayed  in  three  expressions: 
No  one  saw,  no  one  observed,  no  one 
woke. — The  narrative  represents  this  as  a  divine 
arrangememt  by  the  words:  for  a  deep  sleep 
from  the  Lord  was  fallen  on  them,  that  is, 
God  threw  them  into  deep  slumber,  that  David 
might  BO  act.  Comp.  xiv.  15,  "  the  terror  of  God," 
Ps.  Ixxvi.  7  (6)  ''^at  thy  rebuke,  Gtid  of  Jacob, 
both  chariot  and  horse  are  cast  into  a  deep  deep." 
— A  comparison  of  vers.  6-12  with  xxiv.  5-8 
[Eng.  4-7]  shows  the  great  difference  between  the 
two  narratives  in  spite  of  the  sameness  of  the 
speeches  of  David's  men  "  God  has  delivered  thy 
enemy  into  thy  hand."  Tliere  they  say :  "  Do  to 
him  as  seemelh  thee  good,"  and  David  cuts  off 
the  skirt  of  Saul's  upper  garment,  whereupon  he 
says,  having  in  mind  this  deed  of  his  and  his 
thereby  disquieted  conscience :  Far  be  it  from  me 
to  lay  hands  on  the  Lord's  Anointed  (xxiv.  5-8 
[4-7]).  Sere  Abishai  wishes  to  kill  Saul,  and 
David  in  connection  with  this  wish  says  similar 
words.  [The  Bib.  Oomm.  remarks  that  "  the  de- 
scription in  ver.  7  is  quite  compatible  with  David 
and  his  companion's  being  hid  in  the  cave."  This 
is  true,  and  so  far  as  this  point  is  concerned  we 
might  hold  the  two  narratives  to  refer  to  the  same 
event.  But  the  difficulty  is  the  numerous  impor- 
tant changes  which  must  then  be  made  in  one 
narrative  or  both,  and,  it  may  be  added,  the  great 
carelessness  which  must  be  ascribed  to  the  editor. 
At  the  same  time  the  supposition  of  a  single  in- 
cident in  these  two  narratives  does  not  impugn 
the  inspiration  of  the  Book,  since  we  should 
therein  have  merely  the  error  of  an  editor,  or  pos- 
sibly of  a  transcriber. — Tb.] 

Ver.  13.  David  went  beyond  to  the  top 
of  the  mountain,  that  is,  the  mountain  whence 
he  had  previously  reconnoitred  Saul's  camp,  and 
whence  he  had  descended,  ver.  6. — The  express 
mention  of  "  the  greai  distance  and  the  wide  inter- 
val between  them"  shows  that  David's  conduct 
was  here  the  reverse  of  that  at  the  former  meeting 
with  Saul,  when  he  followed  him  out  of  the  cave 
and  called  after  him  (xxiv.  9  [8]).  Here  the 
danger  seemed  to  David  much  greater  than  there. 

—Ver.  14.  {hit  =  towards).  David's  call  con- 
cerned Abner  especially,  because  it  was  his  duty 
to  watch  over  the  king's  life.  Vulg.:  "who  art 
thou  that  criest  and  disquietest  the  king?"— Ver. 
15.  David's  ironical,  speech.— Ait  thou  not  a 

•  In  'nii'Kin  remark  1)  the  double  Plu.  HI  and  D'-. 
especially  the  stat.  oonstr.  form '_,  Ges.  ?  87,  S,  Kem.  1 ; 
Ewald,  J 160  6  and  Anm.  2,  §211  d;  2)  D  for  DD— one  D 
having  fallen  out. 


man  ?  that  is,  a  valiant  warrior,*  who  is  to  an- 
swer for  the  protection  and  security  of  his  king, 

C^q^  with  Sx  is  unusual ;  S;?  (Then.)  is  proba- 
bly the  original  reading).  Then  he  refers  to  the 
peril  of  life,  in  which  Saul  just  before  really  was. 
Sons  of  death  are  ye,  ye  deserve  death  for 
your  neglect  of  duty. — As  sign  thereof  he  shows 
him  the  spear  and  the  water-cruse.  See,  where 
ia  the  king's  spear  ?— That  was  a  clear  proof 
that  Saul  might  have  been  slain  by  him  who  took 
it  away  (Cler.).  ('V'ilN  pregnant  construction — 
supply  nXT,  so  Maurer,  who  refers  to  Judg.  vi. 
28).  And  (see  after)  the  water  cruse, 
namely,  see  where  it  is  (Keil). — ^Ver.  17.  In  the 
darkness  and  at  such  a  distance  Saul  could  not 
recognize  David's  person,  but  could  recogiize  him 
from  his  voice.  My  voice  1  answers  David  to 
Saul's  question.  As  the  Sept.  reads  simply  "thy 
servant,"  Thcuius  combines  the  two  and  takes  as 
original  text  "  the  voice  of  thy  servant."  But  the 
brief  "my  voice,"  is  perfectly  intelligible,  and  the 
designation  "  servant "  is  involved  in  the  added 
words :  My  lord  king. — [It  may  also  be  said  in 
general  that  the  less  courtly  form  is  the  more  pro- 
bable.—Tb.].— Ver.  18.  Comp.  xxiv.  10-13  [9- 
12].  This  question  as  to  the  cause  of  the  perse- 
cution is  the  affirmation  of  his  innocence  and  of 
the  groundlessness  of  Saul's  continued  hostility 
to  him.  Berl.  B. :  "  The  way  in  which  David  ad- 
dresses Saul  is  so  humble,  so  gentle,  and  so  reve- 
rent, that  we  may  sufficiently  thence  recognize 
the  character  of  his  heart." — Ver.  19.  And  aovr, 
let  my  lord  the  king  hear  the  Tivords  oi 
his  servant ;  by  this  adjuration  David  will  in- 
dicate to  Saul  how  important  he  thinks  his  fol- 
lowing words  for  their  relation  to  one  another 
and  to  God,  and  how  serious  a  matter  it  is  for  him 
that  Saul  should  weigh  them.  He  supposes  two 
causes  of  Saul's  hostility  as  possible.  First :  If 
the  Iiord  hath  incited  thee  against  me. — 
Wrongly  Clericus :  "  If  Jehovah  incited  thee,  if 
thou  deservedly  attemptedst  my  destruction,  act- 
ing in  accordance  with  God's  will,  He  would  hear 
thy  prayers  and  take  care  that  thou  shouldst  ne- 
ver fell  into  my  hands  [which  has  not  been  the 
case] ."  For,  according  to  this  the  diirine  causa- 
tion would  be  denied,  while  the  human  would  be 
in  the  next  clause  assumed  as  the  factual  one. 
[Clericus  says  only  that  the  fact  that  Saul  had 
jBeen  in  David's  power  would  show  that  God  was 
not  watching  over  him,  and  therefore  his  perse- 
cution was  not  vrith  God's  approval. — Tb.]  Da- 
vid's word  is  based  on  the  conception  that  God 
sometimes  incites  mem  to  eml.  Comp.  2  Sam.  xvi. 
10  sq.,  where  God  is  said  to  have  commanded 
Shimei  to  curse  David,  and  2  Sam.  xxiv.  1,  ac- 
cording to  which  God  incited  David  to  number 
the  people.  The  idea  that  evil  is,  from  one  point 
of  view,  to  be  referred  to  God  as  its  cause,  is  not 
a  product  of  later  times,  but  is  early  found  in  con- 


*  {Bib.  Com.  "This  incidental  testimony  to  Abner's 
eminence  as  a  warrior  is  borne  out  by  his  whole  his- 
tory. At  the  same  time  David's  banteringtone,  coupled 
with  ver.  19,  makes  it  probable  that  David  considered 
Abner  his  enemy ;  the  latter's  great  influence  with  Saul 
might  have  prevented  the  persecution  of  David.  Abner 
may  have  feared  David  as  a  rival ;  his  opposition  to  him 
is  shown  by  his  conduct  after  Saul's  death."  But  all 
this  may  be  explained  also  by  Abner's  devoted  loyalty 
to  his  kinsman  Saul.— Tb.I 


3ig 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


nection  with  the  idea  of  the  divine  ordering  of 
tho  world,  in  which  evil  must  serve  God  in  order 
to  bring  about  His  saving  help  (Gen.  1.  20  comp. 
with  xlv.  7,  8)  and  reveal  His  judicial  glory  (Ex. 
ix.  IC).  David  therefore  supposes  the  case  that 
Saul's  hatred  towards  him  rests  on  the  divine  cau- 
sality,— comp.  xviii.  10;  xix.  9,  where  the  "evil 
spirit  from  the  Lord,"  which  has  come  upon  Saul, 
is  said  to  be  the  cause  of  his  hate  to  David.  The 
"  divine  incitement "  to  evil  consists,  according  to 
Divid's  view,  in  the  fact  that  Saul,  sunk  deep  in 
sin  by  his  own  fault,  is  further  given  over  by  God 
to  evil  in  that  opportunity  is  given  him  to  devel- 
op in  deeds  the  evil  of  his  heart.  [Others  sup- 
pose here,  not  so  well,  an  immediate  reference  to 
the  possession  of  Saul  by  the  evil  spirit  which 
drives  him  to  these  persecutions. — Tb.].  The 
words:  Let  him  accept  [literally,  smell]  an 
offering,  indicate  the  way  by  which  Saul,  seeing 
wliither  he  is  come  by  this  self-occasioned  incli- 
nation to  evil  from  God,  may  again  come  into 
right  relation  with  God.  "  Let  him  smeU  an  of- 
fering "  (HT ;  the  Hiph.  of  nn  not  =  "cause  to 
smell,"  but  =  "  smell ;"  Sept.  bat^pav&zlri,  Vulg., 
odoretur,  Luther,  man  lasse  riechen).  The  odor 
of  the  offering,  here  to  be  smelled,  comes  from  the 
incense  which  was  connected  with  the  meat-offer- 
ing (of  flour  and  groats)  and  was  burned  (Lev. 
ii.  15,  16  ;  vi.  15)  "for  a  sweet  odor,  a  memorial 
to  the  Lord."  The  smelling  of  this  odor  repre- 
sents God's  acceptance  of  the  offering  and  the  of- 
ferer (Gen.  viii.  21),  the  offering  itself,  the  Min- 
chah  (nnjD),  meat-offering,  signifying  not  atone- 
ment, but  sanctification  of  life  in  devotion  to  the 
Lord,  the  effect  of  which  is  God's  gracious  aecept- 
anoa.  The  sense  is  :  "  Instead  of  the  anger,  in 
which  God  drives  thee  to  evil,  mayest  thou  gain 
God's  acceptance,  by  (as  the  outward  offering  with 
its  sweet  odor  signifies)  giving  him  thj  heart  and 
life,  abstaining  from  evil  and  sanctify mg  thyself 
to  Him."  David  thereby  also  indirectly  affirms 
that  the  divine  Incitement  to  evil  has  its  ground 
in  Saul's  evil  nature  and  will.  Bunsen,  in  gene- 
ral correctly :  "  The  sense  is :  pray  to  God  that 
He  take  the  temptation  from  thee."  Grotius  is 
altogether  wrong :  "  If  this  anger  is  just,  I  do  not 
deprecate  that  it  be  appeased  by  my  death  as  a 
victim."  [Others :  Let  the  evil  spirit  from  God 
be  driven  away  by  an  offering  to  God. — Te.]. — 
The  other  case :  But  if  men  (have  stirred  thee 
up),  be  they  accursed  before  the  Lord. — 
David  here  refers,  as  in  xxiv.  10  [9],  to  the  hostile 
party  that  calumniated  him  to  Saul,  and  kindled 
Saul's  hatred  against  him.  He  sees  no  other  way 
of  escaping  these  dangers  than  flight  to  a  heathen 
land.  Tor  they  drive  me  away  now ;  tlie 
emphasis  is  on  the  "to-day,"  "now"  (Drn) ; 
"  they  have  now  brought  it  about  that,  to  be  safe, 
I  must  flee  the  country  "  (Then.).  His  present 
position  is  such  that  he  must  regard  himself  as 
one  driven  out  of  the  country.  That  I  cannot 
join  myself  to  [Eng.  A.  V.,  abide  in]  the  in- 
heritance of  the  Lord,  that  is,  I  am  excluded 
from  association  with  the  Lord's  inheritance  (Bun- 
sen).  The  Lord's  inheritance  is  the  people  of 
God,  the  covenant-people.  Saying,  Oo,  serve 
other  gods,  not  that  his  enemies  had  actually 
given  this  order,  "  but  David  looked  to  deeds  ra- 
ther than  words "  (Calvin) ;  their  enmity  drove  | 


him  out  as  effectually  as  a  command.  David's 
line  of  thought  here  is  as  follows :  Only  in  the 
people  Israel  and  in  the  land  of  promise  has  the 
covenant-God  His  dwelling,  for  there  are  all  His 
revelations  in  respect  to  Israel ;  only  there  there- 
fore, in  tlie  consecrated  place  of  Ilis  dwelling  can 
there  be  true  worship  of  the  Lord ;  outside  this 
holy  region  of  God's  revelation  and  dwelling 
among  Ilis  people  is  the  domain  of  strange  gods: 
thither  driven  he  sees  everywhere  inducement  and 
temptation  to  "serve  other  gods." — This  is  the 
ground  of  his  wish  and  prayer  in  ver.  20 :  And 
now,  may  my  blood  not  fall  to  the  ground 
far  from  the  presence  of  the  Lord,  that  is, 
may  I  be  preserved  from  such  a  fate,  namely, 
driven  from  the  place  of  the  Lord's  gracious  pre- 
sence and  Ills  people,  to  lose  my  life  by  violence 
afar  off  in  the  midst  of  an  idolatrous  people.  The 
expression  "  far  from  the  presence  of  the  Lord,"  and 
the  preceding  words  show  indeed  David's  longing 
after  the  place  of  divine  worship  in  the  taberna- 
cle, but  contain  nothing  which  necessarily  points 
"to  a  later  insertion  of  this  section"  (Then.),  or, 
as  Ewald  affirms,  echoes  the  "  bitter  lament  of 
many  who  in  the  seventh  century  were  banished 
by  unrighteous  kings  like  Manasseh."  The  words 
are  sufficiently  explained  by  the  pain  that  David 
felt  at  his  fugitive  life,  which  must  now  lead  him 
to  a  foreign  land,  where  he  must  wander  or  per- 
haps die /ar  from  association  in  divine  worship 
with  the  people  of  God  and  from  the  place  of  sup- 
plication to  God.  Grotius  wrongly :  "  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Lord,  God  being  witness  and  hereafter 
Avenger "  [so  Eng.  A.  V.,  and  this  rendering  is 
grammatically  defensible,  though  here  perhaps 
not  so  appropriate  as  the  other. — Tb.]. — For 
the  king  of  Israel  is  come  out  to  seek  a 
single  flea,  comp.  xxiv.  15  [14].  Here  too  the 
"flea  "  sets  forth  what  is  insignificant  in  contrast 
with  the  king  of  Israel.  The  sense  is :  Thou 
pnrsuest  me,  who  am  as  weak  in  respect  to  thee 
as  a  flea  in  respect  to  him  who  kills  it.  It  is 
herein  involved  not  only  that  it  is  not  worth 
Saul's  while  to  pursue  him  (Then.),  but  also  that 
it  will  be  only  too  easy  for  the  powerful  king  of 
Israel  to  conquer  him,  the  powerless,  as  one 
crushes  a  flea.  So  understood,  the  words  satis- 
factorily give  the  reason  for  the  preceding  "  Let 
not  my  blood  fail,"  which  Then,  wrongly  calls  in 
question.  'There  is  no  reason  for  substituting  for 
the  text  ("  a  flea  " )  the  Sept.  reading  "  my  soul " 
(Then.),  which,  however,  expresses  the  same 
thought,  "Thou  seekest  to  kill  me"  as  the  reason 
for  the  preceding.  As  one  hunts  a  partridge 
In  the  mountains;  an  unnecessary  difficulty  is 
here  made  (Then.)  by  supposing  that  the  compa- 
rison (seeking  a  flea)  is  itself  compared  with  some- 
thing else  (hunting  a  partridge),  which  would 
certainly  be  unnatural  and  unexampled.  But 
there  is  here  rather  a  second  comparison  along- 
side of  the  first,  and  with  the  same  meaning :  Thou 
strivest  to  destroy  me,  the  insignificant  and  pow- 
erless in  my  isolation  and  abandonment.  Thc- 
nius  rejects  the  reading  partridge  (^"^p),  on  the 
ground  that  the  bird  is  found  notinthemotinfciins 
but  in  the  plain,  and  accepts  the  Sept.  "hom-owl" 
(D'lan),  and  further,  regarding  the  designation  of 
David  as  an  insignificant  person  as  here  out  of 
place,  proposes  to  render :  "  as  the  owl  hunts  on 


CHAP.  XXVI.  1-23. 


319 


the  mountains ;"  but,  to  say  nothing  of  this  un- 
tenable supposition  and  of  the  unheard-of  figure 
of  the  owl  as  a  "  hunter,"  we  i-eply  simply  with 
Winer  in  reference  to  the  "  partridge  on  the  moun- 
tains :"  "  Partridges  are  usually  not  hunted  on  the 
mountains,  since  they  stay  in  the  fields.  .  .  .  But 
the  text  is  not  so  absurd;  ...  a  single  straying 
partridge  on  the  mountains  is  not  thought  worth 
hunting,  since  they  can  be  found  in  flocks  in 
the  plain"  {Bib.  B.-W.  II.  =.v.).  (AlsotheGer- 
man  "Bebhuhn"  [partridge]  is  derived  from 
"rufen"  [to  call].  Bunsen.*)  But  from  the  con- 
nection and  the  words  of  David,  who  has  before 
lamented  his  enforced  separation  from  association 
with  the  people  of  Israel,  the  following  thought 
also  is  expressed  in  this  comparison,  as  in  the 
other :  Me,  isolated  from  God's  people,  fer  from 
all  association,  a  fiigitive  from  thy  machinations 
on  the  mountain  heights,  thou  seekest  at  all  costs 
to  destroy,  as  one  hunts  a  single  fugitive  partridge 
on  the  mountains  only  to  kill  it  at  all  costs,  while 
otherwise  from  its  insignificance  it  would  not  be 
hunted,  since  partridges  are  to  be  found  in  the 
field  in  flocks. — "  This  speech  of  David_  was  tho- 
roaghly  suited  to  sharpen  Saul's  conscience  and 
lead  him  to  give  up  his  enmity,  if  he  still  had  an 
ear  for  the  voice  of  truth"  (Keil).  While  these 
words  are  similar  to  those  in  xxiv.  10-16  [9-1.5]  (as 
natural  from  the  similarity  of  the  circumstances), 
the  following  essential  differences  yet  exist.  There 
David,  in  order  to  prove  to  Saul  how  unfounded 
his  illusion  is  (namely,  that  David  is  seeking  his 
life),  shows  him  that  his  life  was  in  his  (David's) 
hand,  that  he  would  not  touch  the  Lord's  anointed 
but  spared  him ;  here,  on  the  contrary,  he  calls 
Saul  to  account  for  his  ceaseless  persecution,  re- 
presents to'  him  that  he  is  determined  to  destroy 
him  who,  compared  with  the  mighty  kiu^,  is  in- 
significant, and  presses  him  to  abandon  this  pur- 
pose. 

Ver.  21.  To  these  words  of  David  corresponds 
with  precision  Saul's  answer  (ver.  21),  which  is 
essentially  different  from  that  in  xxiv.  18  [17]. 
With  the  confession:  I  have  sinned,  he  joins 
the  remiest  that  David  would  return,  and  the  pro- 
mise that  he  would  no  more  do  him  evil,  and  adds 
as  reason;  because  my  life  was  precious  in 
thy  eyes  this  day. — [Keil  thinks  that_  Saul  is 
less  penitent,  more  hardened  here  than  in  chap, 
xxiv.,  and  this  shows  the  difference  of  the  events ; 
butThenius  and  Bib.  Comm.  are  right  in  de- 
claring that  Saul's  expression  of  sorrow  and  re- 
pentance is  as  decided  here  as  in  the  formercase. 
No  good  argument  can  be  drawn  from  this  for 
either  view.— Th.].— Ver.  22.  David  offers  to  re- 
turn the  spear  and  cruse,  the  sign  that  he  had 
spared  Saul's  life.— Vers.  23,  24.  These  words  at- 
tach themselves  immediately  to  that  silently  elo- 
quent proof  of  his  guilelessness  and  pure  disposi- 
tion. He  1)  declares  himself  to  be  a  "man  of 
righteousness  and  faithfulness,"  and  assigns  as  proof 
his  sparing  Saul's  life.  (For  T3  read  with  all 
the  vss.  ''I'?,  the  '  might  easily  fall  out  on  ac- 
count of  the  following  1).  Thenius  holds  this 
self-praise  of  David  as  proof  that  the  section  xxiv. 

*  [The  Heb.  word  for  "  partridge,"  gore  means  "  the 
caller,"  and  so  perhaps  the  Eng.  '^quail."  Pictet  (Orig. 
Jndoe  europ.)  thinks  thai, rebhuhTi^''^ speckled  bird,"  and 
perdix,  partridge  has  perhaps  the  same  meaning.— Te.] 


18-20  [17-19],  where  Saul  praises  and  blesses 
David,  is  the  original.  But  what  is  this  alleged 
"  self-praise  "  but  the  positive  affirmation  of  what 
David  says  in  xxiv.  12  [11]  (regarded  by  Then, 
as  original) :  "there  is  no  evil  in  my  hand  and  no 
iniquity,  and  I  have  not  sinned  against  thee,"  and 
in  his  confident  appeal  to  God' s  righteous  j  udgment, 
vers.  13,  16  [12,  15]  ?  All  that  is  the  content  of 
the  idea  "  righteousness"  which  he  here,  in  contrast 
with  Saul's  unrighteousness,  applies  to  himself. 
And  no  more  is  it  self-praise  when  he  speaks  of 
\m  faithfvhtess,  but  simply  the  expression  of  his 
reverence  towards  the  Lord's  Anointed,  in  spite 
of  Saul's  perfidious  and  injurious  conduct. — The 
words  "  the  Lord  gave  thee  into  my  hand  "  in- 
clude the  thought :  "  Thereby  did  the  Lord  put 
me  to  the  test."  This  test  David  had  stood,  ex- 
hibiting ''  righteousness  and  faithfulness."  And 
therefore  he  can  now  2)  say  in  good  conscience : 
The  Iiord  ■will  requite  the  man  (namely, 
me)  [Eng.  A.  V.  better,  "  render  to  every  man." 
— Tr.].  The  explanation  of  this  assertion  is  given 
in  ver.  24 :  And  behold,  as  thy  life  was 
much  set  by  this  day  in  my  eyes,  so  will 
my  life,  etc.,  that  is,  the  Lord  will  requite  my 
righteousness  and  faithfulness  towards  thee  in 
sparing  thy  life  as  the  Lord's  Anointed,  by  so  val- 
uing my  life  as  to  save  it  from  the  dangers  which 
thou  preparest  for  it.  It  is  difficult  to  see  why 
(Thenius)  such  an  expectation  of  the  Lord's 
protection  and  help,  founded  on  a  good  conscience, 
is  not  genuinely  Davidic,  and  therefore  to  be 
esteemed  not  original.  Yet  David  here  says 
nothing  essentially  different  from  what  he  declares 
in  xxiv.  13,  16  [12^  15]  of  the  Lord  as  his  judge, 
who  will  avenge  him  on  Saul,  give  success  to  his 
cause,  and  save  him  from  Saul's  hand.  Stahelin's 
remark  (Leben  Davids,  p.  25),  that  David  liked 
to  praise  himself  like  the  Arabian  heroes,  is 
thoroughly  wrong;  for  David  everywhere  gives 
God  the  highest  praise,  even  where,  as  here,  he 
affirms  what  is  true  of  himself. — "All  tribulation" 
(mV~73).  all  the  straits  which  Saul  would  here- 
after, as  he  knew,  prepare  for  him.  For  Saul 
confesses  indeed  that  he  has  done  him  wrong,  and 
will  no  more  work  evil  against  him ;  but  this, 
recollecting  Saul's  instability  and  that  former  tear- 
ful promise  of  his  [xxiv.  16],  he  could  regard 
only  as  the  expression  of  a  momentary  better  feel- 
ing; behind  this  he  saw  Saul's  unbroken  heart, 
more  and  more  hardened,  which,  when  this  gust 
of  better  feeling  had  passed  over,  would  exhibit 
its  old  wickedness,  yea,  after  the  quenching  of 
these  better  impulses  and  resolutions,  must  be  all 
the  more  hardened.* — Ver.  25.  Saul's  last  word 
to  David:  "Blessed  be  thou,  my  son  David; 
thou  wilt  both  undertake  and  also  fully 
perform,  does  not  express  a  changed  disposition, 
love  instead  of  the  old  enmity,  but  the  fleeting 
better  feeling  which  David's  noble  conduct  had 
induced,  and  which  compelled  him  to  affirm  that 
David  would  come  victorious  forth  through  thS 


*  [Bib.-Com.  remnrks  that  the  sentiment  here  ascribed 
to  David  is  put  into  Saiil'a  mouth  in  xxiv.  17-19  [Heb. 
lS-20],  and  that  (supposing  the  same  event  related  in 
xxiv.  and  xxvi.)  a  parallel  ease  is  found  in  Matt.  xxi.  41, 
and  Luke  XX.  16.  However  this  does  not  favor  the  sup- 
position of  one  event,  for  as  in  the  Gospels  both  Jesus 
and  His  hearers  may  have  said  on  the  same  occasion 
what  is  reported,  so  here  Saul  may  have  said  at  one 
time  what  David  said  at  another.— Tb.] 


320 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Lord's  help  out  of  all  the  straits  of  his  persecu- 
tions.— The  content  and  character  of  Saul's  words 
in  xxlv.  17-23  [Eng.  16-22]  are  very  different 
from  these,  though  both  contain  Saul's  confession 
of  wrong.  But  the  first  time  [xxiv.]  he  makes 
his  confession  with  tears,  with  acknowledgment 
of  the  fruitlessness  of  his  attempts  against  David 
and  the  unavoidable  transition  of  the  kingdom  to 
the  latter,  whom  he  adjures  them  to  spare  his 
family.  But  here  his  inward  emotion  is  not  nearly 
so  strong  and  deep ;  he  affirms  merely  that  he  is 
sorry  ibr  his  former  conduct,  and  will  not  repeat 
it.  Keil  is  therefore  right  in  saying  that  "  he  is 
evidently  here  already  much  more  hardened." 
And  David  went  his  way,  and  Saul  re- 
turned to  his  place.  Thus  they  parted  for- 
ever. Berl.-S.:  "Their  souls  were  not  at  one; 
therefore  they  remained  asunder."  It  is  worthy 
of  note  that  it  is  not  said  of  Saul,  as  xxiv.  23  [22]  : 
"  He  returned  to  his  house."  This  points  to  the 
fact  that  he  continued  his  persecution  of _  David, 
as  also  appears  from  the  latter's  flight  (hinted  at 
in  vers.  19,  20)  to  the  Philistines,  where  we  find 
him  in  chap,  xxvii.  [It  is  not  necessary  to  sup- 
pose that  Saul  continued  his  pursuit  of  David. 
D.ivid's  apprehension  in  xxvii.  1  was  a  general 
one,  and  very  natural,  even  though  Saul  had  re- 
turned home  to  his  "place"  in  Gibeah. — Tb.] 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  conception  "that  Ood  incites  to  sin"  in 
the  Old  Testament  belongs  to  the  same  circle  of 
thought  aa  the  idea,  carried  over  by  Paul  into  the 
New  Testament,  of  man's  hardening  in  sin  as  a 
divine  act.  The  liardening  pertains  only  to  the 
inner  being,  to  heart  and  disposition  (which  be- 
comes insusceptible  to  the  influences  of  the  divine 
word  and  Spirit),  to  the  will,  which  persistently 
sots  itsalf  against  God's  holy  will,  to  the  ethical 
habit  of  the  whole  personality,  in  which  irrecep- 
tivity  for  i^ood  has  become  permanent  in  such 
wise  that  the  capacity  for  free  self-determination 
against  the  evil  for  the  good  has  ceased.  Accord- 
ing to  the  law  of  His  righteous  moral  government 
of  the  world,  which  punishes  evil  with  evil,  God 
abandons  the  man  who  shuts  himself  up  against 
the  invoking  of  the  divine  Spirit  to  the  thereby 
engendered  moral  condition  of  inward  hardening, 
sin  becoming  a  factual  necessity  for  him.  The 
divine  incitement  to  eoil,  on  the  olhcr  hand,  refers 
to  individual  acts,  as  is  shown  by  ver.  19  and  the 
passages  above  cited,  2  Sam.  xvi.  10  sq. ;  xxiv.  1 
sq.  The  divine  causation,  however,  consists  not 
in  God's  producing  evil,  which  would  be  incon- 
sistent with  His  holiness  (comp.  James  i.  13),  but 
in  His  occasioning  the  evil  to  break  forth  from  the 
hidden  depths  of  the  heart  and  realize  itself  in 
deeds,  thongli  this  need  neither  presuppose  nor 
induce  hardening,  is  rather  intended  to  be  the 
mean  and  avenue  to  the  salvation  and  bettering 
ef  the  sinner.  Hengstenberg  on  Ps.  li.  6 :  "  Sin 
pertains,  indeed,  to  man.  He  may  always  free  him- 
self from  it  by  penitence.  But  if  ho  does  not  re- 
pent, then  the  forms  in  which  sin  exhibits  itself 
are  no  longer  under  his  control,  but  under  God's 
dispensation,  who  determines  them  as  pleases 
Hira,  as  accords  with  the  plan  of  His  government 
of  the  world,  for  His  own  honor,  and,  so  long  as 
He  is  not  absolutely  rejected,  for  the  good  of  the 


sinner.  He  puts  the  sinner  in  positions  in  wliich 
just  this  or  that  temptation  specialljr  assails  him  ; 
He  leads  the  thoughts  to  definite  objects  of  sinful 
desire,  and  causes  them  there  to  remain  and  not 
pass  on  to  others."  This  divine  incitement  to 
sin  presupposes  the  actual  free  determination  of 
the  will  in  respect  to  the  sins  to  wliich  the  incite- 
ment pertains.  In  this  connection  O.  v.  Gerlach 
excellently  remarks  on  ver.  19 :  "  That  the  Lord 
incites  a  man  to  sin  .  .  .  must  always  be  the  result 
of  a  conscious,  cherished  sin  or  sinful  direction 
of  the  will,  whence  then  come  sins  of  deed  for 
punishment,  and  also  for  the  possible  bettering  of 
the  man.  In  order  to  obviate  this  terrible  punish- 
ment of  sin  by  sin,  David  says  Saul  must  again 
approach  the  Lord  in  an  offering  which  atones  for 
sin  and  restores  the  heart  to  the  Lord." 

2.  The  inheritance  =  possession,  property  is  the 
people  of  God  in  so  far  as  He  is  their  Lord,  who 
has  made  them  Sis  people  by  choosing  them  out 
of  the  mass  of  the  other  nations  to  be  the  bearer  and 
organ  of  His  self-revelation,  and  has  made  a  cove- 
nant with  them.  Comp.  Dent.  i.  29 ;  iv.  20 ;  ix.  26, 
29 ;  Ps.  xxviii.  9.  The  complete  fulfilment  of  this 
idea  of  the  peculiar  people  [=  property-people] 
is  found  in  the  New  Testament  covenant-relation 
and  the  thence  resulting  association  of  men,  who 
by  Christ's  redemption  and  reconciliation  have 
become  God's  property;  that  is,  [it  is  found]  in 
the  community  of  the  kingdom  in  faith  in  Christ. 
The  greatest  evil  David  thinks  to  be  exclusion 
from  holy  life-association  with  his  God  among 
idolaters.  The  greatest  good  for  him  is  to  belong 
to  this  property  of  God,  and  to  this  kingdom-com- 
munity in  the  service  of  the  living  God.  Therein 
is  typically  set  forth  the  highest  good  which  he 
who  has  become  God's  property  in  Christ,  finds 
in  participation  in  God's  kingdom  and  its  bless- 
ings. 

3.  There  is  a  self-aceusation  which,  like  SauFs 
confession  of  sin  (ver.  21 ),  is  far  from  true  repent- 
ance, because  it  is  based  not  on  the  broken  heart 
and  the  abandoned  self^viiU,  but  on  a  transient  dis- 
position and  siuperfidal  emotion,  and  in  the  recog- 
nition of  the  impossibility  of  carrying  out  one's  otm 
will  over  against  the  divine  will,  and  there  is  want- 
ing the  earnestness  of  self-denial.  In  such  a  con- 
dition of  soul,  as  Saul's  example  shows,  even  these 
better  impulses  and  superficial  penitences  gradu- 
ally cease,  and  the  judgment  of  hardening  recedes 
with  irrctardable  steps  from  repentance. 

4.  There  is  a  self-assertion,  as  David's  example 
shov.'S  (vers.  23,  24),  wliich  not  only,  without  be- 
coming self-praise  and  self-glorification,  in  right- 
eousness and  faithfulness  sets  one  in  the  true  light 
against  unjust  accusation  and  enmity,  for  the  sake 
of  the  Lord  and  Sis  honor  (in  whose  service  the 
man  knows  himself  to  be),  but  also  serves  to 
affirm  the  moral  worth  of  one's  own  personality, 
and  to  maintain  one's  real  personal  honor,  which 
has  its  root  in  God's  service.  One  is  not  therein 
concerned  with  the  affirmation  of  his  own  merits, 
but  with  the  earnest,  true  declaration  of  the  posi- 
tion which  his  inner  life,  in  accordance  with  God's 
demands,  and  through  the  power  of  His  Spirit, 
occupies  towards  God  in  true  piety.  Conscious 
of  such  relation  of  heart  to  his  God,  the  servant 
of  God  (as  David  knew  himself  to  be  over  against 
his  unjust  persecutor,  Saul)  in  tribulation  and  suf- 
ferings has  the  right  to  appeal  to  God's  righteoui 


CHAP.  XXVI.  1-25. 


321 


judgment,  and  with  joyful  confidence  to  look  for 
His  help  and  salvation  promised  to  the  righteous 
and  innocent. 

5.  Among  the  Psalms  of  David  it  is  particularly 
the  xvii.  and  xviii.  in  which  there  is  such  clear 
expression  of  earnest,  conscious  power  to  affirm 
righteojisTiess  and  innocence  by  reason  of  personal 
experience  of  vmgodly  enmity  and  divine  deliver- 
ance, that  we  must  at  least  suppose  the  recollec- 
tion of  Saul's  persecutions  to  be  a  concurring  fac- 
tor in  them.  In  the  title  of  Psalm  xviii. :  "  By 
the  servant  of  the  Lord,  by  David,  who  spake  to 
the  Lord  the  words  of  this  Song  in  the  day  when 
the  Lord  had  saved  liim  from  the  hand  of  all  his 
enemies  and /com  the  hand  of  Sard,"  the  reference 
to  Saul  accords  with  essential  features  in  the  con- 
tent of  the  Psalm  according  to  the  points  of  view 
above  indicated,  though  the  Psalm  does  not  refer 
exclusively  to  the  time  of  Saul  (see  on  2  Sam. 
xxii.).  But  it  is  beyond  doubt  that  the  whole  con- 
tent of  Psalm  xvii.  presupposes  such  a  position 
and  such  experiences  as  are  described  here  in 
chaps,  xxiv.  and  xxvi. ;  for  individual  portions 
set  forth  the  same  ideas  and  thoughts  that  David 
here  expresses ;  in  vers.  1,  2,  5  is  contained  a  si- 
mDar  appeal,  in  part  to  his  righteousness  and 
faithfulness,  in  part  to  God's  righteous  judgment, 
against  the  unrighteousness  of  His  enemies ; 
through  the  whole  Psalm  sounds  the  same  tone 
of  firm  confidence  in  the  Lord's  help  and  victo- 
rious conduct  of  the  course  of  the  righteous  against 
their  enemies.  Here,  too,  the  experiences  of  the 
Sauline  Period  show  themselves  as  the  fruitful 
soil  of  David's  psalm-poetry. 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  Cbambb  :  The  temporal  good  fortane 
of  pious  men  often  does  not  last  long ;  ere  one  ex- 
pects it,  the  cross  is  again  before  their  door. 
Therefore  boa>3t  not  thyself  of  to-morrow ;  for  thou 
knowest  not  what  a  day  may  bring  forth.  Prov. 
xxvii.  1. — Vers.  2,  3.  Hedi>-gbr  (from  Hall)  : 
Good  motions  that  fall  into  wicked  hearts  are  like 
some  sparks  that  fall  from  the  flint  and  steel  into 
wet  tinder,  lightsome  for  the  time  but  soon  out. 
Cliap.  xxiv.  17. — Bekl.  B.  :  Ah  Saul,  thou  de- 
ceivedst  thyself,  God  is  stronger  than  thou,  and 
thou  wilt  only  be  an  occasion  for  new  victories. — 
Vers.  5  sq.  Sohlibb  :  Saul  is  in  peril  of  his  life ; 
to  human  eyes  he  is  lost.  And  who  has  cast  him 
into  such  peril  7  Who  else  than  himself?  His 
hatred,  with  which  he  anew  persecuted  David. 
From  this  we  should  learn  how  constantly  sin  is 
the  rain  o£men.  He  who  does  evil,  always  does 
himself  the  greatest  hurt. — [Ver.  8.  Our  best 
friend  becomes  our  worst  enemy,  when  he  would 
parsuade  us  to  do  wrong.  Comp.  Matt.  xvi.  23. 
— Tn.]. — ^Vers.  10,  11.  Hbdinoerj  Love  and 
righteousness  in  a  pious  man's  heart  is  invincible. 
[Vers.  9-11.  Heney:  David,  gives  two  reasons 
why  ho  would  not  destroy  Saul,  nor  permit  an- 
other to  do  it.  1.  It  would  be  a  sinful  affront  to 
God's  ordinance.  Saul  was  the  Lord's  anointed 
king  of  Israel.  ...  No  man  could  resist  him  and 
be  guiltless;  the  thing  David  feared  was  guilt, 
and  his  concern  respected  his  innocence  more 
than  his  safety.  2.  It  would  be  a  sinful  antici- 
pation of  God's  providence  ;  God  had  sufficiently 
showed  him,  in  Nabal's  case,  that  if  he  left  it  to 

21 


Him  to  do  right  He  would  do  it  in  due  time.  .  .  . 
Thus  bravely  does  he  prefer  his  conscience  to  hia 
iuterest,  and  trust  God  with  the  issue. — Tb. — 
Ver.  12  sq.  OsiANDEK  :  Even  though  opportu- 
nity for  rovenge  is  given  us,  yet  we  should  not 
avenge  ourselves,  but  commit  vengeance  to  God. 
— ScHLiEB :  God  grant  that  we  may  all  learn  to 
love  our  enemies,  that  we  may  learn  to  requite 
evil  with  good  !  For  this  is  certain :  hatred  ex- 
cites strife  ;  but  love  helps  mightily  to  peace,  and 
overcomes  much  evil. — Ver.  14.  Staeke  :  JEven 
in  cross  and  persecution  one  should  rejoice  and 
be  of  good  courage. — Ver.  20.  S.  Schmid:  The 
feebler  and  more  powerless  the  pious  are  under 
trouble  and  persecution,  the  more  they  may  lean 
on  God's  support. — Ver.  21.  Beel.  B. :  Nothing 
can  more  soften  a  hard  disposition  than  humility 
and  gentleness. — There  is  no  sinner  so  hardened 
but  God  sends  him  now  and  then  a  ray  of  illumi- 
nation to  show  him  all  his  error.  But  ah  I  when 
they  are  awakened  by  such  divine  movings,  it  is 
only  for  some  moments ;  and  such  a  movement  is 
scarcely  pa'-'t  ere  they  fall  back  at  once  into  their 
former  life,  and  forget  again  all  that  they  had 
promised.  —  Staeke:  Alt'iough  the  ungodly 
sometimes  appear  as  if  they  wished  to  turn  and 
become  pious,  yet  they  soon  fall  off  again  and  go 
on  again  in  their  ungodliness. — Schlieb  :  Even 
if  we  here  and  there  lightly  mate  a  confession  of 
our  faults,  how  is  it  as  to  a  downright  confession 
of  sin  in  the  sight  of  God  7  Has  God's  goodness 
led  us  to  repentance?  Has  His  compassion 
opened  our  heart  7  O  let  us  not  turn  the  long- 
suffering  of  God  into  laseiviousness. — Starke: 
Truly  penitent  sinners  must  confess  their  sins,  ask 
forgiveness,  and  promise  amendment,  and  this 
not  hypocritically  but  in  all  sincerity  (Matt.  xix. 
10).  ["  I  have  sinned."  Spurgeon  has  a  sermon 
(Am.  Ed.,  Third  Series)  upon  this  confession  as 
made  by  seven  different  persons  in  the  Bible. — 
Te.]. — Ver.  23.  God  is  righteous;  a  believing 
soul  recognizes  that  to  its  consolation. — Ver.  24. 
OsiAivrDEB :  Just  as  God  punishes  one  barbarity 
through  another,  so  He  rewards  benefits  with  be- 
nefits. Seb.  Schmid  :  No  one  is  greater  than  he 
whose  soul  is  much  set  by  in  the  eyes  of  God. — 
Ver.  25.  Ceameb:  Horrible  wickedness,  to  know 
one  thing  and  do  another,  and  thus  knowingly 
to  kick  against  the  pricks. — The  ungodly  must 
often  be  their  own  prophets.  Prov.  x.  24. — Seb. 
Schmid:  When  the  enemies  and  persecutors  of 
the  pious  have  long  enough  raged  and  striven 
against  the  will  of  God,  they  must  at  last  against 
their  will  yield  the  victory  to  God  and  the  pious. 
[Taylob  :  So  far  as  we  know,  this  was_  the  last 
meeting  between  Saul  and  David  ;  and  it  is  plea- 
sing to  think  that  after  all  that  had  occurred, 
Saul's  latest  utterance  to  him  was  one  of  benedic- 
tion ;  at  once  a  vindication  of  David's  conduct  in 
the  past,  and  a  forecast  of  his  glory  in  the  future. 
Verily,  the  Psalmist  was  speaking  from  his  own 
experience  when  he  said,  "commit  thy  way  unto 
the  Lord  ;  trust  also  in  Him ;  and  He  shall  bring 
it  to  pass.  And  He  shall  bring  forth  thy  righte- 
ousness as  the  light,  and  thy  judgment  as  the  noon- 
day."—Te.] 

[Ver.  15.  "Art  thou  a  man?"  True  men  ex- 
horted not  to  act  unworthily  of  their  manhood. 
Xe.I 

[Ver.  21.   "I  have  played  the  fool."     1)   In 


322  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


listening  to  slanderers  against  an  innocent  man 
(ver.  19,  comp.  xxiv.  9).  2)  In  opposing  a  man 
who  evidently  mast  succeed  (ver.  25).  3)  In  re- 
sisting the  known  designs  of  Providence  (xxiv. 
20,  comp.  xxiii.  17).  4)  In  renewing  a  wrong 
already  confessed  and  temporarily  forsaken  (xxiv. 


16-22).  Eemark  :  One  may  confess  his  folly  and 
take  no  step  towards  becoming  wiser.  The  be- 
nefit of  such  a  confession  depends  upon  whether 
it  is  made  in  bitterness  or  in  humility. — Tb.] 

[Upon  this  chapter  in  general,  comp.  above  on 
chap.  xxiv. — Tu.] 


IX.  David  at  Ziglag  in  the  land  of  the  Philistines. 
Chapter  XXVII.  1-12. 


1  And  David  said  in  his  heart,  I  shall  now  perish  one  day  by  the  hand  of 
Saul ;  there  is  nothing  better'  for  me  than  that  I  should  speedily  escape  into  the 
land  of  the  Philistines  ;  and  Saul  shall  despair"  of  me  to  seek  me  any  more  in  any 

2  coast  of  Israel ;  so  shall  I  escape  out  of  his  hand.  And  David  arose  and  he  [om. 
he]  passed  over  with  [he  and]  the'  six  hundred  men  that  were  with  him  unto  Ach- 

3  ish,*  the  son  of  Maoch,  king  of  Gath.  And  David  dwelt  with  Achish  at  Grath,  he 
and  his  men ;  every  man  with  hia  household,  even  [^om.  even]  David  with  [and]  his 
two  wives,  Ahinoam  the  Jezreelitess,  and  Abigail  the  Carmelitess,'  Nabal's  wife 

4  [Nabal's  wife,  the  Carmelitess].  And  it  was  told  Saul  that  David  was  fled  to  Gath  ; 
and  he  sought  no  more  again  for  him. 

5  And  David  said  unto  Achish,  If  I  have  now  found  grace  in  thine  eyes,  let  them 
give  me  a  place  in  some  town  in  the  country  [in  one  of  the  country-cities],  that  I 
may  dwell  there ;  for  why  should  thy  servant  dwell  in  the  royal  city  with  thee  ? 

6  Then  [And]  Achish  gave  him  Ziklag  that  day  ;  wherefore  Ziklag  pertaineth  unto 

7  [to]  the  kings  of  Judah  unto  this  day.  And  the  time  that  David  dwelt  in  the  coun- 
try of  the  Philistines  was  a  full  [pm.  full]  year  and  four  months. 

8  And  David  and  his  men  went  up  and  invaded  the  Geshurites  and  the  Gezrites' 
and  the  Amalekites  ;  for'  those  nations  were  of  old  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  as 

9  thou  goest  to  Shur,  even  [and]  unto  the  land  of  Egypt.     And  David  smote  the 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

^  [Ver.  1.  So  the  Vulg. ;  Chald.  and  Syr.  have :  "  there  is  nothing  good  for  me,  but  I  will  escape,"  which  ia  the 
rendering  adopted  by  Erdmann.  Very  near  Ihia  is  the  Sept.  e&v  firf.  It  is  more  literally  exact,  but  Eng.  A.  V. 
gives  the  sense. — It  is  not  necessary  to  read  Dt<  ^3  instead  of  ^3. — Ta.] 

'  [Ver.  1.  Ot,  "  desist  from  me."    The  idea  of  the  word  is  "  to  give  a  thing  up  as  impossible  or  useless."— Te.] 

8  [Ver.  2.  The  Art.  is  properly  inserted  as  in  Sept.;  it  ia  reqilired  by  the  connection  and  permitted  by  the 
Heb.— Tn.] 

*  [Ver.  2,  The  origin  and  meaning  of  these  names  are  uncertain ;  conjectures  may  bo  found  in  the  lexicons 
of  Gesenins  and  Fursi    Hitaig's  comparison  of  the  Sept.  form  'Akxows  vrith  ^kyxi-trfii  is  groundless. — Tr.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  Sept.  has  "  wife  of  Nabal  the  Carmelite,"  and  so  Arab. ;  Svr.,  Vulg.,  and  Chald.,  are  ambiguous.  The 
Greek  text  is  supported  by  xxx.  6,  and  2  Sam.  ii.  2,  and  is  probably  to  bo  preferred  here.— Ta.] 

«  [Ver.  8.  So  the  Qeri;  Kethib  is  "Girzitcs,"  both  unknown  names.  Sept.  has  merely  "Gesirites  and  Amale- 
kites," whence  WcUhausen  supposes  the  Heb.  "  Geshurites  "  and  "  Gearitos  "  to  be  a  duplet  or  double  reading  (by 
clerical  error)  of  the  same  name,  of  which  there  are  many  examples  in  the  Sept.,  but  very  fow  in  the  Heb.  As 
the  Sept.  mi:^ht  eanily  have  omitted  one  name  accidentally  or  from  not  understanding  it.  and  as  the  other  VSS. 
all  give  three  names  (Syr.  and  Arab,  putting  "Gedola"  for  the  second)  it  is  bettor  to  retain  tho  Ilelj.  text.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  s.  On  this  difficult  clause  see  Erdmann  in  the  Exposition.  Instead  of  "as  thou  goest  to,"  we  may 
render  "  \into,"  "  unto  Shur  and  Ecypt."  On  the  text  (which  the  VSS.  treat  vnriouslv)  it  may  be  remarked  1)  that 
the  ItyX  refers  to  the  yiXPI,  and  Erdmann's  translation  "  the  land  which  they  of  old  inhabited  "  is  so  far  cor- 

V  ~I  V    VTT  . 

rect ;  2)  the  sentence  requires  a  name  of  a  place  instead  of  D7  ij?»  (^  terminus  &  qiu>  to  correspond  to  the  ierminus 

ttd  qucm,  and  the  parenthetic  rendering  of  Erdmann  "  and  David  invaded  . . .  the  Amalekites— for  these  were  the 
inhabitants  of  the  land,  which  (they  inhabited)  of  old — as  far  as  Shur  and  Egypt "  is  against  tho  connection 
of  tho  words,  while  the  insertion  of  "  they  inhabited  "  after  "  which  "  is  violent,  and  hero  not  permissible. — If  wo 

provisionally  read  D 7t3  (as  some  Grk.  MSS.  read  and  the  Vat.  MS.  suggests),  we  may  render :  "  David  invaded  . . . 
the  Amalekites,  for  these  inhabited  the  land  which  reached  from  Telem  to  Shur  and  to  Egypt "  (so  Thenlus  and 
Wellhausen).    By  omitting  Ic/N  we  get  a  simple  sense :  "  for  these  inhabited  the  land  of  old,  etc."  (so  Syr.  and 

Vulg.,  followed  by  Eng.  A.  V.) ;  but,  as  Then,  remarks,  what  is  the  propriety  of  referring  here  to  the  antiquity  of 
these  tribes  ?— Sept.  (Vat.)  here  has  a  duplet.— Tr.] 


CHAP.  XXVn.  1-12. 


323 


land,  and  left  [saved]  neither  man  nor  woman  alive,  and  took  away  [pm.  away] 
the'  sheep  and  the  oxen  and  the  assea  and  the  camels  and  the  apparel,  and  returned 

10  and  came  to  Achish.  And  Achish  said,  Whither'  have  ye  made  a  road  [an  inroad] 
to-day  ?     And  David  said,  Against  the  south  of  Judah  and  against  the  south  of  the 

11  Jerahmeelites  and  against  the  south  of  the  Kenites.  And  David  saved  neither  man 
nor  woman  alive  to  bring  tidings  \om.  tidings]  to  Gath,  saying,  lest  they  should  tell 
on  us,  saying,  So  did  David,  and  so  will  6e'°  his  manner  all  tiie  while  he  dwelleth 

12  in  the  country  of  the  Philistines.  And  Achish  believed  [confided  in]  David,  say- 
ing. He  hath  made  his  people  Israel  utterly  to  abhor  him,  therefore  [and]  he  shall 
be  my  servant  forever. 

»  [Ver.  9.  The  Artiolea  are  here  proper,  because  the  Heb.,  though  without  the  Art.,  supposes  that  all  the  ani- 
mals and  clothing  were  carried  off. — Tr,] 

»  [Ver.  10.  Instead  of  Vs  several  MSS.  of  De  Rossi  read  tN,  which  is  safer  (s^o  Eng.  A.  V.).    The  MS3.  and 

Edd.  in  the  succeeding  words  waver  between  7J?  and  7X  (as  in  ver.  8). — Th-I 

10  [Ver,  11.  Syr..  Chald.,  Arab,  and  some  MS9.,  regard  this  clause  as  the  word  of  the  narrator,  not  of  the  inform- 
ers, and  this  is  better,  since  the  informers  would  not  express  an  ojjinion  as  to  David's  future  conduct.  Put  a  full 
stop  after  David,  and  render :  "  And  this  was  his  custom  all  the  while  he  dwelt,  etc." — ^Tb.] 


exegetical  and  critical. 

V.  1.  David  flees  to  Philistia  to  king  Achish  of 
Oath.  That  this  is  not  the  continuation  of  chap, 
xxiv.  23  [22],  but  of  xxvi.  25,  has  already  been  es- 
tablished, against  Theniua.  In  spite  of  Saul's  re- 
newed assurances  that  he  would  desist  from  his 
hostility,  David,  on  account  of  his  repeatedly  ex- 
hibited vacillation  in  feeling  and  purpose,  could 
no  longer  remain  in  the  land  of  Judah ;  the  event 
which  he  hints  at  in  xxvi.  19,  which  his  increased 
suffering  (the  explanation  of  which  is  given  in 
chap,  xxvi.)  predicts,  now  occurs;  he  is  obliged 
by  Saul's  renewed  machinations  (comp.  ver.  4)  to 
leave  the  country,  to  go  to  Philistia.*  And 
David  said  to  his  heart=:" thought,  reflected" 
— thus  dramatically  is  David  introduced,  taking 
counsel  with  himself  what  he  is  to  do  in  respect  to 
Saul's  continued  hostility.  The  word  "now" 
(nf\J?)  refers  to  his  present  dangerous  position. 
I  shall  now  be  carried  off  into  Saul's  hand 
—not:  "by  the  hand"  (Keil,  De  W.,  and  others). 
This  expression:  "into  the  hand"  ('Itf  T3)  has 
led  the  ancient  versions  to  modify  the  proper 
meaning  of  the  verb  "snatch  away"  into  "He  de- 
livered" (Sept.),  "fall"_  (Vulg.).  [Cahen  and 
Philippson  render  "  perish  by  the  hand ;"  Bible 
Oommmtary:  "fall  into  the  hand."  The  Niph. 
is  used  in  the  sense  of  "perish"  in  1  Sam.  xii. 
25  (so  Erdmann)  and  xxvi.  10 — and  this  sense 
suits  here,  though  the  others  are  also  good. — Tb.] 
There  is  nothing  good  for  me. — That  is, 
here,  or,  if  I  remain  here,  as  the  connection  sug- 
gests. On  account  of  this  negation  the  '3  is  to  be 
rendered  simply  "but"  (Chald.,  Syr.),  not  "yea, 
I  will  flee"  (Maur.,  De  W.),  nor  "is  it  not  better 
that  I  flee?"  (Vulg.),  nor  (supplying  DX  with 
Sept.),  "there  is  nothing  good  for  me,  unless" 
(Thenius). — His  ground  for  this  determination : 
Saul  will  desist  from  me and  I  shall 


*  [The  reason  why  David  goes  to  Philistia  rather  than 
to  friendly  Moab  is  perhaps  partly  becau.'^e  he  would  be 
more  secure  with  this  strong  military  nation  (being  no 
longer  able  with  his  large  band,  in  which  were  many 
women  and  children,  to  hide  or  subsist  in  mountain- 
cives),  and  partly  because  he  wished  to  be  near  his 
country,  to  help  his  people,  or  to  take  advantage  of 
whatever  might  happen. — Ta.] 


escape  him  is  borne  out  by  the  regult  (ver.  4  re- 
ferring expressly  back  to  these  words).  [See 
"Text,  and  Gram."— Te.]— Ver.  2.  The  number 
six  hundred  has  remained  unchanged — xxv.  13; 
xxiii.  13;  xxii.  %— Achish  is  identical  with  the 
Achish  of  xxi.  10  sq.  As  a  man  persecuted  by 
Achish's  enemy,  Saul,  David  might  confidently 
hope  to  be  received  by  him.  The  Philistine  king 
Achish  of  1  Ki.  ii.  39  may  be  the  same  person — 
though  he  would  then  have  reigned  about  fifty 
years,  and  must  have  been  very  old.  He  is  the 
son  of  Maachah,  this  Achish  the  "  son  of  Maoch" 
probably  two  forms  of  the  same  paternal  name. 
Gaih  had  been  before  conquered  by  the  Israelites, 
(1  Sam.  vii.  14),  but  appears  here  and  xxi.  10  sq. 
as  the  residence  of  an  independent  king  hostile  to 
Saul.  See  1  Chr.  xviii.  1,  which  states  that  Da- 
vid afterwards  conquered  it.  That  the  event  here 
described  is  a  diflTerent  one  from  that  in  xxi.  10  sq. 
has  been  already  there  shown  by  pointing  out  the 
difference  in  the  cireumstanees.  There  he  is  a 
solitary  deserter,  feigning  madness  to  procure 
safety,  being  recognized  as  Goliath's  conqueror. 
Here  he  appears  in  princely  style  with  all  his  re- 
tinue, and  so  gains  the  confidence  of  Achish. 
Cler.:  "The  long  enmity  that  Saul  had  shown 
him  had  made  him  acceptable  to  the  enemies  of 
the  Hebrews  and  of  Saul." — Ver.  3.  The  formal 
settling  of  this  emigrant  colony.  Each  of  the 
warriors  had  a, family,  as  appears  from  the  words: 
With  his  house. — The  same  statement  is  found 
in  2  Sam.  ii.  3.  A  little  ambulant  kingdom. — 
His  two  wives. — See  xxv.  42-44.  [These  facts 
are  mentioned  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  narra- 
tive in  chap.  xxx.  [Bib.  Com.). — Tb.]— Ver.  4. 
See  ver.  1.  (Bead  Qeri  '^\)  David  gained  his 
end  by  this  immigration.  [In  Gath  David  seems 
to  have  studied  music — see  title  of  Ps.  yiii.  (Ew.) 
— and  may  here  have  become  acquainted  with 
Ittai  the  Gittite,  2  Sam.  xv.  19  (Bible  Com.). 
— Tk.] 

Vers.  5-7.  Achish  gives  David  Ziklag  as  a  resi- 
dence.—\er.  5.  If  I  have  found  favor  with 
thee. — This  is  presumposed  as  a  fact  in  this  rer 
quest.  Achish  regarded  David  and  his  band  as  . 
allies  against  Saul,  because  he  sought  refuge  with 
him  from  vSaul.  He  must  indeed,  as  Ewald  (III. 
137)  well  remarks,  "long  since  have  seen  his  er- 


324 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


ror  as  to  this  strange  man,  and  the  more  bitterly 
he  regretted  it,  the  more  disposed  he  would  now 
be  to  receive  the  distinguished  leader  of  a  consi- 
derable armed  band,  who  was  so  often  and  so 
sorely  persecuted  by  Saul."  Grotius:  "David's 
fame  and  the  expectation  excited  by  him  must 

have  been  great,  that  a  city should  have 

been  granted  him  for  safety."  Give  me  one 
of  the  country-cities. — David  asksd  such  a 
city  as  property;  in  ver.  6  it  is  expressly  said  that 
Achish  gave  it  him  for  a  possession.  David's  al- 
leged reason  for  the  request  is  that  it  was  not 
suitable  for  him,  Achish's  servant  and  subject  to 
remain  in  the  capital  city  with  his  large  retinue. 
The  words  do  not  support  the  explanation  ( Then . ) : 
"it  is  not  fitting  that  I,  who  am  as  thou,  a, prince, 
should  reside  here  with  thee."  The  idea  "to 
burden  thee"  (Buns.)  is  not  contained  in  the  ex- 
pression "  with  thee,"  but  is  involved  in  the  situa- 
tion. [David  subtly  suggests  the  expensiveness 
of  his  presence  in  Grath ;  his  real  motive  was  to  be 
out  of  the  way  of  observation,  so  as  to  play  the 
part  of  Saul's  enemy  without  acting  against  him 
\B'S>.  Com.). — T'B.j^Ver.  6.  Ziitai;  pertained  first 
to  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  31),  then  to  Simeon  (Josh. 
xix.  5),  was  afterwards  taken  by  the  Philistines, 
and  perhaps  remained  uninhabited  (Keil):  ac- 
cording to  xxy.  1  it  lay  far  south  near  the  Ama- 
lekite  border.  Its  position  in  the  Negeb  (South 
country)  has  not  yet  been  determined.  Accord- 
ing to  Ritter  {Erdk.  XVI.  133)  it  was  perhaps  the 
present  Tel  el  Hasy  north-east  of  Gaza,  "  whence 
one  enjoys  a  wide  view,  westward  to  the  sea,  east- 
ward to  the  mountains  of  Hebron,  northward  to 
the  mountains  of  Ephraim,  and  southward  to  the 
plains  of  Egypt."  Comp.  Raumer,  J  225.  Kno- 
bel  conjectures  that  it  was  south-west  of  Milh,  in 
Gasluj  [Asluj],  on  the  way  to  Abdeh  (Rob.  III. 
lo4,  862  [Am.  ed.  II.  201]).  This  would  put  it 
much  farther  south.  [See  "Ziklag"  in  Smith's 
Bible  Dictionary.  Mr.  Grove  does  not  favor  this 
identification. — Tr.]  The  remark  that  it  conse- 
quently became  the  property  of  the  kings  of  Judah 
confirms  the  view  that  the  words  and  he  gave 
him  mean  that  the  city  was  a  present  from  Achish 
to  David.  Though  the  distinction  between  Judah 
and  Israel  appears  already  in  the  time  of  Saul  and 
David  (xi.  8;  xvii.  52;  xviii.  16;  2  Sam.  ii.  9  sq.; 
iii.  10;  V.  1-5;  xix.  4l8q.;  xx.  24),  yet  the  phrase 
"kings  of  Judah"  indicates  that  the  narrative 
supposes  the  division  of  Israel  into  two  kingdoms 
and  the  existence  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  [so 
that  this  Book  was  composed  between  Solomon 
and  the  Babylonian  exile. — Tb.] — Ver.  7.  A  year 
and  four  numths.  The  first  expression  (D'O')^ 
"some  time,  a  considerable  time,"  Gen.  iv.  40;  1 
Sam.  xxix.  3,  then  =  "a  year,"  Lev.  xxv.  29; 
Judg.  xvii.  10 ;  1  Sam.  i.  3 ;  ii.  19,  etc.*  This  ex- 
act statement  of  time  attests  the  historical  value 
of  the  narrative  (Then.,  Keil). 

Vers.  8-12.  David  makes  incursions  from  Ziklag 
into  the  territory  of  the  neighboring  tribes  on  the 
south  borderofPalestine,  returns  witArtcAJooiy,  and 
has  thecojyWenceof  king  Achish. — Ver.  8.  And  he 
^yent  up,  not  "he  went  out"  (DeW.,  Keil) ;  the 
tribes  dwelt  on  higher  ground  than  Ziklag,  pro- 
bably on  the  mountain-plateau  of  the  northern 


*  [Rashi  and  others,  on  the  assumed  ground  that 
Saul  reigned  only  two  years,  render  "some  days"  (Phi- 
lippaon).— Te.] 


portion  of  the  wilderness  of  Paran.  ''Invaded" 
(P'^^)>  literally  "spread  themselves  out;"  the 
word  is  used  especially  of  a  hostile  army  (1 
Chrou.  xiv.  9,  13),  and  so  means  to  attack  a  city 

or  land.  (Here  with  7X,  as  xxx.  1 ;  Judg.  xx. 
37,="to  attack  towards,"  with  byj.t="fall  on," 
as  xxiii.  27 ;  Judg.  ix.  33,  44.) — ^The  district  of 
the  Oeshurites  (to  be  distinguished  from  the  little 
Aramsean  kingdom  of  Geshur,  2  Sam.  xv.  8; 
comp.  2  Sam.  lii.  3 ;  xiii.  37 ;  xiv.  23,  and  from 
the  northern  Geshurites  near  Hermon  on  the 
border  of  Bashan  (Gilead ),  Deut.  iii.  14 ;  Josh, 
xii.  5 ;  xiii.  13)  lay  south  of  Philistia  near  the 
district  of  the  Amalekites,  along  with  which  it  is 
here  named. — [Comp.  Josh.  xiii.  2,  3. — Te  ] — 
The  Oezrites  (Qeri)  or  Girzites  (Kethib),  a  tribe 
not  elsewhere  mentioned,  who,  since  the  scene  of 
David's  incursions  was  the  south  of  Philistia 
and  Palestine,  must  not  be  identified  (Grot.,  Ew.) 
with  the  inhabitants  of  Gezer  (Josh.  x.  38)  in  the 
west  of  Ephraim.  Nor  can  we  think  of  the  Oer- 
renni  (2  Mac.  xiii.  24),  inhabitants  of  the  city 
Gerra  between  Rhinocoloura  and  Pelusium 
(Cler.),  since  this  would  carry  us  beyond  the 
Arabian  desert,  in  which  the  Gezrites  at  any  rate 
dwelt.— [In  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  Art.  "Gerzites," 
Mr.  Grove,  following  Gesenius,  Fuist,  Stanley, 
suggests  a  connection  between  this  people  and 
the  tribe  which  was  connected  with  Mount  Geri- 
zim  in  central  Palestine.  This  is  an  ingenious, 
though  as  yet  unestablished  conjecture. — Tr.] — 
Here,  after  Saul's  war  of  extermination  against 
them  (xv.  7),  the  Amalekites  had  collected  their 
scattered  remnant  and  established  themselves. — 
The*  safest  rendering  of  the  following  (very  dif- 
ficult) clause  seems  to  be :  ''  David  .  .  .  invaded 
....  the  Amalekites  (for  these  were  inhabitants 
of  the  land,  who  inhabited  it  of  old)  as  far  as 
Shnr  and  Egypt."  The  second  verb  "  inhabited  " 
is  naturally  to  be  supplied  from  the  preceding 
participle  ["inhabitants"].  David  carried  his 
incursions  as  far  as  Shur  and  the  Egyptian  bor- 
der. That  the  Amalekites  as  nomads  held  this 
district  is  involved  in  xv.  7,  where  Saul  is  said 
to  have  smitten  them  "  up  to  Shur,  which  is  on 
the  border  of  Egypt."  Their  old  seats  in  the 
south  of  Palestine  stretched  into  Arabia  Petrsea 
(Ex.  xvii.  8  eq. ;  comp.  Num.  xiii.  29).  The 
narrator  here,  in  accordance  with  xv.  7,  assumes 
this  in  the  remark  that  David  extended  his 
incursions  to  Shur  and  Egypt.  Perhaps  he  de- 
scribes them  as  the  original  inhabitants  of  these 
regions  with  reference  to  their  opposition  to  Israel 
in  the  Exodus  (Ex.  xvii.  8  sq.),  and  to  their 
defeat  by  Saul  (xv.  7),  which,  however,  did  not 
prevent  their  re-collection  and  settlement  here. 
"  To  make  military  expeditions  from  Ziklag,  at 
the  best  mere  incursions  for  booty,  was  at  that 
time  a  necessity  for  David  and  his  men"  (Ew.).t 

•  [In  the  Germ,  this  paragraph  follows  the  text-criti- 
cism below. — Tr.] 
f   Text-criticism  at  latter  half  of  verse  8.— njn  ''3 

ni'SE''  is  as  to  its  gender  (fom.)  cons*,  ad  senmm,  as  if 
ri'iniJE'D,  gcntes,  familice,  preceded.  Expositors  have 
dealt  variously  with  the  words  "n^H,  etc.  (which  are  at- 
tached to  ^"IXn),  on  account  of  the  difBoulties  in  them 
which  centre  in  "It^X.    Thenius  regards  the  lEfs  in  the 


CHAP.  XXVIT.  1-12. 


325 


Ver.  9.  As  nomads  these  tribes  had  large  herds. 
— He  left  neitber  man  nor  'woman  alive  ; 

the  reason  for  this  is  given  in  ver.  11.  Ho  needed 
the  rich  booty  partly  for  the  support  of  himself 
and  his  men,  partly  to  retain  and  increase  the 
king's  favor.  It  was  for  this  latter  reason  that, 
after  his  return  from  his  expeditions,  he  went  to 
Gath,  instead  of  going  immediately  to  Ziklag,  in 
order  to  make  report  of  his  movements  to  Achish 
and  deliver  him  a  part  of  the  spoil. — Ver.  10. 
The  verb  "  said,"  like  the  "  went  up "  in  ver.  8, 
here  expresses  customary,  repeated  acting.  The 
meaning  is:  Achish  used  to  say:  "Against 
whom  have  ye  made  an  incursion  this  time  ?"* 

presmt  text  as  inexplicable,  since  it  is  without  connec- 
tions, and  thinks  it  strange  that  no  term,  a  quo  accom- 
panies the  term,  ad  quern,  as  is  usual  (Gen.  x.  19, 30 ;  Num. 
xiii.  21 ;  xxxiv.  8 ;  Judg.  xi.  33),  and,  supposing  the  error 

to  be  in  dS'IJ^D,  he  reads  oStSn  after  the  Sept.  iirb  Te- 

Xafj.,  the  latter  word  being  taken  as  miswritten  for  Te\ajii. 
This  reading  would  certainly  give  a  simple  and  natural 
explanation,  as  Telcm  ^  Telaim  (1  Sam.  xv.  4)  was  on 
the  south  border  of  Palestine  (Josh.  xv.  24;  1  Sam.  xv. 
4  sq.),  not  far  from  the  Amalekite  territory,  which  Saul 
thence  invaded.  But  to  read  Telem  we  must  suppose  a 
clerical  error  in  the  Sept.;  and  then  all  the  other  VSS. 
presuppose  our  Hebrew  text.    Perhaps  the  Sept.  read 

wrongly  D7^J?n,  and  rendered  it  airb  reAa/t,  though  else- 
where, as  Thenius  rightly  objects,  this  word  "  Elam  "  is 
rendered  by  them  'EAatt  or  AiAo/i.  For  the  rest  we  find 
^N^3  without  term,  a  quo  in  Gen.  xiii.  10  [where,  however, 

a  term,  a  quo  is  implied  in  the  "  garden  of  Egypt."— Tb.] 
Besort  has  been  had  to  the  omission  of  "^I^'K  ;  so  the 

ancient  VSS.  fand  Bng.  A.  V.l  and  Bunsen,  who  trans- 
lates :  "  for  these  were  of  old  the  inhabitants  of  this  land 
as  far  as^*  etc.  But  it  is  found  in  all  codices,  and  its 
groat  dilticulty  makes  a  clerical  error  improbable.  The 
example  of  the  ancient  VSS.  is  not  authority  for  omit- 
ting it,  since  they  often  smooth  down  or  go  around  dif- 
ficulties. Seb.  Schmid  takes  D7^J?D  'I E^X  as  parenthe- 
sis:  "  they  dwelt  in  the  land,  which  was  of  old,  as  thou 
goest."  But  there  was  no  ueed  to  state  the  antiquity  of 
the  land  in  itself.    Keil  takes  *^]yn  as  adverb  and  ^X'l3 

as  Inf.,  so  that  the  literal  rendering  would  be:  "where 
of  old  thy  coming  is  to  Shur;"  that  is,  where  of  old  one 
travels  to  Shur  up  to  Egypt.  But  ^fe{13  m  such  geogra- 
phical and  local  statements  is  always  used  in  tha  sense 
of  "  as  far  as."  Moreover,  one  does  not  see  the  reason 
for  such  a  local  statement  here.  If  it  means  that  of  old 
the  road  to  Shur  or  Egypt  passed  through  this  land,  then 
the  term,  a  quo,  namely,  Palestine,  may  easily  be  sup- 
plied from  the  context;  but  why  this  remark,  when 
there  was  no  other  road  to  Egypt  ?  And  the  suffix  does 
not  fit  in  with  the  "  of  old,"  oecause  it  would  necessa- 
rily refer  to  present  going.  It  seems  safest  with  Ewald 
to  regard  the  words  from  ^3  to  Q  7ij?D  as  parenthesis — 

and  to  take  the  following  as  stating  huta  far  southward 
David  pushed  his  incursions.  [On  this  reading  see 
"Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.] 

*  Texireriticism. — The  7X  is  difBoult.     To  take  it  as 

particle  of  subjective  negation,  like  /iij  «=  "  ye  went  not 
out  [seid  nicht  ausfiezof/en]  to-day"  (Gesenius,  Keil),  is 
unsatisfactory,  since  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  Achish 
expected  a  negative  answer  (Then.).  [Gesen.  and  Keil 
both  take  it  as  interrogative. — Tb.]  De  Wette's  render- 
ing ;  "did  ye  not  make  an  incursion  to-day ?"  =■  Aben 

Ezra's  nonne  irruistis  f  requires  X  7  or  X /H,  for  which 

7X  is  never  used.    Maurer  explains :  mhil  hodie  invasis- 

tis  y  8C.  nullam  in  regior^m  hodie  invasistis !  referring  to 
XXX.  14,  where  also  the  verb  is  construed  first  with  the 
Ace,  and  then  with  7j;.  But  to  connect  such  an  accu- 
satival  relation  with  75^  is  unsafe,  and  the  difficulty 
from  the  constant  meaning  of  the  latter  remains.    The 


David's  answer:  Against  the  south  of  Ju- 
dah  and  against  the  south  of  the  Jerah- 
meelites,  comp.  xxx.  29,  the  posterity  of  Jerah- 
meet,  the  first-born  of  He2a'on  (  2  Chron.  ii.  9,  25), 
and  so  "  one  of  the  three  great  families  of  Judah 
descended  from  Hezron  who  probably  dwelt  on  the 
southernmost  border  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah  "  (Keil), 
and  against  the  south  of  the  Kenites  — 
who  were  under  the  protection  of  Judah  (comp. 
XV.  5,  6;  Judg.  i.  16),  mentioned  along  with  Ama- 
lek  in  ISTum.  xxiv.  21,  where  it  is  said  of  them : 
"  in  rocks  thou  hast  put  thy  re.st,"  referring  to  their 
dwellings  in  the  rocks  and  caves  south  of  Pales- 
tine, to  which  also  their  name  points.* — All  the 
tribes  mentioned  here  and  in  ver.  8  dwelt  near  one 
another  in  the  district  bordering  on  the  Negeb 
(south  country)  of  Judah,  and  stretching  between 
the  hill  country  of  Judah  and  the  Arabian  desert 
(see  Josh.  xv.  21).  David's  expeditious  were 
really  against  the  tribes  named  in  ver.  8,  who  ex- 
tended close  into  the  south  of  Judah.  It  was  his 
interest,  however,  to  malce  Achish  believe  that  he 
had  made  an  expedition  against  Saul,  and  conse- 
quently against  the  men  of  Judah.  He  therefore 
says  nothing  of  his  incursion  against  the  tribes 
named  in  ver.  8,  which  were  on  friendly  terms 
with  Achish  (ver.  11),  but  declares  that  he  has 
marched  against  the  south  of  Judah,  that  is  against 
the  Israelites  there  and  the  tribes  under  their 
protection.  This  deception  was  made  possible 
only  by  the  fact  that  those  tribes  dwelt  so  near 
together  that  "  that  when  the  march  began,  no  one 
could  tell  its  destination"  (Then.). — Ver.  11. 
Confirmation  of  David's  endeavor  to  deceive 
Achish  as  to  the  object  of  his  attack.  He  spared 
neither  man  nor  woman  to  bring  them  to 
Gath,  though  he  was  accustomed  to  carry  thither 
the  richest  booty.  The  narrator  thus  resumes  the 
statement  in  ver.  9  in  order  to  add  the  explana- 
tion :  "  he  did  not,  as  was  the  custom  in  war,  carry 
them  to  Gath,  but  slew  them,  that  he  might  not 
be  betrayed  by  them  to  Achish."  Contrary  to  the 
Masoretic  accentuation  a  stronger  punctuation 
mark  is  to  be  put  after  the  words:  saying,  lest 
they  tell  on  us,  saying,  So  did  David 
(Sept.  Vulg.,  Maur.,  Then.,  Keil),  since  the  fol- 
lowing words:  And  so  was  his  manner  all 
the  while  he  dwelt  in  the  land  of  the 
Philistines,  are  naturally  not  a  part  of  the  pre- 
ceding speech,  but  are  the  continuation  of  the 
narrator.  USK'D  =  his  constant,  habitual  con- 
duct,  as  in  vers.  8,  9. — ^Ver.  12  refers  back  to  ver. 
10 ;  David's  deception  succeeded  completely  with 
Achish.  From  David's  reports  (which  he  re- 
ceived for  pure  coin),  Achish  drew  two  favorable 
considerations:  1)  'To  preserve  my  favor  and 
friendship,  he  has  made  himself  thoroughly  hate- 
ful to  his  people,  or  better  (from  the  literal  mean- 


reading  TX,  whither,  has  therefore  been  adopted  by 

some  (Chald.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  E.  Jesh.,  Kashi,  D.  Kimchi, 
Bunsen,  et  al.).  But  if  a  text-error  must  be  assumed,  it 
is  better  (following  the  Sept.  Iirl  nVa,  Vulg.  im  quem)  to 

suppose  that  "^O  has  fallen  out,  and  instead  of  7X  to 

read  Sx  (as  in  ver.  8),  or  Sjf,  which  latter  is  preferable 

because  of  the  7_J?  in  David's  answer  (Then.)  =  ^D~7J?_» 

"  against  whom  1"    So  also  E.  Jonah  and  R.  Levi. 

"  [The  name,  of  nnnertain  origin,  is  surmised  by  Ge- 
sen. to  mean  "  smith." — Tb.] 


326 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


ing  of  the  Heb.  "stcnch,")ma(lehimsolf  "a  loath- 
ing" (comp.  xiii.  12),  and  2)  completely  alienated 
from  his  people,  as  their  enemy,  he  will  aovr 
be  my  servant  forever.    The  word  "forever" 

(DilJ?)  refers  to  the  present,  when  David  already 
stood  in  the  relation  of  vassal  and  dependent  to 
Achish,  who  is  now  sure  that  he  will  always  be 
subject  to  him. 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  David's  removal  toPhilistia,  regarded  in  the 
light  of  his  previous  divine  guidance,  was  a  self- 
vriiled  act,  whicli  had  its  ground  in  little  faith,  and 
produced  one  sin  after  another.  Tliough  a  prophet, 
David  had  received  the  divine  command  to  take 
up  his  abode  not  in  a  foreign  land,  but  at  home, 
in  the  land  of  Judah  (xxii.  5).  He  disobeyed 
this  command  under  the  conviction  that  there  was 
no  escape  for  him  from  Saul  but  in  Philistia. 
Hitherto  in  important  undertakings  and  difficult 
positions  he  had  repeatedly  sought  the  divine 
counsel  and  will  through  God's  word  and  through 
prayer  to  God.  Here  he  proceeds  in  his  own 
strength,  and  nothing  is  said  of  his  inquiring  of 
the  Lord.  He  was  certain  of  bis  divine  calling  as 
the  An/>inted  of  tlie  Lord;  he  knew  the  divine  pro- 
mises, which  could  not  lie ;  he  had  had  most  ex- 
cellent experiences  of  the  divine  deliverance  (xvii. 
37)  and  the  saving  power  of  the  Lord;  and  yet  in 
the  difficult  position  produced  by  Saul's  persistent 
hate,  he  becomes  timid  and  faint-hearted ;  in  little- 
ness and  weakness  of  faith  he  goes  his  ovm  way. 

2.  But,  along  with  God's  people's  experiences 
of  His  goodness  and  faithfulness,  there  are  mani- 
festations of  His  punitive,  chastening  righteous- 
ness, as  a  witness  against  the  unbelief  and  disobe- 
dience (and  the  connected  unfaithfulness)  which 
are  concealed  bshind  their  littleness  and  weakness 
of  faith.  David  was  to  feel  painfully  removal 
from  association  with  God's  people  (xxvi.  19) ;  as 
"Anointed  of  the  Lord  "  he  was  to  feel  in  his  con- 
science the  punishment  of  dependence  on  a  hea- 
then king,  which  he  had  himself  assumed,  and 
which  was  only  externally  somewhat  softened  by 
the  somewhat  freer  position  which  his  residence 
in  Ziklag  gave  him ;  yet  he  found  himself  obliged 
in  order  to  preserve  the  king's  favor,  to  take  a 
stand  and  maintain  a  conduct  towards  not  only 
Saul  but  also  his  people,  whereby  he  would  ap- 
pear to  the  heathen  to  be  their  enemy.  Further, 
he  saw  himself  forced  into  paths  of  untruthfulness 
and  prevarication,  and  with  king  Achish  to  have 
recourse  to  trickery  and  lies. — F.  W.  Krumma- 
cher :  "  Was  not  David  again  guilty  of  open  lying 
and  denial  of  his  people  ?  In  the  eyes  of  God- 
undoubtedly.  To  himself  David  may  indeed  have 
attempted  to  justify  himself  by  saying  that  his 
ambiguous  language  was  only  an  allowable  strata- 
gem of  war,  and  that  it  was  a  heathen  to  whom  he 
veiled  the  truth.  .  .  .  But  he  will  soon  find  out 
that  God  weighs  those  who  will  belong  to  Him  in 


the  scales  of  the  Sanctuary,  in  which  there  is, 
among  others,  as  weight-stone,  the  indestructible 
word  :  Thou  shalt  not  bear  false  witness." 


HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

[Ver.  1.  Hail:  The  over-long  continuance  of 
a  temptation  may  ea-sily  weary  the  best  patience, 
and  may  attain  that  by  protraction  whichit  could 
never  do  by  violence.  David  himself  at  last  be- 
gins to  bend  under  this  trial.  .  .  .  The  greatest 
saints  upon  earth  are  not  always  upon  the  same 
pitch  of  spiritual  strength :  he  that  some  time 
said,  "  I  will  not  be  afraid  of  ten  thousands,"  now 
says,  "  I  shall  perish  one  day  by  the  hand  of 
Saul." — Te.].  Ver.  1  sq.  Schxier:  We  sup- 
pose that  when  one  has  attained  to  faith,  then 
everything  must  go  on  straight  and  smooth,  that 
there  must  always  be  progress  from  feith  to  feith  ; 
and  if  it  turns  out  otherwise,  we  suppose  the  whole 
has  been  only  an  appearance.  He  who  so  thinks 
knows  neither  the  human  heart  nor  human  life. — 
Stakkb  :  Even  the  heroic  power  of  faith  in  the 
servants  of  God  alternates  with  human  weak- 
nesses.— Hkdingeh  [from  Hall]  :  "  Tlie  best 
faith  is  but  like  the  twilight,  mixed  with  some  de- 
grees of  darkness  and  infidelity. —Ver.  5  sq. 
Schlieb:  We  suppose  that  when  one  comes  to 
be  of  little  feith,  and  in  weakness  enters  upon 
wrong  ways,  now  God's  judgments  would  of  neces- 
sity follow  immediately,  that  now  the  Lord's  chas- 
tening hand  will  take  hold  and  by  punishments 
re-establish  the  old  faith.  And  it  is  true  that  in 
a  case  of  unbelief  things  often  happen  so.  But 
little-faith  is  not  unbelief;  the  Lord  helps  the 
little-faith  of  His  people  in  other  ways.  .  .  .  The 
Lord  goes  after  His  children  with  love  alone ; 
and  when  one  becomes  weak  in  faith  He  first  heaps 
up  benefits  upon  him,  and  when  one  loses  heart, 
He  lets  him  find  out  what  a  faithful  and  tho- 
roughly kind  God  he  has.— Ver.  10  sq.  Hed- 
INGEB  [from  Hall]  :  The  infirmities  of  God's 
children  never  appear  but  in  their  extremities. 
[Hall  :  It  is  hard  for  the  best  man  to  say,  how 
far  he  will  be  tempted.  If  a  man  will  put  him- 
self among  Philistines,  he  cannot  promise  to  come 
forth  innocent.— Te.]. — Bekl.  B.  :  So  one  sin 
rises  out  of  another ;  out  of  mistrust  towards  God 
comes  fear  of  man,  dissimulation  and  lying. 
[Taylob  :  Mark  the  prolific  progeny  that  sprang 
from  the  one  parent  sin  of  unbelief  in  this  dark 
chapter  of  David's  life  ;  prayerlessness ;  desertion 
of  the  sphere  of  duty  ;  theft ;  murder ;  falsehood. 
All  these  have  germinated  from  the  one  innocent- 
looking  seed,  loss  of  confidence  in  God. — Te.] 

[Ver.  1 .  A  good  man  m  o  season  of  dfnedion. 
He  forgets  past  blessings  and  promises,  ignores 
present  mercies,  exaggerates  coming  evils,  forms 
unwise  plans  without  consultation  or  prayer,  and 
often  involves  himself  in  great  difficulties,  from 
which  only  some  special  providence  can  deliver. 
— Tb.] 


CHAr.  XXVIII.  1-25.  327 


FOURTH  SECTION. 

Saul's  Downfall  in  War  with  the  Philistines. 

Chapters  XXVIII— XXXI. 

I.  David  in  the  Philistine  Expedition  against  Israel.    Saul's  Visit  to  the  Witch  of  Endor. 

Chapter  XXVIII.  1-25. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass  in  those  days  that  the  Philistines  gathered  their  armies' 
together  for  warfare/  to  fight  with  Israel.  And  Achish  said  unto  David,  Know 
thou  assuredly  that  thou  shalt  go  out  with  me  to  battle  [in  the  army]/  thou  and 

2  thy  men.  And  David  said  to  Achish,  Surely  [Therefore]  thou°  shalt  know  what 
thy  servant  can  [will]  do.  And  Achish  said  to  David,  Therefore  will  I  make  thee 
keeper  of  mine  head*  for  ever. 

3  Now  [And]  Samuel  was  dead,  and  all  Israel  had  lamented  him  and  buried  him 
in  Ramah,  even'  in  his  own  ciiy.     And  Saul  had  put  away  those  that  had  familiar 

4  spirits*  and  the  wizards'  out  of  the  land.  And  the  Philistines  gathered  themselves 
together,  and  came  and  pitched  in  Shunem  ;  and  Saul  gathered  all  Israel  together, 

5  and  they  pitched  in  Gilboa.     And  when  Saul  saw  tjie  host  of  the  Philistines,  he 

6  was  afraid  and  his  heart  greatly  trembled.  And  when  [om.  when]  Saul'  inquired 
of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  [ins.  and]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  answered  him  not,  neither 
by  dreams,  nor  by  Urim*  nor  by  prophets. 

7  Then  said  Saul  [And  Saul  said]  unto  his  servants,  Seek  me  a  woman'  that  hath 
a  familiar  spirit,  that  I  may  go  to  her  and  inquire  of  her.     And  his  servants  said 

8  unto  him.  Behold,  there  is  a  woman  that  hath  a  familiar  spirit  at  Endor.  And 
Saul  disguised  himself,  and  put  on  other  raiment,  and  he  [om.  he]  went,  and  two 
men  with  him,  and  they  came  to  the  woman  by  night ;  and  he  said,  I  prq.y  thee, 
divine  unto  me  by  the  familiar  spirit,'"  and  bring  me  him  [him]  up  whom  I  shall 

9  name  unto  thee.  And  the  woman  said  unto  him,  Behold,  thou  knowest  what  Saul 
hath  done,  how  he  hath  cut  off  those  that  have  familiar  spirits  and  the  wizards  out 
of  the  land ;  wherefore,  then,  layest  thou  a  snare  for  my  lifej  to  cause  me  to  die. 

TEXTUAL   AND  GEAMMATICAL. 

•  [Ver.  1.  Literally  "  camps  "  (njriD)-  The  same  word  In  the  last  clause  of  this  verse  is  rendered  "  battle 
[armyl,"  and  in  ver.  19,  "host  [camp]." — Tk.] 

2  [Ver.  1.  Syr.  adds:  "to  the  ravine"  (Snj),  perhaps  a  repeated  misreading  of  Dn?!!?.  Sept.  hag  efeWerr, 
apparently  taking  N^S  as  Inf.  in  its  original  meaning  "go  forth."— Te.] 

2  [Ver.  2.  Sept.  "now"  (njjl^  inst.  of  nflK),  which  is  better.— Te.J 

4  [Ver.  2.  Sept. :  "  chief  of  the  body-guard."— Tb.] 

6  [Ver.  3.  The  1  is  omitted  in  some  MSS.  and  in  Sept.,  Syr.,  Vulg.;  it  may  be  explained  as  appositional  or 
epexegetical ;  but  the  omission  is  easier. — Th.] 

»  [Ver.  3.  Usually  now  rendered  "  necromancers."  So  the  Chald.  (]'13) ;  Syr.,  VuIg.  and  Aq.  have  "  magicians." 

— Te.J 

'  [Ver  3.  This  is  a  literiU  rendering  of  the  Heb.,  which  means:  "those  who  know"  (Eng.  mzard— from  the 
verb  wit,  "to  know  "J,  Erdmann  "die  TOugen  leute,"  so  the  Greek.  Other  VS3.  render  "sorcerers,"  which  is  the 
proper  sense. — Tb.] 

8  [Ver.  6.  The  VSS.  are  troubled  by  this  word.  Sept.  iv  rois  S^Kois,  Aq.  Iv  ^iotutixoU,  Sym.  «ii  rHy  S^Auf,  Syr. 
"by  fire,"  Vulg.  per  mcerdotes.    See  the  Exposition.— Te.] 

»  [Ver.  7.  rSWti  is  the  ordinary  form  of  the  construct,  of  ntS'X.  Here  the  relation  expressed  (lit.  woman  of  a 
possessor  of  Obj'would  be  simply  the  appositioniil.  The  word  may  possibly  be  an  absolute  form,  comp.  Deut. 
XXL  11.    Erdmann :  "  a  woman  that  hath  a  necromantic  spirit."— Te.] 

i»  [Ver.  8.  De  Wette,  Philippson,  Erdmann  render  "by  necromancy"  (todtenbeschwdrwng);  but  Ob  is  the  spirit, 
not  the  art;  Cahen :  par  {I'esprit  d')  06.— Te.] 


328  THE  PIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

10  And  Saul  sware  to  her  by  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  saying,  As  the  Lord   [Jehovah] 

11  liveth,  there  shall  no  punishment"  happen'^  to  thee  for  this  thing.  Then  said  the 
woman  [And  the  woman  said].  Whom  shall  I  bring  up  unto  thee  ?  And  he  said, 
Bring  me  up  Samuel. 

12'  And  when  [om.  when]  the  woman  saw  Samuel,  [ins.  and]  she  cried  with  a  loud 
voice,  and  the  woman  spake  [said]  to  Saul,  saying,  Why  hast  thou  deceived  me  ? 

13  for"  thou  art  Saul.  And  the  king  said  unto  her.  Be  not  afraid  ;  for  [om.  for]"' 
what  [ins.  then]  sawest  [seest]  thou?    And  the  woman  said  unto  Saul,  I  saw  gods 

14  [see  a  god]'*  ascending  out  of  the  earth.  And  he  said  unto  her.  What  form  is  be 
of  [is  his  form]  ?  And  she  said,  An  old"  mau  cometh  up,  and  he  is  covered  with 
a  mantle.  And  Saul  perceived  that  it  was  Samuel,  and  he  stooped  with  his  face 
to  the  ground,  and  bowed  himself. 

15  And  Samuel  said  to  Saul,  Why  hast  thou  disquieted  me,  to  bring  me  up?  And 
Saul  answered  [said],  I  am  sore  distressed ;  for  the  Philistines  make  war  against 
me,  and  God  is  departed  from  me,  and  answereth  me  no  more,  neither  by  prophete 
nor  by  dreams,  therefore  [and]  I  have  called"  thee  that  thou  mayest  make  known 

16  unto  me  what  I  shall  do.  Then  said  Samuel  [And  Samuel  said],  Wherefore,  then, 
dost  thou  ask  of  me,  seeing  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  departed  from  thee,  and  is  be- 

17  come  thine  enemy?"  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  done  to  him"  [for  himself] 
as  he  spake  by  me,  for  [and]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  rent  the  kingdom  out  of 

18  thine  hand  and  given  it  to  thy  neighbor,  even  to  David.  Because  thou  obeyedst 
not  the  voice  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  nor  executedst  his  fierce  wrath  upon  Amalek, 

19  therefore  hath  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  done  this  thing  unto  thee  this  day.  Moreover 
[And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will  also  [om.  also]  deliver  Israel  [ins.  also]'"  with  thee 
into  the  hand  of  the  Philistines,  and  to-morrow  shalt  thou  and  thy  sons  be  with  me; 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  also  [om.  also]  shall  [will]  deliver  the  host  [camp]^  of  Israel 

20  [ins.  also]  into  the  hand  of  the  Philistines.  Then  [And]  Saul  fell  straightway" 
all  along  [his  full  length]  on  the  earth,  and  was  sore  afraid  because  of  the  words 
of  Samuel ;  and  there  was  no  strength  in  him,  for  he  had  eaten  no  bread  all  the 

21  day  nor  all  the  night.  And  the  woman  came  unto  Saul,  and  saw  that  he  was  sore 
troubled,  and  said  unto  him,  Behold,  thine  handmaid  hath  obeyed  thy  voice,  and 
I  have  put  my  life  in  my  hand,  and  have  hearkened  unto  thy  words  which  thou 

22  spakest  unto  me.  Now  therefore  [And  now],  I  pray  thee,  hearken  thou  also  unto 
the  voice  of  thine  handmaid,  and  let  me  set  a  morsel  of  bread  before  thee,  and  eat, 
that  thou  mayest  have  strength  when  thou  gnest  on  thy  way.    But  [And]  he  re- 

23  fiised,  and  said,  I  will  not  eat.  But  [And]  his  servants,  together  with  the  woman, 
compelled^^  him  [his  servants  compelled  him,  and  the  woman  also],  and  he  hear- 

"  [Ver.  10.  Properly  "  iniquity  "  (pj;),  then  its  result, '•  blame  "  (Erdm.,  scAuM),  "  punishment."— Tb.] 
^  [Ver.  10.  The  Dagh.  in  the  p,  which  is  merely  euphonic,  is  omitted  in  very  many  MSS. — Tn.] 

13  [Ver.  12.  Lit.:  " and  thou  art  Saul,"  1  e3^1anatory=" for."  But  we  may  render:  why  hast  thou  deceived 
me,  and  thou  art  Saul  ?    Erdmann:  du  bist  ja  Saul. — Tr.] 

"  [Ver.  13.  The  '3,  which  is  here  strange,  may  be="  but "  in  rapid  excited  talk.  Sept.  "  say  what  thou  saw- 
est," where  "say"  is  an  obvious  insertion.    Other  VSS.  omit  the  '3  (Vulg.,  Syr.).— Te.] 

16  [Ver.  13.  So  De  Wette,  Cahen,  Philippson.  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.  have  Plu.,  as  Eng.  A.  V.  Chald. :  "the 
angel  of  Jehovah."    Erdmann  has  geist.    See  Exposition. — Tn.  | 

18  [Ver.  14.  Sept.:  SpSioi-,  "  upright ;"  they  probably  read  cipl  for  |pj  (Sehleusner). — Tb.] 

1'  [Ver.  15.  The  short  (Waw  oonseo.)  form  of  the  verb  is  found  in  2  MSS.— Te.] 

18  [Ver.  16.  On  the  text-reading  see  the  Exposition.    Aq.,  Theod. :  Kara  trov,  Sym.  avri^ri\6v  o-ov. — Te,1 

i»  [Ver.  17.  Vulg. :  j^tLCiet  enim  tibi  Dms.  So  Sept.  and  some  MSS. :  "to  thee."  The  other  VSS.  are  as  the  Heb., 
which  is  better  maintained  as  the  harder  reading.— Tn.] 

2°  [Ver.  19.  The  DJ  here  is  difBcult,  unless  we  render :  "  both  Israel  and  thee."    Otherwise  the  DJ  is  without 

explanation,  and  would  seem  to  be  repeated  from  the  third  clause.    Wellhausen  thinks  the  first  and  third  clauses 
identical,  and  omits  the  first  because  of  the  unintelligible  DJ.    Yet  the  "camp"  in  the  third  clause  seems  to 

difference  it  from  the  first,  and  the  conjunction  may  be  explained  as  above  or  dropped.    The  Heb.  text  is  sup- 
ported by  the  VSS.— T».j 

21  [Ver.  20.  Lit. :  "  hasted  and  fell,"  according  to  a  common  Heb.  idiom,  Ges.  Gr.  §  142.    Sym. :  Ta^v,  Sept. :  ic<n 

ttnrevirt.    In  ver.  21  the  Sept.  renders  by  this  same  word  the  Heb.  7n3J,  "troubled,"  whence  Wellh.  would  read 

the  latter  word,  but  unnecessarily,  for  the  present  text  gives  a  good  sense,  and  Sept.  might  be  right  here,  and 
wrong  in  ver.  21.— Te.] 

=2  fVer.  23.  Instead  of  ISIflii,  eome  MSS.  and  EDD.  have  llXiJ'l.  The  former  =  "  violently  pressed  on."  the 
latter  =  "  besought."    The  text,  as  the  stronger  and  more  vigorous,  must  be  maintained.— Tb.J 


CHAP.  XXVin.  1-25. 


329 


kened  unto  tteir  voice ;  so  [and]  he  arose  from  the  earth  and  sat  upon"  the  had 

24  [bench].     And  the  woman  had  a  fat  [fatted]'^  calf  in  the  house ;  and  she  hasted 
and  killerl  it,  and  took  flour,  and  kneaded  it,  and  did  bake  unleavened  bread 

25  thereof;  And  she  brought  it  before  Saul  and  before  his  servants,  and  they  did  eat. 
Then  [And]  they  rose  up,  and  went  away  that  night. 

!»  [Ver.  23.  Many  MS8.  and  EDD.  read  Sj^  inat  of  S«,  and  so  the  ancient  VSS.  seem  to  have  read.    Sk  is 
difficult  here.— Tk.] 

24  [Ver.  24.  Sept.  voniai :  Sym. :  ireifiiAaTpo0i);u^i/iI,  Others :  yaXafliji'dv. 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1,  2.  A  new  war  of  the  Philistines  against 
the  Israelites.  David  is  required  by  Achish  to 
join  the  Philistine  army  with  his  band  and  take 
part  in  this  war  against  his  own  people. — His  in- 
definite and  evasive  answer. — In  those  days, 
namely,  during  David's  stay  in  Philistia ;  giving 
the  chronological  connection  with  the  preceding, 
in  order  to  continue  the  narrative  of  chap,  xxvii. 
— The  Philistines  gathered  their  army,  a 
general  summons  throughout  Philistia  to  the  ex- 
treme north,  where  a  battle  was  afterwards  fought 
in  the  region  of  Jezreel, — "  a  general  war  of  all 
the  Philistine  princes  against  Israel,  in  which 
David,  as  Philistine  vassal-prince,  was  obliged  to 
take  part"  (Ewald).  "In  the  army"  (n3nB3), 
not  "into  the  camp"  (S.  Sehmid,  de  W.),  [Eng. 
A.  V.  freely  "to  cattle"].  In  David's  answer 
the  "  thou  shalt  know"  answers  to  Achish's  for- 
mal "  know  thou  "  [same  word  in  Heb.] .  Thus 
is  explained  the  [emphatic]  "thou"  (nflN),  for 
which  there  is  no  need  to  read  with  Sept.  and 
Vulg.  "now"  (nO^,  Then.).  pS  is  not pr-o/«cto 
(Cler.),  [so  Eng.  A.  V.  "surely""],  but  =  " ac- 
cordingly, therefore,"  "  cmm  ita  sit  s.  ita  videbis  " 
(Maur.).  David  gives  not  a  definite,  but  an  eva- 
sive answer,  comp.  xxix.  8.  By  Achish's  de- 
mand, made  in  good  faith,  that  he  shoiJd  go  to 
battle  against  his  people,  David  must  have  been 
thrown  into  a  struggle  of  conscience,  of  which 
Achish  had  no  suspicion.  The  latter  therefore 
takes  David's  ambiguous  answer,  which  seemed 
to  promise  the  action  which  he  required,  as  a 
definite  declaration,  and  accordingly  names  him 
confidingly  "keeper  of  his  head,"  captain  of  his 

body-guard  (E w. ) .  Here,  as  above,  j5  7  =  "  under 
such  circumstances,  therefore.''  The  rendering 
"  I  woidd  name  thee "  (Cler.,  Dathe)  is  untenable 
by  reason  of  the  context,  especially  the  "for  ever." 
That  David  actually  went  out  vnih  the  Philistine 
army  appears  from  xxix.  2  sq.  The  narrative  in 
xxix.  1  sq.  is  the  continuation  of  ver.  2.  All  be- 
tween from  ver.  3  is  an  episode,  which  (as  ap- 
pears especially  from  a  comparison  of  ver.  4  with 
xxix.  1)  is  an  insertion  from  a  separate  source, 
and  therefore  is  an  independent  narrative,  which 
is  not  in  necessary  connection  with  the  preceding 
and  succeeding  context. 

Ver.  3.  Introductory  statementl)  of  Samuel's  death, 
not  from  a  second  source,  but  here  inserted  by 
the  redactor  from  xxv.  1  to  introduce  what  fol- 
lows. The  verbs  are  pluperfect  in  sense.  And 
they  had  buried  him  at  Ramah,  namely 
or,  that  is,  in  his  city.     The  1  [=  and,  namely] 


is  explicative,  as  in  2  Sam.  xiii.  20 ;  Am.  iii.  11 ; 
iv.  10  (Ges.  ?  155,  1  a).  Its  dmission  in  Sept., 
Vulg.,  Syr.,  is  explained  by  the  difficulty  that 
it  occasioned  the  translators.  2)  Of  Said's  expul- 
sion of  the  witches  amd  soothsayers  (long  before  this). 
Saul  had  put  away,  expelled   the   necromancers 

(n'13'ixn)  and  the  wise  men  (D'jJT'l'ri)  [wizards], 
the  soothsayers.  On  the  various  meanings  of  the 
word  Ob  [Eng.  A.  V.  familiar  spirit]  see  Bottcher, 
de  inferis,  I.,,  pp.  101-108.  Moat  moderns  connect 
it  with  ob  (Ji''),  ''leather  bag,"  which  is  found  in 
the  Plural  in  Job  xxxii.  19.  We  cannot,  how- 
ever, thence  render  the  word  with  the  Sept.  "ven- 
triloquist" (iyyaaTpiiivSog),  because,  as  Diestel 
(Merz.,  XVII.,  482)  remarks,  the  representation 
of  soothsaying  or  sorcery  as  ventriloquism  would 
destroy  the  appearance  of  the  supernatural,  and 
it  cannot  be  shown  that  ventriloquists  as  such  were 
accounted  sorcerers.  As  the  word  in  Isa.  viii.  19, 
xxix.  4  expresses  a  dull,  hollow,  groaning  sound, 
"  it  is  best  to  suppose  a  stem  3?N,  the  softened  form 
of  the  Arab.  [^IJ]  =  "  to  be  hollow,"  and  Ob  is 
then  the  "hollow  thing"  (bag),  and  so  "one  who 
speaks  hollow"  (Diestel  ubi  sup.).  In  conjura- 
tions of  the  dead  it  is  the  dull,  hollow,  myste- 
rious tone  of  the  voice,  which  was  personified  and 
represented  as  a  mysterious  being,  whether  as  the 
spirit  of  the  departed  speaking  from  the  depth  of 
the  earth  (Isa.  xxix.  9),  or  as  the  spirit  dwelling 
in  the  conjuror,  man  or  woman  (Lev.  xix.  31; 
XX.  6,  27),  and,  finally,  the  necromancers  or  speak- 
ing soothsayers  themselves  were  so  called,  as  here 
and  2  Kings  xxiii.  24.     The  ''wise  people" 

[wizards]  (D'3J>^^),  always  connected  with  the 
Oboth  or  necromancers,  are  those  that  deal  in 
necromancy  through  sorcery  and  soothsaying; 
the  simple  expression  in  our  [German]  popular 
language,  "wise  woman"  [so  Eng.  wizard — 
Tb.]  rests  on  the  same  idea  of  a  knowledge  of 
what  is  concealed  and  future  by  mysterious  means. 
In  his  passionate  zeal  for  the  Law,  urged  on  by 
an  unquiet  conscience,  Saul  had  driven  the  ne- 
cromancers and  soothsayers  but  of  the  land  (Lev. 
xix.  31 ;  XX.  27,  comp.  Deut.  xviii.  10  sq.),  that 
he  might  thus  show  himself  a  zealous  theocratic 
king  and  win  God's  favor.  This  statement  is  ap- 
pended to  that  of  Samuel's  death  as  a  superscrip- 
tion, as  it  were,  to  bring  out  the  sharp  contrast 
of  the  following  narrative  of  Saul's  conduct. 

Vers.  4r-25.  Said  amd  the  witch  of  Endor. 

Ver.  4.  The  camp  of  the  PhiliBtines  was  in 
Shunem,  Josh.  xix.  18,  which  signifies,  according 
to  Ges.,  "two  resting-places"  (=  O'^W);  accord- 
ing to  Eusebius  it  was  also  called  Shulem,  which 
is  confirmed  by  the  present  name,  for  it  is  the 
same  place  that  is  now  called  Solam  or  Sulem  (Bob., 


330 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


III.,  402  [Am.  ed.,  ii.,  324]),  on  the  western  de- 
clivity of  little  Sermon*  [Jebel  Duhy],  the  home 
of  Abishag  (1  Kings  i.  3),  and  of  the  woman  that 
often  entertained  Elisha,  whose  son  he  restored 
to  life  (2  Kings  iv.  8-37 ;  viii.  1,  6).  [Bib.-Com..- 
The  Philistines  either  advanced  along  the  sea- 
coast,  and  then  entered  the  valley  of  Jezreel  from 
the  west — the  same  route,  only  in  the  opposite 
direction,  as  that  taken  by  the  Midianites,  who, 
coming  to  the  valley  of  Jezreel  from  the  Jordan, 
penetrated  as  far  as  Gaza  ( Judg.  vi.  4,  33) — or  else 
they  came  by  the  present  road  right  through  Sama- 
ria, starting  fi-om  Aphek. — Te.]  Only  about  four 
miles  thence  Saul  had  gathered  the  host  of  Israel, 
which  was  encamped  on  Gilboa,  that  is,  the  moun- 
tain range  in  the  territory  of  Issachar,  which  tra- 
verses the  south-eastern  part  of  the  plain  of  Jezreel 
from  Zerin  to  the  Jordan-valley,  into  which  it  sinks 
precipitously  at  Bethsan.  There  is  now  there  a 
village  called  Jelbon  (Kob.  III.  404  [Am.  ed.,  ii. 
316] ).  The  two  armies  were  therefore  encamped 
on  the  two  groups  of  mountains  that  enclosed 
the  broad  plain  of  Jezreel  toward  the  east,  or, 
more  precisely,  the  south-east,  between  which 
stretched  a  valley-plain.  From  an  elevation  of 
about  twelve  hundred  feet  Saul  could  see  the 
Philistine  camp,  which  was  only  four  miles  dis- 
tant.t 

Ver.  5.  The  sight  fills  him  with  fear  and  great 
dread,  because  he  had  a  bad  conscience  towards 
the  Lord,  and  therefore  could  not  be  sure  of  His 
help,  not  merely  because  he  saw  that  the  Philis- 
tine army  was  so  unexpectedly  numerous  (Cler.). 
— Ver.  6.  Yet  in  his  anxiety  he  had  recourse  to 
"irupiiring  of  the  Lord;"  hewished  thereby  to  learn 
what  he  was  to  do,  and  al'fo  the  fate  of  himself  and 
his  army.  But  the  Lord  answered  him  not, 
the  reason  for  which  see  in  xv.  26,  corap.  xiv. 
37. — The  threefold  DJ  [also]  puts  in  one  line  the 
three  means  of  inquiry  of  the  Lord  (on  the  repeti- 
tion of  DJ  to  connect  things  related  or  similar, 
"both  .  .  .  and"  in  pos.  sentences,  "neither  .  .  . 
nor"  in  neg.,  see  Ew.,  J  359):  Dreams,  XJrim 
(and  Thummim)   and  Praphets-X     The  phrase 

"  inquire  in "  (''3  '??^)  is  commonly  used  of  in- 
quiry hy  Urim  and  Thummim,  with  which  the 
two  other  modes  are  here  connected.  The 
"dreams,"  the  first  means  of  the  revelation  of  the 
divine  will,  are  not  dreams  by  ivAyubcUions  at  a 
holy  place  (Ew.),  "  to  which  nothing  here  or  else- 
where points"  (Then.),  nor  the  dreams  of  those 
that  receive  the  revelation,  but  the  dreams  of  me- 
diating  persons,  through  whom  the  Lord  was  in- 
quired of;  these  might  be  and  were  sometimes 
prophets,  comp.  Num.  xii.  6  with  Jer.  xxiii.  25, 
32  and  Deut.  xiii.  2  sq.,  where  the  false  prophets 
with  their  lying  dreams  are  opposed  to  the  true 
— but  might  also  be  umprophetic  persons,  as  in 
Joel  iii.  1.  Here  in  our  passage  the  persons  who 
have  revelations  in  dreams  are  distinguished  from 
the  "prophets."  In  the  order  of  arrangements  of 
these  three  vehicles  of  revelation  there  is  a  pro- 


*  [This  incorrect  name  comes  from  a  misunderstand- 
ing of  Ps.  Ixxxix.  U  (13).— Tk.1 

•f  [According  to  Stanley  (Sin,  and  Pal.,  IX.,  11.  3)  Saul 
was  stationed  nearly  on  the  site  of  Gideon's  camp.  See 
Art.  "Gilboa"  in  Smith's  Bib.-Dict.,  and  Hackett  .s  note, 
Amer.  Ed.— Tn.] 

J  [Bp.  Patrick  notes  that  the  same  three  classes  are 
mentioned  in  Iliad  i.  02.- T.i.] 


gression  from  the  less  to  the  greater,  since  in  the 
Old  Testament  a  subordinate  position  is  certainly 
assigned  to  the  dream  as  the  medium  of  divine 
influence  on  the  inner  life,  which  in  sleep  loses 
the  power  of  self-manifestation  and  sinks  into  a 
state  of  the  extreraest  passivity. —  TJrim  is  the  ab- 
breviation of  Urim  and  Thummim  (Ex.  xxviii. 
30;  Num.  xxvii.  21),  which,  as  the  high-prieelly 
medium  of  inquiring  the  divine  will,  stands  be- 
tween the  reveaUng-dreams  and  the  prophetic  testi- 
mony. But  since  the  murder  of  the  priests  in 
Nob  the  external  apparatus,  the  Ephod  with  the 
Urim  and  Thummim  had  been  in  David's  camp, 
xxii.  20  eq.,  xxiii.  6,  xxx.  7 ;  and  nothing  is  any- 
where said  of  another  high-priest  than  Abiathar, 
who  had  fled  to  David.  Thenius  thence  concludes 
that  this  section  contradicts  the  narrative  of  chap, 
xxiii.,  since  Saul  could  have  gotten  no  answer  at 
all  through  Urim  and  Thummim,  hecause  these 
could  have  been  only  in  one  place.  But  this  is 
not  certain ;  after  the  catastrophe  at  Nob  Saul 
may  well  have  had  a  new  Ephod  with  Choshen 
[Breastplate]  and  Urim  and  Thummim  prepared 
(Keil),  and  this  is  the  more  natural  from  Saul's 
independent  mode  of  procedure  in  matters  of  re- 
ligious service,  and  the  probability  that  in  his 
heated  theocratic  zeal  he  did  not  suffer  the  public 
service  at  the  tabernacle  to  cease  after  the  murder 
of  the  priests.  (It  is  possible  also  that  a  copy  of 
the  Ephod  with  the  Urim  and  Thummim  had 
been  left  behind  when  Abiathar  fled.)  As  to  the 
high-priest,  apart  from  the  possibility  of  inquiring 
by  Urim  and  Thummim  without  him  (it  is  done 
apparently  without  a  priest  by  Saul,  xiv.  37,  and 
David;  xxiii.  9-12),  it  is  to  be  observed  that  in 
the  first  years  of  David's  government  the  taber- 
nacle is  at  Gibeon  with  Zadok,  son  of  Ahitub  of 
the  line  of  Eleazar,  as  high-priest,  which  can  be 
explained  only  by  supposing  that  Saul  had  re- 
moved the  tabernacle  and  the  national  worship 
thither  from  Nob,  and  that  there  were  two  high- 
priests,  who,  indeed,  are  frequently  mentioned,  2 
Sam.  viii.  17  ;  xv.  24, 29, 35 ;  1  Chron.  xv.  11 ;  xviii. 
16.  We  may  thence  conclude  that  Saul  chose 
a  high-priest  from  the  high-priestly  race  of  the 
line  of  Eleazar.  It  is  further  to  be  remarked  that 
in  Saul's  own  words,  ver.  15,  this  inquiry  by  Urim 
is  not  mentioned.  In  1  Chron.  x.  14  it  is  said 
that  he  was  slain  by  the  Lord  because  he  did  not 
inquire  of  the  Lord.  The  contradiction  is  only 
apparent;  he  gave  over  the  true,  right  inquiry,  in 
that,  his  first  questioning,  which  was  not  with  up- 
right, humble  heart,  having  been  unanswered, 
he  betook  himself  to  a  necromancer,  instead 
of  penitently  applying  to  God. — By  the  pro- 
phets. Intercourse  between  Saul  and  the  pro- 
phets had  doubtless  been  broken  off  since  the 
beginning  of  Saul's  persecution  of  David  (xix.), 
while  it  had  continued  between  David  and 
the  prophets,  as  far  as  circumstances  permitted 
(xxii.  5  sq.).  But  in  his  anxiety  and  despair 
Saul  had  now  again  turned  to  them  for  aid. 
Proof  that  application  was  made  to  prophets  not 
only  in  great  theocratical  matters,  but  also  in 
personal  affairs,  is  found  in  ix.  6  sq. ;  1  Kings 
xiv.  1  sq.;  2  Kings  i.  3.— Saul  received  from 
God  no  answer  more,  except  for  judgment. — 
Ver.  7.  Instead  of  humbling  himself  before  God, 
he  turns  with  hardened  heart  and  bad  conscience 
to  the  superstitious  means,  that  the  law  of  God 


CHAP.  XXVIII.  1-25. 


331 


had  forbidden  (Lev.  xix.  31).  Making  accom- 
plices of  his  servants,  he  gets  information  through 
them  of  a  necromancer.  (flB^N,  appositional  con- 
struct, without  Genitive  relation,  Ges.  ?  116,  5, 
see  Josh,  xxxvii.  22;  Jer.  xiv.  17.)  "A  woman 
mistress  of  Ob,"  =  "  a  woman  who  is  in  possession 
of  an  Ob,"  that  ia,  of  a  spirit  (comp.  Lev.  xx.  27) 
by  which  the  dead  are  conjured  up,  in  order  that 
they  may  disclose  the  present  and  the  future. 
They  inform  him  of  such  a  one  who  dwells  at 
Endor.  Endor  was  on  the  northern  declivity  of 
Little  Hermon,  four  and  three-fourths  Eng.  miles 
south  of  Tabor,  nine  and  a  half  miles  south-east 
of  Nazareth,  about  twelve  miles  north  of  Gilboa, 
so  that  Little  Hermon  lay  between;  there  is  still 
a  place  of  the  same  name  on  the  declivity  of  the 
mountain,  Jebel  Duhy.  Bob.  III.  1,  486  lAm. 
ed.  ii.  360]. — [Endor,  =  ''fountain  of  the  dwell- 
ing," is  still  marked  by  a  spring  and  numerous 
caves  fit  for  the  abode  of  witches  (Thomson). 
For  descriptions  of  the  circumstances  of  this  inci- 
dent see  Stanley's  Hist,  of  the  Jewish  Church,  II. 
30  sq.,  Sinai  and  Pal.  p.  328-334  {Eng.  ed.).  Por- 
ter in  Murray's  Haridhook  far  Syria  and  Pal.  ii. 
355  sq.,  Thomson's  "  Land  and  Book,"  ii.  161. — 
Te.] — Ver.  8.  Saul  disguised  himself,  namely, 
byputting  on  other  clothes  so  as  not  to  be  recognized 
by  his  royal  dress  and  insignia,  especially  as  he 
was  treading  a  path  forbidden  by  himself.  At 
night  he  went  thither,  in  order  to  escape  the 
notice  of  his  own  people  and  of  the  enemy's  posts, 
which  were  not  far  off;  he  was  accompanied  by 
two  men  to  show  him  the  way  and  act  as  guard. 
A  dreadful  journey,  a  terrible  night,  both  sym- 
bols of  Saul's  condition,  lost  on  the  way  of  inner 
self-hardening  and  thorough  self-darkening. — 
Saul's  request:  Divine  for  me  by  necroman- 
cy [properly :  "  by  the  Ob,  the  spirit,"  as  in 
Eng.  A.  v.— Tb.].  The  word  "divine"  (DDj5) 
commonly  occurs  in  a  bad  sense  of  the  predic- 
tions of  false  prophets,  comp.  Deut.  xviii.  10, 
14;  2  Kings  vii.  17;  1  Sam.  vi.  2  (in  a  good 
sense  in  Isa.  iii.  2;*  Prov.  xvi.  10  [the  subst.]). 
On  its  meaning  see  Hengst.,  Bileam,  p.  9  sq.  Anm.f 
— Ver.  9.  The  woman  doe-s  not  recognize  Saul,  as  is 
plain  from  ver.  12.  Her  words  show  that  Saul's  or- 
der for  the  extirpation  of  this  superstition  had  been 
vigorously  carried  out.  (Thenius:  ''ii>TD  ™*y 
be  Sing.  Col.  (Bottch.),  but  all  the  V'SS.  and 
twenty-three  MSS.  supply  the  Plu.  D',  which 
may  easily  have  fallen  out  through  the  following 
[p.)  —  Necromancy  was  forbidden  on  pain  of 
death' (Ex.  xxii.  18;  Lev.  xix.  31;  xx.  27; 
Deut.  xviii.  10,  11).  The  woman  supposes  that 
the  stranger  is  putting  her  to  the  test,  in  order  to 
kill  her  according  to  the  king's  law  and  com- 

*  [Not  necessarily  here  in  the  good  sense,  more  pro- 
bably it  and  "projphet' '  are  intended  to  describe  all 
classes  of  predictions. — Te.] 

t  'DDp,  Kethib,  'ODD,  Qeri.  comp.  Ew.  ?406;  the  0- 

■     '.  *t:It  . 

sound  is  sometimes  so  pressed  by  new  endings  that 
it  recedes  to  a  foregoing  vowelless  consonant,  and  is 
sometimes  repeated  with  tvyo  adjacent  consonants,  as 
1303  I»  such  eases  we  find  the  half-vowel  echo  0° 
In  the  same  syllable  (commonly  found  only  with  gut- 
turals), generally  with  B,  and  in  a  loosely  connected 
syllable  as  here.    Comp.  Judg.  is.  8. 


mand ;  and  this  indicates  that  it  was  in  this  way 
that  the  law  of  extermination  of  witches  was  car- 
ried out.  In  the  earliest  period  of  the  monarchy, 
as  fruit  of  Samuel's  labors,  we  see  a  worship  pu- 
rified from  all  idolatry,  and  an  energetic  zeal 
against  everything  connected  with  idolatry,  in- 
cluding this  sort  of  superstition. — [This  statement 
is  too  broad ;  idolainf  probably  existed  all  along 
in  Israel.  Comp.  Judg.  xviii.  30,  31;  1  Sam. 
xix.  13. — Te.]  So  much  the  more  despicable  is 
Saul's  present  action. — ^Ver.  10  sq.  Saul  swears 
to  her  that  no  harm  shall  thereby  come  to  her : 
"by  the  Lord;"  "'an  oath  which  shows  how 
completely  hardened  Saul  was"  (Keil).  Not 
till  he  has  given  this  oath  does  the  woman  ask : 
Whom  shall  I  bring  up  to  thee  ?  which  is 
in  two  respects  significant:  1)  in  that  the  witch 
thereby  claims  to  have  sovereignty,  as  it  were, 
over  the  whole  realm  of  the  dead,  and  2)  in  that 
these  words  indicate  the  business-like  routine  of 
the  witch  in  her  soothsaying  and  conjuration, 
and  have  precisely  the  tone  of  the  modern  small 
dealer:  "what  do  you  wish?  and  how  can  I 
serve  you  ?"  — Thenius  supposes  that  the  woman 
thus  obtained  from  Saul  the  promise  that  she 
should  not  be  punished  for  what  he  (already 
recognized  by  her  as  the  king)  should  hear  from 
her;  but  this  view  rests  on  the  unfounded  as- 
sumption that  the  woman  had  certainly  known 
beforehand  from  the  servants  (who  had  directed 
Saul  to  her)  of  this  visit,  and  must  have  recog- 
nized the  visitor,  if  not  by  his  attendants,  yet  by 
his  extraordinary  bodily  size.  From  the  narra- 
tor's account  we  cannot  doubt  that  his  view  was 
that  Saul  came  as  an  unknown  person  to  the 
woman.  And  the  woman's  whole  conduct,  ver. 
12,  permits  no  other  opinion.  His  height  need 
not  have  betrayed  him  to  her ;  it  was  night,  and 
he  was  disguised ;  his  anxiety,  his  age  and  his 
disguise  all  permit  us  to  suppose  that  he  was 
somewhat  bowed  and  bent.  —  Saul's  demand: 
Bring  me  up  Samuel  (and  so  the  woman's 
question)  supposes  (the  word  "up"  involves  it) 
that  the  dead  dwelt  not  in  the  grave,  in  the  pit, 
but  (as  buried)  dwelt  under  the  earth  in  Sheol, 
that  is,  a  large,  broad  space  which  received  and  • 
claimed  (from  7KE',  comp.  Prov.  xxvii.  20 ;  Ps. 
vi.  6  [5])  all  the  dead  without  distinction,  godly 
and  ungodly — dwelt  in  a  realm  of  the  dead. 
The  contrast  to  this  realm  of  the  dead  beneath 
the  earth  is  heaven  above  the  earth,  where  dwells 
the  Lord  with  the  host  of  angels.  The  supersti- 
tion in  question  consisted  in  the  fact  that  it  was 
believed  that  by  conjuration  the  dead  were  com- 
pelled to  rise  from  the  depth  of  Sheol  to  the  sur- 
face of  the  earth,  and  answer  questions  put  to 
them.  It  seems  from  Ex.  xxii.  18 ;  Lev.  xx.  27, 
that  women  often  practiced  this  necromancy,  to 
which  fact  Winer  conjectures  the  Fem.  Plu.  form 
Oboth  to  refer  ( W.-B.  II.  626,  A.  4).  The  usual 
operations  or  formulas  of  conjuration,  which  the 
woman  no  doubt  employed  after  the  above  busi- 
ness-conversation, are  not  specially  mentioned  by 
the  narrator,  being  irrelevant  and  of  purely  tech- 
nical significance,  but  belong  between  vers.  11 
and  12.  Bottcher  conjectures,  but  unnecessarily  \ 
and  without  ground,  that  a  verse  has  here  fallen 
out,  which  mentioned  the  necromantic  apparatus, 
and  stated  that  the  woman  went  out  into  a  court 


332 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


or  garden.  Such  a  supplement  is  not  at  all 
needed  for  tlie  understanding  of  the  affair.  In 
support  of  this  view  Bottcher  adduces  the  words : 
"and  the  woman  came"  of  ver.  21,  and  the  ne- 
cessity of  a  large  space  for  the  exhibition  of  a 
gigantic  figure;  to  which  Thenius  rightly  replies 
that  we  need  not  regard  the  figure  indicated  by 
the  "  Elohim"  [God,  ver.  13]  as  a  gigantic  one, 
and  that  nothing  is  said  in  the  account  of  exhi- 
biting it.  — Ver.  12.  " She  saw"  («^i?I),  not: 
"she  acted  as  if  she  saw"  (Then.).  Bender; 
■When  the  -woman  saw  Samuel,  she  cried 
■with  a  loud  voice. — According  to  this  the 
cause  of  her  outcry  was  the  sight  of  the  appari- 
tion of  Samuel.  The  following  words :  And 
the  woman  said  to  Saul,  Why  hast  thou 
deceived  me,  for  thou  art  Saul?  indicate 
that  the  woman  at  the  same  time  recognized  Saul 
in  the  Unknown;  this  discovery  naturalljr  re- 
minded her  of  her  danger  as  violator  of  the  king's 
prohibition.  She  thinks  herself  deceived,  tricked 
and  given  over  to  death.  There  is  hardly  any 
doubt,  therefore,  that  this  sudden  perception  of 
her  danger,  together  with  Samuel's  apparition, 
was  the  cause  of  the  terror  which  was  expressed 
in  her  outcry.  Sow  she  came  to  recognize  the 
king  in  the  Unknown,  is  not  indicated  in  the 
words.  Thenius,  assuming  that  she  already 
knew  with  whom  she  was  dealing,  supposes  that, 
as  she  simulated  fear  at  the  alleged  apparition, 
she  now  pretended  that  her  sudden  recognition 
of  Saul  came  through  supernatural  influence, 
through  Samuel  indeed.  But  the  text  gives  no 
support  to  the  assumption  on  which  this  expla- 
nation rests.  Ewald  supposes  that  she  burst  out 
into  a  loud  cry  on  seeing  Samuel's  shade,  because 
it  ascended  with  such  frightfully  threatening 
gestures  as  it  could  have  used  only  against  its 
deadly  enemy,  that  is,  Saul,  and  she  thence  saw 
that  tlie  questioner  must  be  Saul.  But  the  words 
give  no  reason  at  all  to  suppose  that  this  was  the 
view  of  the  narrator.  Keil  holds  that  the  woman 
had  fallen  into  a  state  of  clairvoyance,  in  which 
she  could  recognize  persons  who,  like  Saul,  were 
unknown  to  her  by  face.  Is  there  not,  however, 
a  simpler  explanation,  partly  psychological, 
partly  suggested  by  the  context,  both  of  her 
seeing  Samuel's  form  and  recognizing  Saul  ?  As 
to  the  former,  so  much  is  clear  from  the  connec- 
tion, that  only  the  woman,  not  Saul,  saw  Samuel; 
this  appears  from  Saul's  question,  vers.  13,  14 : 
"What  seest  thou?  what  is  his  form?"  She 
then  describes  the  apparition,  in  order  to  leave 
to  Saul  its  identification  with  Samuel  (ver.  14  6). 
That  the  woman  went  out  of  the  room  in  which 
she  was  at  first  with  Saul,  into  another,  is  not 
said,  and  is  not  to  be  inferred  from  the  words : 
"she  came  to  Saul."  Therefore  in  the  same 
room  she  sees  Samuel's  apparition,  and  Saul  does 
not  see  it.  This  can  be  explained  psychologically 
only  as  by  an  inner  vision,  the  occasion  for  which 
was  given  by  Saul's  request  to  bring  up  Samuel, 
and  the  psychological  foundation  of  which  was 
her  inward  excitement,  in  connection  with  her 
lively  recollection  of  Samuel's  form,  which  was 
well  known  to  her  from  his  earthly  life,  and 
stood  before  her  mind  in  vividest  distinctness. 
So  Tanchura  explains  it:  "She  saw  Samuel  not 
with  the  eyes,  but  with  the  aid  of  the  imagina- 
tion, inwardly,   in  his  wdl-known  form."     And 


her  recognition  of  Saul  just  at  this  moment  would 
be  psychologically  explained  as  the  product  of 
her  inward  perception  of  Samuel  (occasioned  by 
Saul's  request),  and  of  her  recollection  of  the 
relation  in  which  she  knew  Saul  had  stood  to 
Samuel  and  of  the  prophetic  sentence  of  punish- 
ment which  Samuel  had  pronounced  against  Saul. 
When  now,  at  this  moment,  so  full  of  danger  for 
all  Israel,  she  saw  before  her  the  mysterious  Un- 
known, who  was  come  through  her  to  question 
Samuel  concerning  the  impending  battle,  and 
who  on  a  nearer  view,  despite  his  disguise,  made 
on  her  by  the  mysterious  character  of  his  person- 
ality, the  impression  of  an  extraordinary  person, 
she  could,  by  her  intensified  power  of  perception, 
straightway  recognize  him  as  Saul,  and  must 
needs  then  be  seized  with  the  terror  of  which  the 
account  tells. — Ver.  13.  Saul  calms  her  deadly 
fear. — Fear  not,  that  is,  concerning  thy  life. — 
The  question :  What  seest  thou  ?  supposes  1) 
that  he  did  not  see  what  she  saw ;  2)  that  she  was 
with  him  in  the  same  room  in  which  the  fore- 
going conversation  had  occurred,  and  3)  that  on 
account  of  the  manipulations  usual  in  such  con- 
jurations, she  was  yet  necessarily  at  some  dis- 
tance from  him.  She  answers :  I  see  Elohim 
ascending  out  of  the  earth. — The  word 
"  Elohim "  signifies  here  not  a  plurality  of  ap- 
pearances {Gods,  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Arab. — or 
spiritual  beings,  ghosts,  Tremell.  —  or  several 
devils,  one  of  whom  took  the  form  of  Samuel,  S. 
Schmid — or  angels,  Chald.,  Theod.),  but,  despite 

the  [Heb.]  Plu.  predicate  (D''?j',  "ascending," 
by  attraction  from  the  Plu.  subst.),  a  single  ap- 
pearance, as  is  evident  from  the  Sing,  pronoun, 
"  his  form,"  a  spiritual  appearance  belonging  to 
the  region  of  the  super-terrestrial,  the  superhu- 
man, a  fear-  and  terror-producing  spiritual  ap- 
pearance. The  word  is  here  employed  in  a 
sense  "  for  which  the  idea  of  divinity  is  too  re- 
stricted, the  general,  vague  idea  of  the  not-earthly, 
not-human"  (Hengst.,  Seit.  II.  255).  But  The- 
nius also  rightly  connects  with  it  the  idea  of  the 
terror-inspiring  from  the  fact  that  the  simple 

Heb.  sounds  aJah  (PItN),  from  which  the  word  is 
made,  are  the  involuntary  sounds  of  astonish- 
ment and  fear,  referring  to  Gen.  xxxi.  42,  where 
the  "fear  of  Isaac"  stands  along  with  the  "  Ood 
of  Abraham."* — Ver.  14.  Saul's  second  question : 
What  is  his  appearance,  his  form?  The 
woman's  answer  gives  an  exacter  description  of 
the  spiritual  appearance  which  she  saw  in  her 
visionary  state:  An  old  man  cometh  up, 
and  he  is  covered  vrith  a  mantle. — The 

meU  ( ''J'.D)  is  the  talar-shaped  garment  [reach- 
ing to  the  ankles. — Tr.],  the  prophet's  mantle, 
which  Samuel  wore  in  his  life-time  (xv.  27),  and 
in  which  the  woman  and  Saul  would  necessarily 
remember  him.  Still  we  have  no  hint  that  Saul 
saw    the  appearance    that  was    visible    to    the 


•  [Whatever  may  be  the  original  meaning  of  the  s,tem 

(Pl/lO,  the  reasoning  of  Thenius,  endorsed  by  Erd- 
mann,  is  very  unsafe.  We  Itnow  too  little  of  primeval 
onomatopoeia  to  base  etymologies  on  it.  The  example 
of  Gen.  XXX.  42  cannot  be  decisive  for  the  original 
meaning  of  Elohim_,  and,  if  it  were,  the  actual  historical 
moaning  is  a  question  of  use,  not  of  etymology.  Now 
"Elohim"  is  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament  used 
only  of  "god"  and  "judges  or  kings." — Te.] 


CHAP.  XXVIII.  1-25. 


333 


woman.  It  is  said  of  him  only  that  "  from  this 
description  he  recognized  the  form  seen  by  the 
woman  to  be  Samuel,  and  to  do  him  reverence 
bowed  down  to  the  ground." 

Vers.  15-20.   Conversation  of  Samuel  and  Saul. 
Ver.  15.  And  Samuel  said,  tliat  is,  tlie  woman 
(Tanchum)  spoke  from  the  place  where  she  was 
standing  in  hollow,  dull  tones,  which  Saul  sup- 
posed to  be  Samuel's,  perhaps  in  the  manner  of 
ventriloquists,  the  natural  result  of  her  excited 
visionary  state,  in  which  she  identified  herself 
with  Samuel. — Why  doat  thou  disquiet  me, 
disturb  me  (comp.  Isa.  xiv.  9),  to  bring  me  up? 
These  words  prove  that  the  narrator  assumes  the 
previous  employment  of  arts  of  conjuration,  and 
exclude  the  supposition  (left  undecided  by  Keil, 
adopted  by  other  expositors)  that  Samuel's  ascent 
is  represented  as  produced  by  miraculous  power 
of  Grod.     They  also  refute  the  opinion  of  these 
expositors,  that   Samuel's  apparition  rose  before 
the  woman  had  employed  her  art,  and  that  there- 
fore there  is  no  employment  of  magic  means 
between  vera.  11  and  12.     Eather  the  view  that 
there  was  such  magic  art  in  this  place  (between 
vers.  11  and  12)  is  confirmed  by  these  words  of 
Samuel :  "  why  dost  thou  disquiet  me  ?"  namely, 
by  the  woman's  conjurations.     Saul's  aiiswer  gives 
his  reason  for  this  disturbance  of  the  dead  as  fol- 
lows :  1)  I  am  in  great  straits  from  the  Philistines, 
who  are  warring  against  me ;  2)   God  has  left 
me,   and  answers  me  no  more;  3)   I  wish  to 
know  what  to  do,  I  am  at  a  loss  and  uncertain 
about  the  future.    Sol  have  had  thee  called* 
to  tell  me  ■what  I  shall  do. — According  to  the 
preceding  words :  "Ood  has  left  me  and  answers 
me  no  more,"  Saul  cannot  regard  the  answer  which 
he  asks  from  Samuel  as  God's  revelation  and  de- 
claration; in  fact  there  is  in  his  words  a  contrast- 
ing, or  at  least  a  distinction  between  the  divine 
revelation  no  longer  granted  him  and  the  super- 
natural magic-gotten  answer  which  he  expects 
from  Samuel.     And  yet  Samuel  was  the  prophet 
of  the  Lord  and  His  organ.     This  is  the  contra- 
diction to  which  Samuel's  answer,  ver.  16,  refers. 
The  contradiction  is  not  that  Saul  asks  from 
Samuel  a  divine  announcement,  while  he  yet  says 
there  is  no  longer  any  such  answer  for  him  (KeU). 
—Ver.  16.  Samuel's  answer :  Why  dost  thou 
ask  me,  since  the  Lord  has  left  thee  and 
become  thy  enemy  ?t    That  is:  if  the  Lord 

*  On  the  H-  parag.  instead  of  H-,  for  strengthening, 

seeEw.  §228c,'a.  1.  ,     .     t,    , 

f  1»  — "enemy,"  occurs  elsewhere  only  m  Psalm 
oxxxix.  20,  a  Psalm  which  undoubtedly  contains  some 
Aramaic  words  and  forms,  and  in  Dan.  iv.  16  as  a  Chal- 
dee  word— not  in  Psalm  ix.  7  and  Isa.  xiv.  21,  where  the 
form  is  to  be  otherwise  explained.  We  might  take  the 
word  as  Aramaic  form  of  ^i',  the  interchange  of  Heb. 

X  and  Aram,  y  being  not  infrequent,  like  y  and  $  in 
Greek  (examples  in  Ges.  under  letter  y  n.  3) ;  and  though 
there  is  no  other  Aramaic  form  in  this  section,  and  the 
word  ^X  (for  Ij;)  appears  with  this  signification  mostly 

in  poetry  (Job  xxxvi.  16 ;  Lam.  i.  5,  7, 10),  yet  the  pro- 
phetical style  (as  here)  is  not  far  removed  from  the  po- 
etical, and  nX  might  be  used  here  as  well  as  m  Num.  x. 
9,  which  is  not  properly  poetical ;  the  Aramaic  change 
of  S  into  j;  might  easily  come  by  error  in  copying. 
The  use  of  IS  might  be  explained  as  a  designed  refer- 
ence to  'S'lV  in  ver.  15.  But  the  absence  of  7  before 
ann  makes  a  diffioulty,  riTI  never  occurring  in  such  a 


has  left  thee,  why  dost  thou  apply  to  me,  the 
Lord's  instrument  f 

Vers.  17-19  contain  the  confirmation  of  Saul's 
previous  sentence  of  rejection  and  the  announcement 
of  his  impending  fate.  Ver.  17.  The  declaration 
of  the  fact  that  the  Lord,  according  to  His  coun- 
sel and  determination  (1/  T\\!!y,  "hath  done  for 
Himself"  [Eng.A.V.:  wrongly  "to him"]),  has 
taken  the  fingdom  from  him  and  given  it  to  Da- 
vid. The  Iiord  hath  done  for  himself. — 
Pleonastic  Dative,  not  unmeaning  ^  has  done  ac- 
cording to  His  will,  or  to  carry  out  His  purpose, 
"to  show  His  truth"  {Berl.  Sib.).    The  reading 

"to  thee"  (^'7)  in  Sept.,  Vulg.  and  some  MSS. 
cited  by  Theiiius  (Cod.  Kenn.  155,  246;  De  Eossi 
305i  679,  716  [orig.])  is  suspicious  from  its  allu- 
sion to  XV.  2G,  28,  and  because  it  seems  to  be  an 
attempt  to  interpret  and  smooth  en  the  text,  thoiigh 
an  original  "]  [thee]  might  easily  be  copied  as  1 
[him],  and  the  latter  so  come  into  the  traditional 
text.  As  he  spake  by  me. — Comp.  xv.  23.  It 
is  remarkable  that  while  in  that  passage  Saul's 
obstinate  rebellion,  through  which  he  loses  the 
kingdom,  is  equalled  with  the  gross  sin  of  sor- 
cery, here  in  the  act  of  committing  this  supersti- 
tious sin  (against  which  he  had  shown  such  bloody 
zeal),  the  judgment  of  inward  self-hardening  be- 
ing then  finished,  he  again  hears  the  sentence, 
and  learns  with  terror  that  the  complete  realiza- 
tion and  definite  fulfilment  of  the  divine  decree 
of  rejection  is  now  at  hand.  The  whole  declara- 
tion of  ver.  17  is  the  factual  explanation  and  con- 
firmation of  the  words  of  ver.  16;  "The  Lord  is 
departed  from  thee  and  is  become  thy  enemy,  thy 
oppressor." — Ver.  18.  The  reason  is  stated,  namely, 
Saul's  disobedience  (as  in  xv.  23).  "This  thing" 
is  this  strait  or  distress.  Comp.  "I  am  sore  dis- 
tressed," ver.  15.  The  Perf.  HB';?  [hath  done]  is 
to  be  understood,  like  the  preceding  Perfects,  of 
what  has  happened,  and  is  settled.  This  Philis- 
tine distress,  with  its  immediate  results,  is  God's 
act  in  complete  fulfilment  of  the  judgment  against 
bim. — Ver.  19.  Announcement  of  impending  mis- 
fortune for  himself,  his  house  and  his  people  in 
battle  with  the  Philistines.  And  the  Lord 
vrill  deliver  Israel  also  with  thee,  etc — 
"Will  deliver"  (]ri')  again  indicates  the  act  of 
God  in  accord  with  His  holy  and  righteous  will, 
and  is  to  be  taken  (with  Keil)  as  voluntative; 
uith  the  kinp,  on  whom  the  judgment  falls  by  the 
Philistine,  the  judgment  will  reach  the  people 
also,  on  account  of  the  ethical  and  theocratical 


construction  without  it;  though,  while  unexampled,  it 
would  not  be  ungrammatioal  (Maur.).  We  should  ex- 
pect ^vh'  Does  not  this  then  cast  suspicion  on  the 
whole  expression,  especially  as  ?||i;>  in  Psalm  oxxxix. 

20  is  not  assured?  It  is  certainly  surprising  and  note- 
worthy that  Sept. :  jcat  ye'-yore  tiern  toO  ivK-ritriov  aov,  and 
Vulg. :  transierit  ad  mmulum  tuum  [in  Ps.  cxxxix.  Sept. 
iroAeis,  Vulg.  oduersoWt— Tb.],  render  (comp.  Syr.,  Ar.)  as 
if  they  read  ^j?T  D.^  "1  —    and  is  with  thy  neighbor," 

which  Then,  thence  adopts  as  the  true  reading.  These 
translations  may  indeed  be.  mere  conjectural  para- 
phrases (Keil),  or  may  have  had  in  mind  the  ^y^l  of 
the  following  verse  and  the  parallel  passage,  xv.  28 
(Maur.).  It  is  hard  to  decide,  the  pros  and  com  being  bo 
nearly  balanced. 


334 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


solidarity  [organic  oneness]  which  exists  between 
him  and  them;  the  Lord  will  subject  them  to  th 
Philistines.  And  to-morrow  wilt  thou  and 
thy  sons  be  with  me — dead,  with  me  the 
dead,  in  the  Underworld ;  "  with  me  "  in  the  king- 
dom of  the  dead,  in  Sheol.  Hence  it  appears  that 
besides  self-consciousness  (which  indeed  was  con- 
ceived of  as  sunken  into  a  sleep  or  dream-like 
state),  that  is,  besides  the  continued  existence  of 
the  personality  after  death,  a  union  after  death  in 
Sheol  was  believed  in ;  at  the  same  time  it  hence 
appears  that  in  the  realm  of  the  dead  the  good  and 
evil  were  not  thought  to  be  separated.  Thenius 
would  read  with  the  Sept.  "  thou  and  thy  sons  with 
thee  shall  fall,"  on  the  ground  that  the  Heb.  text 
alrangdy  first  speaks  of  the  Israelites,  then  de- 
scends to  the  Underworld,  then  returns  to  the 
camp  of  the  Israelites,  while  the  Sept.  text  pre- 
sents a  perfectly  good  order:  first  the  general,  the 
defeat;  then  the  particular,  the  death  of  Saul  and 
his  sons ;  and  finally  the  result,  the  plundering  of 
the  camp.  But  the  arrangement  is  excellent  in 
our  text,  which  says  nothing  else  than  what  the 
Sept.  periphrastically  expresses :  "  to-morrow  thou 
and  thy  sons  will  be  dead,"  and  then  the  Under- 
world is  by  no  means  put  in  the  same  line  with 
the  Israelites  and  their  camp,  but  Israel's  renewed 
defeat,  the  death  of  Saul  and  his  sons,  and  the 
complete  destruction  of  the  camp  of  Israel,  are 
mentioned  as  the  three  decisive  blows  in  the  judg- 
ment which  should  fall  on  Saul. — Ver.  20.  Up  to 
this  point  Saul  had  remained  in  his  reverential 
posture  as  stated  in  ver.  14;  now  under  the  pow- 
erful impression  of  these  words  he  falls  suddenly 
to  the  ground,  and  lies  his  full  length  on  the  earth. 
The  cause  is  stated  to  be :  1)  his  terror  at  Samuel's 
words,  and  2)  his  weakness?,  resulting  from  the 
fact  (of  course  from  inward  excitement),  that  he 
had  taken  no  food  the  whole  (preceding)  day  and  the 
whole  night. 

Vers.  21-25.  Sanies  entertainment  by  the  woman. 
The  words  "and  the  woman  came"  do  not  in 
themselves  justify  the  opinion  (Then.,  Diestel  in 
Herz.  XVII.  482,  etai.)  that  the  woman  had  been 
in  another  room,  nor  is  there  any  hint  of  this  else- 
where in  the  narrative.  The  words  of  the  woman 
(vers.  21,  22)  show  a  talkativeness  characteristic 
of  this  class  of  women,  and  a  certain  hiimor,  par- 
ticularly in  the  contrasting  of  her  obedience  to  his 
command  and  the  ■  obedience  which  she  now  re- 
quires from  him  for  his  good,  in  the  introductory 
words,  "and  now  hearken  thou  also."  That 
thou  mayest  have  strength  when  thou 
goest  on  thy  way. — These  words  express  nei- 
ther apprehension,  nor  the  fear  that  he  would  die 
071  her  hands,  and  it  would  then  go  hard  with  her, 
and  her  prediction  would  not  be  fulfilled  (Then.) ; 
they  exhibit  merely  her  natural  sympathy  with 
her  guest,  worn  out  by  excitement  and  abstinence 
from  food,  which  prompts  her  to  ofTer  him  her 
hospitality.— "Ver.  23  sq.  The  farther  minute  de- 
scription of  the  proceedings  of  Saul  and  his  ser- 
vant and  the  woman  is  so  domestically  and  psy- 
chologically true  to  life,  that  the  historical  trust- 
worthiness of  the  narrative  is  put  beyond  all 
doubt.  Saul  refuses  to  take  food  because  he  is 
full  of  fear  and  terror.  The  servants  and  the  wo- 
man force  him— he  suffers  himself  to  be  per- 
suaded.    Till  now  he  ha,s  lain  on  the  ground ;  now 


he  gets  up  and  seats  himself  on  the  divan  (nC3D 

[Eng.  A.  V.  not  so  well:  "bed"— Tk.],  "the 
cushioned  bench,  which  extends  along  tlie  wall- 
of  the  room,  stiU  found  in  the  East"  (Then.). 
She  kills  a  fatted  calf  and  bakes  unleavened  cakes. 
"She  kneaded"  where  we  need  not  supply  ''it," 
since  the  words  describe  the  operation  of  knead- 
ing. She  baked  it  as  unleavened  loaves  or 
cakes,  because  she  was  obliged  to  hurry. 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  theocratic  and  biblicalrtheological  signifi- 
cance of  the  history  of  Saul's  visit  to  the  Witch 
of  Endor  is  to  be  judged  and  determined,  first  in 
respect  to  the  representation  of  the  condition  of  de- 
parted sovls  after  death,  then  as  to  the  rdigiovji-mo- 
rnl  facts  which  come  under  consideration  from  the 
Old  Testament  standpoint  of  revelation  and  from 
the  theocratic  point  of  view,  and  finally  as  regards 
Said's  state  of  heart  in  rexpect  to  God  and  the  people. 
In  respect  to  the  state  of  departed  souls  after  death 
we  have  the  representation  not  merely  of  their 
continuance  in  personal  identity,  but  also  of  a 
self-conscious  existence,  which  is  conceived  of  as 
a  condition  of  slumber-like  rest,  from  which  there 
may  be  a  rousing  and  raising ;  yet  such  a  disturb- 
ance is  regarded  aa  a  disquieting.  The  abode  of 
the  departed,  in  contrast  with  heaven  as  the  throne 
of  God  and  the  dwelling  of  the  heavenly  powers, 
is  thought  to  be  a  wide  space  deep  under  the 
earth  (comp.  Dent,  xxxii.  22;  Ps.  Ixxxvi.  13; 
Ixiii.  10  (9) ;  Ezek.  xxvi.  20),  not  the  narrow 
grave ;  for  Samuel's  grave  was  at  Bamah.  The 
differencing  of  the  realm  of  the  dead  from  the 
grave,  in  which  the  body  is  laid,  attests  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  soul  when  separated  from  the 
body.  Sheol,  the  Underworld,  the  Eealm  of  the 
Dead,  receives  all  the  dead  without  distinction ; 
there  is  no  separation  there  between  Kighteoua 
and  Unrighteous  (ver.  19) ;  the  divine  law  of  re- 
quital does  not  reach  the  Beyond.  Comp.  Oehler: 
Vet.  test,  de  rebus  post  mortem  fut.  1846,  and  the 
same  writer:  Die  Lehre  des  Alt-Test,  von  der  Un- 
steriiicAieit  (Herz.  xxi.  413  sq.) :  Bottcher:  dein- 
feris  rebusqM  post  mortem  futuris,  1846.  H.  A. 
Hahn:  de  spe  immortalitatis  sub  V.  T.  gradaiim 
czcul.tce,  1846.  H.  Schultz :  Alttestamentliche  Theo- 
logie  I.  396  sq.  [See  also  Oehler :  Theologie  des 
Alt.  Test,  1873,  I.,  §  77  sq.  (and  Eng.  Transl.1. 
Delitzsoh:  Bibl.  Psychologic  (and  Eng.  Transl.). 
Ilimpel:  Unsterblichkeits  lehre  des  Alien  Test., 
1857.  Hodge's  Theology  III.  716  sq.  Smith's 
Bib.  Diet.  Arts.  "Dead,  Hell,  Pit."  Fairbaim's 
Bib.  Diet.  "Hades."  Ewald:  Lehre  der  Bihd  von 
Gott,  1873,  III.,  1 345.— Tb.] 

But  while  now  the  condition  of  departed  souls 
is,  as  a  rule,  so  conceived  and  represented,  that 
there  is  no  intercourse  between  them  and  the  Up- 
perworld,  and  no  return  from  Sheol  (Job  vii.  9), 
this  narrative  of  Samuel's  appearance  would  be 
the  only  passage  in  the  Old  Testament  that  teaches 
the  contrary  [if  it  did  teach  it].  And  in  fact  the 
narrative  means  to  declare  that  Samuel  reaUy  ap- 
peared (vers.  16,  20) ;  as  Vilmer  remarks  (  Vom 
Aberglavhen  und  Zauberei,"  in  the  Pastoral-theolog. 
Blattem,  1862,  p.  201),  "unless  violence  is  done 
to  the  text,  it  can  be  only  understood  as  afiirming 
that  the  real  Samuel  ascended  from  Sheol."  That 
is  the  view  of  the  Septuagint  also  in  the  addition 


CHAP.  XXVIIl.  1-25. 


335 


to  1  Chr.  X.  13 :  "  Saul  inquired  of  the  ventrilo- 
quist [witch],  and  Samuel  the  prophet  answered 
him,"   and  of  the  Son  of  Sirach  xlvi.  20  (23) : 
"  and  after  he  fell  asleep  he  prophesied  and  showed 
the  king  his  end,  and  out  of  the  ground  lifted  up 
his  voice  in  prophecy."     In  contradiction  with 
this  correct  opinion  is  the  view  of  the  church-theo- 
logians of  the  16th  and  17th  centuries,  derived 
from  the  patristic  writers,*  namely,  that  by  divine 
ordering  Saul  saw  under  the  form  of  Samuel  a 
ghost,  an  illusion  produced  by  demonic,  devilish 
powers.     Tertullian  {de  anima,  cap.  57)  regards  it 
as  a  "rivalry  of  truth  by  an  unclean  spirit;"  ''  it 
was  permitted,"  says  he,  "  the  pythonic  spirit  to 
represent  the  sold  of  SarmiM,  when  Saul  (after  he 
had  inquired  of  God)  inquired  of  the  dead.     Far 
be  it  from  us  to  believe  that  the  soul  of  any  saint, 
much  less  a  prophet,  can  be  drawn  forth  by  a  de- 
mon.   We  are  taught  that  Satan  transfigures  him- 
self into  an  angel  of  light,  but  not  into  a  man  of 
light."     So  Ephrem  Syrus.f    In  agreement  with 
this  Luther  says  that  it  was  "the  devil's  ghost," 
and  Calvin  that  "  it  was  not  the  real  Samuel,  but 
a  spectre."     So  Grotius :  "  It  is  more  credible  that 
it  was  a  deceptive  spirit,  and  so  the  woman  her- 
self seems  plainly  to  indicate  when  she  says  that 
gods  were  ascending  out  of  the  earth,  thus  term- 
ing those  spirits,  one  of  whom  had  assumed  Sam- 
uel's  form."      Comp.   S.   Schmid    (Comm.);    A. 
Pfeiffer,  dvhia  vex.  Omt.  II.  loc.  77 ;  Sal.  Deyling, 
observ.  ss.  II.  063.  18;   Buddseus,  hist,  eccles.,  V.  I. 
II.  243  sq.;  J.  Gerhard,  spectrum  Endoreum,  Jen. 
1663  [Bp.  Patrick,  Comm.  in  loco'].     But  the  nar- 
,  rative  gives  not  the  slightest  support  to  such  a 
view.     Neither  the  original  narrator  nor  the  re- 
dactor [editor]  had  in  mind  ( judging  from  the 
narrative  itself),  an  illusion  produced  by  demonic 
or  diabolical  power.      Theodoret,  rejecting  the 
view  (suggested  by  the  words  of  the  narrative  and 
frequent  with  the' Talmudists)  that  Samuel's  spi- 
rit was  really  evoked  by  the  conjurations  of  the 
woman— heli  that,  before  the  woman  employed 
her  arts,  the  appearance  of  Samuel  was  produced 
by  Ood's  power,  and  that  God's  voice  itself  was 
heard  in  those  words  against  Saul.     He  says :  "  It 
is  thence  clear  that  the  very  God  of  all  beings, 
having  fashioned  Samuel's  form  as  He  wished,  ut- 
tered the  judgment,  the  witch  not  having  been 
able  to  do  this,  but  God  gave  the  decree  even 
through  enemies"  IQiwsst.  in  Lib.  Beg.  ad  1  Sam. 
ixviii.].     Appealing,  for  proof  that  God  speaks 
through  enemies,  to  the  example  of  Balaam  and 
to  Ezek.  xiv.  4,  7  sq.  (where  it  is  said  of  idolaters 
"  when  they  come  to  the  prophet,  I  will  answer 
them   after  my  manner"),  he  explicitly  affirms 
that  the  words  ascribed  to  Samuel  were  a  divine 
utterance  spoken  through  the  mouth  of  the  woman 
who  was  acting  against  God's  command.     But 
against  this  view  (which  is  held  also  by  Justin, 
Origen,  Ambrose,  Augustine,  and  by  some  Rab- 
bis, as  E.  Saadias)  it  is  rightly  remarked  by  D. 
Kimchi,  that  we  can  then  see  no  reason  why  God 
should  not  have  answered  Saul  before  by  Urim 
and  Thummim,  by  dreams  or  by  prophets.     In 
fact  it  is  fatal  to  this  view  that  according  to  it  God 
is  here  the  answerer,  while  it  is  expressly  said  in 
ver.  6  that  God  answered  Saul  no  more,  and  ver. 

*  [But  Justin  Martyr  (Dial,  mm  Trypho)  holds  that  it 
was  really  Samuel.— Tb.1 
t  [And  Cyril  of  Alexanaria  and  Jerome.— Tk.] 


7  clearly  means  that  for  this  reason  Saul  turned 
from  God,  to  a  sorceress.    An  immediate  divine 
miracle  is  assumed,  which  is  to  be  brought  into 
union  with  the  anti-godly  attempt  of  the  sorceress 
and  an  open  act  of  godlessness  or  God-forgetful- 
ness  on  the  part  of  Saul.     Support  would  thus  be 
given  to  the  superstitious  opinion  that  departed 
spirits  may  be  summoned,  whUe  the  fundamental 
view  of  the  Old  Testament  every  where  is  that  a 
return  of  the  dead  to  the  land  of  the  living  is  not 
possible,  comp.  2  Sam.  xii.  23 ;  Job  vii.  9.    The 
necromantic  superstition,  on  which  Saul  (who,  un- 
worthy of  a  divine  answer,  is  guilty  of  disobeying 
the  divine  command,  for  which  he  had  displayed 
so  much  zeal)  and  the  woman  (who  practices  this 
superstition  as  a  trade)  are  united  would,  accord- 
ing to  the  narrative,  have  been  the  occasion  or  the 
medium  of  a  miraculous  divine  act.    Now  it  may 
be  said  indeed  that  God  is  accustomed  in  the  wis- 
dom of  His  providential  government  so  to  use 
man's  evil  purpose  e^  to  compel  it  to  minister  im- 
mediately to  the  revelation  of  His  power  and 
glory,  as  is  shown  in  the  history  of  Balaam  and 
in  the  declaration  of  Ezek.  xiv.  4,  7  sq.    But  in 
such  cases  express  reference  is  made  also  to  the 
divine  control,  comp.  Gen.  xv.  20 ;   Ex.  x.  27, 
But  here  there  is  not  the  slightest  allusion  to  an 
immediate  interference  of  God.    On  the  contrary, 
we  plainly  read  between  the  lines  of  this  narrative 
that  here  a  sin  is  committed ;  there  is  no  trace  of 
divine  action.     We  cannot  therefore  accept  this 
view,  which  is  wholly  without  support,  from  a, 
religious-ethical  as  well  as  from  a  theocratic-his- 
torical standpoint,  however  thorough  and  earnest 
a  defence  it  may  have  found,  as  from  Dachsel, 
Bibl.  hebr.  accentuata,  Lips^  1729,  p.  430  sq.;  Berl. 
Bib.;  O.  V.  Gerlach  ;  Delitzsch,  Bibl.  Psychol.,  2 
ed.,  p.  428sq.;    Strobel,   Luth.  Zeitschr.,  1867,  p. 
781  sq.:    V.  Eudoff,  Die  Lehre  vom  Menschen,  2 
ed.,  1863,  II.  365;  Hengstenberg,  Abhandl.  zu  den 
Psalm.  IV.,  p.  324  sq.;    Zeitschrift  fur  Protest,  n. 
Kirche,  1851,  p.  138  sq.,  Abhandl.  "Die  Oeschichte 
der  Zauberin  zu  Endor."     Comp.  Oehler  in  Hei^ 
zog    XXI.  414  sq.;     Dachsel,   Biielwerk;    Keil, 
Komm.    The  last  named  remarks:  "This appari- 
tion was  externally  indeed  spiriiual,  since  Samuel 
was  visible  only  to  the  woman,  not  to  Saul,  but 
still  only  an  apparition  of  Samuel's  soul  in  Hades 
in  the  investiture  of  the  earthly  body  and  dothing  of 
the  prophet  in  order  to  become  visile."     Keil  him- 
self remarks  that  this  apparition  of  Samuel  di- 
vinely summoned  from  Hades  is  a  different  thing 
from  the  appearances  of  Moses  and  Elijah  at  the 
Transfiguration  of  Christ  (Matt,  xvii.;  Lu.  ix.), 
because  the  latter  appeared  in  heavenly  refulgence 
and  glory;  this  phenomenon,  therefore,  so  often 
cited  in  support  of  this  view  falls  away  as  unana- 
logous  and  irrelevant.     Still  less  can  we  appeal  to 
the  angelic  appearances  in  human  form  in  Gen. 
xviii.  and  Judg.  xiii.,  because  these  are  superhu- 
man beings.     The  contradictions  in  Keil's  view 
are  insoluble,  namely,  that  Samuel  appeared  "  in 
the  spiritual  form  of  the  dwellers  in  Hades,"  and 
yet  at  the  same  time  "  in  the  investiture  of  earthly 
corporeality  and  clothing,"  that  Samuel's  appear- 
ance in  spiritual  Hades-form  is  set  over  against 
the  announcement  of  these  angels  "in  human  form 
which  was  visible  to  the  ordinary  bodily  eye,"  as 
if  Samuel's  apparition  was  not  visible,  though  it 
is  said  that  the  sorceress  saw  it  and  was  terrified. 


336 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


According  to  this  view  this  vxniM  be  the  only  passage 
in  the  Scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  in 
which  a  departed  sinful  man  is  called  by  divine  power 
from  the  kingdom  of  the  dead  to  tlie  Upperworld. 
But  this  would  stand  in  contradiction  with  Luke 
xvi.  17  sq.,  where  Abraham  refuses  the  rich  man's 
request  to  send  Lazarus  to  his  father's  house  to 
preach  to  his  living  brethren.     If  it  be  urged  that 
the  prohibition  of  sorcery  and  necromancy  (Deut. 
xviii.  1 ;  Isa.  viii.  19)  does  not  exclude  the  possi- 
bility of  God's  permitting  Samuel  for  special  rea- 
sons to  appear,  we  reply  that  neither  from  the 
connection  of  the  related  procedure  nor  from  the 
words  of  the  relator  are  there  special  grounds  for 
supposing  such  a  miracle,  which  would  be  sole  of 
its  kind.    Apart  from  the  fact  that  Saul  had  al- 
ready vainly  used  all  ordained  means  for  learning 
God's  wiU,  and  might  thence  conclude  that  his 
obstinate  impenitence  had  rendered  him  unwor- 
thy of  answer,  the  appearance  and  word  of  Samuel 
under  present  circumstances  (if  God  had  really 
been  willing  to  permit  it)  could  no  longer  have 
any  religioas-etmcal  or  theocratic  end;  no  relir 
gious-ethical  end,  because  the  means  for  rousing 
Saul  to  repentance  were  exhausted,  for  this  re- 
course to  a  necromancer  showed  a  mind  tho- 
roughly alienated  from  God  and  seeking  help 
elsewhere,  a  disposition  in  respect  to  which  even 
such  a  miraculous  appearance  of  the  prophet 
would  be  without  effect,  as  in  fact  in  Samuel's 
words  there  is  no  exhortation  to  repentance,  and 
there  is  no  trace  afterwards  of  any  change  for  the 
better  in  Saul; — no  theocratic  end,  because  Saul's 
rejection  as  king  had  already  been  repeatedly  an- 
nounced, and  the  sending  of  Samuel  would  have 
been  superfluous  for  the  announcement  of  Saul's 
impending  fall,  which,  without  a  miracle,  might 
have  reached  Saul's  ear  and  made  his  heart  trem- 
ble.    We  must  therefore  reject  both  the  ancient 
church-view  of  an  illusory  appearance  of  Samuel 
produced  by  the  woman's  magic  art,  as  the  me- 
dium of  a  divine  revelation,  and  also  that  of  an 
appearance    produced    immediately    by    divine 
power  without  the  woman's  aid.     Over  against 
these  views  stands  that  which  regards  the  whole 
procedure  as  a  mere  deception.     Balthasar  Becker, 
te  betoverde  Wereld   [The  Magic  World]  III.  6. 
Anton  van  Dale,  dissert,  de  divinaiionibus  idolola- 
tricis  sub  V.  T.  in  the  Treatise  de  origine  et  prog. 
Idololairice,  p.  620  sq.     Schmersahl,  NatUrl.  Erk- 
larung  der  Oesch.  Sauls  mit  d.  Betriigerei  zu  Endor, 
Ilann.,  1751.      Kocher,  Vermch  einer  Erklarung 
der  Oesch.  Sauls  und  d.  BetrUgerin  zu  Endor,  Gera, 
1780.     Hensler,  Erlduter.  des  1  B.  Sam.,  p.  88  sq., 
Exeget.  Handbuch  IV.  251  sq.     Comp.  Bottcher, 
de  inferis,   1.  Ill  sq.,    Winer  II.  627,   Thenius, 
Diestel  in  Herz.  XVII.  482  sq^  Eiitschi,  ibid.  s. 
V.   Endor,    A.   Kuhle,   Bibl.   Eschatologie,   1870. 
1  Abth.,  p.  65  sq .  and  others    [Clericus  in  loco'i . 
Thenius'  remark  that  "the  deception  is  every- 
where clear  in  the  account"  must  be  admitted 
except  as  to  the  "everywhere,"  though  his  reason 
drawn  from  ver.  21  [namely,  that  the  woman  had 
been  in  another  room]  is  not  tenable.     The  wo- 
man's conduct  and  words  at  Saul's  arrival,  and  at 
the  alleged  appearance  of  Samuel,  show  that  she 
made  necromancy  a  trade  and  practiced  the  de- 
ceits usual  with  such  people.     The  speech  of 
Samuel,  a  long  one  under  the  circumstances,  his 
appearance  in  the  characteristic  prophetic  dress, 


and  the  fact  that  only  she  (not  Saul)  sees  the  ap- 
parition, leave  no  doubt  that  technical  illusion 
and  magical  deception  was  here  employed.     But 
this  does  not  prove  that  there  was  absolutely  no- 
thing but  a  refined,  conscious  deception,  proceed- 
ing from  special  motives,  as  Thenius,  for  example, 
supposes  that  she  was  impelled  by  desire  of  re- 
venge, having  perhaps  been  ill-treated  during  the 
expelling  of  the  sorcerers.     Against  such  a  merely 
conjectural  pragmatic  view,  we  must  distinguish 
and  combine  an  objective  and  a  subjective  element 
in  the  explanation  of  the  event;  the  former  a 
religious-historical,  the  latter  a  psychological.    The 
former,  whioh  is  presupposed  in  the  whole  ac- 
count, consists  in  the  fact  that  necromancy,  accord- 
ing to  the  passage  of  the  Law  in  which  it  is  for- 
bidden  (Lev.  xix.  31 ;    xx.  5,  6,  26,  27 ;    Deut. 
xviii.  9-14X  was  regarded  not  as  a  mere  decep- 
tion, but  1)  as  a  heathen  superstition,  that  is,  as 
a  wicked  dealing  with  evil  powers,  which  pertain 
to  the  domain  of  heathendom,  out  of  which  the 
Lord  has  chosen  His  people  to  be  sanctified  to 
Him;  and  2)  as  an  apostasy  from  the  living  God 
and  a  negation  of  the  covenant-relation  between 
Him  and  His  people  as  a  heathen  abomination. 
That  Saul  and  the  woman  undertake  a  wicked, 
ungodly,  illegal  thing,  is  the  obvious  judgment 
of  the  narrative;  but  there  also  appears  here  (as 
in  the  passage  of  the  Law)  the  assumption,  which 
was  founded  on  universal  belief,  that  in  this  ma- 
gic art,  as  in  the  others  borrowed  from  heathen- 
dom, there  was  not  a  mere  deception  with  magic 
formulas,  but  a  real  contact  and  co-operation  with 
mysterious  ungodly  powers,  and  with  a  secret,  spe- 
cifically heathenish  mode  of  action — though  the 
opinion  of  the  older  orthodox  theologians  as  to 
the  operation  of  wicked  spirits  or  devils  here  is 
excluded  by  the  narrative.     Gradually  came  the 
perception  that,  as  the  idols  of  the  heathen  are 
"naught,"   so  all  heathen   existence  connected 
with  idolatry  is  empty  and  vain.     (Comp.  Schultz, 
Alttest.  Theol.  I.  158  sq.)     The  second  element  in 
our  explanation  is  the  psychological  in  the  woman's 
state  of  mind  and  soul.     Proceeding  on  the  sup- 
position of  a  connection  with  mysterious  powers, 
and  perhaps  under  the  excitation  of  narcotics,  the 
women  especially  (as  in  heathen  magic)  who  made 
necromancy  a  trade,  might,  through  a  fit  psychi- 
cal-somatical  character,  fall  into  an  ecstatic,  vi- 
sionary state  (as  modern  science  supposes  in  som- 
nambulic and  magnetic  phenomena),  in  which 
with  superstitious  self-deception  they  had  inward 
perception  of  the  things  or  persons  inquired  for 
(the  inquirers  of  course  seeing  nothing),  and  ut- 
tered their  recollections  or  anticipations  in  dull, 
suppressed  tones,  so  that  it  seemed  as  if  the  utter- 
ance came  from  other  voices,  particularly  as  if  the 
professedly  summoned  person  spoke.     See  Tho- 
luck:  Die  Proph.  und  ihre  Weissagung,  ?  1,  "Die 
Mantih  und  die  dort  angefuhrten  ThaUachen  nebat 
literarischen    Nachweisungen."      The    seeing    and 
speaking  of  the  woman  of  Endor  must  be  thought 
of  in  accordance  with  the  nature  and  characteris- 
tic phenomena  of  ancient  and  modern  mautic 
(magic),  and  like  the  visional-somnambulic  states, 
of  which  there  are  so  many  examples  in  our  time, 
especially  among  women.     What  the  woman  in 
this  condition  (in  which  she  identified  herself  with 
Samuel)  said  of  Saul  in  the  name  of  Samuel  was 
partly  nothing  but  what  Samuel  had  repeatedly 


CHAP.  XXVIII.  1-25. 


337 


said,  partly  nothing  beyond  the  reach  of  natural 
conjecture  and  inference ;  for  after  the  universally 
known  divine  rejection  of  Saul,  after  the  sad  line 
of  experiences  which  showed  that  God  had  for- 
saken him  (he  having  forsaken  God),  and  espe- 
cially after  the  fact,  which  the  woman  learned 
from  Saul  herself  [v.  15],  that  in  the  presence  of 
the  Philistine  army  he  had  inquired  of  the  Lord 
in  vain,  the  fatal  issue  of  this  war  could  not  be 
doubtful.  Calvin  has  touched  the  correct  view 
of  the  woman's  condition  when  he  says  that  "her 
se7ise9  were  deceived,  so  that  she  wrongly  sup- 
posed that  she  saw  Samuel,"  though  he  errs  in 
ascribing  this  efiect  to  deviUsk  powers.  Along 
with  the  deceit  which  was  necessarily  connected 
with  this  necromantic  trade,  we  must  suppose  a 
psychological  fact  (attested  by  the  history  of  man- 
tic  [magic]  and  by  modem  science),  which  raises 
that  part  of  the  procedure  that  relates  to  Samuel's 
apparition  and  words  out  of  the  sphere  of  conscious 
deception  and  illusive  magic.  It  is  only  in  this 
way  that  we  can  explain  the  fact  that  the  narra- 
tor, according  to  whom  the  essential  point  is  that 
only  the  woman,  not  Saul,  sees  the  apparition  of 
Samuel,  represents  it  as  if  Samuel  really  appeared 
and  spoke. 

The  significance  of  this  event  for  Saul  is  to  be 
seen  not  merely  from  the  announcement  of  his  fall 
in  battle,  as  the  completion  of  the  divine  judg- 
ment, but  also  from  the  attitude  towards  the  living 
God  into  which  he  has  brought  himself  by  his  im- 
penitence and  self-hardening.  Winer  (s.  v.  Saul) 
takes  a  simple  and  correct  view  of  the  case  when 
he  says:  "It  is  a  shame  that.the  king,  who  had 
expelled  all  sorcerers,  etc.  (vers.  3,  9),  must  him- 
self at  last  fall  into  the  hands  of  a  sorceress." 
Saul's  rejection  as  king  was  not  his  definite  ban- 
ishment from  the  presence  of  God.  Even  if  the 
theocratic  kingship  to  which  he  had  been  called 
had  become  impossible  for  him  and  his  house  in 
consequence  of  his  disobedience  against  God,  the 
king  of  his  people,  yet  he  individually  might  be 
saved.  But  he  persisted  in  his  self-blinding,  and 
the  sentence  was  complete  in  his  personal  rejec- 
tion. A  tool  of  heathenish  superstition,  which  he 
as  king  ought  to  have  punished,  must  serve  as  a 
means  of  announcing  to  him  his  sentence  of  death 
as  the  conclusion  of  the  divine  judicial  process,  the 
Lord  having  preserved  silence,  and  thus  already 
passed  sentence  on  him.  The  heathen  Philistine 
nation,  the  hereditary  enemy  of  God's  people, 
constant  war  against  whom  was  to  be  a  holy  state- 
affair  for  the  theocratic  king,  becomes  the  executor 
of  the  divine  decree,  and  carries  out  against  him 
and  his  house  the  sentence  of  death  announced  by 
the  necromantic  impostor.  Calvin:  "Saul  called 
not  on  God  with  humility,  prostrate  mind  and 
penitent,  believing  heart,  and  therefore  God 
rightly  rejected  him,  and  the  divine  threatening 
was  verified  in  him  (Ye  shall  call  on  me,  but 
shall  not  be  heard).  He  himself  shows  plainly 
that  he  approached  God  as  one  in  despair,  because 
he  had  no  root  of  true  faith  in  his  heart."  In  his 
life-course  up  to  this  time  Saul  had  descended 
step  by  step  deeper  into  the  abyss  of  unbelief ;  he 
stands  now  on  the  last  step,  about  to  plunge  irre- 
trievably into  the  depths  of  endless  destruction. 

2.  There  is  a  silence  of  God  that  is  the  dumb 
reply  to  perverse  invocation  of  His  name,  wherein 
mail  seeks  to  make  the  divine  will  subservient  to 

22 


his  own,  instead  of  humbly  bowing  under  the  will 
of  God.  Such  a  persistent  silence  on  God's  part 
is  the  result  of  persistent  opposition  of  the  heart 
to  Him,  and  of  the  thence  resulting  hardening. 
When  man  makes  his  own  sinful  will  his  god  that 
he  worshijps  and  his  lord  that  he  serves,  he  shows 
the  religious  perversity  of  his  soul  when,,  like 
Saul,  he  nevertheless  calls  on  God  and  inquires 
His  will,  in  order  to  make  this  will  subservient  to 
his  selfish  desire.  Thus  from  unbelief  follows  ne- 
cessarily superstition  [Germ. :  aus  unglauben  folgt 
abergtaube. — Tr.] 

[Of  the  three  schemes  of  explanation  of  this  dif- 
ficult passage  now  held — namely,  that  which  re- 
gards the  affair  as  a  mere  deception  (Chandler, 
Thenius),  that  which  supposes  a  sort  of  mesmeric 
clairvoyance  in  the  woman  (Keil,  Erdmann),  and 
that  which  sees  here  a  real  appearance  of  Samuel 
by  divine  power,  the  last  has  found  most  favor 
among  English  orthodox  expositors.  In  many 
cases  the  exegesis  is  determined  by  dogmatic  con- 
siderations, as  that  such  a  real  appearance  of  a 
dead  person  is  iinpossible,  or  not  in  keeping  with 
Scripture,  or  that  the  summoning  of  Samuel  by  a 
witch  is  contrary  to  the  holiness  of  God.  Such 
considerations  must,  however,  be  put  aside  when 
our  object  is  to  discover  simply  what  the  narrator 
affirms.  It  is  clear  that  the  writer  says  that  Samuel 
appeared  and  spoke  (so  Ewald,  Erdmann).  How 
are  we  to  accept  this  ?  The  writer,  says  one  class 
of  critics,  shared  the  superstitions  of  his  day,  and 
believed  that  the  conjurations  of  the  witch  really 
had  power  over  the  dead.  Erdmann,  however,  is 
not  satisfied  with  this  explanation,  and  accounts 
for  the  narrator's  affirmation  that  Samuel  really 
appeared  on  the  ground  that  besides  the  element 
of  trickery  in  the  woman's  procedure,  there  was  a 
real  psychological  identifying  of  herself  with  the 
deceased  prophet,  so  that  the  narrator  might  rep- 
resent her  personation  of  him  as  his  personal  ap- 
pearance. But  certainly  this  explanation  is  hardly 
satisfactory,  and  it  is  not  easy  to  see  how  we  can 
avoid  finding  in  the  narration  a  distinct  declara- 
tion that  Samuel  actually  appeared  and  spoke. 
The  only  thing  in  the  account  itself  that  opposes 
this  view  is  the  fact  that  the  woman  only  and  not 
Saul  saw  the  apparition.  But  it  is  quite  possible 
that  the  apparition  may  have  been  m  a  different 
room  from  that  in  which  Saul  found  himself — 
though  this  is  not  mentioned.  Such  seems  to  be 
the  plain  statement  of  the  text.  The  dogmatic 
and  other  difficulties  are  discussed  by  Erdmann. 
Chandler,  in  his  Life  of  David,,  gives  a  full  and 
forcible  presentation  of  the  grounds  for  supposing 
the  whole  affair  to  be  an  imposture  by  the  wo- 
man.— Tb.] 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

StABKE  :  Ver.  1.  Pious  men  are  walls  and  pil- 
lars of  cities  and  lands,  Ezek.  xxii.  30  ;  therefore 
if  such  men  have  to  start  away,  all  misfortune 
starts  forth  too.  (Gen.  vii.  7  sq.).  Ver.  2.  Virtue 
and  bravery  deserve  to  be  rewarded ;  but  the 
world  is  wont  to  promise  believers  reward,  in  or- 
der to  draw  them  ofiT  from  the  right  way  (Matth. 
iv.  9).  —  [Ver.  3:  Scott:  Hypocrites  are  fre- 
quently very  zealous  against  those  crimes  to  which 
they  are  not  tempted  at  the  time,  or  from  which 
th^  may  suffer  detriment ;  and  apostates  fre- 


388 


THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


quently  commit  those  sins,  which  they  once  were 
most  earnest  in  opposing. — Tb.]. — Vers.  4,  5.  J. 
Lauge:  So  it  goes  with  the  ungodly,  that  here 
already  they  feel  in  themselves  a  hell,  when  their 
evil  conscience  awakes  in  them. — Schlieb  :  Saul 
fears  before  men,  because  he  no  longer  feared 
God ;  if  we  see  things  rightly,  all  fear  has  no 
other  ground  than  lack  of  the  fear  of  God. — The 
fear  of  man  has  its  ground  in  unbelief;  true  fear 
of  God  makes  one  strong  and  courageous. — Ver. 
6.  Starke:  To  go  to  God  when  in  distress  is 
good  and  necessary ;  but  it  must  be  done  without 
hypocrisy,  with  true  repentance  and  from  the 
heart  (Isa.  xxvi.  16). — If  we  do  not  hear  God's 
voice  when  it  goes  well  with  u.s,  God  can  and  will 
refuse  to  hear  our  voice  also,  when  it  goes  ill  with 
us  (Prov.  i.  24  sq.).  S.  Schmid  :  Ungodly  men 
and  hypocrites  care  little  for  God  and  His  service 
in  good  days :  but  when  misfortune  comes,  then 
they  wish  to  become  pious  also,  and  seek  God's 
counsel  and  help  in  every  way. — Schliee  :  The 
Lord  gave  Saul  no  answer.  To  turn  to  the  Lord 
Saul  has  not  wished ;  had  he  wished  that,  he 
would  also  have  found  the  Lord's  grace.  But 
Saul  had  no  concern  about  that ;  he  wished  to 
use  the  Lord  for  his  own  ends,  he  needed  a  disclo- 
sure about  his  situation,  and  such  a  disclosure  he 
wished  to  force  for  himself  without  returning  to 
the  Lord. — Calvik  :  By  this  example  we  should 
learn  to  draw  near  to  God  with  all  humility  when 
we  wish  to  ask  His  counsel  in  prayer,  far  from  all 
obstinate  self-will  and  passion ;  for  His  arm  is  not 
shortened  that  He  cannot  help  those  who  take 
refuge  in  Him.  Whence  comes  it  that  so  often 
our  prayers  are  in  vain,  and  our  hopes  deceive  us  ? 
Our  sins  shut  ofi'  the  grace  of  God  fi-om  us,  and 
our  unrighteousness  separates  us  from  our  God, 
and  fixes  an  immeasurable  gulf  between  us  and 
God. — Ver.  7.  S.  Schmid  :  Happy  is  he  who  so 
receives  God's  punitive  silence  or  other  signs  of 
His  wrath,  as  to  be  led  thereby  to  true  repent- 
ance ;  but  hardened  hearts  take  refuge,  when  God 
is  silent,  in  wicked  men  and  Satan. — Schlieb  : 
An  example  of  tlie  fact  that  the  unbelief  which 
has  lost  the  living  God  is  always  full  of  supersti- 
tion instead,  and  thereby  is  turned  over  not  merely 
to  empty  delusion  and  vain  deception,  but  also  to 
the  powers  of  darkness. — The  human  heart  needs 
something  to  cling  to,  something  to  which  it  may 
hold  fast,  a  prop  which  its  tendrils  may  firmly 
clasp ;  therefore  when  it  leaves  Him  for  whom  it 
was  made,  when  it  sinks  into  unbelief,  then  it 
clings  to  the  power  of  superstition  and  of  dark- 
ness. Nothing  frees  from  superstition  but  true 
faith. — [Ver.  7.  Taylob:  Here  is  the  great  dif- 
ference between  Saul  in  his  sins,  and  David  in 
his  backslidings.  From  each  of  his  falls  you  hear 
David  come  sobbing  out  a  sorrowful  confession 
and  appeal  like  that  in  the  fifty-first  Psalm ;  in 
each  of  Saul's  wickednesses  you  see  him  assuming 
the  attitude  of  sterner  defiance  towa;rd  the  Al- 
mighty ;  or  if  there  be  any  sorrow  in  his  heart  at 
all,  it  is  for  the  loss  he  has  himself  sustained,  or 
the  sufiering  he  has  himself  endured,  and  not  for 
the  dishonor  which  he  has  done  to  God. — Te.]. — 
Ver.  8.  Hedingbb  :  So  great  is  the  power  of  con- 
science that  even  those  who  desire  evil  are  ashamed 
to  have  it  known. — Ceambe  :  The  ungodly  love 
darkness  and  shrink  from  the  light  (John  iii.  19), 
but  God  knows  their  works  (Prov.  xvii.  16). — 


Vers.  11, 12.  Hedingee  [from  Hall]  :  It  is  no 
rare  thing  to  lose  even  our  wit  and  judgment  to- 
gether with  graces;  how  justly  are  they  given  to 
sottishness,  that  have  given  themselves  over  to 
sin  ! — Ver.  15.  Schliee  :  We  see  here  quite  clearly 
that  the  souls  of  the  righteous  rest  in  God's  hand, 
and  no  torment  touches  them.  He  who  dies  in 
faith  enters  into  rest  in  the  Lord  his  God ;  and 
since,  though  the  whole  world  come  and  use  all 
its  arts  of  sorcery,  it  brings  no  such  soul  back  to 
the  earth  any  more,  it  follows  that  we  men  have 
no  power  over  departed  spirits. — [Scott  :  Many 
who  despise  the  servants  of  God  while  they  live, 
are  so  far  convinced  of  their  wisdom  and  fidelity, 
that  they  vainly  wish  for  their  counsel  and  in- 
struction, in  distressing  circumstances,  after  their 
death.  ]3ut  in  that  blessed  world  to  which  they 
are  removed,  they  have  done  with  fear,  favor  and 
aflTection,  and  are  become  far  more  determined 
than  ever  in  the  service  and  cause  of  God ;  and 
were  they  to  appear  they  would  denounce  the 
doom  of  impenitent  sinners  with  more  awful  de- 
cision than  before.^ Ver.  15.  Taylob:  "I  am 
sore  distressed."  Oh  !  the  wild  wail  of  tliis  dark 
misery  I  There  is  a  deep  pathos  and  a  weird 
awesomeness  in  this  despairing  cry  ;  but  there  is 
no  confession  of  sin,  no  beseeching  for  mercy ; 
nothing  but  the  great,  over-mastering  ambition  to 
preserve  himself.  —  Tb.] . — Ver.  16.  S. Schmid: 
He  is  highly  unfortunate  and  foolish  who,  when 
God  forsakes  him,  prefers  to  seek  help  and  coun- 
sel from  creatures,  rather  than  by  true  repentance 
to  make  himself  again  a  reconciled  friend  to  God. 
— Schlieb  :  Wilt  thou  have  light  for  all  the  rid- 
dles and  dark  questions  of  this  life,  betake  thy- 
self to  God's  Word;  there  enough  is  revealed, 
there  is  what  is  necessary  to  find  everything,  and 
what  goes  beyond  that,  comes  of  evil. — Ver.  18. 
Schliee  :  God's  wrath  is  so  dreadful,  that  when 
all  has  been  in  vain  He  utterly  gives  up  the  sin- 
ner to  His  judgments,  and  unsparingly  causes  him 
to  learn  that  sin  is  ruin  to  a  people. — The  judg- 
ment of  hardening  comes  only  when  the  crime  of 
hardening  has  first  entered.  When  we  shut  our- 
selves against  the  voice  of  God,  then  on  the  part 
of  God  also  must  hardening  follow,  as  surely  as 
God  is  a  holy  and  righteous  God,  who  does  not 
allow  Himself  to  be  trifled  with. — Ver.  20.  Cea- 
MEE :  The  ungodly  do  not  grow  better  after  God's 
wrath  is  made  known,  but  always  worse  (Acts  vii. 
54).  [Taylor  :  Alas  for  Saul !  how  changed  is 
he  now  from  that  day  when  Samuel  communed 
with  him  concerning  the  kingdom,  or  when,  in 
the  first  noble  assertion  of  his  royal  right,  he  de- 
livered the  men  of  Jabesh-Gilead  from  their 
threatened  destruction  I  Did  ever  promise  of  so 
fair  a  life  ripen  into  such  bitter  fruit?— Te.] 

[Vers.  1,  2.  One  of  two  things  David  must  now 
do,  and  either  will  be  grossly  wrong,  disgracefiil, 
and  hurtful  both  to  himself  and  to  others.  To 
this  miserable  alternative  he  had  brought  him- 
self, by  distrusting  God  and  relying  on  deception. 
It  is  one  of  the  severest  earthly  penalties  of  wrong- 
doing, that  it  often  leads  to  the  apparent  necessity 
of  doing  other  and  greater  wrong. 

[Vers.  4-20.  Contrast  between  Saul  and  David  at 
this  crisis  of  their  history:  1)  Both  are  in  great 
distress.  We  see  David  in  the  camp  of  the  Phi- 
listines, seemingly  compelled  to  fight  against  Is- 
rael and  against  the  anointed  of  Jehovah  (comp. 


CHAP.  XXIX.  1-11. 


339 


ixvi.  11)  ;  and  presently  we  see  Saul  journeying 
in  fasting  and  fatigue,  in  peril  and  gloomy  des- 
peration across  the  mountain,  and  entering  in  dis- 
guise the  witch's  abode.  Both  are  entirely  un- 
able to  decide  what  to  do  or  what  to  hope  for.  2) 
Each  is  suffering  the  consequences  of  past  sin. 
3)  But  one  has  utterly  forsaJien  God,  and  feels 
that  "  God  is  departed  "  from  him,  and  now  the 
sad  story  of  his  disobedience  comes  back  (vers. 
17,  18),  and  his  worst  fears  are  confirmed  (ver. 
19),  till  at  last,  behold  his  mighty  frame  prone  on 
the  earth  in  an  agony  of  despair.  The  other  has 
yielded  to  distrust  and  fallen  into  sin,  but  has  not 
at  heart  abandoned  the  Lord  ;  it  may_  have  been 
in  no  such  lively  exercise  then  as  to  give  him  any 
comfort,  but  sinning,  sorrowing  David  had  still 
in  his  heart  the  fear  of  Jehovah.    4)  And  as  a 


result,  the  fallen  king,  ruinously  defeated  and  des- 
pairing, dies  next  day  by  his  own  hand  (xxxi.) ; 
while  the  merciful  over-ruling  of  God's  Provi- 
dence extricates  David  from  his  position  (xxix.), 
and  prepares  for  him  »  new  chastening,  which 
brings  him  to  repentance  and  trust  (xxx.  4,  6-8). 
Behold  the  difference  between  a  sinning  man  im- 
penitent, unbelieving,  proud,  and  a  sinning  man 
ready  to  repent,  clinging  to  faith  and  really  hum- 
ble before  God.  (Comp.  below  on  chap,  xxx., 
"  Hist,  and  Theol.").— Tr.] 

[Vers.  21-25.  Even  in  a  sorceress,  with  all  her 
deceptions  and  delusions,  her  wild  and  dreadful 
life,  the  true  woman  comes  out  at  the  mute  appeal 
of  misery.  How  kindly  persuasive  her  words ; 
how  prompt  her  hospitable  labors.  We  take 
leave  of  her,  as  she  took  leave  of  the  ruined  king, 
with  a  pitying  heart. — Tk.] 


n.  David! s  Dismissal  from  the  Philistine  Army. 

Chapteb  xxix.  1-11. 

1  Now  [And]  the  Philistines  gathered  together  all  their  armies'  to  Aphek  ;  and 

2  the  Israelites  pitched  by  a  [the]  fountain''  which  is  in  Jezreel.  And  the  lords'  of 
the  Philistines  passed  on  by  hundreds  and  by  thousands,  but  [and]  David  and  his 

3  men  passed  on  in  the  rearward  [rear]  with  Achish.  Then  said  the  princes*  of  the 
Philistines,  What  do  these  Hebrews  here  f  And  Achish  said  unto  the  princes  of 
the  Philistines,  Is  not  this  David,  the  servant  of  Saul  the  \om,.  the]  king  of  Israel, 
which  [who]  hath  been  with  me  these  days  or  these  years,^  and  I  have  found  no 

4  fault  in  him  since  he  fell  unto  me  unto  this  day  ?  And  the  princes  of  the  Philis- 
tines were  wroth  with  him ;  and  the  princes  of  the  Philistines  said  unto  him,  Make 
this  fellow  [the  man  J  return,  that  he  may  go  again  to  his  place  which  thou  hast  ap- 
pointed him,  and  let  him  not  go  down  with  us  to  battle,  lest  in  the  battle  he  be  an 
adversary"  to  us ;  for  wherewith  should  he  reconcile  himself  [make  himself  accept- 


TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 
1  [Ver.  1.  Lit.  "  camps."— Tb.T 
s  [Ver.  1.  Sapt.  Bndor,  Arab.  '■  near  the  city  (T^J)  Jezreel,"  Syr.  apparently  "  in  In  "  as  proper  name.    Eng.  A. 

V.  is  correct. — Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  2.  pD  seren  (rendered  "  lord  "  in  Eag.  A.  V.  throughout  this  chapter),  a  word  of  doubtful  origin,  sup- 
posed by  some  to  be  connected  with  the  similar  Aramaic  subst.  which  means  "axle,"  magistrates  being  consi- 
dered supports  on  which  the  state  revolves.  On  the  relations  between  the  Aramaic  and  the  Phoenician-Cauaan- 
itish  dialects  see  Schroder,  Phoninische  Sprache,  Mnt.  g  11.— Te.] 

*  [Ver.  3.  The  ordinary  word  ntf ,  which  Eng.  A.  V.  renders  "  princes"  throughout  this  chapter.- Tk.] 

6  [Ver.  3.  An  indefinite  phrase,  but  not  therefore  suspicions.  The  versions  have  dealt  variously  with  it. 
Chald.  and  Vulg.  follow  the  Heb.  literally  (as  Eng.  A.  V.),  except  that  Vulg.  has  "  muWs  diebus."  Syr.  has  "  this 
time  and  time  and  months,"  which  is  understood  by  some  to  mean  "  these  two  years  and  some  months,"  but  it 
is  more  probably  a  reproduction  of  the  phrase  in  xxvii.  * ,  and  «.  "  a  year  and  some  months  "  (so  Arab.).  The 
Sept.  riiiipM  ToiiTo  Seiiiepov  eros  perhaps  contains  a  duplet,  as  Wellh.  suggests,  and  the  text  of  Stier  and  Theile 
(eclectic)  gives  Sevrepoi/  6tos  o-ii/iepoi'  "two  years  to-day."  Sept.  probably  read  D'njB*  "  two  years,"  not,  however, 
CW  D'D'  nt  (suggested  by  Wellh.  as  basis  of  the  Heb.  and  Greek  texts)  which  would  not  be  rendered  "  two 

years  "  but  "  two  days."  It  seems  better,  on  the  whole,  to  retain  the  present  Heb.  text,  and  regard  Sept.  and  Syr. 
as  free  renderings. — Th,] 

'  [Ver.  i.  Heb.  [Bt?  satan,  used  in  the  general  sense  of"  adversary  "  in  the  earlier  books  of  the  Bible,  and  with 

the  Art.  as  a  proper  name  in  Job  and  Zeohariah,  and  without  the  Art.  in  1  Chr.  xxi.  1.  The  verb.  jOiy  "  to  hate, 
be  hostile  to,"  is  used  only  in  the  general  sense.  Furst  refers  to  the  curious  view  of  Justin  Martyr  (Dial,  cum 
Tryph.  103)  that  Xaravai  —  Xt30  Jff'nj  "the  apostate  serpent."— Tb.J 


340 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


5  able]  unto  his  master  ?  should  it  not  be  witli  the  heads  of  these  men  ?  Is  not  this 
David,  of  whom  they  sang  one  to  another  in  dances,  saying,  Saul  slew  his  thou- 
sands, and  David  his  ten  thousands  ? 

6  Then  Achish  called  David,  and  said  unto  him,  Surely  \om.  surely],  as  the  Lord 
[As  Jehovah]  liveth,  thou  hast  been  [art]  upright,  and  thy  going  out  and  thy  coming 
in  with  me  in  the  host  is  good  in  my  sight ;  for  I  have  not  found  evil  in  thee  since 
the  day  of  thy  coming  unto  me  unto  this  day ;  nevertheless  the  lords  favour  thee 

7  not  [but  in  the  eyes  of  the  lords  thou  art  not  good].     Wherefore  [And]  now  re- 

8  turn,  and  go  in  peace,  that  thou  displease  not  the  lords  of  the  Philistines.  And 
David  said  unto  Achish,  But'  what  have  I  done  ?  and  what  hast  thou  found  in  thy 
servant  so  long  as  I  have  been  with  thee  [from  the  day'  when  I  was  in  thy  presence] 
unto  this  day,  that  I  may  not  go  fight  against  the  enemies  of  my  lord  the  king  ? 

9  And  Achish  answered  and  said  unto  David,  I  know'  that  thou  art  good  in  my  sight 
as  an  angeV  of  God ;  notwithstanding  [but]  the  princes  of  the  Philistines  have  said, 

10  He  shall  not  go  up  with  us  to  the  battle.  Wherefore  [And]  now,  rise  up  early  in 
the  morning  with  thy  master's  servants  that  are  come  with  thee;"  and  as  soon  as 

11  ye  be  up  early  in  the  morning,  and  have  light,  depart.  So  David  and  his  men 
rose  up  early  to  depart  in  the  morning,  to  return  into  the  land  of  the  Philistines. 
And  the  Philistines  went  up  to"  Jezreel. 

'  [Ver.  8.  '3  is  here  a  cohortative  and  illative  particle,  and  might  be  rendered  "  then  "  (so  Erdmann),  but,  as 
it  is  also  adversative,  the  translation  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  better.— Te-I 

8  [Ver.  8.  DVO.    Wcllhausen :  Either  omit  1k;N  or  write  the  Art.  before  DV-— Te.] 

»  [Ver.  9.  Perhaps  better  with  Theniiis  and  Pliilippson:  "  I  know  it,  for  (or,  yea)  thou  art,  etc."  This  avoids 
the  redundancy  of  the  translation  of  Eng.  A.  V.  and  Erdmann :  "  I  know  ...  in  my  eyes."  The  quia  of  the  Vul- 
gate —  "  quod."— Tk.] 

10  [Ver.  9.  Erdmann :  "  Messenger,"  not  so  well.  Sept.  omits,  perhaps  becau.se  the  phrase  was  considered  un- 
suitable in  the  mouth  of  a  heathen.  For  the  significance  of  its  use  see  trie  Exposition  and  Translator's  note.— Te.] 

11  [Ver.  10.  Here  the  Sept.  inserts :  "  and  go  ye  to  the  place  where  I  have  appointed  you,  and  set  thou  nothing 
evil  in  thy  he."irt,  for  thou  art  good  in  my  sight."  Theniusand  Wellhausen  favor  this  insertion  on  the  ground 
that  after  the  "  rise  early  "  follows  usually  the  mention  of  the  thing  done,  while  the  Heb.  text  has  the  unneces- 
sary repetition  "  rise  early  .  .  .  and  rise  early  "  (the  "  as  soon  as  "  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  not  expressed  in  the  Heb.).  On 
the  other  hand,  we  cannot  well  account  for  the  omission  of  this  clause,  if  it  formed  a  part  of  the  original  text, 
wiiile  the  insertion  might  have  been  made  by  a  copyist  (or  the  phrase  added  on  the  margin)  to  soften  the  repeti- 
tion. We  may  suppose  the  verb  here  repeated  because  of  the  intervening  clause,  which  called  for  a  change  in 
the  Number  of  the  Verb.— Te.] 

12  fVer.  11.  Some  MSS.  contain  the  preposition,  which  is  here  obviously  involved  in  the  construction.  Sept., 
Vat. :  "  went  up  to  fight  against  Jezreel,"  but  Alex,  has  "  against  Israel,"  which  is  adopted  by  Thenius,  on  which 
Wellh.  says  :  "Thenius  is  misled  by  Eusebius  into  putting  Aphek  in  the  vicinitv  of  Endor  (Lagarde,  Onomait. 
216,  28):  in  that  case,  of  course,  the  expression  'the  Philistines  went  up  to  Jezreel '  would  be  meaningless,  since 
they  were  already  there.  But  Aphek  is  the  same  in  xxix.  1  as  in  iv.  1,  near  Mizpeh  and  Ebenezer."  Yet,  from 
Aphek  near  Mizpeh  to  Jezreel  would  be  going  down,  not  wp.  From  some  lower  place  (as  near  Shunem)  they 
would  naturally  advance  to  seize  the  fciH  Jezreel,  which  lay  Detween  their  camp  and  Saul's.  The  fountain  in  Jez- 
reel (ver.  1)  is  perhaps  the  grand  spring  at  the  foot  of  Gilboa,  regarded  as  being  in  the  district  of  Jezreel. — Te.J 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CEITICAI>. 

Ver.  1.  Eesumption  of  the  narrative  of  the  war 
between  the  Philistines  and  Israelites,  xxviii.  1-4, 
with  an  exacter  description  of  the  positions  of  the 
two  armies.  Aphek — to  be  distinguished  from  the 
places  of  the  same  name  in  Asher  (Josh.  xix.  30 ; 
Judges  i.  31),  in  Judah  on  the  mountain  (Jo- 
shua XV.  53),  and  near  Ebenezer  (1  Samuel  iv. 
1) — belonged  to  Issachar,  and  is  probably  the 
same  with  the  present  el  Afuleh  near  Solam= 
Sunem  (v.  d.  Velde,  Mem.,  p.  286 ;  Ew.,  Oesch.,  III., 
142,  A.  2).  Southea.st  of  this  Philistine  rendez- 
vous the  Israelites  were  encamped  "  at  the  spring 
near  Jezreel,"  the  present  Zerin  (Eob.,  III.,  i. 
395)  [Am.  ed.,  ii.  319-323,  where  Eobinson  ex- 
plains the  identity  of  the  names  Jezreel  and  Zerin, 
the  Heb.  el  often  becoming  in  in  Arabic,  as  Bei- 
tin^  Bethel;  so Zerel=Zerin. — Tr.]  Ain  [== 
"spring"]  is  not  =  Endor,  as  the  Sept.  wrongly 
gives  it,  whence  it  is  adopted  by  Euseb.  in  the 
Onomaaticon,  but  the  present  Ain  Jalud,*  a  very 

*  [That  is,  "  spring  of  Goliath,"  according  to  a  tradi- 
tion that  here  David  killed  Goliath;  or  ^'spring  of 
Gilead"  as  the  ancient  name  of  Gilboa  (A.  P.  Stanley  in 
Smith's  THct.  of  the  Bible,  Art.  Jezreel).— Te.] 


bold  spring  on  the  northwest  declivity  of  Gilboa, 
whence  flows  a  brook  through  the  Wady  Jalud 
into  the  Jordan.  There  the  Israelitish  army  en- 
camped opposite  tlie  Phlistine  in  a  well-watered 
spot  near  Jezreel.  "  Elsewhere  also  a  spring  gives 
name  to  a  stopping-place  or  border  line,  2  Sam. 
xvii.  17;  Num.  xxxiv.  11"  (Bottch.).— Ver.  2. 
Vivid  description  of  the  array  of  the  Philistine 
army,  not  at  the  mustering  (Buusen),  but  in  their 
movement  to  Aphek.  In  divisions  of  hundreds 
and  thousands,  at  the  head  of  their  divisions  the 
"Princes  [lords]  of  the  Philistines"  marched  on, 
properly  "marched  over  "  that  is,  over  the  plain 
of  Esdraelon  to  Jezreel  (comp.  ver.  4).  Here  in 
the  north  they  advanced  with  their  whole  force, 
in  order  to  bring  about  a  decisive  battle  in  the 
plain  with  the  Israelites,  not  being  able  to  main- 
tain themselves  permanently  in  the  mountains. 
Their  advance  to  Jezreel  forced  Saul  to  lead  his 
whole  army  thither.  There  is  no  ground  or  ne- 
cessity for  supposing  that  they  had  occupied  or 
ravaged  the  middle  portion  of  the  country  where 
Saul's  royal  residence,  Gibeah  lay,  in  order  then 
to  carry  the  war  into  the  extremely  fruitful  north- 
em  district,  and  thus  soon  conquer  all  Israel  (Ew., 
Oesch.,  III.,  142),  "for  towards  the  end  of  hii 


CHAP.  XXIX.  1-11. 


341 


reign  Saul's  military  strength  was  probably  not 
30  great  that  he  could  have  divided  it"  (Then). 
The  Philistines  having  begun  their  march,  Aohish 
found  himself  with  David  in  the  rearguard. — Ver. 
3.  The  other  leader.^  object  to  the  presence  of  Da- 
vid and  his  men :  What  do  these  Hebrews 
here  ?  As  it  is  said  in  ver.  11  that.  David  re- 
turned to  the  land  of  the  Pliilistines,  and  accord- 
ing to  XXX.  1  they  reached  Ziklag  after  a  three 
days'  march,  the  objection  of  the  Philistine  princes 
must  have  been  made  on  Israelitish  soil,  or  near 
the  Palestinian  border,  but  not  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  march.  From  Achish's  reply  it  ap- 
pears that  the  princes  distrusted  David,  suspect- 
ing that  he  would  go  over  to  his  own  people  and 
fight  against  the  Philistines.  Achish  observes  1) 
that  David  is  servant  of  Saul,  king  of  Israel,  thus 
alluding  to  his  enmity  with  Saul,  2)  that  he  has 
already  been  allied  with  him  a  long  time  against 
Saul,  these  days  or  these  years"  ^  "  a  year  and 
a  day,"  indefinite  statement  of  the  time  men- 
tioned in  xxvii.  7:  "a  year  and  four  months," — 
and  3)  that  in  all  this  time  he  has  seen  nothing 
in  him  to  awaken  suspicions  of  treachery.    From 

the  day  of  his  falling  (ibsj,  instead  of  [rather, 
used  alongside  of — Tb.]  1 '33,  see  Ew.,  J  255,  d). 
The  vss.  add  "  to  me,"  according  to  the  usual 
construction  of  the  verb,  though  we  need  not  there- 
fore insert  "to  me"  ('Sx)  in  the  text  (Then.), 
"since  it  is  understood  from  the  context"  (Keil). 
On  these  grounds  Achish  thought  himself  quite 
sure  of  David,  comp.  xxvii.  12. — Ver.  4.  The 
twofold  designation  of  the  PhUistine  leaders,  here 
"chiefs"  [Eng.  A.  V.  "princes"],  in  ver.  2, 
"princes"  [Eng.  A.  V.  "lords"]  comes  from  the 
circumstantial  character  of  the  narration,  not  from 
oversight  (Then.),  though  the  Sept.  and  Vulg. 
omit  the  second  name.  The  chiefs  of  the  Phi- 
listines did  not  accept  Achish's  explanation,  but 
were  angry  with  him,  and  demanded  of  him 
that  he  send  David  back  to  his  place,  which 
he  (Achish)  had  appointed  him,  that  is,  to 
Ziklag.  They  said:  He  shall  not  go  down 
with  us  into  the  battle.     "  Qo  down"  ny) 

is  a  regular  technical  military  expression,  derived 
from  the  necessity  in  that  mountainous  country 
of  descending  into  the  plain  to  fight,*  corap.  xxvi. 
10;  XXX.  24.  To  Achish's  defence  of  David  they 
reply:  1)  he  might  become  an  adversary  to  them 
in  battle,  though  he  had  hitherto  been  an  ally ; 
2)  he  might  wish  to  recommend  himself  to  his 
lord,  though  he  had  up  to  this  time  opposed  him, — 
with  the  heads  of  these  men.  The  Hithpael 
of  the  verb  (HVT)  indicates  zealous  self-activity, 
"  earnestly  to  commend  one's  self,"  or,  "  to  seek 
to  make  one's  self  acceptable"  (Ew.,  §  124  a). 
"These,"  they  say,  pointing  to  the  Philistine  troops. 
By  defeating  a  part  of  our  force,  said  they,  he 
would  try  to  regain  Saul's  favor.  Herein  is  a 
recognition  of  David's  bravery  and  military  abi- 
lity, which  they  would  be  the  less  disposed  to 
doubt  when  they  recollected  the  defeat  he  had 
formerly  inflicted  on  Goliath  and  the  Palestine 
army.    For  they  say  3)  Is  this  not  David,  of 


*  [This  is  a  sufficient  reply  to  Wellhausen's  remark 
that  "  the  narrator  here  forgets  that  he  is  dealing  with 
a  Philistine,  who  [as  dwelling  in  a  plain]  would  proba- 
bly use  the  opposite  ejtpression  [go  up]." — T«.] 


whom  they  sang  in  dances  ?  &c.  Comp. 
xviii.  7  with  xvi.  11.  It  is  the  same  argument 
that  Achish's  servants  used  against  him  on  his 
first  visit  to  Achish's  court.  The  Philistines' 
recollection  of  that  achievement  is  here  to  be  the 
means  of  rescuing  David  from  the  painful  neces- 
sity of  going  into  battle  with  the  Philistines 
against  his  own  people. 

Ver.  6.  Achish  is  obliged  to  yield  to  the  de- 
cided demand  of  his  comrades.  He  assures  Da- 
vid that  his  confidence  in  him  is  unshaken,  that 
he  regards  him  as  an  honorable  and  faithful  man. 
Achish's  oath  "by  the  life  of  Jehovah"  is  to  be 
explained  not  by  the  fact  that  a  Hebrew  is  here 
the  narrator  (Then.),  or  that  Achish  had  learned 
from  David  to  know  and  honor  the  God  of  Israel 
(S.  Schmid)^  but  by  his  desire  to  attest  more 
strongly  the  truth  of  his  words  by  invoking  the 
God  whom  David  worshipped.  Achish,  liow- 
ever,  does  not  say  that  he  had  been  pleased  with 
David  in  former  wars  (Tremell.,  Vatablus),  but 
his  words  refer  to  this  campaign,  he  assuring  him 
of  his  confidence  in  contrast  with  the  distrust  of 
the  princes.  He  means  to  say :  To  me  thou  art 
the  object  of  undoubting  trust,  but  the  princes  do 
not  wish  thee  to  take  part  in  the  campaign.  Thus 
he  excuses  himself,  as  it  were,  to  David  for  the 
fact  that  he  must  now  (ver.  7)  bid  him  return, 
that  he  may  do  nothing  evil  in  the  eyes 
of  the  princes  of  the  Philistines. — Ver.  8. 
As  Achish  remains  true  in  word  and  deed  to  his 
honordble  confidence  in  David,  so  David  remains 
true  to  his  r61e  (xxvii.)  of  dishonorable  preniarica- 
lion  to  Achish ;  for,  when  he  says :  that  I  should 
not  go  and  fight  against  the  enemies  of 
my  lord,  the  king  —this  "  my  lord,  the  king," 
may  refer  as  well  to  Achish  as  to  Saul ;  and,  for 
the  rest,  he  could  not  have  been  in  earnest  in  say- 
ing that  he  would  fight,  for  he  certainly  would 
not  have  fought  against  his  own  countrymen 
(Then.). — Ver.  9.  Achish  trustingly  accepts  Da- 
vid's words  as  referring  to  himself,  and  renews  the 
assurance  of  confidence  in  his  honor.  The  I 
know  is  the  reply  to  David's  assertion  of  his 
faithfulness  in  the  question:  "What  have  I 
done  ?"  etc.  [Translate :  "  I  know  it,  for  thou  art 
good^"  etc. — Tb.]  Achish's  testimony  to  David's 
fidehty  and  honor  (on  the  words :  "  yea,  thou  art 
in  my  eyes,"  etc.  comp.  Gen.  xlviii.  19)  rises  to 
the  point  of  comparing  him  with  an  ''  angel  (= 
messenger)*  of  God,"  see  2  Sam.  xiv.  17 ;  xix.  27. 
I  esteem  thee  as  highly,  he  would  say,  as  if  thou 
wert  sent  to  me  from  God — but  the  princes  say ; 
"  he  shall  not  go  up  with  us  to  the  war."  The  word 
"  go  up  "  refers  to  the  progress  of  the  march  from 
the  south  upwards  towards  the  north. — Ver.  10. 
With  the  servants  of  thy  lord,  that  is,  of 
Saul;  whose  subjects  they  were.  [On  the  text 
see  "  Textual  and  Grammatical."— Te.] — Ver.  11. 
David  returns  to  Philistia,  to  Ziklag  (xxx.  1). — 
That  David,  in  order  to  avoid  a  sad  alternative, 
himself  artfiilly  roused  the  opposition  of  the  Phi- 
listine princes  to  his  participation  in  the  cam- 
paign (as  Thenius  thinks  not  impossible),  is,  even 


*  [This  word  is  probably  to  be  taken  here  in  a  superna- 
tural sense.  We  need  not  suppose  this  a  Hebrew  idea 
put  into  the  mouth  of  the  Philistine ;  the  conception  of 
superhuman  messengers  of  God  (=  our  "  angels  ")  is  so 
general  and  natural  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  sup- 
posing it  to  be  known  and  used  among  the  Philistines. 
— Tb.J 


342 


THE  FIBST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


if  possible,  too  bold  a  conjecture;  the  narrative 
gives  no  ground  for  it. 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  God's  patience  is  such  that  the  sins  of  the 
members  of  His  kingdom  are  not  visited  with  ex- 
pulsion from  communion  with  Him,  so  long  as 
they,  like  David,  direct  their  inner  life  to  Him  in 
faith,  and  are  willing  to  be  guided  by  Him.  But 
such  sins  as  we  here  see  in  David — fear  of  man, 
unfaith,  having  recourse  to  heathen  protection, 
deceitful  behaviour  towards  the  kind  and  hono- 
rable king  Achish — God  does  not  pass  by,  on  the 
one  hand,  without  the  exhibition  of  His  punitive 
righteoumess,  partly  punishing  sin  with  sm,  a.s  we 
here  see  in  David  from  a  fundamental  sin  (doubt 
and  little  faith)  all  other  sins  issuing,  these  again 
coming  one  from  another,  partly  inflicting  inter- 
nal anguish  and  external  perplexities  and  pain- 
ful experiences;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he  re- 
strains evil  consequences,  and  brings  into  play 
former  exhibitions  of  His  helping  might  (as  here 
in  the  Philistines'  recollection  of  David's  victory 
over  Goliath  and  the  army),  so  to  order  all  things 
according  to  His  meroy  and  wisdom  that  the  blame- 
worthy eeU  does  not  lead  to  destruction,  and  sub- 
serves the  ends  of  His  providential  government  of 
the  world. 

2.  Certainly  David's  untruthfulness  is  not  to  be 
m£amred  by  Christian  morality  (Then.),  for  the 
mingling  of  the  standpoints  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  by  introducing  the  latter  into  the  for- 
mer, both  as  respects  moral  knowledge  and  bibli- 
cal ethics,  and  as  respects  religious  truth  and  bib- 
lical dogmatics,  is  set  aside  by  the  difference  of 
the  two  Testaments  in  the  development  of  the 
history  of  revelation  and  the  kingdom  of  God. 
Especially  in  judging  of  individual,  concrete, 
ethical  phenomena  in  the  relation  between 
man  and  man,  where  the  principle  of  love 
is  limited  by  national  relations,  we  must  take 
into  consideration  the  limitation  of  the  theo- 
cratic principle  of  life  to  the  sphere  of  the 
national  life  in  respect  to  those  peoples  that 
were  outside  of  the  theocracy.  Nevertheless  all 
ethical  phenomena  in  the  life  of  the  Old-Testa- 
mental  bearers  of  the  divine  revelation  and  the 
theocratic  principle  must  be  looked  at  from  the 
highest  point  of  view,  which  is  given  in  God's 
holy  will  itself,  and  judged  as  to  their  ethical 
character  and  value  by  the  absolute  standard. 
The  ^God  of  absolute  truth  (Num.  xxiii.  19 ;  2 
Sam.  XV.  29)  demands  truth  from  his  ".saints" 
(comp.  Ex.  XX.  6  with  xix.  6  and  Prov.  vi.  16-19 ; 
Dent.  xix.  11).  To  the  God  of  truth  and  faith- 
fulness (Ps.  xl.  10-12  [9-11])  the  lips  must  not 
speak  falsehood  (Ps.  xxxiv.  15  [13]),  as  David 
himself  declares.  Apart,  however,  from  the 
stand-point  of  revelation,  David's  conduct  to 
Achish  is  condemned  from  the  stand-point  of 
natural-human  morality  by  the  unsuspecting 
faithfulness  and  honor  of  the  heathen  king. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PEACTICAL. 

Vers.  1,  2.  S.  Schmid  ;  The  sins  of  the  princtes 
of  the  people  put  weapons  into  the  hands  of  the 


enemies  of  God  and  the  Church. — Ver.  3  sq. 
[Scott  :  While  presumptuous  sinners  are  given 
up  to  the  effects  of  their  own  counsels  and  driven 
headlong  to  destruction,  the  sins  of  the  upright 
are  repented  of  and  pardoned ;  and  the  Lord 
takes  care  both  of  their  peace  and  reputation. — 
Tr.] — Hedengke  (from  Hall)  :  O  the  wisdom 
and  goodness  of  our  God,  that  can  raise  up  an 
adversary  to  deliver  us  out  of  those  evils  which 
our  friends  cannot !— Schlieb  :  When  the  Lord 
thinks  on  us,  He  comes  at  the  right  time  with 
His  blessing  also.  He  has  ways,  even  where  we 
know  no  further  expedient,  and  can  give  counsel 
and  help  where  we  might  already  despair. — Ver. 
4.  ScHLiEE :  God's  children  are  not  people  that 
have  no  failings  and  weaknesses  any  more.  But 
on  account  of  such  failings  God  does  not  yet  cast 
off  His  children.  Even  if  we  sin,  He  does  not 
yet  at  once  give  us  up ;  He  chastens  us,  but  He 
does  not  cast  us  off. — [Ver.  6.  Scott:  When 
worldly  people  have  no  evil  thing  to  say  of  us, 
but  will  bear  testimony  to  our  uprightness,  we 
need  desire  no  more  from  them:  and  this  we 
should  aim  to  acquire  by  prudence,  meekness 
and  a  blameless  life.  But  their  flattering  com- 
mendations are  almost  always  purchased  by  im- 
proper compliances,  or  some  measure  of  decep- 
tion, and  commonly  may  cover  us  with  confusion. 
— Tb.]  —  Ver.  7.  Cramer  :  God  guides  His 
saints  wonderfully  (Ps.  iv.  4  [3]),  and  holds 
them  back  from  sifis  which  if  they  were  given  up 
to  themselves,  they  would  conimit,  acting  against 
their  own  conscience,  and  rescues  them  from 
great  peril  also,  into  which  they  would  other- 
wise have  fallen  through  their  thoughtless  pro- 
jects.— Heddtger  [from  Hall]  :  One  degree 
of  dissimulation  draws  on  another ;  those  which 
have  once  given  way  to  a  faulty  course  cannot 
easily  either  stop  or  turn  back. — [Henry:  No 
one  knows  how  strong  the  temptation  is  to  com- 
pliment and  dissemble,  which  they  are  in  that 
attend  great  men,  and  how  hard  it  is  to  avoid  it. 
— Te.] —  What  wholesome  effects  are  produced  under 
Golfs  guidance  by  thai  intercourse  which  in  the 
world  is  indispensably  necessary  between  those  who 
have  part  in  Ood's  kingdom  and  those  who  stand 
aloof  from  iif  1)  For  those  who  stand  aloof  from 
the  kingdom  of  God :  a)  that  they  involuntarily 
give  honor  to  the  living  God ;  b)  that  they 
recognize  in  those  who  belong  to  His  kingdom 
the  power  of  a  higher  divine  character,  and  are 
compelled  to  bow  before  that  power  (ver.  9);  c) 
that  in  themselves  the  remains  of  the  divine 
image  again  come  forward,  and  they  find  plea- 
sure in  that  which  is  ethically  good  and  beauti- 
ful. 2)  For  those  who  have  part  in  God's  king- 
dom themselves :  a)  the  consoling  perception  that 
even  they  who  stand  aloof  from  God's  kingdom 
have  to  serve  as  instruments  for  the  fulfilment  of 
the  divine  purposes  and  designs  of  salvation 
(Prov.  xvi.  7) ;  6)  the  wonderful  confirmation  of 
the  truth  that  all  things  must  work  together  for 
good  to  them  that  love  God  (Rom.  viii.  27),  and 
c)  humbling  self-knowledge  in  respect  to  their  own 
sins  and  faults,  in  view  of  the  morally  noble  be- 
haviour of  those  who  stand  aloof  from  the  king- 
dom of  God,  while  they  themselves  are  wanting 
therein. 


CHAP.  XXX.  1-31.  343 


III.  Davuffs  Victory  cmer  the  Amalekites  who  destroyed  Ziklag. 

Chapter  XXX.  1-31. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass,"  when  David  and  Lis  men  were  come'  to  Ziklag  on  the  third 
day,  that  the  Amalekites  had  invaded  the  south"  and  Ziklag,  and  smitten  Ziklag 

2  and  burned  it  with  fire ;  And  had  taken  the  women  captives  [captive  the  women] 
that  were  therein  {ins.  both  small  and  great]  ;'  they  slew*  not  any  either  great  or 
small  [om.  either  great  or  small],  but  carried  them  away  [ofi"]  and  went  on  their 

3  way.'  So  [And]  David  and  his  men  came  to  the  city,  and  behold,  it  was  burned 
with  fire,  and  their  wives  and  their  sons  and  their  daughters  were  taken  captives. 

4  Then  [And]  David  and  the  people  that  were  with  him  lifted  up  their  voice  aud 

5  wept,  until  they  had  no  more  power  to  weep.  Aud  David's  two  wives  were  taken 
captives,  Ahinoam  the  Jezreelitess,  and  Abigail  the  wife  of  Nabal  the  Carmelite." 

6  And  David  was  greatly  distressed  [was  in  a  great  strait],'  for  the  people  spake  of 
stoning  him,  because  the  soul  of  all  the  people  was  grieved  [bitter],  every  man  for 
his  sous  and  his  daughters ;  but  David  encouraged  [strengthened]  himself  in  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  his  God. 

7  And  David  said  to  Abiathar  the  priest,  Ahimelech's  son,  I  pray  thee,  bring  me 
hither  [om.  hither]  the  ephod.^     And  Abiathar  brought  thither  [pm.  thither]  the 

8  ephod  to  David.  And  David  inquired  at  the  Lord  [of  Jehovah],  saying.  Shall  I 
pursue'  after  this  troop  ?  shall  I  overtake  them  ?  And  he  answered  him,  Pursue ! 
for  thou  shalt  surely  overtake  them  and  without  fail  recover  all  [for  thou  shalt 

9  overtake  and  deliver].  So  [And]  David  went,  he  and  the  six  hundred  men  that 
were  with  him,  and  came  to  the  brook  Besor,  where  those  that  were  left  behind 

10  stayed.'"  But  [And]  David  pursued,  he  and  four  hundred  men ;  for  [and]  two 
hundred  abode  behind,  which  were  so  faint  that  they  could  not  go  over  the  brook 
Besor." 

11  And  they  found  an  Egyptian  in  the  field,  and  brought"  him  to  David,  and  gave 

TEXTUAL  AND   QEAMMATICAL. 
'  [Ver.  1.  Some  MSS.  have  K'33.  and  in  the  better  codices  the  Inf.  is  written  fully  Ki3. — Te.] 

»  [Ver.  1.  Valg.  and  .4rab.  read :  "  the  south  of  Ziklag,"  but  negeb  is  probably  here  a  proper  name,  the  "  South- 
country;"  this  may  account  for  the  absence  of  the  Art. — Te.] 

^  (Ver.  2.  The  order  of  words  in  Eng,  A.  V.  here  is  opposed  to  the  accents  and  to  the  syntax.  The  reading 
of  the  Hi?b.  text,  however,  is  harsh;  we  do  not  expect  the  descriptive  phrase:  "both  small  and  great"  to  be 
applied  to  "  women,"  and  therefore  the  reading  of  the  Sept. :  "the  women  and  all  that  was  in  it "  (comp.  ver.  19) 
commends  itself  as  better.    Dr.  Erdmann.  however,  rejects  it. — TrJ 

*  [Ver.  2.  "And  slew  no  one,"  as  in  Chald.,  Vulg.  and  some  MSS.,  is  much  easier.  Syr.  and  Arab,  strangely 
omit  the  negative,  and  read:  "they  slew  the  men.'^— Te,] 

6  [Ver.  2.  Erdmann  writes  the  passage  from  "and  the  Amalekites"  in  ver.  1  to  the  end  of  ver.  2  as  a  paren- 
thesis, which  is  allowable,  but  not  necessary. — Te.] 

•  [Ver.  5.  Some  MSS.  of  Kennicott  and  De  Eossi  have  "  the  Carmelitess,"  referring  to  Abigail.  See  note  on 
xxvii.  3.— Te.] 

^  [Ver.  6.  That  is,  "  was  in  difficulty  and  danger,"  an  idea  not  now  so  well  expressed  by  the  word  "  distress." 
For  "grieved"  or  "bitter"  the  Bib.  Com.  suggests  "exasperated,"  which  conveys  the  sen.se  with  precision. 
— Tk.J 

8  [Ver.  7.  This  word  is  commonly  and  properly  transferred,  not  translated  (so  Sept.,  Vnlg.,  Syr..  Chald.);  Sym., 
however,  renders  it  by  cttw/ii;,  Aq.  by  en-ei'fivfAa,  and  Arab,  by  a  descriptive  phrase :  "  the  breast-plate  by  which 
thou  inquirest." — Th.] 

»  [Ver.  8.  As  this  is  a  principal,  not  a  subordinate  question,  Wellh.  would  insert  the  Interrog.  n  before  this 

verb.— Te.] 

1"  [Ver.  9.  It  seems  impossible  to  do  anything  with  this  phrase.  That  something  stood  here  in  an  early 
form  of  the  text  is  shown  by  the  Sept.  and  other  VSS. ;  but  these  words  give  no  sense :  they  cannot  be  prolepti- 
oal,  as  Erdmann  explains  them,  for  the  word  D'lniJ  supposes  a  division  already  made.    The  Syr.  abandons  the 

■T 

text,  and  explains :  " and  David  left  two  hundred  men."  The  Vnlg.  reading:  "and  certain  tired  ones  stayed" 
(preferred  by  Then.,  and  rejected  by  Erdmann),  is  easy;  but  the  statement  is  here  unnecessa.ry  and  out  of  place, 
it  is  more  satisfactory  to  suppose  that  the  phrase  was  early  introduced  into  the  text  by  clerical  repetition  from 
the  following  verse. — Te.] 

"  [Ver.  10.  Wellh.  suggests  that  the  two  halves  of  this  verse  have  changed  places;  but  this  is  unnecessary, 
for,  though  the  second  half  would  fit  on  to  ver.  9.  the  present  order  is  quite  in  accordance  with  Heb.  form  of 
narration,  in  which  the  explanation  is  often  made  to  follow  the  principal  statement. — Te.] 

"  I  Ter.  11.  Some  MSS.,  and  Sept.  and  Ar.  read :  "  took  him  and  brought  him."— Tb.] 


344  THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

12  him  bread,  and  he  did  eat,  and  they  made  him  drink  water.  And  they  gave  him 
a  piece  of  a  cake  of  figs,  and  two  clusters  [cakes]  of  raisins ;  and  when  he  had 
eaten,  his  spirit"  came  again  to  him  ;  for  he  had  eaten  no  bread,  nor  drunk  any 

13  water,  three  days  and  three  nights.  And  David  said  unto  him,  To  whom  belonged 
thou  ?  and  whence  art  thou  ?  And  he  said,  I  am  a  young  man  of  Egypt,"  servant 
to  an  Amalekite ;  and  my  master  left  me  bei'ause  three  days  agoue"*  I  fell  sick. 

14  We  made  an  invasion  upon  the  south  of  the  Cherethites,  and  upon  the  coast  [on 
the  region]  which  belongeih  to  Judah,  and  upon  the  south  of  Caleb,  and  we  burned 

15  Ziklag  with  fire.  And  David  said  to  him,  Canst  [Wilt]  thou  bring  me  down  to 
this  company  [troop]  ?'°  And  he  said.  Swear  unto  me  by  God  that  thou  wilt  nei- 
ther kill  me  nor  deliver  me  into  the  hands  of  my  master  and  I  will  bring  thee  down 

16  to  this  company  [troop].  And  when  he  had  [And  he]  brought  him  down,  \ins. 
and]  behold,  they  were  spread  abroad  upon  all  the  earth  [over  the  whole  land], 
eating  and  drinking  and  dancing  [revelling]",  because  of  all  the  great  spoil  which 
they  had  taken  out  of  the  land  of  the  Philistines  and  out  of  the  land  of  Judah. 

17  And  David  smote  them  from  the  twilight  even  \om.  even]  unto  the  evening  of  the 
next  day,"  and  there  escaped  not  a  man  of  them,  save  four  hundred  young  men, 

18  which  rode  upon  camels  and  fled.     And  David  recovered  [rescued]  all  that  the 

19  Amalekites  had  carried  away;  and  David  resc'Ued  his  two  wives.  And  there  was 
nothing  lacking  to  them,  neither  small  nor  gr-  at,  neither  tons  nor  daughters,  nei- 
ther [nor]  spoil,  nor  anything  that  they  had  taken  to  them  ;  David  recovered  all. 

20  And  David  took  all  the  flocks  and  herds,  [;]  which  they  drove  before  those  other 
cattle  [they  drove  before  him  this  flock],"  and  said,  This  is  David's  spoil. 

21  And  David  came  to  the  two  hundred  men,  which  were  so  faint  that  they  could 
not  follow  David,  whom  they'"  had  made  also  {om.  also]  to  abide  at  the  brook 
Besor.     And  they  went  forth  to  meet  David  and  to  meet  the  people  that  were  with 

22  him  ;  and  when  David  came  near  to  the  people,  he  saluted  them.  Then  answered 
all  the  wicked  men  and  men  of  Belial  [all  the  wicked  and  worthless  men],  of  those 
that  went  with  David,  and  said,  Because  they  went  not  with  us,  we  will  not  give 
them  oug lit  [au-^ht]  of  the  spoil  that  we  have  recovered,  save  to  every  man  his 

23  wife  and  his  children,  that  they  may  lead  them  away  and  depart.  Then  said  David 
[And  David  said],  Ye  shall  not  do  so,  my  brethren,  with  that  which  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  hath  given  us,  who  hath  preserved   us,   and   delivered   the   company 

24  [troop]  chat  came  against  us  into  our  hand.  Fur  [And]  who  will  hearken  unto 
you  in  this  matter  ?  but  [for]  as  his  part  is  that  goeth  down  to  the  battle,  so  shall 

25  his  part  be  that  tarrieth  by  the  stuff";  they  shall  part  alike.  And  it  was  so  [it 
came  to  pass]  from  that  day  forward,  that  he  made  it  a  statute  and  an  ordinance 

26  for'^  Israel  unto  this  day.     And  when  [om  when]  David  came  to  Ziklag,  he  [and] 

1'  [Ver.  12.  nn,  not  the  nepjiesli,  the  "breath  of  life,"  but  the  breath  considered  as  vigorous  and  truly  alive, 
somewhat  as  in  Eng.  the  word  "spirit"  has  come  to  mean  "courageous  vigor  and  alertness." — Tr.] 

1*  [Ver.  13.  Sept.  has  against  connection  and  accents:  "the  young  man  of  Egypt  said,  I  am  servant,"  etc 
— Tr.  j 

"  [Ver.  15.  Literally;  " to-day  three,"  that  is,  as  Chald.  gives  it,  "to-day  these  three  days,"  and  some  MSS. 
have  'nhree  days."    Vulg.  nudiusertius. — Tb.] 

^^  [Ver.  15.  Sept.  transfers  TeSSoup;  in  other  Greek  VSS.  we  find  irvo-Tpe/i^a  and  Ad^o?,  and  also  eufwi'os  (per- 
haps, as  Schleusner  suggests,  from  the  Chald.  -ns  .— Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  16.  Properly  "  keeping  festival."— Tb.] 

18  [Ver.  17.  Erdmann  renders:  "towards  the  next  day"  fafter  Luther),  which  is  doubtful.  Eng.  A.  V.  is  sup- 
pc  rted  by  Vulg.,  Chald.,  Sept.  Chald.,  however,  instead  of  using  the  same  word  as  the  Heb.,  has  •'  the  day  which 
was  after  it,"  and  the  Syr.  has  a  similar  form  "in  their  rear,"  as  if  they  read  "inW,  which  does  not  suggest  any 
good  emendation.    As  the  Heb.  word  stands,  the  D-  may  be  regarded  as  prononi.  suffix,  "to  their  morrow" 

(redundant),  or  as  adverbial  ending.    Wellhausen  emends  the  text  and  reads  DmnPI  7,  which  would  suit  the 

letters  of  the  present  word,  but  does  not  particularly  commend  itself.— Tb.] 

i»  [Ver.  20.  So  Erdmann  renders,  reading  (with  Vulg.  and  Then.)  VjaS  instead  of  'JsS.    The  sense  will  be 

still  better  if  we  further  read  in  the  beginning  of  the  verse:  "And  they  took,"  instead  of  "And  David  took." 
The  taking  and  driving  seem  to  be  the  work  of  the  same  person  (as  Wellh.  remarks),  and  it  would  be  appropri- 
ate for  David's  men  rather  than  for  himself  to  set  aside  his  spoil.  This  change  would  require  very  little  altera- 
tion of  the  lettering.  As  for  the  words :  "  this  flock,"  they  seem  unnecessary  (Wellh.  would  reject  them  as  cleri- 
cal explanation),  yet  do  not  interfere  materially  with  the  sense.- Tb.] 

»  [Ver.  21.  The  Sing.  "  he"  is  found  in  some  MSS.,  and  in  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.,  Chald.,  and  is  better.— At 
the  end  of  the  verse  instead  of  D;7n-nX,  the  VSS.  and  some  MSS.  have  Ss.— Tb.] 

2'  [Ver.  26.  There  is  a  good  deal  of  authority  (about  forty  MSS.,  several  printed  Edd.,  and  the  Vulg.)  for  read- 
ing "in  Israel,"  which  is  better.— Te.] 


CHAP.  XXX.  1-31. 


345 


sent  of  the  spoil  unto  the  elders  of  Judah,  even  to  [pm.  even  to]  his  friends,  saying, 

27  Behold  a  present  ior  you  of  the  spoil  of  the  enemies  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  :  To 
them  which  were  in  Bethel,  and  to  them  which  were  in  south  Ramoth  [in  Ramoth- 

28  negeb],  and  to  them  which  were  in  Jattir,  And  to  them  which  were  in  Aroer,  and 

29  to  them  which  were  in  Siphmoth,  and  to  them  which  were  in  Eshtemoa,  And  to 
them  which  were  in  Rachal,  and  to  them  which  were  in  the  cities  of  the  Jerah- 

30  meelites,  and  to  them  which  were  in  the  cities  of  the  Kenites,  And  to  them  which 
were  in  Hormah,  and  to  them  which  were  in  Chor'^^-ashan,  and  to  them  which  were 

31  in  Athach,  And  to  them  which  were  in  Hebron,  and  to  all  the  places  where  David 
himself  and  his  men  were  wont  to  haunt  [which  David  frequented,  he  and  his 
men]. 

22  rVer.  30.  "  Bor  "  is  found  in  Sept.,  Syr.,  Vulg.  and  a  number  of  Edd.  and  MSS.,  and  is  preferred  by  De  Eossi 
and  Wellhausen. — Tr.] 


EXEQETICAL  AND    CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-6.  Description  of  the  calamity  inflicted 
by  the  Araalekitea,  who  plundered  and  burned 
Ziklag,  the  grief  of  David  and  his  men  at  their 
loss,  the  damger  to  which  he  was  exposed  from  the 
exasperated  people  who  threw  the  blame  on  him, 
and  his  strengthening  in  the  Lord. — The  construc- 
tion of  the  four  first  verses  is  as  follows:  the  pro- 
tasis extends  through  the  three  first  verses,  but 
with  two  parentheses,  the  first  extending  from 
"  and  the  Araalekite,"  in  ver.  1  to  the  end  of  ver. 
2,  the  second  including  all  of  ver.  3  after  the  word 
"  behold ;"  the  apodosis  is  ver.  4. — On  the  third 
day,  namely,  after  his  departure  from  Achish. 
The  Amalekites  had  used  David's  absence  and  the 
defenceless  condition  of  Ziklag  to  revenge  them- 
selves for  his  invasion  of  their  territory  (xxvii. 
8).  The  south  and  Ziklag,  the  general  term 
preceding  the  particular.  The  Negeb  is  the  south- 
country,  so  called  by  the  Israelites  as  being  the 
southern  part  of  Palestine  or  Judah,  while  it  was 
north  of  the  Amalekite  territory.  According  to 
ver.  13  they  had  plundered  Ziklag  tliree  days  be- 
fore David's  return.  In  verse  2  only  the  women 
are  said  to  have  been  carried  away ;  the  children, 
msntioned  in  vers.  3,  6,  are  omitted  here  for  bre- 
vity's sake.  The  Sept.'s  addition  to  the  text  of 
the  words  "  and  all "  is  unnecessary  (against  The- 
nius).*  So  the  words  "  nor  woman  "  after  "  man  " 
are  an  explanatory  insertion  of  the  Sept.  It  is 
expressly  remarked  that  the  women  were  not  slain, 
because  they  intended  to  make  slaves  of  them  and 
the  children  [in  contrast  with  David's  conduct, 
xxvii.  11. — Tb.].  The  two  viives  of  David,  Ahi- 
noam  and  Abigail,  are  aspecially  named,  xxv.  42 
sq.,  xxvii.  3.  The  great  sorrow  that  they  all, 
David  and  his  men,  expressed  with  tears  and  cries, 
corresponds  with  the  great  peril  that  threatened 
David,  the  people  charging  their  misfortune  on 
him  and  thinking  of  stoning  him. — The  soul 
of  all  the  people  was  bitter,  they  were  deeply 
agitated.  But  he  strengthened  himself  in 
the  Lord  his  G-od,  he  had  recourse  to  Him  in 
order  (rer.  7  sq.)  to  inquire  of  him  by  the 
ephod,  as  he  had  done,  xxiii.  9.  His  strength- 
ening in  the  Lord  consisted  in  the  fact  that,  being 
assured  through  his  inquiry  of  the  Lord's  assist- 
ance, he  straightway  set  out  with  his  embittered 
men  to  recover  the  spoil  from  the  Amalekites. 


*  [On  this  reading  see  "  Textual  and  Grammatical." 
-Tb.] 


Vers.  7-10.  David's  arrangements  to  secure  his 
end :  1)  the  religious  preparation,  verses  7,  8  ;  he 
first  assured  himself  of  the  Lord's  will  that  he 
should  pursue  the  enemy,  and  of  His  promise  that 
he  should  be  successful, — on  the  words  "  bring  me 
the  ephod,"  which  indicate  that  the  ephod  was 
exclusively  the  property  of  the  high-priest,*  comp. 
Hengst.,  Beit.  [Contributions,  ete.]  3,  67  sq., — 2) 
his  military  disposition  of  his  men,  vers.  9, 10.  The 
six  hundred  men  appear  here  as  before.  They 
are  divided  into  two  parts,  four  hundred  pursue 
the  enemy,  two  hundred  remain  behind,  when 
they  have  reached  the  brook  Besor.  [But  this  ar- 
rangement was  not  at  first  intended  by  David ;  it 
was  a  necessity  forced  on  him  by  the  exhaustion 
of  the  two  hundred. — Tb.].  The  brook  Besor  is 
probably  the  present  Wady  el  Sheria,  which  be- 
gins in  the  hill-country  of  Judah  and  flows  in  a 
south-westerly  direction  south  of  Gaza  into  the 
sea.  See  Eaumer,  Pal.  p.  52.  [Bob.  thought  it 
the  Wady  Ar  arah,  and  Grove  and  Porter  think 
it  yet  unidentified. — Tb.]. — At  this  brook  and  in 
its  valley — both  must  be  considered  here,  because 
the  staying  behind  of  some  of  David's  men,  after- 
wards referred  to  their  exhaustion,  supposes  an 
insurmountable  difiiculty  in  the  ground — "  the 
rest"  (O'ljlUn  ver.  9)  remained  in  a  position 
adapted  to  the  protection  of  the  baggage  which 
was  left  here  (see  ver.  24).  The  narrator  here 
anticipates  what  is  told  in  ver.'  10  ;  it  is  a  prolep- 
tioal  expression,  arising  from  the  vivacious  de- 
scription of  David's  rapid  march  with  four  hun- 
dred men,  and  there  is  no  need  to  change  the  text 
into  the  Vulg.  lassi  "wearied"  (=D'"]U3n),  as 
Then,  proposes,  especially  as  the  ancient  VSS. 
had  it  and  explained  it  by  periphrases  (Keil).f 
The  verb  ("^JS)  =  "  to  be  weary"  in  Syr.,  occurs 
only  here  and  in  ver.  21.  "Weariness  was  the 
reason  of  their  remaining  behind.  At  the  same 
time  they  served  to  guard  the  baggage  (ver.  24). 

Vers.  11-16  a.  David  gets  information  of  the 
Amalekites  from  an  Egyptian  straggler.  Ver.  11. 
And  they  found  an  Egyptian ;  from  the  prox- 
imity of  Egypt  the  Amalekites  had  Egyptians  as 
slaves  (comp.  ver.  13).  And  they  took,  that 
is,  brought  him  to  David,  a  pregnant  expression 
in  keeping  with  the  rapidity  of  the  action.  The 
insertion  of  the  Sept.  "and  they  brought  him,"  is 
clearly  an  explanatory  reading  (against  Then.). 

*  [The  inquiry  was  probably  conducted  by  the  hieh- 
priest.  in  a  way  unknown  to  us,  but  more  probably  the 
answer  came  through  the  priest's  mouth. — Te.J 

t  [See  "  Text,  and  Gram.— Tb.] 


346 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


"Bread"  (Ovh)  =  food;  they  gave  him  to  eat 
and  to  drink  ,■"  the  general  statement  stands  first. 

Yer.  12.  The  sort  of  food  which  they  gave  him. 

On  the  "  fig-cakes  "  see  on  xxv.  18.  His  spirit 
returned  to  him,  he  revived ;  having  been 
left  behind  sick,  and  having  been  three  days  and 
three  nights  without  food,  he  had  lain  exhausted 
on  the  field.*— Ver.  13  sq.  The  Egyptian's  an- 
swer. To  ■whom  belongest  thou  ?  that  is,  as 
slave,  for  as  such  he  was  recognized  by  his  exte- 
rior. '■  "Whence  art  thou  ?"  {nip  'X,  the  'N  re- 
mains unchanged,  the  HID  changes  according  to 
the  relations  of  the  sentence.  Ew.  5  326  a) . — "  We 
invaded ;"  the  verb  here  only  stands  with  the  Ac- 

cus.,  usually  with  a  Prep.  (3,  7N,  7^,  see  ver.  16). 
— The  first  geographical  statement  [ver.  14]  :  On 
the  south  of  the  Cherethites.f  a  Philistine 
tribe  dwelling  in  the  south  and  on  the  sea  (see 
ver.  16),  which  came  originally,  as  the  name  in- 
dicates, from  the  island  of  Crete.  See  in  Steph. 
Byzant.  s.  v.  Oaza,  the  tradition  that  the  Cretans 
under  Minos  made  an  expedition  against  the 
neighboring  coast  of  Gaza,  lieasons  for  the  view 
that  Caphtor,  the  home  of  the  Philistines  (who 
were  not  indigenous  to  Canaan,  but  immigrants. 
Dent.  ii.  23  ;  Amos  ix.  7),  is  identical  with  Oreie, 
may  be  seen  in  Bertheau  zur  Oesch.  d.  Israel.,  p. 
186-200.  Comp.  Ewald  Oesch.  [Hist,  of  Israel] 
I.  336.  Against  this  view  see  Starke's  Gaza,  p. 
66  sq.,  99  sq.,  Bunker's  Oesch.  d.  Alterthums  I., 
339  A.  [See  also  Vaihinger's  Article  "  Philis- 
ter,"  and  Miiller's  Art.  "Kanaan"  in  Herzog's 
R.-E.,  and  Miiller's  more  recent  book  "  Die  Se- 
miien,"  in  which  he  wrongly  makes  the  Philis- 
tines Japhethites.  The  whole  question  is  obscure, 
but  there  is  some  ground  for  holding  that  the  Phi- 
listines first  passed  from  the  neighborhood  of  the 
Persian  Gulf  into  Lower  Egypt  (Gen.  x.  14, 
"whence  came  the  Philistines"),  thence  through 
Crete  to  Canaan,  to  which  country  tlioy  have  given 
the  name  Palestine.  This  would  explain  the 
Phoenician-Canaauitish  type  of  their  language. — 
TR.].t — The  second  statement:  On  vrhat  per- 
tained to  Judah,  the  southern  regions  of  Ju- 
dah,  forming  the  eastern  portion  of  the  Negeb  or 
Southland,  which  stretched  across  from  the  Me- 
diterranean to  the  Dead  Sea.  l%e  third  state- 
ment :  On  the  south  of  Cedeh.— Caleb,  one  of 
the  twelve  spies,  as  reward  for  his  faithfulness  and 
believing  courage,  he  alone  with  Joshua,  daring, 
and  advising  the  people,  to  enter  the  land  (Num. 
xiii.  6,  30 :  xiv.  6  sq.),  was,  with  Joshua,  alone 
considered  worthy  to  tread  the  land  of  promise  ; 
the  city  of  Hebron  and  its  environs  was  given  to 
him  and  his  posterity  as  a,  lasting  possession. 
When  the  city  of  Hebron  was  afterwards  assigned 
to  the  priests,  the  race  of  Caleb  yet  retained  all 
the  adjacent  fields  and  villages  (Josh.  xxi.  11  sq.). 
Though  it  belonged  to  the  tribe-territory  of  Ju- 
dah, the  district  of  Caleb  ia  regarded  as  a  distinct 
region ;  it  formed  the  eastern  part  of  the  Negeb 


*  I^Wordsworth  (Comm.  in  locoX  sees  in  this  a  type  of 
Christ's  mercy  to  the  outoaat.  The  two  procedures  are 
both  examples  of  kindness,  but  there  is  no  typical  rela- 
tion between  them. — TrJ 

t  'nisn  —  D''J1'13,  Ezek.  xxv.  16;  Zeph.  ii.  6,  used 

aa  synonymous  with  the  Philistines. 

t  [David's  bodyguard  (2  Siim.  viii.  18)  was  probably 
composed  of  Philistines. — Ta.] 


as  far  as  the  Dead  Sea,  comp.  xxv.  3.  The  three 
regions,  which  the  Amalekites  invaded,  are  named 
from  West  to  East.  We  hence  see  that  the  plun- 
dering expedition  of  the  Amalekites  extended 
over  the  whole  South-country,  and  was  not  in- 
tended for  Ziklag  alone. — Ver.  15.  David's  ques- 
tion: Wilt  thou  bring  me  down  to  this 
troop?  supposes  the  Amalekites  had  marched 
southward,  and  dwelt  there  south  of  Judah  and 
Philistia.  The  Egyptian  assures  himself  by  an 
oath  (by  "Elohim,"  not  by  "Jehovah"),  fi-om 
David  that  he  will  not  kill  him,  "  because  in- 
formers and  guides,  after  having  been  used,  were 
often  so  disposed  of"  (Thenius),  and  that  he 
w^ould  not  deliver  him  up  to  his  master, 
because  the  latter  would  have  killed  him  for  his 
service  to  David. — Ver.  16  a  assumes  that  David 
gave  him  the  oath.  He  brought  him  down. 
— It  is  unnecessary  (with  Sept.  and  Then.)  to  in- 
sert "thither."  Though  the  slave  was  left  be- 
hind sick,  he  yet  knew  the  direction  which  "  this 
troop"  had  taken. 

Vers.  16  6-20.  David  surprises  the  Amalekites 
and  recovers  the  booty.  Ver.  16  b.  After  "be- 
hold" we  ought  perhaps  to  suppose  "they"  (Pinn) 
fallen  out  (so  Then,  after  Sept.).  The  narrative 
gives  a  lively  description  of  the  Ainalekite  troop, 
scattered  over  the  ground  (so  David  found  them), 
revelling  after  their  successful  foray,  and  "cele- 
brating a  feast  because  of  all  the  great  spoil." — Ver. 
17.  Thus  abandoned  to  jollity  David  surprises 
them.  The  statement :  from  the  tw^ilight  to 
the  evening  is  understood  by  some  to  mean  from 
the  moming-tyfilight,  by  others  to  mean  from  the 
evening-twiUght,  the  Heb.  word  (^K'J)  being  used 
in  both  senses,  for  example,  in  the  former  in  Job 
vii.  4.  In  favor  of  the  morning-twilight  is  1)  that 
David  could  only  have  surprised  the  revelling 
Amalekites  by  a  night-march  ;  and  2)  the  coun- 
ter-limit :  "  to  the  evening."  Luther :  "  fi-om  morn- 
ing to  evening."  The  succeeding  word  (Drnnov) 
means  not  "  on  the  following  day,"  but  (because 
of  the  Prep.)  "towards  the  next  day"  (Luth.) 
According  to  the  former  rendering  the  fight  would 
have  lasted  two  whole  days,  which  is  improbable. 
According  to  the  latter  it  lasted  (as  agrees  with 
the  circumstances)  only  one  day,  from  morning  to 
evening,  when  according  to  Heb.  reckoning  the 
following  day  began.  The  sufiix  (Q-),  which  the 
ancient  VSS.,  except  Syr.  and  Arab.,*  do  not  ex- 
press, is  perhaps  an  adverbial  endingf  (Maurer, 
Ges.,  Then.,  Keil).  That  David  had  to  fight  the 
Amalekites  a  whole  day  shows  that  after  the  first 
surprise  in  the  twilight  they  made  obstinate  re- 
sistance.    [Instead  of  "  the  next  day,"  Bih.-Com. 

proposes  to  read  "  to  wipe  them  out"  (DninOT), 
and  similarly  Wellhausen.  The  present  text  is 
difficult.  The  addition  "towards  the  morrow" 
(Erdmann)  is  unnecessary,  and  the  phrase  itself 
is  strange,  though  sustained  by  the  ancient  ver- 
.sions.  No  explanation  yet  proposed  is  satisfac- 
tory.—Te.].— Ver.  18  sq.  Statement  of  David's 
complete  success ;  he  recovered  all  the  goods  and 
persons  that  the  Amalekites  had  carried  away. 
—Ver.  20.  All  the  sheep  and  oxen  David 


■•  They,  however,  read  DTTinSO. 
t  As  in  DQV,  D3n. 


CHAP.  XXX.  1-31. 


347 


took  away,  namely,  from  the  Amalekitea,  not 
merely  what  they  had  taken  from  him,  but  other 
rich  booty  in  cattle.  "That  flock"  (Ninn  nppDn) 

[Eng.  A.  V.  wrongly  "those  other  cattle  "]  is  not 
the  flock  that  belonged  to  David,  and  was  now 
recovered  by  him  from  the  Amalekites.  So  some 
expositors  take  it,  explaining  it  that  David  caused 
the  flocks  captured  from  the  Amalekites  to  be 
driven  before  the  rest  which  belonged  to  liim,  with 
the  cry  :  "  this  is  tixe  spoil  of  David  ;"  but  there 
is  no  previous  special  mention  of  stolen  cattle 
which  would  justify  such  a  retrospective  designa- 
tion: "beforethat  (David's)  flock."  "Thatflock," 
in  such  a  demonstrative  or  retrospective  sense, 
can  only  be  the  previously-mentioned  cattle  cap- 
tured from  the  enemy  [ver.  19].  Nor  can  we 
render  with  De  Wette  "they  marched,"  properly 
"  they  led," -that  is,  led  the  train  of  women  and 
children;  for  the  verb  (JUJ);  as Thenius properly 
remarks  in  opposition,  "  never  (even  Gen.  xxxi. 
18  ;  Ex.  iii.  1 ;  Isa.  xi.  16  ;  Ps.  Ixxx.  2  (1)  Song 
of  Songs  viii.  2)  means  lead  except  in  so  far  as  the 
leader  is  at  the  same  time  the  driver  (so  vers.  2, 
22  ;  2  Sam.  vi.  3),  and  never  means  draw  forward, 
lead  on."  Taking  the  verb  in  the  sense  of 
"driving,"  there  is,  however,  no  object  to  the 

verb  in  the  Heb.  text  C.33/);  the  "women  and 
children "  cannot  be  the  object,  since  only  cattle 
has  been  spoken  of.  We  must  therefore  (with 
Then,  after  Vulg.)  make  a  slight  change  in  the 

text  (read  VJiJ?)  and  render :  "  they  (the  drivers) 
drove  (or,  one  drove)  before  him,''  that  is,  before 
David  (who  stood  of  course  at  the  head  of  the 
troop)  this  flock,  namely,  that  which  had  been  cap- 
tured from  the  Amalekites,  to  which  the  outcry 
"  this  is  David's  spoil "  answers  very  well.* 

Vers.  21-25.  David's  return  with  the  recovered 
property  and  the  booty  to  the  two  hundred  men 
who  were  left  behind,  and  the  adjustment  of  a 
strife  which  was  made  by  some  wicked  men  of  his 
band  in  regard  to  the  division  of  the  booty  with 
them. — Ver.  21.  PoUov?  David,  more  precise 
statement  of  what  is  said  in  ver.  10,  that  they 
could  not  go  over  the  brook  Besor  for  weariness. 
The  Sing.  "  he  made  to  abide  "  (found  in  all  an- 
cient VSS.  except  Chald.,  and  in  5  MSS.  of  De 
Eossi)  instead  of  the  Plu.  is  preferable  (Then.), 
not  only  because  it  pertained  to  David  to  permit 
them  to  stay  behind,  but  also  because  he  is  men- 
tioned immediately  before  and  after.  David,  who 
had  left  the  tired  two  hundred  to  guard  the  bag- 
gage, now  gives  them  fr-iendly  greeting  as  they 
come  joyfully  to  meet  him.  On  the  phrase  "he 
sahited  them,"  lit.,  "  asked  after  their  peace,"  see 
XXV.  5 ;  Judg.  xviii.  15. — Ver.  22.  But  in  this 
joyful  meeting  a  discordant  note  was  introduced 
by  certain  "  wicked  and  worthless  persons  ]'  of  the 
band,  who  had  marched  with  David  against  the 
enemy  and  fought  them.  The  translation  of  the 
Sept.  "  the  men  of  war "  is  obviously  an  expla- 
nation, and  does  not  require  (Then.)  a  correspond- 
ing change  in  the  Heb.  text  (nDnSlpn  'Kf  JK).  The 
Sing.  "  with  me "  refers  to  the  individual  man 
who  speaks  in  the  name  of  the  rest  [Eng.  A.  V., 
adsenmm  "with  us."— Tb.].  Because  they 
went  not,  because  they  did  not  share  the  dan- 

*  [On  this  reading  see  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.] 


ger,  they  shall  not  share  the  spoil,  but  each  one 
must  content  himself  with  his  wife  and  children. 
The  "  every  one  "  (K^'X)  is  not  dependent  on  "we 
will  give"  [as  Eng.  A.  V.  has  it],  so  as  to  read, 
"  we  will  give  them  nothing,  except  to  every  man 
his  wife,  etc.",  but  the  proper  translation  is  (The- 
nius) :  "  but  every  one  his  wife  and  children, 
these  let  them  lead  away,  etc.",  because  the  "every 

one"  (ttf'K)  is  too  far  from  the  "to  them"  (DhS) 
to  be  governed  by  the  preposition  "to." — Ver. 
23.  In  a  gentle  and  friendly  way  David  repels 
their  demand.  By  the  address  "my  brethren"  he 
speaks  to  their  hearts,  and  at  the  same  time  al- 
ludes to  the  fraternal  association  in  which  they 
all  stand  with  one  another,  so  that  they  that  np- 
mained  behind  must  receive  their  share  by  fra- 
ternal division.  Do  not  bo,  my  brethren,  by 
that  which  the  Lord  has  given  us. — ns  is 
not  Prep.  =  "with  that  which"  (De  Wette),  but 
the  sign  of  the  Ace.  1=  "  in  respect  to  that  which  " 
freely  rendered  "with"  as  in  Eng.  A.  V. — Tb.]. 
Ewald,  taking  it  as  Ace,  renders  the  phrase  as  an 
ejaculatory  oath  "by  that  which...!"  (Gr.,  J 
329  a),  and  so  as  an  exclamation :  "  think  on  that 
which."  In  favor  of  this  translation,  instead  of 
the  usual  ''  in  respect  to  that  which"  is  partly  the 
interpunction  (a  strong  pause  at  the  word  "my 
brethren,"  Jf??),  as  even  Then,  admits,  partly  the 
excited  feeling  with  which  David  speaks  notwith- 
standing his  friendly  and  gentle  tone,  so  that  this 
rendering  cannot  be  rejected  (Then.)  as  "less  na- 
tural."* Translate  "for  he  has  guarded  us,  etc." 
(the  1  in  iDtJ'^  as  causal). — Ver.  24.  And  who 
■will  hearken  to  you  in  this  word  ;  we  must 
here  beyond  doubt  render  "word"  C^'^)  and  not 
"  thing  "  [as  in  Eng.  A.  V.]  because  of  the  refe- 
rence to  the  "word"  so  emphatically  spoken  by 
the  men.  "For"  ['3  Eng.  A.  V.  "  but"]  refers 
to  the  negation  involved  in  the  question,  the  rea- 
son for  which  is  given  in  the  following  words ; 
according  to  the  sense,  therefore,  it  =  "  but "  or 
"  rather."  The  Sept.  inserts  by  way  of  explana- 
tion the  words :  "  they  are  not  inferior  to  us, 
wherefore,"  but  there  is  no  ground  for  inserting 
this  into  the  Heb.  text  (against  Then.).  As  is 
the  part  ...  so  be  the  part  .  .  .  These  words 
are  explained  by  the  brief  declaration :  together 
shall  they  share,  which  ordains  the  procedure 
corresponding  to  that  rule.f — David  repels  the  op- 
position with  two  arguments,  1)  a  divine,  drawn 
from  the  so  manifestly  experienced  goodness  of  the 
Lord,  pointing  o)  to  the  gift  bestowed  on  them  in 
this  booty  ;  6)  to  the  protection  vouchsafed  them  ; 
c)  to  the  irictory  granted  them ;  2)  a  purely  human, 
in  which  a)  he  aflSrms  that  no  one  will  support 

*  [This  rendering  will  hardly  commend  itself.  An 
oath  would  naturally  be  by  what  God  "  has  done  for  us," 
or  by  His  "mercy  towards  us,"  not  bv  what  He  "has 
given  us."    Sept.  has  "  after  dHN  'ins)  the  Lord  has 

given  us,"  and  Cahen  "  after  what  the  ISternal  has  given 
us."    The  ordinary  rendering  seems    moat   satisfac- 
tory.—Ta.] 
t  On  31-3  see  Ew.  ?  860,  2  o;  the  second  -3  is  here 

also  more  sharply  connected  by  the  Waw.  Cons.,  Josh, 
xiv.  11 ;  Dan.  xi.  29.— Instead  of  K.  Tlin  we  must  of 
course  read  TiTI.  [The  Keth.  may  be  the  old  form 
Tiin.-Tn.] 


348 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


them  in  their  demand,  since  they  were  "  wicked 
and  worthless  people,"  b)  in  proof  of  this  he  points 
out  the  equality  of  soldiers  in  position  and  merit, 
whether  they  take  part  in  battle,  or  act  as  guards 
of  baggage  in  reserve,  and  thence  c)  declares  the 
demand  of  human  justice  "  every  one  his  own," 
every  one  shall  share  in  that  which  has  fallen  to 
all  together.  An  admirable  speech,  which  set 
forth  most  fitly  everything  essential,  and  com- 
pletely settled  the  dispute.  [See  in  Patrick's 
Oomm.  in  loco,  a  citation  from  Polybius  on  the  an- 
cient rule  of  partition  in  war,  and  the  procedure 
of  Publius  Scipio,  like  David's,  given  in  Polyb. 
X.,  XVI.  5  (Bib.  Oomm.).— TE.].—Ver.  25.  So  it 
■was  from  that  day  forv7aid. — David's  decision 
rijled  from  thenceforth.  "  He  made  it,''  the 
Subj.  is  David,  not  indefinite  "  omemade  it"  (Sept., 
Vulg.,  Chald.).     [A  similar  law  in  Numb.  xxxi. 

27,  only  there  the  division  is  between  the  soldiery 
and  those  that  stayed  at  home,  the  former  having 
the  advantage.  David's  rule  was  perhaps  a  spe- 
cial application  of  the  general  principle  ;  it  was 
in  force  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  (2  Mace.  viii. 

28,  30).  See  Bp.  Patrick's  further  illustrations. 
— The  translation  "  upwards,"  referring  back  to 
Abraham,  Gen.  xiv.  23,  24  (Kashi  cited  by  Gill), 
is  plainly  wrong.— Tk.] 

Vers.  26-31.  The  dividing  out  of  the  booty — 
Ver.  26.  David  retained  enough  of  the  booty  in 
the  division  among  his  own  men,  to  send  consi- 
derable presents  to  the  elders  of  Judah,  his 
friends. — The  territory  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  had 
been  the  scene  of  his  wanderings  during  his  per- 
secution by  Saul ;  see  the  express  reference  to  this 
in  ver.  31.  Here  only  his  kingdom  could  and 
was  to  come  to  historical  realization  through  the 
adhesion  tohimof  the  eWers  of  Judah  and  through 
them  of  the  whole  people.  Because  they  were  his 
"friends,"  therefore  he  sent  them  presents  from  the 
spoil  taken  from  Judah's  old  hereditary  enemies; 
he  did  not  send  them  gifts  to  make  them  his 
friends.  [Probably  for  both  reasons. — Tb.].  It 
is  besides  probable  that  many  localities  in  Judah 
had  been  plundered  by  the  Amalekites  in  this 
foray.  F.  W.  Krummacher  :  "  This  was  already 
a  royal  act  in  vivid  anticipation  of  his  impending 
accession  to  the  throne.  Already  the  crown  of 
Israel  was  unmistakably  though  dimly  visible 
above  his  head."  David's  point  of  view  in  send- 
ing these  gifts  is  declared  expressly  to  be  the  re- 
ligious-theocratic in  his  accompanying  words : 
Behold  a  gift  of  blessing  for  you  of  the 
spoil  of  the  enemies  of  the  Iiord. — "  Ble,<!S- 
ing"  (11313)  =  "gift"  which  comes  from  God 
(see  XXV.  27).  The  enemies,  from  whom  the 
booty  was  taken,  he  calls  enemies  of  Jehovah,  be- 
cause they  were  enemies  of  God's  people  and  so 
of  God's  cause  and  kingdom  in  Israel,  yea,  of  God 
Himself,  who  as  covenant-God  identified  Him- 
self with  His  people.  Israel's  conflict  against  its 
enemies  was  a  "  conflict  of  the  Lord,"  see  on  xvii. 
47.  The  booty  taken  in  battle  from  the  Amale- 
kites by  the  Lord's  help  was  therefore  a  gift  of 
God  and  thus  a  "blessing,"  in  which  all  Judah, 
where  was  the  factual  foundation  for  David's  king- 
dom, was  to  share  through  its  elders  and  in  all 
its  separate  localities.  It  must,  therefore,  have 
been  a  very  rich  booty,  as  we  might  also  infer 
from  the  long  duration  of  the  battle. — The  term 
Judah  embraces  all  the  territory  of  that  tribe,  to- 


gether with  certain  after-mentioned  cities  of  Si- 
meon scattered  on  the  south  border  of  Judah,  as 
in  Josh.  XV.  21  sq.  some  cities  of  Simeon  are 
mentioned  among  the  cities  of  Judah. — Ver.  27. 
Bethel  cannot  (according  to  ver.  31)  be  the  city  in 
Benjamin  (now  Beitin) ;  the  Sept.  Vat.  hasBaith- 
soar,  which  Then,  would  adopt  into  the  text  as 
Beth-zur,  the  name  of  a  city  in  the  hill-country  of 
Judah  between  Jerusalem  and  Hebron  (Josh.  xv. 
58;  2  Chron.  xi.  7),  which,  however,  is  unde- 
sirable from  the  great  difference  between  the  syl- 
lables el  and  zur.  It  is  probably  the  same  place 
which  is  called  KesU  in  Josh.  xv.  30,  identical 
with  the  Simeonite  town  called  in  Josh.  xix.  4 
Bethul  and  mentioned  in  1  Chron.  iv.  30  between 
Tolad  and  JSormah  under  the  name  Bethud;  ac- 
cording to  Knobel  ^  Elusa  or  el  Khalasa,  now  a 
large  ruin  about  twelve  miles  south  of  Beersheba, 
comp.  Bob.  I.  333  sq.  [Am.  Ed.  I.  201,  202],  Fay 
[in  Lange's  Bibtework]  and  Keil  on  Josh.  xv.  30, 
V.  Eaumer,  180. — Bamoth^Negeb,  so  called,  in  dis- 
tinction from  other  cities  of  the  .came  name,  as  ly- 
ing in  the  "south-country"  belonging  to  Simeon, 
Josh.  xix.  8.  ["  Shimei  the  Kamathite  (1  Chr. 
xxvii.  27),  who  was  over  David's  vineyards,  was 
evidently  a  native  of  this  Eamah"  {Bii.  Comm.). 
— Te.]. — Jattir,  probably  the  present  ^tor.  Bob. 
II.  422  [Am.  Ed.  I.  494,  II.  204],  a  priestly  city, 
Josh.  XV.  48 ;  xxi.  14 ;  1  Chron.  vi.  42,  in  the 
southern  part  of  the  hill-country  of  Judah,  in 
Eusebius'  time  {Onom.  s.  v.  Jether)  a  large  place 
inhabited  by  Christians,  twenty  Boman  miles 
from  Eleutheropolis,  called  in  Seetzen,  B,.  III.,  S. 
6,  Ater. — Ver.  28.  Aroer,  1  Chron.  xi.  44,  in  Ju- 
dah, now  a  city  with  colossal  ruins  of  foundation- 
walls  in  Wady  Ar'ara,  about  six  miles  south-east 
of  Beersheba  and  eight  miles  south  of  Hebron, 
Bob.  III.  180  [Am.  Ed.  II.  \m'\.—Siphm.oth,  not 
identified,  not  =  Shepham  on  the  north-border  of 
Canaan,  Num.  xxxiv.  10,  11,  the  places  here  men- 
tioned being  all  in  the  south  (see  ver.  31),  accord- 
ing to  Keil,  "  perhaps  found  in  Zebdi  the  Siphmite 
in  1  Chron.  xxvii.  27."  [jBt6.  Comm.  in  loco,  re- 
marks on  the  number  of  cases  in  which  David's 
ofiicials  are  the  companions  of  his  youth.— Tr.]. 
— Eshtemoa,  now  the  large  village  Semua,  accord- 
ing to  Schubert  2225  feet  above  the  level  of  the 
sea,  on  the  south-western  part  of  the  hill-country 
of  Judah,  Bob.  II.  422,  III.  191  [Am.  Ed.  I.  494, 
II.  204,  205],  with  numerous  remains  of  walls, 
once  a  priestly  city  (Josh.  xv.  50 ;  xxi.  14). — 
Ver.  29.  Bachal,  unknown.  Instead  of  this  the 
Sept.  has  five  diflTerent  names  :  Ged,  Kimath,  Sa- 
phek,  Themath,  Karmel,  which  Thenius  would 
msert  in  the  text,  supposing  that  they  might  easily 
have  fallen  out  through  the  repetition  of  the 

phrase  "  to  them  which  "  0^^"^).  But  only  two 
of  these  names  (Gad  and  Karmel)  are  found  else- 
where, and  Then,  is  obliged  therefore  to  suppose 
changes  in  the  original  Greek  forms*  in  order  to 
get  known  names.  But  besides  the  complicated 
character  of  these  changes,  the  conjecture  is  op- 
posed by  the  fact  that  Gath,  as  a  Philistine  city, 


*  He  says:  We  must  very  probably  read  HJ^p  (Josh. 
XV.  22)  for  no'p,  pas  (Josh.  xv.  63)  for  pOD^  and  per- 
haps njnn  (Josh.  XV.  67)  for  nDTl.    So  Buns,  and  Ew., 

T  :    • 

except  that  Instead  of  ODTl  the  latter  reads  DHn 
(Josh.  XV.  62). 


CHAP.  XXX.  1-31. 


349 


cannot  according  to  ver.  26  come  into  considera^ 
tion  here.  And  so  the  conjecture  that  Machal  is 
a  corruption  of  Karmd  is  untenable. — The  cities 
of  the  Jerahmeelites  and  the  Kenitea  were  in  the 
south  of  Judah  (xxvii.  10). — "Ver.  30.  Hormah.  in 
Judah,  alsoin  the  Negob  or  south-country  (Josh, 
XT.  30 1,  assigned  to  the  Simeonites  according  to 
Josh.  xix.  4,  called  by  the  Canaanites  Zephath 
(Judg.  i.  17),  situated  on  the  southern  declivity 
of  the  mountains  of  the  Amalekites  or  the  Amo- 
rites,  now  called  Sepata  [the  pass  es-Sufa,  Rob. 
ii.  181, — ^Te.],  a  ruin  on  the  western  declivity  of 
the  elevated  plateau  Eakhma,  five  miles  south 
of  Khalasa  (Elusa),  see  Bitter  14,  1085  [Smith's 
Bih.  Diet,  Art.  Hormah;  see  Josh.  xii.  14. — 
Tr.].  Comp.  Num.  xiv.  45;  xxi.  3,  the  latter 
as  to  the  meaning  of  the  name :  banning,  ban- 
place. — Ohor-ashan  i>Tohahly==Ashan*  (Josh.  xv. 
42),  according  to  Josh.  xix.  7  a  city  of  Simeon 
(1  Chron.  iv.  32). — Athach,  only  here,  otherwise 
unknown ;  Then,  conjectures  the  reading  to  be 
Ether   (ini?.),  a  Simeonite  city  (Josh.  xix.  7; 

XV.  43),  which  is  possible  from  the  similarity  of 
the  third  letters  [f\,  ^].  In  ver.  30  the  Sept.  has 
Jarmuth  for  Hormah,  and  inserts  two  additional 
names,  Beer-sheba  (Josh.  xv.  28;  xix.  2)  and 
Nombe,  for  which  Then,  refers  to  the  Nuba 
visited  by  Tobler. — Ver.  31.  Hebron,  fourteen 
miles  south  of  Jerusalem,  a  primeval  city  (Gen. 
xxiii.  17 ;  Num.  xiii.  22),  in  a  deep  and  narrow 
valley  in  the  hill-country  of  Judah,  now  d  Khar 
lil,  that  is.  Friend  of  God,  so  called  with  reference 
to  Abraham's  residence  there. — And  to  all 
places,  etc. — David  showed  himself  grateful  to 
all  who  befriended  and  adhered  to  him  as  a  fugi- 
tive, and  bound  them  still  closer  to  him. 

HISTOEICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  It  is  a  wonderful  providence  of  God  in  the 
development  of  the  parallel-running  fates  of  Saul 
and  David  that,  just  before  the  catastrophe  which 
overwhelmed  Saul  and  his  house  and  kingdom, 
the  ways  of  both  men  seem  to  sink  into  the  depths 
of  misfortune,  and  lose  themselves  without  a 
trace,  Saul's  way  in  battle  with  the  Philistines, 
David's  in  hostilities  with  the  Amalekites.  And 
so  the  nation  Israel,  already  divided  in  fact  be- 
tween Saul  and  David,  seems  to  be  carried  along 
to  destruction  with  its  two  heads,  and  given  up 
beyond  salvation  to  its  two  mightiest  hereditary 
foes.  And  on  both  sides  God's  punitive  justice 
is  seen  controlling  human  sin,  for  not  only  Saul, 
on  whose  head  God's  final  judgment  of  wrath 
descends,  is  guilty,  David's  strait  also  is  the 
result  of  his  sin.  This  consisted  1)  in  his  sinful 
weakness  of  faith  and  despair,  which  led  him  to 
have  recourse  to  Israel's  enemy,  instead  of  re- 
maining trustfully  in  Judah  according  to  the 
Lord's  direction  (xxii.  5) ;  2)  in  his  untruthful- 
ness and  prevarication,  which  led  him  to  join  the 
enemy  against  his  own  people,  the  Amalekites 
meantime,  while  he  was  marching  north,  plun- 
dering his  possessions  in  the  south,  and  3)  in  his 
extremely  cruel  and  bloody  foray  against  the 
Amalekites  (xxvii.),  for  which  he  had  received 
no  commission  from  the  Lord,  by  which  their 

*  [A  priestly  city,  1  Chron.  vi.  44  (Eng.  A.  V.  vi.  69). 
— Te.] 


vengeance  was  kindled  against  him.  All  this 
teaches  us,  as  we  look  at  David  and  at  Saul,  that 
sin  is  destruction.  And  yet,  notwithstanding 
this  similarity  in  suffering,  which  appears,  on 
the  one  hand,  as  a  divine  punishment,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  in  sin  as  cause  of  destruction, 
there  is  here  completed  to  the  eye  that  can 
recognize  God's  ways,  in  a  summary  and  epoch- 
making  manner  that  most  important  contrast, 
whose  nistory  runs  through  the  whole  develop- 
ment of  the  kingdom  of  God  in  the  Old  Covenant 
and  in  the  New.  Saul's  way  vanishes  in  the 
darkness  of  an  unfortunate  battle  with  the  old 
enemy  of  the  nation,  into  whose  hand  God  gives 
him  and  the  people,  and  his  life  ends  in  despair ; 
the  sentence  of  rejection  is  executed.  David's 
way  emerges  from  the  gloom,  he  returns  as  vic- 
tor over  the  foe,  dispenses  presents  with  princely 
munificence,  his  kingdom  nourishes  in  the  south 
over  the  whole  territory  of  the  mighty  tribe  of 
Judah,  whose  power  southward  agamst  the  tribes 
of  which  Amalek  was  the  most  dangerous  in  its 
enmity,  and  westward  against  the  powerful  Phi- 
listines, was  the  protection  and  guard  of  all  Israel. 
While's  Saul's  star  sinks  in  the  north,  the  star  of 
David  rises  in  the  south,  and  there  begins  the 
long  line  of  fulfillments  of  the  prophecy  concern- 
ing the  Star  that  should  come  out  of  Jacob 
(Num.  xxiv.  17).  While  in  the  north  Israel, 
involved  in  Saul's  destruction  and  the  divine 
judgment  passed  against  him,  lies  prostrate  be- 
fore the  Philistines,  David's  victory  frees  the 
south  from  the  enemy,  and  in  Judah  the  founda- 
tion of  the  new  kingdom  of  the  future  is  laid  by 
the  heroic  achievement  of  David  and  his  men, 
and  by  his  noble  and  winning  behaviour.  This 
great  contrast  in  the  fates  of  Saul  and  David  is, 
however,  founded  in  the  contrast  in  their  posture 
of  heart  to  the  Lord  :  Saul  has  lost  sight  of  God, 
hardened  himself  against  Him  in  pride,  self-will 
and  hate  to  David,  lost  ethical  ability  to  repent, 
and  in  his  time  of  need  applied  to  anti-godly 
powers  and  deceitful  human  counsel.  David,  on 
the  contrary,  shows  us  his  heart,  as  it  bows  in 
sorrow  before  Him  (ver.  4)  under  the  painful, 
but  not  undeserved  strokes  of  God's  hand  (vers. 
5,  6),  but  in  the  bitterest  experiences,  when  his 
own  men  turn  against  him,  does  not  yield  to  de- 
spair, but  loolts  to  the  Lord  for  strength.  And 
so  he  receives  the  consolatory  revelation  of  God's 
wiU  and  promise  of  divine  help,  and  experiences 
the  Lord^s  saving  and  blessing  power.  From 
these  gloomy  paths  David  comes  forth  as  a  man 
after  God's  own  heart,  to  whom  has  come  the 
experience  that  God  gives  grace  to  the  humble 
and  causes  the  upright  to  succeed. 

2.  The  strengthemng-  of  the  inner  life  in  the  Lord 
in  time  of  need  (as  David  here  found)  consists  in 
the  undoubtful  experience  and  knowledge  of 
what  is  well-plea-sing  to  God  through  enlighten- 
ment from  above,  in  fulfilling  it  with  pious  con- 
fidence and  hope  in  His  help  through  the  conso- 
lations of  His  word,  and  in  the  permeation  of 
one's  own  will  by  the  sanctifying  might  of  the 
divine  will,  which  lifts  up  the  sunken  courage, 
and  makes  the  crushed  or  depressed  will  to 
mount  to  bold  resolution  and  energetic  action. 
Such  a  strengthening  attests  itself  particularly  in 
the  casting  of  all  care  on  Him,  and  in  brave 
struggle  against  all  the  powers  of  flesh  and  blood, 


350 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


which  oppress  and  take  captive  the  inner  life. 
The  condition  of  sucli  an  inspiriting  and  strength- 
ening of  the  inner  life  of  the  member  of  God's 
kingdom  is  his  open-heartedness  and  receptivity 
for  the  divine  vital  powers,  which  are  at  the  dis- 
posal of  every  one  who  will  appropriate  them, 
and  constant  intercourse  with  the  Lord  in  un- 
changeable association  of  life  with  him  founded 
on  thorough  humble  devotion  to  him,  without 
which  neither  can  man  be  God's  property,  nor 
God  man's ;  all  this  being  involved  in  the  words : 
"  David  strengthened  himself  in  the  Lord  his 
God." 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  ScHiiiER :  What  else  were  the  Ama- 
lekites  than  the  Lord's  rods  of  chastening,  to 
chasten  David  for  all  his  improprieties)  in  the 
land  of  the  Philistines?  For  whom  the  Lord 
loveth  He  chasteneth,  and  with  His  children  He 
is  always  strictest. — Bebl.  Bib.  :  God  does  not 
leave  His  people  long  in  sin,  but  soon  raps  them 
over  the  knuckles  when  they  go  off  on  their  own 
ways,  in  order  that  they  may  come  into  the  track 
again. — S.  Schmid:  When  we  go  out  of  the 
house  we  should  heartily  pray,  for  we  know  not 
in  what  manner  we  shall  return. — Ver.  2.  Staekb  : 
That  is  God's  custom  in  dealing  with  His  people; 
before  He  exalts  them.  He  humbles  them  first. 
Prov.  XV.  33 ;  1  Sam.  ii.  7. — Cramer:  God  still 
cares  for  His  own,  and  lays  on  them  no  more 
trouble  tlian  they  can  hear  (1  Cor.  x.  13),  and 
also  restrains  their  enemies  from  making  their 
cross  heavier  by  a  hair. — Vers.  3-5.  Beri..  Bib.  : 
David  was  guided  in  a  way  so  universal,  that 
one  camiot  experience  nor  even  know  anything 
which  was  not  to  be  found  in  him.  And  those 
who  shall  read  attentively  what  is  said  of  David, 
will  therein  certainly  meet  with  their  own  con- 
dition ;  and  this  the  more  exactly,  in  proportion 
as  they  have  gone  further  and  become  more  con- 
formed to  Jesus  Christ. — [Ver.  4.  Henry  :  It  is 
no  disparagement  to  the  boldest  and  bravest 
spirits  to  lament  the  calamities  of  relations  and 
friends. — Tr.] — Ver.  6  sqq^.  Sohlibr:  David 
was  strong  in  the  Lord  and  m  the  power  of  His 
might,  for  in  prayer  he  had  won  over  again  the 
Lord  hi.^  God  and  gained  His  gracious  promise. 
—[Taylor  :  As  sometimes  the  partially  intoxi- 
cated man  will  be  sobered  in  a  moment  by  the 
occurrence  of  some  terrible  calamity,  so  David, 
who  had  been  living  all  these  months  under  the 
narcotic  influence  of  sin,  was  by  the  violence 
of  the  Amalekites  and  the  threatened  mutiny 
of  his  own  men  roused  to  his  nobler  self,  and 
he  "strengthened  himself  in  the  Lord  his 
God."— Te.J—Berlenb. Bible:  He  strengthens 
himself  in  God  through  an  increased  composure 
and  through  the  union  of  his  wiU  with  the  will 
of  God,  as  himself  doing  or  permitting  all  this. — 
Egos:  David  saw  no  means  before  him  of  reco- 
vering his  wives,  children  and  property  and  those 
of  his  followers.  But  he  strengthened  himself  in 
faith  in  the  omniscience,  wisdom  and  alraightiness 
of  God,  and  obtained  through  the  Light  and 
Eight  [Urim  and  Thummim]  good  instruction 
from  God.  Now  as  David  did,  so  should  the  be- 
lieving seed  of  Abraham  in  every  need.  We 
ghould  not  give  way  to  gloomy  unbelief,   but 


strengthen  ourselves  in  our  God.  We  should 
and  may  do  this  all  the  more  because  the  heart 
of  God  is  in  Christ  Jesus  or  revealed  to  us  yet 
more  clearly  than  to  David. — Ver.  8.  Berl.  Bi- 
ble :  If  it  was  a  duty  under  the  Old  Testament, 
in  an  enterprise  pertaining  to  war,  thus  to  turn 
first  to  God  before  resolving  on  anything,  that 
yet  the  spirit  of  the  Old  Testament  carried 
along  with  it,  and  did  not  absolutely  forbid,  how 
much  more  among  Christians  under  the  New  Tes- 
tament should  nothing  of  the  sort  be  done  with- 
out the  divine  consent,  without  first  duly  consult- 
ing thereupon  with  Christ  and  His  Spirit.  [Tay- 
lor :  Very  suggestive  is  this  contrast.  "  David 
said,  I  shall  one  day  perish  by  the  hand  of  Saul  ; 
there  is  nothing  better  for  me  than  that  I  should 
speedily  escape  to  the  land  of  the  Philistines." 

David  strengthened  himself  in  the  Lord  his 
God,  and  said  unto  Abiathai,  Bring  hither  the 
ephod."  On  the  one  hand  despair,  leading  to 
prayerlessness  and  self-will ;  on  the  other,  faith, 
leading  to  prayer  and  eager  willinghood  to  sub- 
mit to  the  guidance  of  Jehovah.-TR.].— Vers.  9,10, 
Hedinger:  He  hopes  in  vain  for  consolation 
from  God,  who  will  not  make  use  of  God's  coun- 
sel.— S.  Schmid  :  As  man  acts  towards  God  so 
God  acts  towards  man  (Levit.  xxvi.  27,  28). — 
Schlier  :  As  David  humbled  himself  before  God, 
God  also  acknowledged  him  again  and  took  him 
up. — We  men  cannot  enough  humble  ourselves 
before  the  Lord,  but  neither  can  we  have  enough 
confidence  in  the  Lord. — Ver.  11.  Hedinger 
[from  Hall]  :  Worldly  wisdom  teacheth  us  to 
sow  small  courtesies  where  we  may  reap  large 
harvests  of  recompense. — Verses  13,  14  [from 
Hall]  :  Wonderful  is  the  providence  of  God, 
even  over  those  that  are  not  in  the  nearest  bonds 
His  own. — Ver.  16  [from  Hall]  :  Destruction  is 
never  nearer  than  when  security  has  chased  away 
fear.  The  world  passes  away  with  its  lust ;  well 
for  him  who  is  on  his  guard  and  seeks  in  time 
what  promotes  his  peace. — Ver.  17.  Cramer: 
God  blesses  the  possessions  of  the  pious  and  causes 
all  to  go  well  with  them  (Ps.  i.  3,  4). — Vers.  18, 
19.  God  gives  more  than  we  could  have  desiired 
and  hoped  for  from  Him. — Schlier  :  Only  for 
children  of  God  who  in  trying  times  seek  the 
Lord  does  it  hold  good,  that  when  the  need  is 
highest  God's  help  is  also  nighest.  We  will  ne- 
ver forget  that  a  few  days  after  David's  own  peo- 
ple were  about  to  stone  him  on  the  ruins  of  Zik- 
lag,  the  royal  crown  was  laid  at  his  feet. — [Ver. 
24.  This  principle  will  apply  to  soldiers  and  non- 
combatants,  ministers  and  their  wives,  missionaries 
and  those  at  home  who  sustain  them. — Ver.  26. 
How  delightful  when  the  prompting  of  gratitude 
for  the  past  coincides  with  the  dictate  of  policy 
for  the  future. — Tr.] 

Vers.  3-8.  Might  behaviour  before  Ood  in  need 
and  anguish:  1)  These  men  do  not  pretend  to 
stoical  indifference,  but  let  their  grief  have  free 
course,  as  the  Lord  has  brought  it  on  them  (ver. 
4) ;  2)  They  bow  low  in  humiltty  under  the  hand 
of  Ood,  renouncing  all  self-help,  and  seeing  hu- 
man support  vanish  before  their  eyes  (ver.  6  o) ; 
3)  They  lift  themselves  cheerfully  up  again  in  power 
and  strength,  procured  from  the  Lord  (ver.  6  6-8). 

Vers.  6-20.  The  Lord  is  Bis  peoples  mighty  rock 
of  defence  against  the  opposers  of  his  kingdom. :  1)  He 
gives  them  his  counsel  upon  their  inquiry  when  in 


CHAP.  XXXI.  1-13. 


351 


straits ;  2)  He  fills  them  with  his  ■pomcr  for  the 
conflict  enjoined  upon  them  ;  3)  He  leads  them 
according  to  his  promises  to  glorious  vielory;  4)  He 
causes  them  to  come  forth  fiom  the  conmct  with 
a  rich  blessing. 

The  Lord's  help  in  great  need :  1)  To  whom  is  it 
given  f  a)  To  him  who  betakes  himself  to  the 
Lord  with  prayerful  inqvAry  (ver.  7) ;  6)  To  him 
who  humbly  gives  himself  up  to  the  Lord's  gui- 
dance; a)  in  obedience  to  His  commandment;  /3) 
in  trust  upon  Hispromises  (ver.  8).  2)  Bom  does 
the  Lord  render  His  help  ?  a)  Through  His  word 
— answering  the  inquiries  addressed  to  Him  in 
need — putting  an  end  to  uncertainty  by  its  deci- 
sion—  banishing  all  anxiety  and  despondency 
from  the  heart  of  consoling  promises  (ver.  8) ;  6) 
Through  His  deed — in  often  quite  unexpectedly 
pointing  out  the  right  ways  and  means  that  lead  to 
the  end  (vers.  11-16) — in  often  wonderfully  ren- 
dering his  assistance  amid  threatening  perils  (ver. 
17  sq.) — and  in  causing  a  rich  gain  to  be  obtained 
from  the  most  trying  times  of  need. 

The  subjects  of  Ood!s  kingdom,  in  conflict  with  the 
world:  1)  They  enter  into  the  conflict,  strength- 
ened in  the  strength  of  the  Lord;  2)  They  congiier 
in  the  conflict,  under  the  guidance  and  support 
of  the  Lord ;  3)  They  come  ovi  of  the  conflict, 
crowned  with  the  rich  blessing  of  the  Lord. 

[Ver.  11.  The  forsaken  slave:  1)  Even  the  mean- 
est may  not  be  neglected  with  impunity.  2)  Even 


the  poorest, may  richly  reward  his  benefactors. 
3)  Even  the  weakest  may  be  the  means  of  accom- 
plishing great  results  (David's  recovering  posses- 
sions and  family,  regaining  the  devotion  of  his  fol- 
lowers, and  reviving  the  friendship  of  his  tribes- 
men, thus  smoothing  Ids  way  to  the  throne).  4) 
Even  the  lowKest  is  cared  for  by  Providence,  and 
his  fortunes  linked  with  the  highest,  in  the  pro- 
vidential network  of  society. 

[Vers.  1-26.  Returning  Home — Two  Pictures. 
I.  The  sorrowful  return.  1)  He  had  left  home 
without  seeking  the  Lord's  guidance — apparently 
to  fight  against  the  Lord's  people — uncertain  and 
unhappy.  2)  He  had  returned,  because  dis- 
trusted, and  sent  away  in  dishonor.  3)  He  found 
his  home  in  ashes,  and  his  family  carried  cap- 
tive. 4)  His  personal  wretchedness  was  enhanced 
by  the  natural  wrath  of  his  followers.  II.  The 
subsequent  joyful  return.  1)  He  leaves  with  ex- 
plicit Divine  direction  and  promise — to  fight  na- 
tional as  well  as  private  enemies — hopeful  and 
happy.  2)  He  returns  victorious  and  honored. 
3)  He  has  regained  greater  wealth  than  he  had 
lost.  4)  His  personal  joy  is  increased  by  the  pri- 
vilege of  sending  gifts  to  his  friends.  And  now 
what  unites  the  two  pictures  ;  His  sorrowful  re- 
turn led  him  to  deep  penitence,  revived  faith 
(ver.  6)  and  humble  prayer  (ver.  8)  ;  and  from 
these  resulted  the  joyful  return.  Sore  afflictions, 
when  rightly  borne,  often  open  the  way  to  life's 
sweetest  joy. — Te.] 


IV.  Death  and  Burial  of  Savl  and  his  Sons. 

Chapter  XXXL  1-13.     [Comp.  1  Chron.  X.] 

1  Now  [And]  the  Philistines  fought'  against  Israel,  and  the  men  of  Israel  fled 

2  from  before  the  Philistines  and  fell  down  slain'  in  mount  Gilboa.     And  the  Philis- 
tines followed  hard'  upon  Saul  and  upon  his  sons ;  and  the  Philistines  slew  Jona- 

3  than  and  Abinadab  and  Melchishua,*   Saul's  sons.     And  the  battle  went  sore 
against  Saul  and  the  archers'  hit  him,  and  he  was  sore  wounded  [sore  afraid]  of 

4  the  archers.  Then  said  Saul  [And  Saul  said]  unto  his  armour-bearer,  Draw  thy 
sword  and  thrust  me  through  therewith,  lest  these  uncircumcised  come  and  thrust 


TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

i[Ver.  1.  The  Partcp.  is  found  also  in  the  Syr.  and  Chald.  ("the  Phil,  were  breaking  out  in  war").  The  paral- 
lel passage,  1  Chr.  x.  1,  has  the  Perf..  which  Wellh.  prefers  here  on  the  ground  that  the  statement  is  too  impor- 
tant to  be  made  in  the  form  of  an  adjectival  sentence;  but  the  principal  thought  in  the  mind  of  the  writer  was 
Saul's  death,  not  the  fact  of  the  battle.— Tb.] 

2  LVer.  1.  Erdmann :  "And  there  fell  down  plain  men,"  which  is  so  far  better,  as  the  Eng.  A.  V.  seems  to  rep- 
resent all  the  men  of  Israel  as  falling  down  slain.  But  this  general,  indefinite  phrase,  would  not  be  strange  in 
Heb.— Te.J 

8  [Ver.  2.  On  the  form  of  (he  verb  Comission  of  the  i  in  the  Hiph.  Impf.)  see  Ew.  ?  232)  c  2.  Ges.  ?  53. 3,  Bern.  4. 
Green  ?  94  c.  The  other  examples  of  this  shortening  (which  is  regular  in  Aramaic)  are  1  Sam,  xiv.  22 ;  Jerem.  ix. 
2.— TbJ 

*  [Ver.  2,  Sept.  writes  these  names  Aminadab  and  Melchisa,  which  are  misreadings  of  the  text.  The  differ- 
ence of  pronunciation  in  the  second  name  (e  instead  of  our  masoretio  a)  is  to  be  noticed.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  Fully :  "  The  archers  (or,  throwers),  men  with  the  bow,"  in  which  the  O'E^JX  (omitted  in  1  Chr.  i. 
3)  makes  a  grammatical  difficulty.  But.  as  its  harshness  will  account  for  its  omission  in  Chron.,  and  we  could 
not  well  aooou 
which  Chron. 

connected  with  PIT,  hut  =  TT\Vn  and  means  any  "  caster,"  coming  to  the  Hebrews  from  the  Phoenicians. — Tb.] 


not  well  account  for  its  presence  here  by  clerical  error,  it  is  better  to  retain  it  as  a  phrase  explanatory  of  D'''^lDi 
n.  also  explains  by  the  word  "  bow  "="  throwers  with  the  bow."— Wellh.  conjectures  that  nilD  is  not 


352  THE  FIEST  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


me  through'  and  abuse  me.     But  his  armour-bearer  would  not,  for  he  was  sore 

5  afraid.  Therefore  [And]  Saul  took  a  [the]  sword  and  fell  upon  it.  And  when 
his  armour-bearer  saw  that  Saul  was  dead,  he  fell  likewise   [he  also  fell]  upon  his 

6  sword  and  died  with  him.     So  Saul  died,  and  his  three  sons  and  his  armour-bearer 

7  and'  all  his  men  that  same  day  together.  And  when  the  men  of  Israel  that  were 
on  the  other  side  of  [beyond]'  the  valley  [plain]  and  they  that  were  on  the  other 
side  [beyond]  Jordan  saw  that  the  mea  of  Israel  fled,  and  that  Saul  and  his  sons 
were  dead,  they  forsook  the  cides  and  fled  ;  and  the  Philistines  came  and  dwelt  in 
them. 

8  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the  morrow,  when  the  Philistines  came  to  strip  the  slain, 

9  that  they  found  Saul  and  his  three  sons  fallen  in  Mount  Gilboa.  And  they  cut  ofi" 
his  head  and  stripped  ofi"  his  armour,  and  sent'  into  the  land  of  the  Philistines  round 
about,  to  publish  it  in  the  house  [houses]^"  of  their  idols  and  among  the  people. 

10  And  they  put  his  armour  in  the  house  of  Ashtaroth,  and  they  fastened"  his  body 
to  the  wall  of  Bethshan." 

11  And  when  l_om.  when]  the  inhabitants  of  Jabesh-Grilead  heard  of  that  which  the 

12  Philistines  had  done  to  Saul,  All  [And  all]  the  valiant  meu  arose,  and  went  all 
night,  and  took  the  body  of  Saul,  and  the  bodies  of  his  sons  from  the  well  of  Beth- 

13  shan,  and  came  to  Jabesh  and  burnt  them  there.     And  they  took  their  bones  and 
buried  them  under  a  tree  [the  tamarisk]  at  Jabesh,  and  fasted  seven  days. 

'  (Ter.  4.  The  verb.  "  thrust  through  "  la  not  found  in  1  Chr.  i.  4,  and  Wellh.  proposes  to  omit  it  here  because 
baul  could  not  in  any  case  hope  to  escape  this  fate  at  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  But  Saul  asks  only  that  he  may 
not  be  slam  by  the  enemy,  Bertheau's  view  that  the  word  is  here  a  copyist's  erroneous  repetition  of  the  pre- 
ceding '■  thrust  through  "  is  replied  to  by  Thenius :  if  Saul  had  only  feared  capture,  we  should  have  had  in  the 
text  besides  the  ■'  come  "  some  »ueli  word  as  "  seize."— Tb  ] 

'  [Ver.  6.  Instead  of  QJ  several  MSS.  and  one  Targum.  MS.  (De  Eogsi)  read  DJl  "and  also  all  his  men." 

The  substitution  of  "  all  his  house  "  in  1  Chr.  x.  6,  for  "  all  his  men  "  does  not  warrant  us  in  changing  this  text. 
Our  phrase  is  not  to  be  considered  as  a  '*  plight  exaggeration,"  nor  as  foreign  to  our  author  (as,  namely,  a  weak- 
ening of  the  tragic  impression  made  by  the  simple  trutli),  but  as  a  general  phrase  =  his  whole  army,  not  unusual 
among  historical  writers. — Tn.] 

8  [Ver.  7.  Instead  of  "on  the  other  side"  or  "beyond,"  Erdmann  renders  "on  the  side  of,"  which  conveys 
the  sense  here,  though  it  is  not  a  literal  rendering.    The  word  13J?  means  "  beyond  "  (so  Gesen.  against  Furst) 


and  describps  either  side  of  a  river  acnording  to  the  position  of  the  speaker  or  writer ;  thus  it  may  in  some  in- 
stances =  the  country  on  the  side  of  a  river  or  plain.  As  it  apparently  here  describes  the  western  side  of  the 
Jordan,  it  njight  seem  that  the  narator  lived  east  of  the  river  {mb.  Com.) ;  but  this  is  not  necessary,  as  the  phrase 
may  have  the  general  meaning  above  stated. — Ta.] 

»  I  Ver.  9.  Whether  they  sent  messengers  (in  wnich  case  the  Qal  would  be  the  appropriate  form  of  the  verb)  or 
the  head  and  armour  (as  the  Piel  of  tlie  text  would  indicate)  is  doubtful.— Tn.] 

10  [Ver.  9.  There  is  no  reason  why  wo  should  assimilate  the  texts  of  Samuel  and  Chronicles  here,  reading  HK 
(Chr.)  for  JTD  (Sam.).  Some  MSS.,  however,  give  the  latter  reading  in  1  Chr.  x.  9,  no  doubt  from  the  disposition 
to  assimilate — Te.] 

11  [Wr.  '0.  The  Cliald.  has  "suspended"  37X  —  Heb.  xSh,  which  is  found  in  2  Sam.  xxi.  12;  the  difference 
in  the  wording  is  not  unnatural,  and  we  need  not  read  here  IJ^pil  (from  j?p'  "impale  ")  instead  of  l^pjT  (Well- 
hausen). — Tb.] 

12  [Ver.  10.  On  the  supposition  that  this  verse  and  1  Chr.  x.  10  are  both  parts  of  a  longer  statement,  various 
attempts  have  been  made  to  re-estaDlish  the  original  complete  text.  Ewald  (Geseh.  III.  162  Sum.)  inserts  in  our 
verse  after  'Ashtaroth  "  the  words :  "  and  his  skull  in  the  house  of  Dagon,"  the  Chronicler  then  inserting  }VpT\ 

from  the  last  clause.    The  difficulty  in  this  attempt  is  not  so  much  to  account  for  the  l^pH  in  Chron.  (Wellh.), 

as  to  account  for  the  omission  of  the  clause  in  Sam.    Why  not  state  tliat  Saul's  skull  was  hung  up  in  the  temple 

of  Dagon  ?    Wellhausen's  view  that  the  "  body  "  (IT'liOand  "  skull "  (rnjhi)  refer  to  the  same  fact  is  in  itself  not 

improbable  ;  one  account  might  use  the  general  word  "body,"  the  other  might  mention  the  most  striking  part, 
the  "  skull,"  In  that  case  the  "  Beth-Dagon"  must  be  identified  with  the  "  wall  of  Bethshan  "  by  supposinc  that 
the  temple  of  Dagon  was  in  Beth-Siian.  This,  however,  is  an  improbable  supposition,  and  there  remains  the 
view  that  the  two  texts  were  not  orig:inally  identical,  but  that  the  two  accounts  vary  by  mentioning  diiferent  cir- 
cumstances in  the  general  fact.  Wellhausen  also  holds  that  the  two  verses  are'  not  constructed  from  one  origi- 
nal text,— Observe  that  instead  of  the  mj  of  Samuel,  Chron.  has  n3Ji  perhaps  m  obedience  to  a  change  in  good 

usage.— Te.] 

Pliilistines,"  etc.,  ''  the  men  of  Israel  fled,"  etc. 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-7.  The  battle  lost.  Death  of  Scml  and 
his  soTis. — Ver.  1  is  connected  with  xxix.  1  (comp. 
xxviii.  1,  4  eq.).  The  partcp.  "were  fighting" 
[ho  the  Pleb.]  presupposes  the  accmint  given  in 
xxviii.  1,  4  and  xxix.  1  of  the  preparations  for 
the  battle,  and  thence  forms  an  adjectival  sentence, 
which  is  to  be  understood  thus :  "  When  now  the 


Driven  from  the  place  the  men  of  Lsrael  took  re- 
■  fuge  in  mount  Gilboa  (see  xxviii.  4),  and  were 
thither  followed  by  thePhilistines  and  slain.  [Or, 
less  probably,  the  mountain  itself  may  have  been 
the  scene  of  battle. — Tb.] — Ver.  2.  Sept.  renders : 
"the  Philistines  press  closely  on,  come  np  with 
{(TwdnTovm)  f  it  does  not,  however,  thence  follow 
that  they  read  Impf.  Qal  (of  p3^)  with  ^7  for 


CHAP.  XXXI.  1-13. 


353 


the  Hiph.  with  Ace.  (so  1  Chron.  x.  2  it  is  used 
with  the  Prep,  "after,"  comp.  1  Sam.  xiv.  22; 
Judg.  XX.  45),  also  means  "to  hang  closely  at  one's 
feet,  overtake  him"  (comp.  Judg.  xviii.  22). — 
On  the  three  sons  of  Saul  see  on  xiv.  49. — Ver.  3. 

"  The  battle  went  sore  to  ('?!<)  Saul."  It  is  un- 
necessary to  read  "against"  {'^)  instead  of 
"to,"  since  the  phrase  describes  the  movement 
of  the  battle  "towards"  Saul;  the  battle  wa.i 
sore  "towards"  Saul,  after  his  three  sous  had 
fallen.  [Vulg. :  "  the  whole  weight  of  the  battle 
turned  against  [or  towards]  Saul." — Tb.]  The 
archers  especially  harassed  him.  Men  ^with 
the  bow  is  in  apposition  with  "shooters" 
(DniD).  Bender :  They  hit  him  (taken  abso- 
lutely), not  "hit  him  with  the  bow,"  the  verb  not 
being  elsewhere  so  used.*    And  he  vyas  sore 

afraid  (from  '^'n  or  TIH),  not,  as  Sept.  and  Vulg., 
''was  sore  wounded,"  this  signification  for  the 

verb  SSn  _(=  nSn)  "being  not  proved"  (Keil). 
[The  signification  "  wounded"  would  be  permis- 
sible but  for  the  masoretic  pointing  and  the  fol- 
lowing Prep. — Tr.]  He  trembled,  was  fright- 
ened" at  the  archers,  because,  the  battle  going 
hard  against  him,  he  saw  no  way  of  escaping 
them,  or  of  resisting  the  enemy's  superior  force, 
especially  as,  since  the  death  of  his  sons,  he  was 
aJone  with  his  armor-bearer.  And  even  if  we 
suppose  that  it  was  not  despairing  fear  that  he  felt 
(which,  however,  after  the  scene  at  Endor,  might 
well  get  control  of  him,  notwithstanding  his  old 
heroism  of  character),  but  only  failure  of  resources 
(Thenius),  yet  his  fear  and  trembling  at  the  shame 
that  threatened  him  (ver.  4)  may  be  easily  ex- 
plained. Thenius  thinks  that  his  request  to  his 
armor-bearer  to  kill  him  is  intelligible  only  on 
the  supposition  that  he  was  badly  wounded,  and 
so  unfit  for  resistance,  and  properly  also  for  self- 
destruction.  But,  as  he  finally  killed  himseK,  he 
could  not  have  been  too  badly  wounded  for  this. 
It  is  quite  in  keeping  with  Saul's  condition  of 
soul  (abandoned  to  despair)  that,  at  the  mere  pos- 
sibility of  being  slain  by  the  Philistines  he  sought 
death  at  the  hands  of  his  attendant.  Clearly  in 
favor  of  this  view,  and  against  the  other,  is  Saul's 
address  to  his  armor-bearer :  Dra^7  thy  sword 
and  pierce  me  therewith,  lest  these  un- 
circumcised  come  and  pierce  me  and 
abuse  me.  Saul  had  a  strong  consciousness  of 
the  sacredness  of  his  person  as  the  Anointed  of 
the  Lord,  and  must  therefore  have  held  it  a  great 
shame  to  be  slain  by  the  idolatrous,  unclean  hea- 
then. The  armor-bearer  would  not,  for  he 
was  sore  afraid ;  he  had,  indeed,  to  defend  the 
kiag's  life,  and  was  responsible  for  its  preserva- 
tion. And  Saul  took  the  sword  and  fell 
on  it ;  that  is,  having  set  the  hilt  on  the  ground, 
he  threw  the  weight  of  his  body  on  the  point,  and 
thus  killed  himself.  The  scene  is  clearly  and 
vividly  portrayed  with  a  few  admirable  strokes. 
[For  the  meaning  of  the  contrary  account  2  Sam. 
i.  10  see  notes  on  that  pasoage. — Tb.] — Ver.  5. 
The  armor-bearer's  fear,  here  again  brought  for- 
ward, was  based,  no  doubt,  on  the  above-named 
consideration ;  he  was  answerable  for  the  king's 
person,  and  might  also  be  apprehensive  that  he 

*  [See  "  Text,  and  Grammat."— Tb.] 
23 


would  be  regarded  as  his  murderer.  He  followed 
his  lord's  example,  and  slew  himself.  At  the 
same  time  also  all  his  men  were  slain.  1 
Chron.  x.  6  has  "  all  his  house"  instead  of  "all  his 
men."  Certainly  Abner,  who  was  no  doubt  in 
the  battle,  had  not  fallen,  2  Sam.  xi.  8  (Then.), 
but  that  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  statement, 
since  he,  as  Saul's  General  (xiv.  50  sq.)  belonged, 
strictly  speaking,  neither  to  the  "house"  nor  to 
the  "  men,"  by  which  term  we  must  understand 
the  soldiers  who  were  near  the  king's  person,  his 
body-guard,  as  it  were. — Ver.  7.  A  distinction  is 
here  made  between  the  "  men  of  Israel "  who  were 
non-combatants  and  dwelt  east  of  the  field  of  bat- 
tle, and  the  "men  of  Israel"  who  formed  the 
army.  The  former  are  described  as  those  who 
dwelt  "  on  the  side  of  the  plain  and  on  the  side 
of  the  Jordan."*  The  "plain"  is  the  lowland 
between  mount  Gilboa  on  the  south  and  little 
Hermon  on  the  north,  the  continuation  of  the 
plain  of  .Jezreel,  into  which  the  battle  passed,  so 
that  the  Israelites  fled  to  mount  Gilboa  and  were 
there  slain.  The  Jordan  with  its  western  bank- 
terrain  formed  the  border.  Those  who,  from  the 
station  of  the  narrator  (which  we  must  take  with 
Keil  to  be  the  battle-field  in  the  plain  of  Jezreel ) 
dwelt  beyond,  that  is,  opposite  him  on  the  moun- 
tain-terrain beside  the  plain  and  in  the  Jordan- 
flats,  fled  from  their  abodes  when  they  saw  the 
total  defeat  of  the  Israelitish  army  in  the  plain. 
They  left  the  cities ;  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Chron. 
read  "  their  cities,"  a  correct  interpretation,  but 
not  proof  of  a  different  original  text  here  (Then.). 
And  the  Philistines  came  and  dwelt  in 
them,  not  immediately,  before  the  occurrence  of 
what  is  next  related  ('Then,  against  Bertheau), 
but  from  now  on  they  took  possession  of  the  dis- 
trict with  all  its  cities,  settled  themselves  on  the 
whole  north  and  thence  seized  the  rest  of  the  coun- 
try, so  that  they  held  the  whole  land  except  Perea 
on  the  east  [beyond  Jordan]  and  Judah  in  the 
south. 

Vers.  8-10.  The  Philistines'  cruel  and  abusive 
treatment  of  the  corpses  of  Saul  and  his  three  sons. 
— Ver.  8.  After  the  anticipatory  ethnographic 
statement  in  ver.  7  the  narrative  returns  to  the 
field  of  battle.  And  it  came  to  pass  on  the 
morrow. — On  the  day  after  the  battle,  which 
had  therefore  probably  la.sted  till  evening,  the 
darkness  preventing  plundering.  On  mount 
Gilboa  they  found  Saul  and  his  sons  fallen 
(comp.  ver.  1),  the  Israelitish  army,  and  with  it 
Saul  and  his  sons,  having  fallen  back  thither  from 
the  plain  before  the  victorious  Philistines. — Ver. 
9.  .Comp.  1  Chron. X.  9:  "And  they  stripped  him 
and  took  his  head  and  his  armor  and  sent ....." 
Here  it  reads:  And  they  cut  off  his  head  and 
stripped  off  his  armor. — The  And  they  sent 
is  not  to  be  connected  with  the  ''  to  publish  it " 
(Then.),  as  if  the  Philistines  had  "beforehand" 
published  the  victory  around,  meantime  retaining 
Saul's  head  and  armor,  in  order  to  carry  them  in 


*  [See  "Text,  and  Gramm."  where  Erdinann's  tr-'^ns- 
lation  :  "  on  thi>  side  of  the  plain  and  on  the  side  of  .Tor- 
dan"  is  accepted  as  conyeying  the  sense.  But  the  or- 
dinary rendering  "beyond  .Jordan"  may  be  retained 
(a.«i  in  Eng.  A.  V.)by  supposing  that  the  panic  was  so 
great  as  to  extend  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and 
that  the  Philistines  temporarily  occupied  the  transior- 
danic  cities.  Similarly  the  people  "beyond  the  plain" 
were  panic-struck  and  fled.— Tr.] 


354 


THE  FIRST  BOOK  OF  SAMUBL. 


triumph  on  their  return,  but  according  to  the  con- 
trast we  must  supply  "head  and  armor,"  wliich 
they  sent  around  to  announce  the  good 
ne-ws  to  their  idol-temples — that  is,  to  the 
priests  serving  in  the  temples — and  to  the  peo- 
ple.— Saul's  head  and  armor  were  the  signs  of 
victory  for  priests  and  people.  Instead  of  "  idol- 
temples"*  Ohron.  and  Sept.  have  "idols"  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  idea  that  the  power  of  their 
idols  was  manifested  in  this  victory. — Ver.  10. 
The  Aehtaroth-housesf  are  identical  with  these 
idol-temples.  Instead  of  "Ashtaroth  "  Chron.  has 
"their  gods"  [the  general  for  the  particular — 
Tb.].  And  they  fastened  his  body  to  the 
■wall  of  Bethshan. — The  Chronicler  has :  "And 
they  fastened  his  head  on  the  temple  of  Dagon ;" 
that  is,  he  omits  the  statement  about  the  corpse 
and  adds  this  about  the  head.  According  to  ver. 
12  the  Philistines  act  in  the  same  way  with  the 
corpses  of  Saul's  sons.  Our  narrator,  being  occu- 
pied from  this  point  of  view  chiefly  with  Saul's 
fate,  was  concerned  to  relate  first  what  was  done 
with  Saul's  body.  As  Bethshan  (the  present  Bei- 
san,  Rob.  III.,  I.,  408  [Am.  ed.  II.  320,  328,  354; 
III.  326-332]),  according  to  this,  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  Philistines  (so  ver.  7),  they  held  the  coun- 
try as  far  as  the  Jordan  [Bethshan  is  four  miles 
west  of  the  Jordan  and  twelve  miles  south  of  the 
sea  of  Galilee — ^Tr.].  The  corpses  were  fastened 
on  without  the  heads,  the  latter,  with  the  armor, 
being  fixed  on  the  temples  as  trophies  of  victory. 

Vera.  11-13.  The  intermenl  of  the  corpses  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Jabesh-Gilead. 

Ver.  11.  When  the  Jabeshites  heard  what  the 
Philistines  had  done  to  Saul,  they  thought  of 
what  Saul  had  once  done  for  them  (ch.  xi.) — 
[Bib.  Com. :  a,  touching  and  rare  example  of 
national  gratitude. — Te.j — Ver.  12.  They  went 
the  whole  night  and  took  (under  cover  of 
darkness)  the  corpses  from  the  vrall  and 
brought  them  to  Jabesh-Oilead  and  burnt 
them. — The  bodies  were  burned  (a  practice  pe- 
culiar to  heathendom,  allowed  in  Israel  only  in 
the  case  of  the  worst  criminals.  Lev.  xx.)t  in- 
stead of  being  buried,  as  wag  usual,  not  because 
the  Jabeshites  feared  further  insult  to  the  corpses 
if  the  Philistines  should  take  their  city  (Then. 
[Philipps.]),  but  probably  because  their  mutila- 
tion rendered  them  unfit  for  ordinary  burial. 
The  Olialdee,  in  contradiction  with  the  text,  un- 
derstands the  "  burning "  to  refer  to  the  solemn 
burning  of  spices,  which  was  afterwards  customary 
at  the  burial  of  kings. — Ver.  13.  They  took 
their  bones  and  buried  them;  only  the 
flesh,  therefore,  was  burned,  perhaps  because  it 
had  already  putrefied.  They  buried  the  bones 
under  the  tamarisk  at  JTabesh;  the  Chroni- 
cler :  "  under  the  oak  at  Jabesh."  The  Art.  in- 
dicates a  well-known  tree.  The  Chronicler, 
omitting  the  "night-march,"  does  not  mention 
the  taking  of  the  bodies  from  the  wall,  as  he  had 
not  mentioned  their  being  fastened  there,  and 

*  The  sing,  ri'3  with  a  pla.  subst.  in  plo.  sense  as  in 
Ex.  vi.  H. 

t  [This  is  thought  by  the  Bib.  Comm.  to  be  the  famous 
temple  of  Venus  at  Aslcelon. — Tr.] 

X  [Other  supposed  cases  of  burning  of  corpses  are 
Amos  vi.  10;  2  Chr.  xvi.  14;  Jer.  xxxiv.  5,  of  which  the 
two  last,  however,  refer  to  .spice-bnrnings,  and  the  first 
may  be  rendered  "  his  uncle  and  his  kinsman,"  or  the 
cremation  may  express  the  extreme  suifering  and  reli- 
gious declension  of  the  nation. — Tn.) 


also  omits  the  burning  of  the  corpses  "  because  it 
was  contrary  to  the  prevailing  custom"  (Then,), 
not  because  he  could  not  reconcile  it  with  the 
burial  of  the  bones  (Keil).  With  grateful  re- 
r^embrance  of  Saul's  rescue  of  Jabesh,  a  public 
mourning  with  a  seven  days'  fast  was  made  for 
him.  David  afterwards  caused  the  bones  to  be 
interred  in  Saul's  family  burial  place  at  Zelah  in 
Benjamin  (2  Sam.  xxi.  11-14). 

HISTORICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  deepest  and  the  real  ground  of  Saul's 
last  dark  act  of  self-destruction  is_  not  the  extre- 
mity of  the  moment  nor  fear  of  insult  from  the 
enemy  (Wuttcke,  Eth.  II.  171),  thoughhis  words 
make  this  the  immediate  occasion  of  his  suicide, 
but  the  decay  of  his  inner  life,  which  we  have 
traced  step  by  step,  through  unchecked  aetf-wUl 
and  unbending  pride  towards  the  living  God, 
and  through  the  complete  severance  of  his  heart 
from  God.  The  straitened  and  disgraceful  posi- 
tion to  which  the  Philistines  had  brought  him, 
whence  there  was  no  escape  with  life,  was  the 
result  of  his  persistent,  stubborn  disobedience  to 
God,  and  of  the  inward  judicial  infliction  of  self- 
hardening.  As  self-willed  lord  of  his  life,  un- 
bending, haughty  controller  of  his  fate  over 
against  God,  he  ^vill  put  an  end  to  hLs  life ;  this 
is  the  end  of  the  insoluble  contradiction  in  which 
he  had  placed  himself  towards  the  holy  and  just 
God;  this  is  the  act  of  completed  despair,  in 
which  God's  judgment  is  exhausted,  and  he  him- 
self must  be  its  instrument. 

2.  In  consequence  of  Saul's  misgovcmment 
and  his  last  unfortunate  war  with  the  Philistines, 
the  kingdom  of  Israel  had  become  disorganized. 
The  latter  part  of  his  reign  was  a  time  of  disinte- 
gration of  the  people,  which  had  lost  its  proper 
unity  under  the  theocratic  king,  and  fallen  into 
a  disorganized  condition  like  that  of  the  Period 
of  the  Judges.  A  glimpse  into  this  state  of  con- 
fusion is  given  us  not  merely  by  the  indication 
in  the  First  Book  of  Samuel  of  the  support  that 
David  found  during  his  persecution  by  Saul,  but 
also  by  the  additional  statements  in  First  Chro- 
nicles of  the  adhesion  of  fighting  men  to  him  and 
his  cause.  1 )  1  Chron.  xii.  8-18  mentions  not 
merely  men  of  Judah,  but  also  Gadiies  and  Ben- 
jaminites,  who  came  to  him  in  the  wilderness  of 
Judah,  comp.  1  Sam.  xxii.-xxiv.  2)  1  Chron. 
xii.  1-7  relates  the  coming  of  the  brave  Benjami- 
nites  while  David  was  in  Ziklag,  1  Sam.  xxvii. 
1-7.  3)  1  Chron.  xii.  19-22  tells  of  the  Manas- 
dtes  who  joined  him  after  his  return  to  Ziklag 
before  Saul's  last  battle  with  the  Philistines,  1 
Sam.  xxix.  3  sq.  Thus  David  had  an  army  in 
Ziklag  (comp.  1  Chron.  xii.  21),  composed  of 
fighting  men  from  various  tribes,  who  had  gra- 
dually gathered  around  him,  with  which  he  was 
able  immediately  after  Saul's  death  to  establish 
(first  in  Judah,  in  Hebron)  the  theocratic  king- 
dom tlrat  had  been  delivered  to  him  by  divine 
calling  and  choice  (comp.  2  Sam.  ii.  1-11). — 
Ewald :  "  The  city  became  in  fact  the  foundation 
of  David's  whole  kingdom." 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  Osiandeb:  For  the  sake  of  an  ungodly 
ruler  sometimes  a  whole  people  or  land  is  pun- 


CHAP.  XXXI.  1-13. 


355 


ished. — Starke:  They  who  share  the  sin  are 
justly  made  to  share  the  punishment  also.  Even 
Grod's  people  do  not  always  carry  off  the  victory, 
and  their  sina  are  commonly  to  blame  for  it. — 
Ver.  2.  Cbameb  :  In  common  punishments  pious 
people  must  often  suffer  along  with  the  ungodly 
(Ezek.  xxi.  3 ;  Eccl.  ix.  2).  But  let  no  one  take 
offence  at  this,  let  him  rather  believe  that  to  them 
that  love  God,  even  such  things  must  work  toge- 
ther for  good  (Rom.  viii.  28). — [Henry:  Jona- 
than falls  with  the  rest.  1.  God  would  hereby 
complete  the  judgment  that  was  to  be  executed 
upon  Saul's  house.  2.  He  would  hereby  make 
David's  way  to  the  crown  clear  and  open.  Jona- 
than himself  would  have  cheerfully  resigned  all 
his  title  and  interest  to  him ;  but  his  friends 
would  probably  have  been  zealous  for  the  right 
line  of  succession.  3.  God  would  hereby  show 
us  that  the  difference  between  good  and  bad  is  to 
be  made  in  the  other  world,  not  in  this. — Tr.] — 
TuBB.  Bible:  God  bears  long  with  sinners, 
especially  the  revengeful ;  but  at  last  His  judg- 
ments break  in  so  that  they  can  no  longer  be 
kept  back. — Ver.  3.  BsBii.  Bib.  :  Saul's  death  is 
a  mournful  picture  of  the  dreadful  death  of  a 
soul  that  forsakes  the  tranquillity  and  the  way 
of  God,  in  which  through  the  goodne.ss  of  God  it 
had  been  led,  and  falls  from  one  sin  into  another. 
— From  what  the  Scriptures  relate  of  Saul  it  can 
be  seen  how  in  souls  that  have  swerved  from  the 
right  path  one  sin  is  wont  always  to  follow  upon 
another. — Ver.  4.  Hedingeb  [from  Hai,l]  : 
Wicked  men  care  more  for  the  shame  of  the 
world  than  the  danger  of  their  souls  { Judg.  ix. 
54). — ScHLiEB :  So  ends  the  man  who  formerly 
began  well.  How  frightful  it  is  to  die  in  one's 
sins,  to  depart  impenitent,  to  go  uncalled  before 
the  judgmentseat  of  God !  How  terrible  it  is  to 
have  nothing  to  show  but  a  wasted  time  of  grace! 
— [Hali.  :  Evil  examples,  especially  of  the  great, 
never  escaped  imitation ;  the  armor-bearer  of 
Saul  follows  his  master,  and  dares  do  that  to  him- 
self which  to  his  king  he  durst  not. — Tr.] — Ver. 
6.  Cramer:  When  God's  wrath  blazes  out, 
there  is  no  ceasing.  And  it  is  a  fearful  thing  to 
fall  into  the  hands  of  the  living  God  (Heb.  x. 
31). — S.  Schmid:  The  judgments  of  God,  which 
befall  the  pious  and  the  ungodly  alike,  are  rather 
to  be  wondered  at  than  curiously  investigated. — 


ScHLiER :  A  fearful  end  is  only  the  conclusion 
of  a  foregoing  life ;  sin  begins  little  and  invisible, 
hardening  goes  on  step  by  step.  Sin  is  a  fright- 
ful power :  first  man  commits  sin,  and  when  he 
has  long  continued  to  commit  it,  he  is  at  length 
unable  to  cease  from  it,  jtnd  the  end  is  that  he  no 
longer  wishes  to  cease  from  it.  Think  of  Saul's 
end  and  learn  in  time  to  be  wise. — Ver.  7.  Bebl. 
Bib.  ;  8o  finely  has  Saul  presided  over  the  king- 
dom of  Israel  through  his  perverse  ways,  that 
even  so  many  cities  have  been  lost.  O  how  there 
does  arise  even  in  temporal  things  nothing  but 
injury  through  perverse  ways,  especially  those 
of  the  shepherds  and  leaders  of  the  people  I — 
Stabke  :  When  God  designs  to  punish  His  peo- 
ple. He  takes  away  their  courage,  so  that  even  at 
a  rustling  leaf  they  fear  and  flee  (Lev.  xxvi.  36). 
— Cramer  :  No  one  sits  too  high  for  God ;  He 
can  easily  cast  down  even  the  mighty  to  the 
ground  (Luke  i.  52 ;  Ezek.  xxi.  6  ;  Sir.  x.  5). — 
[Vers.  9,  10.  Henry  :  Thus  did  they  ascribe  the 
honor  of  their  victory,  not,  as  they  ought  to  have 
done,  to  the  real  justice  of  the  true  God,  but  to 
the  imaginary  power  of  their  false  gods ;  and  by 
this  respect  paid  to  pretended  deities,  shame  those 
who  give  not  the  praise  of  their  achievements  to 
the  living  God.— Tr.] 

[Ver.  4.  Suicide,  as  iUmtrated  by  the  case  of 
Said:  I.  Causes:  1)  Not  merely  accumulated 
misfortunes,  but  long-continued  wrong-doing ;  2) 
Cowardly  fear  of  suffering  (ver.  3),  even  in  a 
man  formerly  brave ;  3)  Caring  more  for  disgrace 
than  for  sin ;  4)  Abandonment  of  trust  in  God, 
as  to  this  life  and  the  future  life.  II.  Effects : 
1)  Others  led  by  the  example  into  the  same  folly 
and  sin  (ver.  5) ;  2)  Personal  dishonor  not  really 
prevented  (vers.  4,  9,  10) ;  3)  A  crowning  and 
lasting  reproach  to  the  man's  memory. 

[Vers.  11-13.  The  eixphit  of  the  men  of  Jabesh- 
GUead:  1)  It  was  a  brave  deed;  2)  A  patriotic 
deed ;  3)  A  grateful  deed  (chap,  xi.) ;  4)  But 
the  bravery,  patriotism  and  gratitude  had  been 
better  shown  before  Saul's  death  by  helping  him 
(which  they  do  not  appear  to  have  done). 
Honors  after  death  make  poor  amends  for  ne- 
glect and  unfaithfulness  during  life ;  5)  And  care 
of  the  poor  remains  could  avail  little  for  the 
man's  reputation  in  this  world,  and  nothing  for 
his  repose  in  eternity. — Tb.] 


THE 


SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


THE 


SECORD  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


THIRD  PART.    DAVID. 

2  SamueIi. 


FIRST  DIVISION:    DAVID'S  RULE  OVER  JUDAH  ALONE  TILL  HE 
BECOMES  KINO  OVER  ALL  ISRAEL. 

Chapters  I. — V.  5. 


FIRST  SECTION. 

David    after    Saul's    Death. 

Chap.  I.  1-25. 

1.  The  Newt  of  the  Death.    Vers.  1-16. 

1  Now  [And]  it  came  to  pass^  after  the  death  of  Saul,  when  David  was  returned 
from  the  slaughter  of  the  Amalekites,'  and  David  had  abode  [that  David  abode] 
two  days  in  Ziklag  [in  Ziklag  two  days].  It  came  even  [And  it  came]  to  pass  on 
the  third  day  that,  behold,  a  man  came  out  of  [from]  the  camp  from'  Saul  with 
his  clothes*  rent  and  earth  upon  his  head  ;  and  so  it  was  [pm.  so  it  was]  when  he 

3  came  to  David,  that  [pm.  that]  he  fell  to  the  earth  and  did  obeisance.  And  David 
said  unto  him,  From  whence  comest*  thou  ?  And  he  said  unto  him,  Out  of  [From] 
the  camp  of  Israel  am  I  escaped.    And  David  said  unto  him.  How  went  the'  matter  ? 

TEXTUAL   AND  GKAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  1.  Cahen  and  Wordsworth  regard  this  phrase  as  conneoting  the  Second  Book  with  the  first;  but  it 
seems  to  be  nothing  more  tlian  the  ordinary  formula  of  historical  narrative,  referring  to  1  Sam.  xxxi.  So  begins 
ch.  ii.  of  2  Sam.    There  is  no  trace  here  of  a  division  of ''  Samuel "  into  two  Books.— Tr.J 

»  [Ver.  1.  Some  MSS.  and  EDD.  read  'pSa^lTl,  the  usual  form.    Whether  the  present  Heb.  text  (with  the 

Art.)  is  impossible  (Wellh.)  may  be  considered  doubtful.  A  final  Yod  may,  however,  have  fallen  out  from  simi- 
larity to  the  following  Waw.— T11.J 

■  [Ver.  2.  Thenius  thinks  that  the  Sept.  reading :  " from  the  people  of  (DJ7^)  Saul"  suits  the  connection  as 

well  as  the  Heb. ;  against  which  Wellhausen  remarks  that  the  .Greek  reading  contradicts  ver,  6,  from  which  it 
appears  that  the  Arnalekite  did  not  belong  to  the  army.  This  reason  of  Wellh.  does  not  seem  decisive  (for  in 
ver.  3  he  seems  to  say,  that  he  had  been  m  the  army);  but  the  Heb.  phrase  is  more  natural  than  the  Greek. 
-Te.] 

*lVer.  2.  nj3,  the  word  for  civilian  dress,  not  military  vestment  (10)  as  in  1  Sam.  iv.  12;  Judg.  iii.  18 

{Bii.  Com.).    This  would  so  far  make  against  the  supposition  that  he  was  a  soldier.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  3.  The  Impf.  (Kiafl)  niay  represent  the  action  as  incomplete,  —  whence  art  thou  now  engaged  in 

T 

coming  ?— Te.] 

•  [Ver.  4.  Sept. :  What  is  this  affair?  that  is,  What  is  the  matter?  =  laiH  nT"nn  (Wellh.),  which  is  not  as 

T  T  ~  V  ~ 

good  as  the  Heb.  text.    Syr. :  "  what  is  the  affair?"- Te.] 

359 


360  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


4  I  pray  thee,  tell  me.  And  he  answered  [said],  That  [om.  that]'  the  people  are  fled 
from  the  battle,  and  many  of  the  people  also'  are  fallen  and  dead,  and  Saul  and 

5  Jonathan  his  sou  are  dead  also.*     And  David  said  unto  the  young  man  that  told 

6  him.  How  kuowest  thou  that  Saul  and  Jonathan  his  son  be  dead"  ?  And  the  young 
man  that  told  him  said,  As  \_om.  as]  I  happened  by  chance  upon  Mount  Gilboa, 
{ins.  and]  behold,  Saul  leaned  upon  his  spear,  and  lo,  the  chariots  and  [ins.  the] 

7  horsemen'"  followed  hard  after  him.  And  when  [om.  when]  he  looked  behind  him 
[or  turned  round],  he  [and]  saw  me,  and  called  unto  me.     And  I  answered  [said], 

8  Here  am  I.     And  he  said  unio  me.  Who  art  thou?     And  I  answered  [said  to] 

9  him,  I  am  an  Amalekite.  He  [And  he]  said  unto  me  again  [om.  again],  Stand  I 
pray  thee,  upon"  me,  and  slay  me,  for  anguish  is  come  upon  me  [the  cramp"  hath 

10  seized  on  me],  because  [for]  my  life  is  yet  whole  in  me.  So  [And]  I  stood  upon 
him  and  slew  him,  because  I  was  sure  that  he  could  not  live  after  that  he  was 
fallen ;  and  I  took  the  crown  [diadem'']  that  was  upon  his  head  and  the  bracelet 

11  that  was  on  his  arm,  and  have  brought  them  hither  unto  my  lord.  Then  David 
took  hold  on  his  clothes  and  rent  them,  and  likewise  all  the  men  that  were  with 

12  him ;  And  they  mourned  and  wept  and  fasted  until  [ins.  the]  even  for  Saul  and 
for  Jonathan  his  son  and  for  the  people  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah'*]  and  for  the  house 

13  of  Israel,  because  they  were  fallen  by  the  sword.  And  David  said  unto  the  young 
man  that  told  him,  Whence  art  thou  ?     And  he  answered  [said],  I  am  the  son  of  a 

14  stranger,'*  an  Amalekite.     And  David  said  unto  him,  How  waat  thou  not  afraid  to 

15  stretch  forth  thine  hand  to  destroy  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  anointed?  And  David 
called  one  of  the  young  men,  and  said.  Go  near  and  fall  upon  him  [Approach, 

16  fall  on  him].  And  he  smote  him  that  he  died.  And  David  said  unto  him. 
Thy  blood''  be  upon  thy  head,  for  thy  mouth  hath  testified  against  thee,  sayiug, 
I  have  slain  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  anointed. 

^  [Ver.  4.  The  "IK'X  liere  =  or:,  introducmg  a  remark  as  tyraUo  indirecta  (Then,  and  Erdmann ;  =  "  namely  "), 

and  we  might  render:  nnd  he  said,  thiit  the  people  were  fled  and  .  .  .  fallen,  etc.  (so  Philippson);  but  "that" 
with  orat.  aii-ccta  (as  in  Eng.  A.  V.)  is  not  Eng.  idiom. — Tr.] 

6  [Ver.  4:.  This  "  also  .  .  .  also  "  is  not  a  very  good  rendering  of  the  Heb.  DJ  •  •  •  DJ,  since  it  does  not  clearly 

bring  out  the  collocation  and  climax  in  the  two  clauses.  On  the  other  hand  Erdraann's  rendering:  "not  only 
are  many  of  the  people  dead,  but  al.so  ::?aul  and  Jonathan  are  dead,"  makes  a  sharper  contrast  than  the  Heb. 
expresses.  Perhaps  the  sense  would  be  more  exactly  given  by  translating:  "tile  people  fled,  and  moreover 
many  are  dead,  and  moreover  Saul,"  etc. — Tk.] 

*  [Ver.  5.  Lit. :  that  Saul  is  dead,  and  Jonathan  hie  son  ?  The  Syr.  has :  "  David  said  to  the  young  man.  Tell 
me  how  died  Saul  and  Jonathan  his  son  ?"  a  reading  which  seems  to  have  nothing  for  it.  The  repetition  of  the 
descriptive  phrase:  "that  told  him"  =  "liis informant,"  is  in  accordance  with  the  ancient  manner  of  writing; 
compare  the  standing  epithets  of  the  Homeric  gods  and  heroes. — Ta.j 

10  [Ver.  6.  Lit.:  "possessors  of  horses,"  where  the  last  word  (E'"*i3)  is  the  charger  or  war-horse  as  distin- 
guished from  the  ordinary  horse  (D'D)-  The  Chald.  translates  the  first  word  ('Sl'3)  "army,"  which  is  a  loose 
and  inaccurate  rendering.  Wellhausen,  regarding  the  Heb.  phrase  as  a  strange  one,  has  an  ingenious  sup- 
position that  there  was  originally  to  this  Q'tSIS  of  the  text  a  correction  nttfp  'Su3,  "possessors  of  bows," 
of  which  the  first  word  got  into  the  text  here,  and  the  second  (riKJp)  into  ver.  18,  to  the  vexation  of  interpreters. 
Our  phrase,  though  it  occurs  here  only,  is  perhaps  possible,  but  the"''7j;3  is  probably  an  early  insertion.  — Ta.J 

u  I  Ver.  9.  ?j;  112^.  Instead  of  "stand  upon"  =  "stand  against,"  some  (Gesen.,  Philippaon,  Cahen,  Erd- 
mann) render  "  stand  by,"  ="  come  near,  approach."  The  objection  to  this  latter  rendering  is  that  the  verb 
means  always  "  stand  "  or  "  make  a  stand,"  as  in  the  passages  cited  by  Cahen,  Dan.  xii.  1,  Michael  stands  by  (on 
behalf  of  J  the  people,  Esth.  viii.  II,  the  Jews  make  a  stand  for  their  lives.  Here  we  should  expect  a  verb  of 
motion:  "come  near  and  slay  me,"  as  in  Jer.  vii.  10;  xvii.  9.  It  is  better,  therefore,  to  adopt  the  sense  of  rising 
uj),  standing  against,  or  to  use  the  phrase  "  stand  on "  made  familiar  by  the  English  Authorized  Version. 

—  IH.J 

n  [Ver.  9.  So  Aq.  (o  iriJiivicT^p)  and  probably  Syr.  (Nj'llS,  rendered  badly  in  Walton's  Polyg.  caligines.  Castellus 

gives  vertigo,  and  J.  D.  Michaelis  spasmus),  and  so  most  moderns.    See  (Jesenius,  Tliesaur.  s.  v. The  la==t  clause 

of  the  verse  is  literally:  "for  all  yet  is  my  life  in  me,"  which  is  given  by  Saul  as  the  reason  why  the  vouns  man 
should  slay  him.— Tr.]  j  j        ^ 

13  [Ver.  10.  So  Sym.  and  Theod.  Aquila  has  a<ft6pta-tia  from  the  ground-meaning  of  the  stem  1TJ  "to  set 
apart,"  perhaps  regarding  the  diadem  as  that  which  especially  characterizes  and  sets  anart  akini?  ^flchl»^nftnpr\  — 
Wellh.  thinks  that  the  Art.  is  necessary  to  m;>SK.— Tr.1  "^  ^  ko^uieusner;. 

T  T :  v 

1*  [Ver.  12,  Sept. :  "  for  the  people  of  Judah  and  for  the  house  of  Israel,*'  the  other  V8S.  as  the  Heb  Wellh 
thinks  "  people  of  Judah  "  the  true  text-reading,  but  supposes  that  this  may  be  a  corruption  of  "  people  of  Jah- 
veh,"  and  that  it  called  forth  the  addition  'house  of  Israel."  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Sept  reading  looks 
like  an  attempt  to  smooth  away  a  supposed  difficulty,  and  the  Heb.  text  gives  a  clear  and  deeply  theocratic  sense 
which  is  well  brought  out  by  Then,  and  Erdmann.  The  Synopsis  Oriticorum  and  Wellh.  are  wrone  in  savine 
that  "people  of  Jahveh"  and  "house  of  Israel"  are  identical  expressions. — Te.]  *        »»i'  s 

^  [Ver.  13.  Or :  "  an  Amalekite  stranger."    Aq.  TrpoariKvTov,  and  so  Gill.— Ta.l 

18  [Ver.  16.  The  text  has  the  Plu.,  the  Sing,  is  found  in  many  MSS.  (De  Rossi)  and  in  Oeri  amjarenfW  no  if  »i,o 
Plu.  alone  meant  "blood-guiltiness."  But  in  the  Heb.  of  O.  T.  both  Smg.  and  Plu.  are  used  in  both  senses  V,f 
"  blood  "  and  of  "  blood-guiltiness,"  see  Lev.  xvii.  i  for  the  latter  sense  in  the  Sing.    The  Sing,  in  the  VSS.  decides 


CriAP.  I.  1-25.  361 


2.  David's  Elegy.  Vera.  17-27. 

17  And  David  lamented  with  this  lamentation  over  Saul  and  over  Jonathan  his 

18  son,  (Also  he  bade  them  teach  the  children  of  Judah  The  use  o/the  bow;"  behold, 
-it  is  written  in  the  book  of  Jasher.)     [Om.  parenthesis-sign,  render:  And  he  com- 
manded that  the  children  of  Judah  should  be  taught  this  song  of  "  The  Bow  ,•" 
behold,  etc.:'] 

19  The  beauty"  of  Israel  is  slain  upon'thy  high  places  [heights]  1 

How  are  the  mighty  fallen ! 

20  Tell  it  not  in  Gath, 

Publish  it  not  in  the  streets  of  Askelon, 
Lest  the  daughters  of  the  Philistines  rejoice. 
Lest  the  daughters  of  the  uncircumcised  triumph. 

21  Ye  mountains  of  Gilboa,  let  there  be  no  dew,  neither  let  there  be  rain  upon  you  [be 

neither  dew  nor  rain  on  you]. 
Nor  fields  of  offerings ; 
For  there  the  shield  of  the  mighty  is  vilely  cast  away," 
[For  there  was  cast  away  the  shield  of  the  heroes], 
The  shield  of  Saul  as  though  he  had  not  been  anointed  [unanointed]"  with  oil. 

22  From  the  blood  of  the  slain, 

From  the  fat'''  of  the  mighty  [of  heroes] 
The  bow  of  Jonathan  turned  not  back, 
And  the  sword  of  Saul  returned  not  empty. 

23  Saul  and  Jonathan  w&re  lovely  and  pleasant"''  in  their  lives. 

And  in  their  death  they  were  not  divided. 
They  were  swifter  than  eagles  I 
They  were  stronger  than  lions ! 

24  Ye  daughters  of  Israel,  weep  over*'  Saul, 
Who  clothed  you  in  scarlet  with  other  delights. 
Who  put  on  ornaments  of  gold  upon  your  apparel. 

25  How  are  the  mighty  fallen  in  the  midst  of  the  battle! 

O  Jonathan,  thou  wast  slain  in  thine  high  places  [on  thy  heights].^ 
I  am  distressed  for  thee,  my  brother  Jonathan. 

nothing  for  the  Heb.  text,  because  elaewhere  (as  Gen.  iv.  10)  the  Heb.  Plu.  —  "blood"  is  given  by  the  Sing,  in 
Syr.  and  Chald.  Wellh.  thinks  that  this  Qeri  may  have  been  determined  by  the  use  in  1  Kings  ii.  33,  37.— After 
"  saying  "  Sept.  has  on  of  orat.  indirecta  as  in  ver.  4.  and  De  Eossi  mentions  that  one  MS.  in  his  possession  here 
has  '3,  which  is  perhaps  a  copyist's  imitation  of  later  usage.— Tr.] 

"  [Ver.  IS.  So  Targ.,  Eashi  and  Gill.    The  discussion  in  the  Exposition.— Tk.] 

"  LVer.  19.  Some  take  the  n  as  Interrog.,  and  render:  Is  the  beauty  of  Israel  slain?  etc.;  but  the  interroga- 
tive form  does  not  so  well  suit  the  connection.  Others  regard  "  Israel "  as  Vocative,  on  account  of  the  following 
'■  thv,"  which  otherwise  would  have  no  antecedent ;  against  this  (otherwise  most  natural )  rendering  is,  as  Erd- 
mann  remarks,  the  hardness  of  the  first  word :  The  beauty,  0  Israel,  is  slain,  etc.  Bib.  Com.  therefore  translates : 
Thy  beauty,  O  Israel ;  but  it  is  que.stionable  whether  the  "thy"  can  lawfully  be  supplied.  The  rendering:  "O 
beauty  of  Israel  slain, '  etc.,  is  harsh,  because  we  should  expect  "thou  art  slain."  Ferliaps  the  second  of  the 
above  translations  is  the  preferable. — Tr.| 

i»  [Ver.  21.  Erdmann  and  others  render  "  defiled,"  against  which  see  Ges.,  Thes.  s.  «.— Ta.] 
so  [Ver.  21.  The  Chald.,  and  perhaps  Syr.,  refers  the  anointing  to  Saul  instead  of  to  his  shield.    Eng.  A.  V.  fol- 
lows Vulg.,  which  is  undoubtedly  wrong.— In  some  MSS.  and  printed  EDD.  mWZ  is  written  instead  of  H'E'D, 

and  this  is  the  more  usual  form ;  but  in  this  poetical  passage  the  less  usual  form  is  not  unnatural.    Instead  of 

'Sa,  "  not,"  some  MSS.  have  'S^  =  "  implement :"  "  the  shield  of  Saul,  armor  anointed  with  oil,"  an  improbable 

and  unsupported  reading. — Tb.] 

^  [Ver.  22.  The  reading  2in,  "  sword,"  found  in  some  MSS.,  is  perhaps  a  mere  textual  error  (found  in  no 

VS.),  or  perhaps  a  correction  for  dignity. — Tr.] 

22  [Ver.  23  These  Adjectives  have  the  Art.  in  the  Heb.,  whence  Then  and  Erdmann  render:  "Saul  and  Jona- 
than, the  lovely  and  pleasant,  in  life  and  in  death  they  were  not  divided."  Eng.  A.  V.  is  supported  by  all  the 
ancient  YSS.  and  by  most  modei-n  commentators. — Tr.] 

^  [Ver.  24.  Su  instead  of  Sn  in  some  MSS. ;  but  the  change  is  unnecessary  since  Sn  =  "  in  respect  to,  for." 
—In  DOtyabo  some  codices  substitute  the  fem.  suffix  p,  as  in  the  last  word  of  the  verse ;  it  is  probable,  how- 
ever, that  the  masc.  form  was  used  (especially  in  poetry)  for  both  genders.— Tr.] 

2*  [Ver.  26.  Colslin.:  eis  Oavanv  6Tpa«>iaTi'ff9ii5,  "  thou  wast  wounded  unto  death,"  a  weak  reading  in  compari- 
son with  the  Heb.  text.—Ta.] 


362 


THE  SECO:S^D  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Very  pleasant  hast  thou  been  unto  me, 

Thy  love  to  me  was  wonderful,  passing  the  love  of  women. 

How  are  the  mighty  fallen, 
And  the  weapons  of  war  perished ! 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

I.  Vers.  1-16.  The  news  of  SavJ'a  death,  and 
David's  reception  of  it. 

Ver.  1  sq.  This  narrative  is  closely  connected 
with  that  of  David's  return  to  Ziklag  and  Saul's 
death  in  chapa.  xxx.  and  xxxi.  of  the  First  Book. 
The  words:  "and  it  came  to  pass  after  the  death 
of  Saul,"  attach  themselves  immediately  to  1 
Sam.  xxxi.,  thus  continuing  the  narrative  after 
the  account  there  given  of  his  death.  The  words : 
"  and  David  was  returned  from  the  slaughter  of 
the  Amalekites,"  resume  the  narrative  in  ch. 
XXX.,  and  connect  themselves  especially  with 
vers.  17,  26. — The  grammatical  apodosis  begins 
with  "and  abode"  (Oty"].),  though  according  to 
the  sense  and  the  connection  ver.  2  forms  the 
factual  apodosia.  The  narrator  desires  to  make 
an  exact  chronological  statement  for  the  follow- 
ing account,  to  bring  out  prominently  that  the 
news  of  Saul's  death  was  closely  connected  with 
the  events  related  in  chs.  xxx.,  xxxi.  The  pre- 
cise statement  that  "  after  Djivid  had  stayed  two 
days  in  Ziklag,  the  messenger  came  on  the  third 
day  with  the  news  of  Saul's  death,"  indicates,  on 
the  one  hand,  that  the  narrative  is  drawn  from 
exact,  minute  original  sources,  and,  on  the  other, 
that  David's  return  from  the  battle  with  the 
Amalekites  happened  about  the  same  time  as  the 
battle  of  Gilboa. 

Ver.  2.  And  behold,  a  man  came,  accord- 
ing to  ver.  6  a  youth ;  he  had  belonged  to  the 
Israelitish  army  as  a  combatant. —  [See  the  doubt 
as  to  this  fact  in  "Text,  and  Gram." — Tb.] — 
"From  with  Saul"  (QJ'0)  =  "from  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Saul,"  comp.  vers.  3,  4.  The  rent 
garment  and  the  earth  on  the  head  are  signs  of 
grief.  See  1  Sam.  iv.  12.  His  "  falling  down  " 
recognizes  David  as  future  king.  See  xiv.  4; 
xix.  18 ;  1  Kings  xviii.  7. 

Ver.  3.  "  Escaped,"  as  all  the  people  had  fled 
from  the  battle,  according  to  ver.  4. 

Ver.  4.  David's  question :  "  How  was  the  afiair, 
that  happened?"  la  at  the  same  time  the  ex- 
pression of  dismay  at  the  news  of  the  flight.  The 
answer  is  introduced  by  a  Conj.  ("1^**,  Eng.  A.  V. 
"that"),  here  =  our  "namely;"  comp.  iv.  10; 
1  Sam.  XV.  20  ('3  is  sometimes  used).  Threestate- 
ments  follow  one  on  another  in  the  rapid,  curt 
account  of  the  informant,  who,  in  keeping  with 
David's  word  "tell  me,"  is  repeatedly  termed 
"the  young  man  that  told  him,"  vers.  5,  6,  13: 
1)  "The  people  are  fled  from  the  battle,"  the 
whole  army  broken  up  in  flight ;  2)  "  Many  of 
the  people  are  fallen  and  dead."*  This  is  not  in 
opposition  with  1  Sam.  xxxi.  6:  "and  all  his 
men,"  because  the  latter  refers  to  the  men  imme- 
diately around  Saul;  3)  "And   also  Saul   and 

*  On  the  adverb,  use  of  the  Inf.  Aba.  (^3^^)  see 
Ew.,  §  280  c— On  DJ  .  .  .  DJ>  see  1  Sam.  xvii.  36  and  Ew. 
J  859,  1. 


Jonathan  his  son  are  dead."  We  may  render: 
"  not  only  many  of  the  people,  .  .  .  but  also  Saul 
and  Jonathan  are  dead."  The  climax  in  the 
three  statements  is  obvious.  To  David's  question 
(ver.  5),  which  refers  only  to  the  last  statement 
respecting  Saul  and  Jonathan,  the  messenger 
replies  (vers.  6-10)  with  a  full  account  of  Saul's 
death. 

Ver.  6.  I  happened  by  chance,  that  is,  in 
the  press  of  battle,  and  in  the  flight,  which  took 
the  direction  towards  Mount  Gilboa,  see  1  Sam. 
xxxi.  1. — Behold,  Saul  leaned  on  his  spear. 
This  does  not  mean  (Bunsen)  that  Saul  was  lying 
on  the  ground,  "  propping  his  weary  head  with 
the  nervously-clutched  spear;"  no  support  for 
this  view  is  found  in  vers.  9,  10,  for  the  "  after 
he  was  fallen"  in  ver.  10  does  not  refer  to  his  fall 
to  the  ground.  Nor  is  it  to  be  understood  (Cler. 
and  others)  of  the  attempt  to  kill  himself  (ac- 
cording to  1  Sam.  xxxi.  4).  We  must  rather 
suppose  that  Saul  was  leaning  on  his  spear  (which 
was  fixed  in  the  earth,  1  Sam.  xxvi.  7)  in  order 
to  hold  himself  up,  being  perfectly  exhausted. 
While  he  was  standing  there,  "lo,  the  chariots 
(that  is,  the  chariot-warriors)  and  the  horsemen 
followed  hard  on  him,"  came  so  near  that  they 
must  soon  have  reached  him,  see  Judg.  xx.  42. 
Death  or  captivity  stared  him  in  the  face.  It  is 
not  probable  that  ''chariots  and  horsemen"  fol- 
lowed the  flying  Israelites  on  the  mountains; 
according  to  1  Sam.  xxxi.  4  the  pursuers  were 
the  archers.  Cler.  justly :  "  This  seems  to  be  the 
beginning  of  the  young  man's  falsehoods." 

Ver.  7.  And  he  turned  round,  whidi  could 
not  be  said  of  him,  if  he  had  been  lying  on  the 
ground.*— Ver.  8.  The  marginal  reading  "I 
said "  [so  Eng.  A.  V.]  is  to  be  preferred  to  the 
text  "  he  said,"  which  seems  to  have  come  from 
the  ''  he  said  "  in  the  beginning  of  the  following 
verse  (Then.).— [Some  take  the  Heb.  3  pers. 
to  be  oratio  obligiia;  but  this  is  not  probable. — 
Tr.] — Ver.  9.  For  the  cramp  has  seized  me. 
So  we  must  render  this  subst.,  "cramp"  as  a 
twisting  of  the  body  (from  a  stem  meaning  "  to 
weave,  interwork,  work  together"),  not  "death- 
agony"  (Vulg.),  not  the  "cuirass"  or  other  part 
of  the  armor  (S.  Schmid),  nor  "vertigo  or  faint- 
ing" (Gesen.,  DeWette),  to  which  the  following; 
"all  my  life  is  yet  in  me"  does  not  suit.  In 
con.sequence  of  his  excitements  and  exertions, 
Saul  found  himself  in  a  bodily  condition  in  which 
he  could  not  defend  himself  against  the  o'npress- 
ing  enemy.  The  "because"  (the  second  '3) 
gives  a  further  rea-son  for  the  request  to  slay  him, 
.smce  Saul  feared  that  in  his  defenceless  condition 
he  would  suffer  the  indignity  of  falling  alive  into 
the  Philistines'  ha.nds.f~[Paraphrase  of  ver  9  • 


*  ['i'l^^  ^^^-  (I?:i)  >neans  "turned  his  fnoe,  looked 

™""'^^'  '^^l?^  ?®T^  possible  for  a  man  lying  on  the 
ground,  half-raised  on  a  spear.— Tk.] 

t  This  insertion  of  T)_j,  between  Sd  as  name,,  regons 
and  the  nomen  rectum  occurs  in  a  few  other  oases  Job 
xxvu.  H.    SeeGes.,  JIU,  3  R.  1.  """-i  cases,  jod 


CHAP.  I.  1-25. 


363 


Kill  me,  for  the  enemy  will  soon  be  on  me,  I  am 
top  badly  wounded  to  defend  myself,  yet,  not 
being  mortally  wounded,  I  shall  be  taken  alive. 
— Tb.] — Ver.  10.  The  Amalekite  says,  that  he 
slew  Saul  in  accordance  with  his  request,  because 
he  saw  he  "  would  not  live  after  hia  fall,"  could 
not  survive  his  fall.  The  "  fall  "*  does  not  mean 
"  apostasy  from  God  "  (O.  v.  Gerlach),  for,  apart 
from  the  impossibility  of  the  Amalekite's  using 
such  an  expression,  we  should  expect  some  cor- 
responding additional  phrase ;  nor  "  falling  after 
a  severe,  but  not  mortal  wound,"  inflicted  by 
himself  (Cler.,  Schmid  et  al.),  for  this  view  pre- 
supposes a  wrong  conception  of  the  "  leaning  on 
his  spear,"  the  account  in  1  Sam.  xxxi.  4  being 
mixed  up  with  this  account.  The  "  &11 "  here 
means  "defeat;"  see  Prov.  xxiv.  16. — He  took 
from  his  head  his  golden  diadem  (not  "  crown," 
713),  the  emblem  of  the  royal  dignity.  The 
"  bracelet  or  arm-band  "  was  worn  not  only  by 
women,  but  also  by  men,  see  Num.  xxxi.  50. 
So  the  army-commanders  are  adorned  on  the 
Assyrian  monuments  (Layard's  Nineveh),  and  the 
kings  on  the  Egyptian.  The  Amalekite  brings 
from  Saul's  corpse  the  symbols  of  the  royal  dig- 
nity in  order  to  confirm  his  words,  and  thus  se- 
cure the  favor  of  David,  whom  he  looked  on  as 
king,  and  gain  a  rich  reward. — The  narrative  of 
the  Amalekite  contradicts  1  Sam.  xxxi.  3, 
where  Saul  kills  himself  with  hia  own  sword. 
The  explanation  of  this  difference  by  the  assump- 
tion of  two  different  original  accounts  of  Saul's 
death  (Gramberg,  Sdiffwnsid.  II.  89,  and  Ewald) 
is  totally  baseless  (Then.).  Winer  (B.-W.  II. 
392) :  "  In  any  other  than  a  biblical  writer,  this 
difference  would  certainly  not  be  regarded  as 
proof  of  the  composition  of  the  Book  from  two 
narrations."  Equally  untenable  is  the  attempt 
at  harmonizing  the  two  (Joseph.,  Ant.  6,  14,  7, 
some  Eabbis,  and  especially  S.  Schmid)  by  say- 
ing that  Saul  had  only  wounded  himself  severely 
by  falling  on  hia  sword,  and  received  the  death- 
stroke  &om  the  Amalekite ;  this  contradicts  the 
statement  in  1  Sam.  xxxi.  1. — ^A  careful  compa- 
rison of  the  Amalekite's  account  with  the  other 
shows  that,  although  his  statement  about  larael'a 
defeat  and  the  enemy's  pressing  on  Saul  was  true, 
he  lied  in  saying  that  he  killed  Saul,  in  order  to 
gain  favor  and  a  royal  reward  from  David ;  so 
Theod.,  Brenz,  Calov.,  Serar.,  Sankt.,  Cler.,  Mich., 
Winer,  Then.,  Keil.— [A.  Clarke,  Kitto,  Bib. 
Com,.,  Philippson  reject  the  Amalekite's  story  aa 
a  febrication ;  Patrick  and  Gill  seem  to  think  it 
in  general  true,  though  distorted  here  and  there ; 
Wordsworth  defends  it  (appealing  to  Josephus), 
taking  it  to  be  supplementary  to  the  other — ^if  it 
were  not  true,  he  asks,  why  did  the  Amalekite 
not  deny  it,  when  he  saw  that  he  was  to  be  put  to 
death  for  it?  To  this  it  may  be  replied,  that  no 
time  was  given  him,  or  perhaps  he  did  deny  it, 
and  his  denial  was  disregarded.  As  for  the  dia- 
dem and  bracelet,  he  might  easily  have  picked 
them  up  before  the  Philistines  came  to  strip  the 
slain.  His  account  of  Saul's  death  cannot  well 
be  harmonized  with  that  of  1  Sam.  xxxi.,  and 
then  he  had  an  obvious  motive  for  his  story. 
— Tb.] 

Ver.  11  sq.  "Weeping  and  mourning  aloud" 

•  On  the  irreg.  form  Chsi)  see  Ew.,  i  255  d. 


and  rending  the  garments  on  the  breast  were 
signs  of  grief  and  sorrow  for  the  dead.  See  Gen. 
XXX vii.  34,  35;  1.  1;  2  Sam.  iii.  32,  34;  Judg. 
xi.  35. — The  whole  body  of  soldiers  took  part  in 
David's  deep  grief.  The  Sept.  adds  at  the  end : 
"rent  their  clothes"  as  explanatory  of  the  terse 
Heb.  text.  The  numerous  signs  of  sorrow  here 
mentioned,  rending  the  garments,  mourning, 
weeping,  fasting  ("till  evening")  exhibit  the 
greatness  of  David's  sincere  grief.  The  order  of 
mention  of  the  objects  of  the  lamentation  is  the 
inverse  of  that  in  ver.  4:  Saul,  Jonathan,  the 
people.  His  grief  for  Savl  shows  his  heart  to  be 
free  from  bitterness,  revenge  and  malignant  joy ; 
he  mourns  the  fall  of  the  anointed  of  the  Lord. 
Hia  heart  must  have  been  filled  with  deep  sorrow 
for  the  death  of  Jonathan,  whom  he  had  not  seen 
since  the  incident  recorded  in  1  Sam.  xxiii.  18. 
He  laments  over  the  slain  and  scattered  people 
for  the  misery  and  ignominy  that  had  befallen 
them  through  defeat  by  the  uncireumcised  hea- 
then. He  calls  them  "the  people  of  the  Lord" 
with  special  reference  to  their  position  as  a  peo- 
ple chcsen  by  the  Lord  from  all  nations,  thus 
His  special  property  by  a  holy  covenant,  whose 
wars  against  foreign  nations,  out  of  whom  he  Iiad 
separated  them,  are  the  Lord^s  wars,  comp.  1  Sam. 
XXV.  28.  The  house  of  Israel  denotes  the  people 
as  a  unit,  with  reference  to  their  common  descent. 
The  people  of  the  Lard  was  in  this  battle  aban- 
doned by  the  Lord ;  the  house  of  Israel  as  a  whole 
and  in  all  its  parts  was  cast  down. — [On  the  al- 
leged difficulty  in  the  text  of  the  latter  part  of 
this  verse  see  "  Text,  and  Gram." — Tb.] 

Ver.  13  sq.  To  David's  question  concerning 
his  origin  the  young  man  answers  that  "  he  is  the 
son  of  an  Amalekite  slranger,"  that  is,  of  an 
Amalekite  who  had  settled  in  Israel.* — Ver.  14. 
From  the  same  reverence  for  the  sacred  life  of 
Saul  that  he  showed  before  in  the  words:  ''I 
will  not  1^  my  hand  on  my  lord,  for  he  is  the 
Lord's  anointed"  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  11),  springs 
David's  indignant  question  to  the  Amalekite: 
How  wast  thou  not  afraid  to  stretch  forth 
thy  hand  against  the  Lord's  anointed  ? — 
Comp.  1  Sam.  xxxi.  4  where  the  armor-bearer 
"fears"  to  do  such  a  thing.  This  question  sup- 
poses that  the  young  man,  as  a  foreigner  at  home 
in  Israel  and  living  under  its  law,  might  very 
well  know  what  a  crime  he  committed  in  laying 
his  hand  on  the  king's  person,  even  at  the  king's 
request.  The  question  shows  beyond  doubt  that 
David  took  his  account  to  be  true,  and  his  indig- 
nation at  the  crime  shows  how  far  he  was  from 
any  sort  of  revenge  against  the  (in  hia  eyes)  sa- 
cred person  of  Saul. — Ver.  15.  David  causes  the 
Amalekite  to  be  straightway  slain  for  his  self- 
avowed  crime.  He  slays  him  not  merely  that, 
after  the  Amalekite  has  confessed  the  regicide, 
he  (David)  may  not  be  supposed  to  countenance 
such  a  crime,  and  especially  not  Saul's  murder 
(Theniua),  but  he  punishes  him  for  hia  crime 
against  the  person  of  the  anointed  of  the  Lord, 
and  that  on  the  ground  of  his  right  as  the  king 
now  chosen  and  appointed  by  the  Lord.  It  was 
a  theocratic,  not  a  political  act,  aa  Clericua  thinka 
("it  ia  to  be  attributed  to  political  reasons"),  and 
so  Theniua  and  other  moderns. — Ver.  16.   While 

*  [For  Jewish  traditions  and  fables  on  this  whole  his- 
tory see  Patrick,  Gill,  Philippson.— Tb.] 


364 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  preparations  for  the  execution  of  the  judg- 
ment are  going  on,  David  pronounces  the  formal 
sentCTice  of  capital  punishment:  Thy  blood*  be 
on  thy  head. — "Thou  hast  brought  this  bloody 
punishment  on  thyself,  having  confessed  thy 
crime."  —  For  thy  mouth  hath  testified 
against  thee. — The  ground  of  the  sentence  of 
death  was  the  statement  of  the  Amalekite  him- 
self; he  affirmed  that  the  ornaments  he  brought 
were  taken  from  the  body  of  Saul,  designing  thus 
to  prove  that  Saul  had  been  killed  by  his  hand, 
and  hoping  to  receive  a  rich  reward.  See  ch.  iv. 
10. — Theodoret  remarks  that  it  was  becoming 
that  the  "Prophet  and  King"  should  be  asto- 
nished at  this  deed,  but  not  blame  it. — [It  was  so 
obvious  and  dreadful  a  crime  that  he  could  only 
express  astonishment  at  it. — Tb.] — What  David 
himself  with  holy  horror  had  reftised  to  do, 
namely,  to  lay  hands  on  Saul's  sacred  person, 
this  murderer  (so  it  seemed  to  him)  had  done. — 
[The  Commentators  refer  to  the  fact  that  the  law 
requiring  two  witnesses  in  a  death-sentence  was 
here  set  aside  from  the  peculiarity  of  the  circum- 
stances. There  is  no  trace  of  special  anger  and 
haste  because  of  the  nationality  of  the  supposed 
regicide;  but  the  execution  may  without  diffi- 
culty be  regarded  as  having  a  political  character 
— not  that  David,  looking  to  his  own  accession  to 
the  throne,  wished  to  ward  off  such  attempts 
against  himself,  or  to  curry  favor  with  Saul's 
friends,  but  that,  regarding  himself  as  in  fact  the 
highest  political  authority  in  the  land,  he  dis- 
pensed punishment  for  a  notorious  and  shocking 
political  crime.  It  can  hardly  be  suspected 
(Philippson)  from  the  words:  "thy  mouth  hath 
witnessed  against  thee,"  that  "  David  saw  through 
the  Amalekite."  Against  the  allegation  that 
David's  conduct  here  was  hypocritical,  Chandler 
cites  the  cases  of  Alexander  weeping  over  Darius, 
Scipio  over  Carthage,  Caesar  over  Pompey,  and 
Augustus  over  Antony. — Tb.] 

II.  David!  s  degy.    Vers.  17-27. 

Ver.  17.  And  David  sang  this  lament. — 
That  David  was  the  author  of  this  elegy  is  proved 
by  this  history,  as  well  aa  by  the  vigor  of  the 
song  and  its  harmony  with  David's  situation  and 
feeling.  For  the  general  defeat  of  Israel  David 
and  his  men  expressed  their  sorrow  as  is  above 
related.  Here  follows  the  voice  of  mourning 
from  David's  heart  especially  over  Saul  and 
Jonathan,  the  deaths  of  both  of  whom  must 
powerfully  have  moved  him,  though  for  different 
reasons. 

Ver.  18.  Two  notices  are  prefixed  to  the  Song: 
one  as  to  its  destination;  the  other  as  to  its  source. 
As  respects  its  destination  it  is  said :  ''  and  he  said 
(commanded)  to  teach  it  to  the  children  of  Ju- 
dah,"  they  were  to  learn  and  practice  it  (comp. 
Deut.  xxxi.  19 ;  Ps.  Ix.  1),  probably  that  they 
might  sing  it  in  their  military  practice  with  the 
bow  (Grot.,  Delitzsch  in  Herz.  XII.  280).  For 
rit^jT  is  best  understood  (from  ver.  22)  as  the 
title :  Song  of  the  Bow.— [Eng.  A.  V.  improperly 
supplies :  "  the  use  of." — Tb.] — With  all  its  notes 
of  sorrow  the  whole  Song  has  a  warlike  ground- 


*  Read  the  Plu.  of  DT  as  in  the  Kethib  [Germ,  has 

Qeri,  wronslyl,  since  this  alone  is  used  in  the  sense  of 
"  blood-guiltiness."  [This  is  inoorreot;  see  "Text,  and 
Gram."— Tb.] 


tone,  celebrating  Saul  and  Jonathan  as  warriorB, 
and  "the  bow  was  a  principal  weapon  of  the 
times,  and  used  especially  by  Saul's  tribesmen, 
the  Benjaminites,  with  great  success,  see  1  Chron. 
viii.  40;  xii.  2;  2  Chron.  xiv.  7;  xvii.  17" 
(Keil).  Bottcher  connects  "bow"  with  "chil- 
dren of  Judah "  and  renders :  "  to  teach  the 
archers  of  Judah ;"  but  against  this  restriction  to 
Judah,  Thenius  rightly  remarks  that  David's 
purpose  doubtless  was  that  the  whole  people 
should  preserve  a  faithfiil  remembrance  of  Saul 
and  Jonathan.  Instead  of  "  bow"  {™p..).  Then, 
and  Ew.  substitute  adverbial  accusatives,  the 
former  "  heedfuUy"  (3??p.,  Isa.  xxi.  7),  the  la^ 
ter  "exactly''  (t3f?p ).  Against  this  see  the  admi- 
rable remarks  of  Bottcher. — [Bottcher  points  out 
that  Thenius'  ''  heedfully "  applies  to  hearing, 
and  does  not  suit  here,  and  that  Ewald's  conjec- 
tured word  means  "truth,"  not  ''correctness," 
and  further  requires  (if  he  write  nt7p)  the  sub- 
stitution of  the  late  Aramaic  H  (in  this  word) 
for  the  Heb.  13-  To  regarding  "Bow"  as  the 
title  of  the  Song  Bottcher  objects  that  this  ought 
in  that  case  to  be  its  first  word ;  or,  if  the  men- 
tion of  the  bow  in  ver.  22  justifies  this  title  (as 
the  second  Sura  of  the  Koran  is  called  "The 
Cow"  from  the  incidental  story  of  Moses'  cow 
in  it),  the  word  should  at  least  have  the  Art., 
and  we  should  indeed  expect  "the  song  of  the 
bow."  On  the  other  hand  we  may  refer  to  such 
titles  as  those  of  Ps.  xxii.,  Ivi.,  xlv.,  Ix.  (Kitto). 
A  new  suggestion  is  made  by  JBib.  Com.,  that 
there  was  in  the  Book  of  Jashar  a  collection  of 
poems,  in  which  special  mention  was  made  of 
the  bow  (2  Sam.  i.  19-27 ;  1  Sam.  ii.  1-10;  Num. 
xxi.  27-30;  Lam.  ii.;  Lam.  iii.;  Gen.  xlLx.; 
Deut.  xxxii.;  perhaps  Deut.  xxxiii.,  etc.),  that 
this  collection  was  known  as  Kasheth  (the  bow), 
and  that  the  author  of  2  Sam.  transferred  this 
dirge  from  the  Book  of  Jashar  to  his  own  pages 
with  its  title  as  follows:  "For  the  children  of  Israel 
to  learnhy  heart.  Kasheth  from  the  Book  of  Jashar/' 
the  "and  he  said"  must  then  be  regarded  as 
introducing  the  Song,  the  title  being  a  parenthe- 
sis. The  objection  to  this  rendering  is  the  posi- 
tion of  the  "and  he  said,"  which  it  is  hard  to 
attach  to  the  dir^e,  and  the  way  in  which  the 
Book  of  Jashar  is  referred  to,  which  does  not 
suit  a  title  like  those  in  the  Psalms. — So  far  no 
satisfactory  translation  has  been  given  from  the 
existing  text,  nor  any  satisfactory  emendation 
suggested.  The  rendering  of  Erdmann  is  adopted 
as  offering  the  fewest  difficulties. — Te.] — The 
source  whence  the  author  drew  this  Song  was  "  the 
Bookofthe  Upright"  (Sing.),  orif  the subst.  (Jash- 
ar) be  taken  as  collective,  o^  the  upright  ones  (Vulg. 
liher  justorum).  Comp.  Josh.  x.  13.  It  was  in 
existence  before  the  Boolcs  of  Joshua  and  Samuel, 
and  contained  (judging  from  the  two  extracts 
here  and  in  Joshua)  a  collection  of  Songs  on 
specially  remarkable  events  of  the  Israelite  his- 
tory, together  with  celebration  of  the  prominent 
pious  men,  whose  names  were  connected  with 
these  events  (see  Bleek, Introd.) ;  Maurer :  "songs 
in  praise  of  worthy  Israelites."— [On  the  Bods 
of  Jashar  or  The  Upright,  the  various  opinions 
as  to  Its  origin  and  character  (including  Donald- 
son's fanciful  and  unsound  book),  the  two  Kabbi- 
nical  works  of  this  name,  the  anonymous  work 


CHAP.  I.  1-25. 


365 


of  1625  (an  English  translation  of  which  was 
published  in  New  York  in  1840  by  M.  M.  Noah ; 
it  abonnds  in  fables,  and  was  apparently  the 
work  of  a  Spanish  Jew),  and  the  "clumsy  for- 
gery" which  appeared  in  England  in  1751  under 
the  name  of  the  "  Book  of  Jasher  "  (reprinted  in 
1827  and  in  1833)— see  Art.  "Book  of  Jasher" 
in  Smith's  BiJ).  Diet.,  and  Gill's  Commentary  in 
loeo  and  on  Josh.  x.  13.  Patrick  holds  the  opi- 
nion that  it  was  a  book  concerning  the  right  art 
of  making  war  ( Ja8her=right),  and  quotes  Vic- 
torinus  Strigelius,  who  says  that  it  was  "  an  ec- 
clesiastical history  like  those  of  Eusebius  and 
Theodoret."  The  author  has  been  surmised  to 
be  Gad  or  Nathan,  inasmuch  as  no  extract  is 
riven  from  the  work  later  than  the  death  of  SauL 
Dr.  Erdmann  states  in  the  text  the  substance  of 
what  we  know  about  it. — Tb.] 

Ver.  19.  The  glory  of  Israel  on  thy 
heights  slain ! — This  lament  is  the  superscrip- 
tion of  the  whole  song ;  herein  David  addresses 
"the  people  of  the  Lord,  the  house  of  Israel" 
(ver.  12).  "Israel"  cannot  be  taken  as  Vocative, 
^'O  Israel"  (Buns.,  Keil,  et  al.  [Kitto,  Stanley, 
Bib.  Oam.']),  because  then  the  expression  "the 
glory"  would  stand  too  isolated  and  undefined, 
especially  at  the  beginning  of  the  song ;  we  must 
therefore  suppose  it  to  be  defined  by  the  follow- 
ing word. — ^Bib.  Com.,  to  avoid  this  difficulty, 
renders:  "thy  glory;"  Chandler,  Philippson  and 
Cahen :  "  O  glory  of  Israel,"  which  is  easier  as 
supplying  an  antecedent  for  the  "  thy  heights ;" 
but  perhaps  less  suitable  in  the  connection,  where 
we  should  not  so  naturally  expect  a  mere  excla- 
mation, and  where  the  subst.  verb  could  not  with 
this  translation  be  supplied.  Still  it  is  a  quite 
possible  rendering,  and  deserves  consideration. — 
Tr.J — Some  render  the  opening  word  (''?•Xi^^ 
"Gazelle"  (De  Wette,  et  ai.  [Kitto,  Stanley]), 
and  Ewald  then  refers  this  to  Jonathan,  who,  he 
says  (Thenius:  "a  high-handed  way,  in  truth, 
of  dealing  with  history"),  was  generally  known 
among  the  warriors  as  "the  Gazelle;"  but  this, 
apart  from  the  absence  in  the  song  of  any  com- 
parison with  the  gazelle,  or  any  allusion  to  its 
swiftness  and  agility,  is  untenable  simply  because 
the  song  speaks  throughout  not  of  one  hero  (Jona- 
than), but  of  two  (Saul  and  Jonathan).  As  the 
composition  has  the  ring  of  a  hero-song  in  honor 
of  these  two,  who  were  in  fact  the  hero-glory  of 
Israel,  we  must  render  the  word  "glory,  orna- 
ment." The  "heights,"  on  which  these  the 
"  ornament  of  Israel "  were  slain,  are  the  moun- 
tains of  Gilboa,  on  which  David  looks  as  the 
scene  of  the  tragic  end  of  the  two  greatest  heroes 
of  Israel.  At  the  outset  of  liis  song  he  laments 
the  heavy  loss  which  Israel  suffered  in  noble 
hero-power.  This  sorrowful  lament  is  still  more 
definitely  expressed  in  the  following  words : 
''  JEow  are  the  heroes  fallen  I"  Thrice  it  appears 
as  the  ground-tone  of  the  whole  song.  Here  at 
the  beginning  it  introduces  the  lament  for  the 
two  strong  heroes,  Saul  and  Jonathan  (vers.  20-24), 
which  forms  the  greater  part  of  the  song ;  in  ver. 
25  it  is  the  basis  for  the  lament  over  Jonathan 
alone,  the  deeply  loved /He?Mi.  At  the  close  (ver. 
27)  it  sounds  out  the  third  time,  strengthened  by 
a  parallel  exclamation,  that  the  whole  song  as  a 
hero-elegy  may  not  merely  "  die  away  in  a  last 


sigh,"  but  close  with  an  exclamation  aloud  of 
deepest  grief  over  the  loss  of  these  great  heroes. 

Ver.  20.  The  two  Philistine  cities  Gath  and 
Askelon,  as  the  most  prominent,  are  named  in 
the  language  of  poetry,  for  the  whole  land,  which 
they  represent  (Gath  very  near,  Askelon  at  ^  dis- 
tance on  the  sea).  The  singer  will  not  have  Is- 
rael's great  calamity  known  among  the  heathen 
[he  did  not  know  that  the  Philistines  had  posses- 
sion of  the  bodies  of  Saul  and  his  sons. — Tk.], 
for  they  are  the  "  uncircumcised,"  the  enemies 
of  Jehovah  and  of  His  people.  The  latter's 
shame  is  already  great  enough  in  being  overcome 
and  trodden  down  by  the  uncircumcised  nation ; 
may  it  not  be  increased  by  Philistine  songs  of 
triumph  over  vanquished  Israel. — Tell  it  not 
in  Oath,  so  Mic.  i.  10.  "  The  rejoicing  of  the 
daughters  of  the  Philislinea "  refers  to  the  common 
oriental  custom  of  the  celebration  by  the  women 
and  virgins  with  songs  and  dances  of  the  heroic 
deeds  and  triumphal  return  of  the  men  (see  1 
Sam.  xviii.  6).  —  David's  expression:  "Tell  it 
not,"  etc.,  must  be  conceived  and  understood 
throughout  according  to  its  poetical  significance : 
he  wishes  that  Philistia  may  not  learn  of  ihis 
defeat,  that  Israel  may  be  spared  the  shame  of 
becoming  the  object  of  the  Philistines'  scornful 
joy  over  victory.  In  fact  the  defeat  of  Israel 
could  not  possibly  remain  unknown;  news  of  it 
had  already  gone  through  the  whole  land  (1 
Sam.  xxxi.  9  sq.).  It  would  be  in  contradiction 
with  the  poetical  type  to  suppose  (as  Sack  does) 
that  David's  words  are  an  exhortation  to  the  men 
assembled  about  him  on  Philistine  soil  [at  Zik- 
lag],  that  they  themselves  at  least  should  not 
announce  the  sad  news  to  the  enemy.  Nor  is 
ver.  21  to  be  taken  as  a  real  imprecation  against 
Nature  (Then.),  but  as  a  poetical  image. — Ver. 
21.  Over  against  the  exultant  joy  of  victory  of 
Israel's  enemies,  which  he  would  gladly  be  spared, 
David  sets  the  attitude  of  mourning,  in  which  he 
would  behold  the  mmmtains  of  CfUboa,  the  scene 
of  his  heroes'  death-struggle:  ye  mountains 
in  Oilboa,  poetical  for  the  usual  prose-form : 
"mountains  of  Gilboa"  (ver.  6;  1  Sam.  xxxi.  1), 
the  Preposition  further  defining  the  Stat.  Const, 
(see  on  this  construction  Ew.  §  289  6,  Ges.  ?  116, 
1). — [Others  suppose,  not  so  well,  that  Gilboa  is 
here  named  as  a  tract  of  country. — Tb.] — Be 
there  neither  Ae'w  nor  rain  on  you ! — May 
you  lack  that  which  makes  you  green  and  fruit- 
ful, and  dispenses  fresh  life.  Waste  and  desert 
they  were  to  lie,  that  their  death  might  present 
forever  a  picture  of  the  dreadful  end  of  those  that 
were  slain  there,  and  so  Nature  might,  as  it  were, 
mourn  for  them.— And  fields  of  first-fruits 
(be  not  on  you).*  The  fields  from  which  were 
taken  the  firstlings  (as  best),  were  the  most  fruit-. 
ful.  The  expression  therefore  means :_  may  these 
places  be  destitute  (not  only  of  fructifying  dew 
and  rain,  but  also)  of  the  products  of  a  fruitful 
soil,  may  there  be  here  no  fruitful  fields  whence 
might  be  gathered  offerings  of  first-fruits.  This 
is  a  poetical  elaboration  of  the  thought  ex- 
pressed in  the  figure  of  the  dew  and  rain,  and  is 

•  As  niJ'  is  Sing,  (the  Plu.  is  HMiV),  all  explanations 

based  on  the  Plu.  are  wrong.    nOlifl  is  used  of  the 

T        : 
bringing  of  first-fruits,  Num.  xv.  19  sq.  j  2  Chron.  xxxi. 
10  [but  also  of  other  offerings.— Tb.] 


366 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


by  no  means  "meaningless"  (Then.).  There  is 
no  need  for  changing  the  text,  as  Thenius,  for 
example,  afWr  Theodotion  would  read:  "ye 
forests  and  mountains  of  death."*  Equally  unte- 
nable is  Bottcher's  conjecture  (Aehrenlese,  p.  24, 
and  Netie  Aehrenl,  p.  139) :  on  the  fields  of 
Jarmuth,"!  especially  as  "the  name  of  the  city 
in  question  [Jarmuth]  is  doubtful,  and  its  loca- 
tion near  Gilboa  arbitrary"  (Then.).  The  trans- 
lation "lofty  fields"  {campi  editi,  Cler.,  Maur.)  is 
opposed  to  the  usual  meaning  of  the  Heb.  word 
(■nionn^j  is  here  without  special  significance, 
and  requires  too  much  to  be  supplied  in  order  to 
connect  it  with  the  preceding:  "and  on  you,  ye 
lofty  fields,"  come  neither  dew  nor  rain. — For 
there  is  defiled  the  shield  of  the  heroes, 
defiled  with  dust  and  blood,  not  "cast  away" 
(Vulg.). — [Eng.  A.  v.:  "vilely  cast  away,"  com- 
bining, not  badly,  the  two  shades  of  meaning  of 
the  word. — Tb.]— The  shield  of  Saul  is  spe- 
cially mentioned  as  the  military  emblem  of  the 
leader  of  the  army.— Not  anointed  with  oil. 
This  is  not  an  explanation  of  the  words  "defiled 
is  Saul's  shield,"  as  the  Vulg.  has  it:  "the  shield 
of  Saul,  as  if  it  were  not  anointed  with  oil,"  nor 
a  reference  to  Saul :  "  as  if  he  were  not  anointed," 
1  Sam.  X.  1  sq.  (J.  H.  Michaelis,  S.  Sohmid, 
Dathe,  et  al.  [Eng.  A.  V.]),  the  "as  if"  and  the 
reference  to  the  royal  anointing  being  both 
wrongly  introduced ;  but  it  expresses  the  fact 
that  the  shield  is  not  "  anointed  with  oil,"  as  was 
usually  done  to  the  metallic  shield  ([JO),  in  order 
to  clean  and  polish  it  when  it  was  stained  with 
blood  and  defiled  by  dirt  and  rust  (see  the  de- 
scription in  Isa.  xxi.  5).  In  the  individualizing 
poetical  language  the  defiled  and  uncleansed 
shields  denote  the  unfitness  for  war  and  the  help- 
lessness of  the  glory  of  Israel  lying  powerless  in 
dust  and  blood.  If  the  shield  of  Israel  lack  its 
ornament  and  grace,  so  mayst  thou  also,  O  field 
of  slaughter,  lack  thine,  mourn  thou  wa.ste  and 
dreary  1  Let  Nature  respond  to  the  shame  and 
wretchedness  of  the  people. — Ver.  22  celebrates 
the  bravery  of  the  two  heroes,  which  impelled 
them  ever  onward  to  victory,  that  thus  the  con- 
trast to  their  sad  end  may  come  out  more  promi- 
nently. To  Jonathan  is  assigned  the  bow  (corap. 
1  Sam.  xviii.  4;  xx.  20),  to  Saul  the  sward. 
They  thus  represent  the  weapon-power  ("  Wehr 
und  Waffen"X)  of  the  whole  people.  The  sword, 
and  in  a  sort  the  arrow,  drinks  the  blood  and  de- 
vours the  fiesh.  This  frequent  poetical  concep- 
tion (ii.  26;  Deut.  xxxii.  42;  Isai.  i.  20;  xxxiv. 
6;  Jer.  ii  .30;  xlvi.  10)  mingles  in  the  words: 
Saul's  sword  returned  not  empty  [Jona- 
than's bow  turned  not  back] ;  these  heroes  were 
accustomed  to  gain  complete  victory,  to  overthrow 
and  destroy  all  opposing  power  (comp.  1  Sam. 
Xiv.  15).— Ver.  23.  The  singer  sets  forth  how  the 
two  met  death  not  only  together,  but  also  in  a 
deep,  cordial  union  of  war-comradeship.  They 
were  "beloved"  and  "lovely,  amiable,"  the  lat- 

*  HID  '^ni  'TJ?^  [which  is  "unhebraio,  and  the 
first  word  ungrammatical "  fWellh.). — Tr.]. 

t  nwT  n'nm. 

t  [A  phrase  from  Luther's  famous  hymn  (Bine  feste 
burg)  —  '■  shield  and  weapon."  For  a  translation  see 
Carlyie's  Miscellanies, — Tb.J 


ter  quality  being  the  cause  of  the  former ;  impor- 
tant data  for  the  characterization  of  the  two  men, 
both  adjectives  being  referred  to  each.  Comp. 
the  corresponding  description  of  Saul  in  1  Sam. 
ix.  2  sq.  and  x.  24.  David  here  looks  at  him 
only  in  the  light  of  his  God-given  noble  endow- 
ments and  qualities,  and  praises  them,  turning 
his  glance  away  (in  view  of  his  death)  from  the 
time  during  which  the  "evil  spirit"  had  dark- 
ened and  destroyed  his  nobility,  and  not  think- 
ing of  the  persecutions  he  himself  had  sufiered. — 
In  life  and  in  death — not  divided.* — On 
the  one  hand  David  here  bears  witness  to  the 
cordial  love  that  Saul  felt  for  his  son,  traces  of 
which  we  find  in  1  Sam.  xix.  6 ;  xx.  2,  though 
according  to  1  Sam.  xx.  30  sq.  the  evil  spirit  in 
him  burned  in  hot  anger  even  against  Jonathan. 
On  the  other  hand  David  here  praises  the  filial 
love  of  J  onathan,  in  which  he  remained  true  to 
his  father  in  spite  of  the  tatter's  hatred  and  perse- 
cution of  his  Mend,  not  permitting  his  friendship 
to  diminish  his  filial  piety.  Equal  in  noble 
qualities  of  heart,  bound  together  in  life  and 
death  in  cordial  personal  association,  they  had 
also  the  noblest  heroic  qualities  in  common : 
each  was  distinquished  for  eagle-like  gunftnesa  and 
agility  (Isa.  xl.  31 ;  Dent,  xxviii.  49 ;  Jer.  iv.  13 ; 
Lam.  iv.  19;  Hab.  i.  8),  for  lionAihe  courage  and 
strength  (xvii.  10;  Judg.  xiv.  18;  Prov.  xxx.  30). 
How  sorrowful,  then,  the  loss! — Ver.  24.  Saul's 
gracious  free-handedness  in  dividing  out  the  bdoty 
of  war.  Scarlet-red,  purple  or  crimson  ('JE/ 
Ex.  XXV.  4;  Judg.  v.  30;  Prov.  xxxi.  21).— 
With  delights  =  in  an  amiable  manner  [or 
the  "with"  may^  "and;"  in  scarlet  and  (other) 
delights. — Te.].  — To  this  costly  clothing  for 
women  he  added  golden  ornaments,  brought  along 
in  the  spoil  of  war.  As  the  men  are  to  mourn 
for  the  hero,  so  the  women  for  the  gracious  king, 
who  out  of  the  booty  of  his  battles  has  bestowed 
on  them  costly  adornment. — [The  poetical  power 
of  this  appeal  to  the  women  of  Israel,  beautiful 
in  itself,  is  heightened  when  we  recollect  that 
these  women  had  once  sung  the  war-praises  of 
Saul,  and  were  therefore  the  admirers  of  his 
prowess  as  well  as  the  grateful  recipients  of  his 
bounty.  Womanly  tenderness  is  to  mourn  the 
fallen  hero,  whom  in  his  life  womanly  enthusiasm 
had  celebrated. — Tr.] 

Vers.  25,  26.  The  «^ecnal  lamentation  for  Jona- 
than. Ver.  25.  The  first  part  is  a  repetition  of 
the  lamentation  in  ver.  19  b  with  the  addition : 
in  the  midst  of  the  battle.  Then  follows 
first  the  lamentation  over  the  fact  of  his  death : 
Jonathan  on  thy  heights  slain,  comp.  ver. 
19  o.  David  mentions  him  alone,  in  order  to 
bemoan  what  he  had  lost  in  him,  the  dearly-loved 
friend.  His  union  of  heart  with  his  friend  ditter- 
ences  this  lament  .sharply  from  the  foregoing  over 
him  and  Said  as  heroes. — I  am  distressed,  etc., 
thus  standing  first  indicates  that  David's  heart 
was  deeply  moved,  and  utterly  given  up  to  grief. 
My  brother— the  expression  of  the  cordial  bro- 
therly love  that  united  them. — Very  pleasant 
wast  thou  to  me  must  be  understood  as  setting 
forth  the  deep  impression  that  Jonathan  made 
on  him  by  his  faithful,  absorbing  love.  On  this 
account,  and  because  of  the  expression:  "I  am 


•  [On  the  translation  see  "Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.1 


CHAP.  I.  1-25. 


367 


distressed,"  the  "thy  love''  can  only  ^  "thy 
love  to  me,"  not  "my  love  to  thee"  (Bunsen). 
"  David  mourns  for  him  not  because  he  himself 
loved  him,  but  because  he  has  lost  him"  (Then.j. 
"  More  wonderful,  extraordinary"*  than  the 
love  of  117001611,  the  love  that  women  bear — 
thus  he  sets  forth  the  deep  devotion  of  Jonathan's 
love,  like  that  which  is  peculiar  to  women,  and 
is  the  basis  of  the  completest  loving  union  be- 
tween man  and  woman.  Theodoret:  ''As  they 
that  are  married  are  made  one  flesh  by  their 
union,  so  they  that  love  one  another  perfectly  are 
made  one  in  soul  by  their  disposition  of  mind." 
In  these  words  David  has  not  only  reared  to 
Jonathan  a  monument  of  friendship,  but  also 
borne  testimony  to  that  highest  ideal  of  friend- 
ship (realized  in  him),  which  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment was  possible  only  on  the  basis  of  a  common 
covenant  of  heart  with  the  living  God. 

Ver.  27.  The  climacteric  expression  of  sorrow 
after  this  declaration  of  highest  loss  in  Jonathan's 
love:  How  are  the  heroes  fallen!  At  this 
culmination  of  grief  the  lament  again  sounds  the 
key-note  of  the  whole,  and  returns  in  conclusion 
to  its  chief  object,  the  sorrow  for  the  hero-glory 
of  Israel  destroyed  in  Said  and  Jonathan.  For 
the  concluding  words:  The  weapons  of  war 
are  perished,  refer  not  to  materials  of  war 
(Vulg.,  De  Wette,  Bottcher,  al.).  This  would  be 
a  psychologically  inconceivable  transition,  in 
sharpest  contrast  with  the  lofty  tone  of  the  Song, 
from  the  deepest,  tenderest,  innermost  sorrow  of 
heart  for  what  the  singer  and  all  Israel  had  lost 
in  these  two  heroes,  to  a  lament  which,  as  The- 
nius  admirably  says,  a  Napoleon  might  have 
made,  but  not  a  David.  The  "  weapons  of  war  " 
are  the  heroes  considered  as  instruments  of  battle 
and  war;  comp.  Isa.  xiii.  5;  Acts  ix.  15  {ansvog). 
[The  exquisite  beauty  of  this  Ode  has  been  noted 
by  all  commentators.  The  artistic  skill  with 
which  its  successive  thought'  are  introduced  is 
equal  to  the  beauty  and  passionate  tenderness  of 
the  thoughts  themselves.  The  lament  over  Is- 
rael's glory  slain — the  picture  of  exulting  foes — 
the  imprecation  on  the  spot  of  ground  that  wit- 
nessed and,  as  it  were,  permitted  the  misfortune 
— the  praise  of  the  military  exploits  of  the  heroes, 
their  oneness,  their  strength — the  appeal  to  the 
women — the  picture  of  Jonathan's  deep  and 
faithful  love — these  are  all  exquisitely  expressed 
and  connected ;  the  ode  has  unity,  and  yet,  short 
as  it  is,  has  wonderful  variety. — It  is  to  be  ob- 
served that  the  divine  name  does  not  occur  in 
the  song,  nor  does  it  contain  any  theocratic  or 
religious  thought.  There  is  no  reference  to 
Jehovah's  wrath,  no  prayer  for  Jehovah's  inter- 
position, no  expression  of  resignation  to  the  di- 
vine will.  Whatever  David  may  have  thought 
of  these  things,  he  here  says  nothing  about  them. 
The  elegy,  therefore  (though  noble  in  feeling),  is 
not  religious ;  it  is  a  national  song,  aa  the  title 
seems  to  indicate,  and  is  here  chronicled  by  the 
historian  as  the  speech  of  Jotham  (Judg.  ix.)  or 
that  of  Tertullus  (Acts  xxiv.)  is  recorded— a 
gem  of  ancient  Hebrew  poetry,  not  only  pleasing 
as  poetry,  but  instructive  in  the  light  that  it 

*  The  form  nnsSs:  aa  if  from  a  verb  n*V  [with 
K  for  N].    Ges.,  f75,'21  a,  Kw.  ?  IM,  b. 


throws  on  the  personages  and  events  of  the  time, 
— Tb.] 

HISTORICAL   AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  David's  noble,  kingly  disposition  is  here 
splendidly  attested  in  the  templation  that  the 
announcement  of  Saul's  death  brought  him. 
Suddenly  he  sees  himself  freed  from  the  persistent 
murderous  persecutions  of  Saul,  and  the  way 
open  for  his  accession  to  the  long-promised  royal 
power  and  honor;  how  easily  might  his  heart 
have  abandoned  itself,  if  not  to  malicious  joy,  at 
any  rate  to  joy  at  God's  righteous  judgment  on 
his  enemy,  and  the  restoration  of  quiet  in  his  life 
and  peace  in  his  land  1  How  human  and  natural 
it  would  seem  if  he  expressed  satisfaction  at  Saul's 
end  and  its  results  for  himself!  Instead  of  this 
we  see  in  David's  words  and  conduct  in  the  pre- 
sence of  this  terrible  catastrophe  the  noblest  and 
purest  unselfishness,  and  concern  only  for  the  sa- 
cred interests  of  Israel  as  the  people  of  the  Lord. 
Looking  altogether  away  from  himself  and  his 
royal  calling,  he  immerses  himself  with  his  men 
in  mourning  for  the  national  calamity,  for  the 
downfall  of  the  army  of  the  Lord,  for  the  violar 
tion  done  to  the  Lord's  honor  in  the  defeat  of 
His  people.  He  shows  deep,  true  sorrow  for 
Saul's  death,  looking  away  from  all  that  Saul 
had  done  to  him,  and  taking  note  only  of  what 
he  was  for  Israel  in  his  royal  calling  as  Anointed 
of  the  Lord.  Further,  he  without  envy  celebrates 
him  as  the  glory  of  Israel  in  the  elegy,  which 
contemplates  Saul  only  as  militaiy  hero,  but  as 
such  from  the  theocratic  point  of  view  in  his 
quality  of  leader  of  the  people  and  army  of  the 
Lord.  As  he  acted  theocratically  with  perfect 
justice  in  slaying  in  holy  anger  the  Amalekite  as 
the  murderer  of  the  Lord's  anointed,  giving  no 
room  in  his  heart  to  revenge,  so  he  stands  on  the 
summit  of  the  theocratic  view,  when  in  his  elegy  he 
celebrates  Saul  as  the  national  hero  and  consecrated 
leader  of  Israel,  being  wholly  free  from  bitterness 
and  anger  at  the  suflering  that  Saul  had  so  long 
inflicted  on  him.  All  selfish  feeling  vanishes,  in 
the  presence  of  the  slaughtered  people  and  the 
slain  king,  in  the  general  theocratic  concern  for 
Israel  and  in  the  consciousness  of  the  Lord's  con- 
trol over  His  people  with  the  army  and  its  lead- 
ers. "David's  lament  over  Saul  and  Jonathan 
is  the  consecration  of  completion  that  is  poured 
out  over  the  attestation  of  his  royal  disposition" 
(Baumgarten).  It  is  "a  monument  of  his  noble 
unrevengeful  spirit.  He  who  can  so  speak  of  the 
enemy  who  has  for  years  sought  his  life  and  in- 
flicted on  his  soul  wounds  that  never  heal,  can 
certainly  not  be  charged  with  revenge"  (Hengst., 
Ps.  iv.  298  sq.). 

2.  While  he  thus  exhibits  a  noble,  high-hearted 
disposition,  David  also  presents  an  example  of 
true  love  of  enemies,  being  not  merely  free  from  all 
feeling  of  revenge  in  the  heart,  making  no  com- 
plaint or  accusation  concerning  the  wrong  done 
him,  uttering  no  word  of  joy  over  the  judgment 
that  has  befellen  his  enemy,  but  mourning  his 
fall  as  that  of  a  friend,  avenging  in  holy  anger 
the  insult  offered  to  God  in  his  person,  and  dwell- 
ing with  just  recognition  and  praise  on  the  good 
with  which  God  has  endowed  him. 

3.  As  David  did,  so  must  every  servant  of  God 


368 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


keep  the  good  and  righteous  cause  for  wliich  he 
fights  and  Buflera  (whether  it  be  merely  personal, 
or  also  a  matter  of  God's  kingdom)  free  and  pure 
from  the  self-seeking  that  mingles  therewith  un- 
der the  pretence  of  furthering  and  completing  it, 
that  he  may  not  set  himself  at  variance  with 
God's  holy  will,  whose  wise  direction  prepares 
right  ways  for  it,  nor  with  the  ends  of  his  king- 
dom which  can  never  be  furthered  by  sinful 
means.  He  who  employs  the  sin  of  the  world 
for  a  cause  good  and  holy  in  itself,  so  as  to  make 
himself  partaker  of  this  sin,  treads  the  path  of 
falsehood  and  destruction,  and  desecrates  the 
name  and  the  aims  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 

4.  Sincere  love  of  enemies  has  its  root  in  a  heart 
purified  from  selfishness  and  in  fellowship  with 
the  living  God,  which  seeks  not  its  own,  but 
looks  only  to  God's  love  and  honor.  For  Oocls 
sake  the  truly  God-fearing  man  loves  his  enemy. 
And  so  love  to  enemies  shows  itself  in  such  main 
features  as  are  here  described :  in  the  putting 
away  of  all  revengeful  feeling,  in  the  refraining 
from  a  strictly  justifiable  condemnation  in  view 
of  God's  completed  judgment,  in  silence  of  heart 
and  mouth  before  God  and  man  as  to  the  evil 
that  the  enemy  has  done,  in  covering  the  sin 
that  the  Lord  has  visited  or  will  visit,  in  recog- 
nizing what  was  good  and  praise- worthy  in  the 
enemy,  and  what  he  was  and  what  he  accom- 
plished by  God's  will  and  endowment  for  his 
kingdom,  in  praising  the  name  of  God  for  all 
whereby  the  Lord  even  in  the  person  and  life  of 
the  enemy  has  maintained  His  honor  and  exhi- 
bited His  merciful  and  loug-sufiering  love. 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PEACTIOAL. 

Wonderful  is  God's  management  in  the  life  of 
His  people.  When  through  the  entanglement 
of  their  life  with  the  world  their  anxieties  and 
afilictions  have  risen  highest,  the  Lord  suddenly 
causes  things  to  take  a  turn  that  puts  an  end  to 
all  need  and  conflict,  and  introduces  a  thorough- 
going help  tliat  brings  all  temptations  and  trials 
of  faith  to  a  wholesome  conclusion. — To  those 
who  are  distinguished  in  the  kingdom  of  God  as 
specially  called  and  favored  instruments  of  His 
grace,  falsehood  and  hypocrisy  draw  near  most 
pressingly  and  corruptingly  in  the  guise  of  humi- 
lity and  self-abasement. — Children  of  God  should 
not  betake  themselves  to  the  ways  of  unrighteous- 
ness and  self-will,  in  order  to  attain  the  goal  set 
up  for  them;  they  can  reach  this  only  through 
decided  rejection  of  the  means  oflfered  and  com- 
mended to  them  by  the  tempting  world. — The 
God-fearing  man  sees  in  the  misfortune  that 
strikes  his  enemy  the  judicial  righteousness  of 
God,  and  accordingly  lets  no  feeling  of  revenge 
or  of  rejoicing  at  injury  to  others  gain  a  place  in 
his  heart,  and  is  humbly  silent  when  the  Lord 
speaks.  Rather  does  he  mourn  over  the  fall  of 
his  opponent,  and  over  the  damage  that  has 
been  done  not  only  to  the  opponent,  but  to  the 
common  good  cause. — Love  to  an  enemy  is  right- 
eons  in  that  it  recognizes  the  good  in  an  opponent 
without  envy  and  without  reserve,  and  thank- 
fully recognizes  what  God  h<aa  done  in  his  case 

according  to  His  own   goodness   and  mercy 

Even  amid  the  most  painful  experiences  we 
should  be  quick  to  discern  the  stamp  of  divine 


nobility  in  an  immortal  human  soul. — When  we 
behold  God's  hand  righteously  smiting  men  from 
whom  as  our  persecutors  and  foes  we  have  had  to 
sufler  for  the  sake  of  God's  cause  and  kingdom, 
we  should  keep  our  eyes  open  against  the  sin 
which  wishes  to  anticipate  God's  will  and  assail 
the  life  of  our  opposers :  we  should  by  word  and 
deed  testify  in  holy  wrath  against  conduct  so 
ofiTensive  to  God. 

Ver.  1  sq.  Schliee:  God  the  Lord  has  for 
every  one  of  us  also  fixed  His  aim,  and  though  it 
be  no  royal  crown  that  is  destined  for  us,  yet  about 
us  all  God  has  long  ago  formed  His  special  plan. 
The  way  to  reach  this  end  is  the  way  of  duty,  the 
way  of  quiet,  faithful  obedience  to  God's  will. 
In  such  a  way  we  come  to  the  goal.  Think  of 
David,  to  whom  the  crown  was  promised,  and 
who  in  order  to  obtain  it  did  absolutely  nothing 
else  than  his  duty,  and  how  beautifully  did 
David  reach  the  goal!  without  his  asking,  the 
crown  was  laid  at  his  feet — Ver.  2.  Cbambb: 
Hypocrites  turn  their  cloak  according  to  the 
wind,  and  worship  the  rising  more  than  the  set- 
ting sun ;  but  He  who  deals  hypocritically  with 
his  neighbor  prepares  a  net  for  his  own  feet 
(Prov.  xxix.  5). — Ver.  3.  Osiander:  Those 
who  wish  to  deceive  other  people  mix  truth  and 
falsehood  together,  in  order  that  they  may  sell 
one  along  with  the  other,  like  good  and  bad 
wares  (Ja.  iii.  10-12). 

[Ver.  10.  Hax-l:  Worldly  minds  think  no 
man  can  be  of  any  other  than  their  own  diet; 
and  because  they  find  the  respects  of  self-love, 
and  private  profit,  so  strongly  prevailing  with 
themselves,    they    cannot    conceive    how    these 

should  be  capable  of  a  repulse  from  others 

Henky:  David  had  been  long  waiting  for  the 
crown,  and  now  it  is  brought  him  by  an  Amalek- 
ite.  See  how  God  can  serve  His  own  purpose  of 
kindness  to  His  people,  even  by  designing  men, 
who  aim  at  nothing  but  to  set  up  themselves. 
— Ta.] 

Vers.ll,  12.  For  him  who  has  the  Holy  Spirit 
it  is  not  impossible  to  love  his  enemies. — Schlier  : 
Who  among  us  has  such  a  persecutor  as  DaviJ 
had  in  Saul  ?  What  we  have  in  the  worst  case 
is  one  or  another  opposer,  who  injures  us  or  hurts 
our  feelings.  And  yet  how  full  we  are  of  hate! 
and  even  if  we  do  our  opposer  no  evil,  how  glad 
we  are  when  evil  befalls  him  !  Of  this  we  will 
be  ashamed,  we  will  learn  better  the  love  of  ene- 
mies. We  are  Christians,  and  as  Christians  have 
double  cause  to  follow  Him  who  for  us,  His  ene- 
mies, gave  up  His  life.— F.  W.  Krtjmmacher  : 
O  how  it  should  shame  us,  already  in  the  days 
of  the  Old  Testament  to  meet  with  a  love  of  ene- 
mies such  as  here  manifests  itself  in  David,  while 
it  must  with  sincerity,  truth  and  candor  be  con- 
fessed that  among  us,  though  we  know  the  reve- 
lation of  love  to  sinners  in  Christ,  it  belongs, 
alas!  to  the  rarest  pearls. — Ver.  16.  It  was  in- 
dignation at  such  an  outrage  when  David  caused 
the  regicide  to  be  slain,  and  such  indignation 
proceeded  from  fear  of  God,  and  at  such  a  mo- 
ment there  was  nothing  like  calculating  prudence 
to  be  found  in  David.  But  in  truth  the  fear  of 
the  Lord  is  always  at  the  same  time  true  pru- 
dence.—[David's  course  in  this  matter  was  the 
beat  poiicj/  for  him;  but  we  have  no  right  to  con- 
clude from  that  fact  that  he  was  led  to  it  by  con- 


CHAP.  II.  1— III.  6. 


369 


Biderations  of  policy.  He  had  himself  shown,  on 
an  oeoaaion  of  great  temptation  (1  Sam.  xxiv.  6), 
that  reverence  for  the  Lord's  anointed  of  which 
he  here  speaks.  The  fact  that  "  honesty  is  the 
best  policy"  will  not  of  itself  alone  make  a  man 
honest;  but  neither  doea  it  prevent  a  man's  being 
honest,  or  give  us  a  right  to  suspect  a  good  man's 
motives. — XB.] 

Ver.  17.  8.  Schmid:  When  a  man  dies,  it  is 
for  the  first  time  seen  how  people  have  been  dis- 
posed towards  him  during  his  life. — Ver.  20. 
Khummacher;  The  word:  "TellitnotinGath," 
etc.,  has  since  become  a  proverb  in  believing  cir- 
cle.'. It  is  often  heard  when  one  of  their  num- 
ber has  not  guarded  his  feet,  and  has  somewhere 
given  offence.  Would  that  this  call  were  but 
more  faithfully  lived  up  to  than  is  for  the  most 
part  the  easel  Would  that  the  honor  of  the 
spiritual  Zion  lay  everywhere  as  near  the  heart 
of  the  children  of  the  kingdom  as  to  David's 
heart  that  of  the  earthly  Zion  1  But  how  often 
it  happens  that  they  are  even  zealous  to  uncover 
the  nakedness  of  their  brethren,  and  by  this 
renewal  of  Ham's  offence  become  traitors  in  the 
Church  which  Christ  has  purchased  with  His 
blood.  They  thus  make  themselves  partakers  in 
the  guilt  of  calumniating  the  gospel,  in  that  they 
open  the  way  for  it  by  their  perhaps  thoroughly 
malicious  tale-telling  — Schlieb  :  Do  but  let  us 
once  learn  to  love  our  fellow-man,  not  for  the 
sake  of  what  he  is  or  deserves,  but  for  the  Lord's 
sake  who  demands  it  of  us ;  then  shall  we,  even 
when  we  suffer  injustice,  for  all  that  not  be  want- 
ing in  love,  but  shall  understand  the  blessed  art 
of  showing  love  even  where  we  find  no  love  I 
How  it  ought  to  shame  us  though  that  David, 
.ifter  long  banishment  and  tribulation,  feels 
nothing  at  the  death  of  Saul  but  mourning  and 
lamentation. — Where  office  and  calling  does  not 
otherwise  demand,  we  should  be  silent  as  to  the 
evil  done  by  a  dead  man,  especially  when  it  was 
a  prince  or  a  king ;  love  should  cover  all  that, 
should  find  no  joy  in  saying  much  of  the  fiiults 
of  others.  But  it  should  be  to  us  a  rightful  con- 
cern and  a  holy  joy  to  bring  to  light  the  good 


that  another  has  done. — ["i)e  morims  nil  nisi 
bonum." — ^Tr.] 

[Ver.  23.  How  could  David  sincerely  speak 
thus?  There  came  back  to  him  now  the  recol- 
lection of  those  bright  days  when  he  dwelt  peace- 
fully as  Saul's  son  and  Jonathan's  brother,  and 
his  heart  melted  into  tenderness  as  he  recalled 
the  amiable  traits  which  not  only  his  dear  friend 
Jonathan,  but  even  Saul  in  his  better  momenta, 
had  manifested.  Eulogies  over  the  dead  often 
seem  insincere  or  exaggerated  to  those  who  know 
not  the  memories  awakened. — Ver.  26.  To  say, 
as  is  sometimes  done,  that  the  Scriptures  speak 
of  the  love  of  Christ  as  "passing  the  love  of 
women,"  is  utterly  unwarrantable  "accommoda- 
tion."—Ta.] 

[Vers.  1-16.  A  eimning  schemer  failing  and 
perishing;  1)  Amid  bloodshed  and  mortal  agony 
he  coolly  lays  a  deep  scheme  to  promote  his  own 
interest.  2)  He  makes  a  cunning  mixture  of 
truth  and  falsehood  (David  could  not  know,  and 
we  cannot  tell,  just  how  much  of  it  was  true) — as 
deep  schemers  usually  do.  3)  He  calculates  on 
the  narrow  selfishness  of  human  nature — com- 
monly a  very  safe  basis  of  calculation.  4)  He  is 
foiled  by  encountering  such  generosity,  loyalty 
and  justice  as  he  has  not  been  used  to  and  did 
not  look  for  (vers.  11-15).  The  shrewdest  sche- 
mers sometimes  mistake  their  man.  5)  His 
plan  issues  in  benefit  to  another,  but  only  ruin  to 
himself.  In  this  world  which  so  abounds  in  sel- 
fish schemers  and  tempters  there  is  yet  a  grace 
that  can  sustain  and  a  Providence  that  overrules. 
— Tr.] 

[Vera.  19-27:  Hbnby:  The  excellent  spirit 
which  David  here  shows:  1)  Very  generous  to 
his  enemy,  Saul ;  a)  conceals  his  faults,  b)  praises 
what  is  worthy.  2)  Very  grateful  to  Jonathan, 
his  sworn  friend ;  a)  nothing  more  delightful  in 
this  world  than  a  true  friend,  6)  nothing  liiore 
diatressful  than  the  loss  of  such  a  friend.  3)  Deeply 
concerned  for  the  honor  of  God  (ver.  20).  4) 
Deeply  concerned  for  the  public  welfare.  The 
beauty  of  Israel  slain  (ver.  19),  the  mighty  Mien 
(vers.  19,  25,  27).— Tb.] 


SECOND    SECTION. 
Chap.  II.  1— III.  6. 


I.  David  anointed  King  over  Judah — dwells  in  Sebron.    Chap.  ii.  1—7. 

And  it  came  to  pass  after  this,  that  David  inquired  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  say- 
ing. Shall  I  go  up  into  any  [one]  of  the  cities  of  Judah?  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
said  unto  him,  Go  up.  And  David  said,  Whither  shall  I  go  up?  And  he  said. 
Unto  Hebron.  So  [And]  David  went  up  thither,  and  his  two  wives  also,  Ahinoam 
the  Jezreelitess  and  Abigail,  Nabal's  wife  [the  wife  of  Nabal]  the  Carmelite.' 


TEXTUAL  AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

>  [Ver.  2.  On  the  fem.  form  {n''7D^3)  here  giyen  in  some  MSS.  see  notes  on  1  Sam.  xxvU.  3 ;  xix.  5.— Te.] 
24 


370  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 

3  And  his^  men  that  were  with  him  did  David  briog  up,  every  man  with  his  house- 

4  hold ;  and  they  dwelt  in  the  cities  of  Hebron.  And  the  men  of  Judah  came,  and 
there  they  anointed  David  king  over  the  house  of  J  udah. 

And  they  told  David,  saying,  That  the  men  of  Jabesh-Gilead  were  thef  that 

5  buried  Saul.  And  David  sent  messengers  unto  the  men  of  Jabesh-Gilead,  and 
said  unto  them,  Blessed  be  ye  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]   that  ye  have  showed  this 

6  kindness  unto  your  lord,  even  [pm.  even]  unto  Saul,  and  have  buried  him.  And 
now,  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  show  [do]  kindness  and  truth  unto  you ;  and  I  also  will 

7  [om.  will]*  requite  [do]  you  this  kindness,  because  ye  have  done  this  thing.  There- 
fore [And]  now,  Iqt  your  hands  be  strengthened  [strong],  and  be  ye  valiant ;  for 
yuur  master  [lord]  Saul  is  dead,  and  also  [ins.  me]  the  house  of  Judah.  have  [have 
the  house,  efc  ]  anointed  me  [om.  me]  king  over  them. 

II.  Ishbosheth's  antirgodly  Elevation  to  the  Throne  of  all  Israel  through  Abner,  and  the  consequent  long 
Contest  between  the  House  of  Saul  and  tlie  Souse  of  David.  Chap.  ii.  S — iii.  6. 

8  But  [And]  Abner,  the  son  of  Ner,  captain  of  Saul's  host,  took  Ishbosheth  the 

9  son  of  Saul,  and  brought  him  over  to  Mahanaim,  Aud  made  him  king  over  [for]' 
Gilead  and  over  [for]  the  Ashurites  and  over  [for]  Jezreel,  and  over  Ephraim  and 

10  over  Benjamin  and  over  all  Israel.  Ishbosheth,  Saul's  son,  was  forty  years  old 
when  he  began  to  reign  over  Israel,  and  reigned  two  years ;  but"  the  house  of  Judah 

1 1  followed  David.'     And  the  time  that  David  was  king  in  Hebron  over  the  house  of 

12  Judah  was  seven  years  and  six  months.     And  Abner  the  son  of  Ner,  and  the  ser- 

13  vants  of  Ishbosheth  the  son  of  Saul  went  out  from  Mahanaim  to  Gibson.  And 
Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah  and  the  servants  of  David  went  out;  and  [/»i«.  they]  met 
together*  by  the  pool  of  Gibeon ;  and  they  sat  down,  the  one  [these]  on  the  one 

14  side  of  the  pool,  and  the  other  [those]  on  the  other  side  of  the  pool.    And  Abner 

'  [Ver.  3.  Sept.  reads  "  the  men,"  which  better  accords  with  Greek  and  Eng.  idiom  (Erdmann  so  has  it  in  the 
Exposition),  but  hardly  calls  for  a  change  in  the  Heb.  text.  Fnrther  on  Sept.  omits  the  verb  ''did  bring  up," 
thus  attaching  the  noun  "  men  "  to  the  verb  of  the  preceding  verse.  The  Syr.  also  has  ditficulty  with  this  sen- 
tence, making  the  Hiphil  into  Q^\,  and  inserting  "  and  David"  at  the  beginning  of  the  verse,  so  as  to  read :  "  and 
David  and  his  men  were  with  hiu) ;  and  David  went  up  and  the  men  of  his  liouse,  and  they  abode  in  Hebron." 

These  readings  seem  to  substantiate  the  Heb.  text,  only  they  had  ri/l?!  instead  of  rnVTl,  which  the  Sept.  then 

T  t:  t  ■,-.;• 

omitted  as  superfluous.  The  Heb.  Hiphil  is  preferable  because  it  introduces  a  new  statement,  while  the  Sjt. 
merely  repeats. — Ta.J 

8  fVer.  4u  So  ErdmanOj  Philippson,  Maurer;  hut  Wellhausen  declares  it  to  be  an  impossible  construction  in 

5 rose.  If  not  impossible,  it  is  unusual  and  hard,  and  the  simple  rendering  of  the  Syr.  and  Vulg. :  '■  the  men  of 
abesh-Gilead  buried  Saul,"  commends  itself,  except  that,  as  this  is  probably  the  answer  to  a  question :  "  who 
buried  Saul  ?"  we  should  expect  the  subject  "  the  men  of  Jabesh-Gilead  "  to  be  put  as  the  principal  and  essential 
part  of  the  answer.    The  true  form  of  the  sentence  is  not  apparent. — Tr.] 

*  [Ver.  6.  The  Fut.  rendering  is  found  in  Sept.,  Sym.,  Vulg.,  and  the  idea  "  requite  "  in  the  two  last ;  but  the 
context  (with  the  present  text)  points  to  the  Pres.,  and  it  is  better  to  render  the  Heb.  verb  (Hty^)  uniformly. 
Against  Thenius  Wellhausen  insists  that  the  T\Wi)}i  cannot  be  rendered  as  Pres.  (this  would  require  Tl'tyj?)! 
and,  since  the  Fut.  does  not  accord  with  the  nWiiV  he  would  for  the  latter  substitute  nnn>  and  render:  "I 

will  do  you  good  because  (=  in  place  that)  ye  have  done,"  etc.  (so  the  Vulg.),  which  certainly  gives  a  more  appro- 
priate sense,  though  the  rendering  of  Thenius  (and  Erdmann)  is  not  impossible. — Tb.] 

'  [Ver.  9.  The  literal  rendering  of  the  Prep.  (7N)  is  here  (with  Erdmann)  in  these  three  cases  retained,  in 
contrast  with  the  following  7J?,  "  over,"  because  an  error  of  text  does  not  here  seem  probable,  in  spite  of  the 

fact  that  ancient  and  modern  translators  (without  exception,  as  far  as  I  know)  neglect  the  difference.  Erdmann 
attempts  in  the  Exposition  to  point  out  the  difference  of  meaning  between  the  two  Prepositions  in  the  connec- 
tion.—Instead  of  "  Ashurites  "  many  read  "  Geshurites." — The  last  word  of  the  verse  rl^^  presents  an  example 
of  a  3  pei-s.  maso.  suffix  (rt)  usually  considered  to  be  archaic  for  i;  the  fem.  pointing  (rlbs)  would  be  possible, 
If  "  Israel "  were  considered  in  its  national  unity,  or  as  a  land.— Tb.] 

•  [Ver.  10.   ^N  =  "  only,  however,"  but  the  rendering  "  only  "  would  here  be  ambiguous.- Tb.J 

^  [Ver.  10.  Vers.  10  and  11  are  variously  handled.  Erdmann  inclines  to  follow  Thenius  in  regarding  10  &  and 
11  as  parenthesis,  Wellhausen  regards  10  a  and  11  as  interpolations,  connecting  10  b  with  ver.  12.  The  difficuitios 
in  the  figures  do  not  prove  ungenuineness  of  the  text,  since  these  may  be  corrupted  by  copyists  and  the  sum- 
mary chronological  statements  are  natural  and  in  accordance  with  the  manner  of  our  Book.  The  better  view  is 
that  the  Redactor  has  inserted  as  summary  statement  in  his  narrative  either  vers.  10, 11,  or  10  a  11  The  objec- 
tion to  Thenius'  view  (which  connects  10  o  with  12)  is  that  10  o  is  clearly  the  ordinary  formula  for  the  leneih  of 
a  king's  reign  and  his  age  at  his  accession,  and  therefore  an  independent  sentence.    See  the  remarks  on  1  Sam. 

8  [Ver.  13.  The  use  of  the  Ace.  suffix  and  also  the  adv.  lin'   is  remarkable,  since  either  (as  expressing  the 

idea  of  concurrence)  would  seem  to  exclude  the  other.  We  should  expect  either  simply:  "they  met  them  at 
the  pool,"  or  "  they  met  at  the  pool  together."  The  present  text  may  have  arisen  from  the  combination  of  th« 
two  constructions.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  II.  1— III.  1.  371 

said  to  Joab,  Let  the  young  men  now  [pm.  now]  arise  and  play  before  us.    And 

15  Joab  said,  Let  them  arL-e.  Then  there  arose  and  went  over  by  number  twelve  of 
Benjamin,  which  [who]  pertained'  to  Ishbosheth,  the  son  of  Saul    and  twelve  of 

16  the  servants  of  David.  And  they  caught  every  one  his  fellow  by  the  head,  and 
thrust"  his  sword  into  his  fellow's  side,  so  they  fell  [and  fell]  down  dead  together ; 
wherefore  [and]  that  place  was  called  Helkath-hazzurim,"  which  is  in  Gibeon. 

17  And  there  was  a  very  sore  battle  that  day,  and  Abaer  was  beaten,  and  the  men  of 
:^rael,  before  the  servants  of  David. 

18  And  there  were  three  sons  of  Zeruiah  there,  Joab  and  Abishai  and  Asahel ;  and 

19  Asahel  was  as  light  of  foot  as  a  wild  roe  [gazelle].  And  Asahel  pursued  after 
Abner,  and  in  going  he  turned  not  [he  turned  not  to  go]  to  the  right  hand  nor  to 

20  the  left  from  following  Abner.     Then  [And]  Abner  looked  behind  him  and  said, 

21  Art  thou  Asahel?  And  he  answered  [said],  I  am.  And  Abner  said  to  him,  Turn 
thee  aside  to  thy  right  hand  or  to  thy  left,  and  lay  thee  hold  on  one  of  the  young 
men,  and  take  thee  his  armor.     But  Asahel  would  not  turn  aside  from  following 

22  of  [pm  of]  him.  And  Abner  said  again  to  Asahel,  Turn  thee  aside  from  following 
me;  wherefore  should  I  smite  thee  to  the  ground?     how  then  should  I  hold  up 

23  my  face  to  Joab  thy  brother?  Howbeit  [And]  he  refused  to  turn  aside;  where- 
fore [and]  Abner  with  the  hinder  end  of  the  spear  smote  him  under  the  fifth  rib 
[in  the  abdomen],"  that  [and]  the  spear  came  out  behind  him,  and  he  fell  down 
there  and  died  in  the  same  place  [on  the  spot]  ;  and  it  came  to  pass  that  as  many 
as  came  to  the  place  where  Asahel  fell  down  and  died  stood  still. 

24  Joab  also  [And  Joab]  and  Abishai  pursued  after  Abner ;  and  the  sun  went 
down  when  they  were  come  [and  they  came]  to  the  hill  of  Ammah,  that  lieth  be- 

25  fore  Giah"  by  the  way  of  the  wilderness  of  Gibeon.  And  the  children  of  Benjamin 
gathered  themselves  together  after  Abner,  and  became  one  troop,  and  stood  on  the 

26  top  of  an  hill.  Then  [And]  Abner  called  to  Joab  and  said,  Shall  the  sword  de- 
vour forever  ?  knowest  thou  not  that  it  will  be  bitterness  in  the  latter  end  ?  how 
long  shall  it  be  then,  ere  thou  bid  the  people  return  from  following  their  brethren  ? 

27  And  Joab  said,  As  God  liveth,  unless  thou  hadst  spoken,  surely  lom.  surely]  then'* 

28  in  the  morning  the  people  had  gone  up  every  one  from  following  his  brother.  So 
[And]  Joab  blew  a  trumpet,  and  all  the  people  stood  still,  and   pursued  after 

29  Israel  no  more,  neither  fought  they  any  more.  And  Abner  and  his  men  walked 
all  that  night  through  the  plain,  and  passed  over  Jordan,  and  went  through  all 

30  lim.  the]  Bithron,  and  they  [om.  they]  came  to  Mahanaim.     And  Joab  returned 

'  [Ver.  15.  The  1  is  either  appositional,  —  "  namely,"  or  it  indicates  that  Ishbosheth  had  other  soldiers  be- 
sides Benjaminites. — Tk.] 

10  [Ver  16.  Some  insert  (after  Sept.)  the  word  "hand"  (IT)  after  the  first  verb  and  read:  "they  laid  every 

man  his  hand  on  the  head  of  his  fellow,  and  his  sword  into  his  fellow's  side,"  on  which  see  Erdmann.  Bottcher 
adopts  this  reading,  only  he  puts  the  Aramaic  form  (which  he  supposes  to  be  popular)  TX  instead  of  the  Heb. 
T,  in  order  to  account  for  its  falling  out  after  t? 'K.  This  supposition  of  an  Aramaic  reading  is  somewhat  forced, 
and  the  Heb.  is  intelligible  without  the  insertion  of  the  word  "  hand,"  which  is  found  in  no  other  ancient  version. 
— Tr.] 

"  [Ver.  16.  This  word  of  doubtful  meaning  is  properly  left  untranslated  in  Eng.  A.  V.  The  various  proposed 
renderings  are  discussed  by  Erdmann. — Te.J 

"  [Ver.  23.  tyon.    Not  one  of  the  ancient  VSS.  renders  this  word  "  fifth  rib,"  Sept.  "  loins  "  (if-da),  Syr.  "  breast," 

Chald.  "  side  of  the  loins,"  Vnlg.  "  iru/um ;"  among  modems  only  Oahen  maintains  it,  after  Rashi  and  the  Talmud 
(Sanhednn  49,  a).  Gesenius  and  Purst  connect  the  word  with  a  root  (found  in  Arabic),  meaning  "  to  be  fat  or 
strong."— Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  24.  To  the  reading  of  the  verse  Wellhausen  objects :  1)  that  a  way  is  stated  to  be  the  coal  of  the  pur- 
suit ;  21  that  the  pursuit,  starting  from  Gibeon  (ver  16),  nevertheless  ends  on  the  way  to  Gibeon :  3)  that  the  name 
Giah  is  unknown  and  suspicious.  He  therefore  substitutes  'J,  "ravine,"  for  n'i  supposing  that  the  scribe  de- 
signed to  locate  the  hill  Ammah  appropriately  by  a  valley;  but  as  the  combination  "valley  of  the  way"  thus 
obtained  gives  no  sense,  he  finally  throws  out  the  '3  and  reads  :  "  opposite  the  way  of  the  wilderness  "  (remark- 
ing very  justly  that  roads  in  Palestine,  being  unchangeable,  answered  as  well  as  rivers  for  topographical  defini- 
tion). Here  this  generally  acute  critic  has  made  difficulties  for  himself.  For  1)  the  pursuit  ends  not  on  a  road, 
but  at  a  hill  on  a  certain  road;  2)  the  pursuit  is  not  said  not  to  have  reached  Gibeon,  but  to  have  reached  a  point 
on  the  road  to  the  wilderness  of  Gibeon,  which  may  have  been  of  considerable  extent;  3)  as  to  Giah,  many  other- 
wise unknown  names  occur  once  in  the  Old  Testament.  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  the  hill  of  ver.  25  la 
identical  with  Ammah  in  ver.  24,  or  to  change  the  n^^<  into  HHX  or  something  else.— Tb.J 

"[Ver.  27.  Literally:  "  at  that  time  from  the  morning."  The  second  '3,  rendered  in  Eng.A.V.  "surely," 
is  better  taken  as  repetition  of  the  first,  the  Conj.  introducing  the  clause,  =  that,  and  usually  omitted  in  Eng- 
hsh.— Te.] 


372 


TUE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


friim  following  Abner ;  and  wlien  [om.  when]  he  had  [pm.  had]  gathered  all  the 
people  together,  [ins.  and]  there  lacked  of  David's  servants  nineteen  men  and  Asa- 

31  hel.    But  [And]  tha  servants  of  David  had  smitten  of  Benjamin  and  of  Abnei-'s 

32  men,  so  thifi^  three  hundred  and  three-score  men  died.  And  they  took  up  Asahel 
and  buried  him  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  father  which  was  in  Bethlehem.''  And 
Joab  and  his  men  went  all  night,  and  they  [om.  they]  came  to  Hebron  at  break 
of  day. 

Chap.  III.  1  Now  [And]  there  was  long  war  between  the  house  of  Saul  and  the 
house  of  David ;  but  [and]  David  waxed  stronger  and  stronger,  and  the  house  of 

2  Saul  waxed  weaker  and  weaker.     And  unto  David  were  sons  born^'  in  Hebron ; 

3  and  his  first-born  was  Amnon,  of  Ahinoam  the  Jezreelitess ;  And  his  second,  Chi- 
leab,  of  Abigail,  the  wife  of  Nabal  the  Carmelite;  and  the  third,  Absalom  the  son 

4  of  Maacah  the  daughter  of  Talmai  king  of  Geshur ;  And  the  fourth,  Adonijah  the 

5  son  of  Haggith ;  and  the  fifth,  Shephatiah  the  son  of  Abital ;  And  the  sixth,  Ith- 
ream,  by  Eglah  David's  wife.  These  were  born  to  David  in  Hebron.  And  it 
came  to  pass,  while  there  was  war  between  the  house  of  Saul  and  the  house  of 
David,  that  Abner  made  himself  strong  for  the  house  of  Saul. 

'f  [Ver.  31.  Tho  text  here  ia  corrupt;  but  it  is  not  easy  to  restore  it.  The  C!hald.  fonow.s  the  Heb.  word  by 
word;  the  Vulg.  in.^erts  tlie  Rel.  Pron. :  "  tl:iree  hundred  and  sixty  who  also  died;"  the  Syr.  omits  the  verb 
"  died  "  in  ver.  31.  and  inserts  it  (Sing.)  at  the  end  of  ver.  30.  Literally  the  Heb.  reads :  "  smote  of  Beiyamin,  etc., 
tliree  hundred  and  sixty  men,  they  died."  Not  only  is  the  syntax  impossible,  but  also  the  addition  oi  the  state- 
ment that  the  smitten  men  died  is  unusual,  being  involved  in  the  word  *'  smite  "  (according  to  the  Heb.  usage). 
The  simplest  course  would  be  to  omit  the  word  "  died,"  and  read  "  smote  ....  three  hundred  and  sixty  men.** 
Perhaps  a  marginal  explanation  has  here  gotten  into  the  text  (Wellh.J. — Ta.] 

i«  [Ver.  32.  Some  MSB.  insert  3  before  uuh  D'^-— Tn.] 

"  [Ver.  2.  Kethib  is  Pual,  Qeri  Niphal.  For  an  example  of  the  latter  see  xiv.  27.  The  text-form  maybe  Perf. 
Pual,  i"!7'1 ;  but  some  prefer  to  regard  it  as  Impf.,  ^Iv"*!  for  ^7"!,  as  the  Pual  Partcp.  occurs  without  the  pre- 
formative  D.— Te.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

I.  Ch.  ii.  1-7.  David's  elevation  to  the  throne  of 
Judah,  and  his  residence  in  Hebron. — Ver.  1.  The 
inquiry  of  the  Lord  was  made  through  Unm  and 
Thummim,  comp.  1  Sam.  xxiii.  2,  10  Bq.;  xxx. 
7,  8  sq.  The  high-priest  Abiathar  with  the 
Ephod  was  with  David,  1  Sam.  xxii.  30 ;  xxiii. 
6.  At  this  decisive  turning-point  of  his  unquiet 
life  he  wished  to  know  the  will  of  the  Lord. 
The  "after  this"  refers  to  all  that  is  narrated  in 
ch.  i.  and  1  Sam.  xxxi.  The  motive  for  inqui- 
ring of  the  Lord  is  thereby  at  the  same  time  in- 
dicated. He  saw  that  the  promise  of  the  king- 
dom waa  now  to  be  fulfilled  to  him.  As  he  could 
no  longer  remain  in  the  land  of  the  Philistines, 
but  must  return  to  his  country,  and  as  the  north- 
ern part  of  the  land  was  held  by  the  Philistines, 
the  return  to  the  territory  of  his  own  tribe  was 
most  natural;  for  there,  where  he  had  a  long 
time  found  refuge  (1  Sam.  xxii.  5),  he  might 
count  on  a  large  following  (1  Sam.  xxx.  26  sq.) 
and  firm  support  and  protection  against  the  re- 
mains of  Saul's  army  under  Abner.  To  the  first 
question  he  receives  from  the  Lord  the  definite 
answer  that  he  is  to  return  to  Judah.  To  the 
second  question :  "Whither?"  the  answer  is:  ''To 
Hebron."  This  city,  situated  in  a  valley  (Gen. 
xxxvii.  14)  in  the  most  mountainous,  and  there- 
fore the  safest  part  of  Judah,  held  to  be  a  holy 
place  from  the  recollections  of  the  Patriarchal 
time,  one  of  the  principal  places  in  the  Tribe  of 
Judah,  an  ancient  royal  city  and  a  priestly  city 
(Josh.  xii.  10;  xxi.  11),  must  now  have  had  for 
David  a  very  special  importance,  which  appeared 


all  the  clearer  from  the  divine  decision  and  in 
respect  to  his  future  life  became  indubitable; 
here  now  was  to  be  fulfilled  the  old  Patriarchal 
promise  (Gen.  xllx.  8  sq.),  the  establishment  of 
the  theocratic  kingdom  in  the  Tribe  of  Judah. 

Ver.  2  sq.  In  accordance  with  the  will  and 
direction  of  his  God  he  went  thither  with  his 
whole  family.  But  also  the  men  that  were 
■with  hitn  (comp.  1  Sam.  xxvii.  2).  he  led  thi- 
ther into  the  cities  of  Hebron,  that  is,  the  plac&s 
that  belonged  to  the  district  of  Hebron  ;* 
every  mau  with  his  house,  a  complete  and 
permanent  colonization  of  David's  entire  follow- 
ing took  place,  the  foundation  of  David's  royal 
authority,  which  was  established  with  its  seat  in 
Hebron.  For  it  is  forthwith  declared  in  ver.  4  a 
that  the  "'  men  of  Judah,"  that  is,  the  elders  as 
the  representatives  of  the  Tribe  anointed  him 
king  over  the  house  (the  tribe)  of  Judah.  See  ch. 
v.  3,  where  the  elders  of  all  Israel  come  to  make 
him  king  over  the  whole  nation.  The  first 
anointment  received  from  Samuel  (1  Sam.  ivi.) 
denoted  the  divine  consecration  to  the  royal 
office ;  this  second  one,  performed  by  the  Elders 
of  Judah,  waa  the  public  solemn  installation  of 
David  (based  on  that  anointment)  into  this  office. 


*  lOn  Hebron  (twenty  miles  south  of  Jerusalem)  see 
the  books  of  travel  and  Bible-dictionaries.  Stanley  has 
given  m  his  "History  of  the  Jeumh  Church,"  Vol.  I., 
App.  II.,  an  interesting  account  of  the  visit  of  the  Prince 
of  Wales  thither  in  1862.  Bib.  Com.  calls  attention  to 
the  unusual  phrase  "  cities  of  Hebron,"  as  if  Eebron 
were  the  name  of  a  district,  the  common  designation 
of  dependent  towns  being  "villages"  or  "daughters" 
( Josh^xv.  36 ;  Num.  xxi.  25).  No  doubt  the  name  of  the 
city  Hebron  attached  itself  to  the  surrounding  district. 
— J  tt,] 


CHAP.  U.  1— m.  6. 


373 


Comp.  Saul's  first  anointment  by  Samuel  (1  Sam. 
X.  1)  and  his  subsequent  public  inauguration  as 
king  by  the  Elders,  1  Sam.  x.  24;  xi.  15.— So 
two  anointments  of  Solomon  are  described,  1 
Chron.  xxiii.  1  sq. ;  xxix.  22.  The  anointing  of 
David  was  perhaps  hastened  because  Abner's 
purpose  (ver.  8  sq.)  was  already  known.  [On 
the  motive.^  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah  in  making 
David  theii-  king  see  Chandler's  "  Life  of  David," 
Bk.  II.,  ch.  30.— Te.] 

Vers.  4  6-7.  Damd's  first  act  os  king.  The 
message  to  the  Jabeshites  with  thanks  for  their 
burial  of  Saul  and  the  announcement  of  his 
anointing  as  king.— And  they  told  David. 
Baying  (Luther:  And  when  it  was  told  David 
that)  the  men  of  Jabesh  are  they  that 
buried  Saul.  (The  form)  of  this  sentence 
would  certainly  be  somewhat  "  hard  and  ill-con- 
structed" (Then.),  but  for  the  obvious  pre-suppo- 
sition  that  David,  having  heard  of  and  deeply 
lamented  Saul's  death  on  the  battle-field,  inquired 
whether  the  body  of  the  "Anointed  of  the  Lord" 
had  been  rescued  from  the  hands  of  the  uncircum- 
cised  and  buried  in  the  sacred  soil  of  his  native 
laud.  S.  Schmid  well  remarks  of  this  explana^ 
tion  (which  Tremellius  has)  that  "it  accords 
witli  David's  piety."  It  is  thus  natural  to  sup- 
pose that  David,  now  by  God's  providence  king 
in  Saul's  stead,  in  consequence  of  the  afflicting 
news  that  had  wrung  from  him  such  a  lament, 
purposes  to  give  a  becoming  royal  burial  to  the 
man  whose  person  had  always  been  saored  to  him, 
and  whose  heroic  greatness  and  virtues  he  had  so 
passionately  celebrated.  There  is  therefore  no 
need  for  the  bold  emendation  of  Thenius  (after 
Vulg.  and  Sept.),  who  would  read  simply:  "it 
was  told  David  that  the  men  of  Jabesh  buried 
Saul."* — On  the  burial  by  the  faithful  and  grate- 
ful Jabeshites  of  the  bodies  of  Saul  and  his  sons 
brought  away  from  Bethshean,  see  1  Sam.  xxxi. 
11  sq. — Ver.  5.  The  message  to  the  Jabeshites 
was  couched  in  the  tone  of  royal  authority.  It 
conveys  1)  a  grateful  invocation  of  blessing  for  the 
noble  deed  of  love  that  they  have  wrought  on 
Saul  by  burying  him;  the  phrase  "your  lord" 
indicates  that  they  had  herein  acted  as  became 
their  relation  to  Saul  as  their  king  and  lord. — 
Ver.  6.  And  now  the  Iiord  do  to  you 
kindness  and  truth. — This  is  the  expansion 
of  the  wish  of  blessing  in  ver.  5.  The  first  noun 
("^Pn)>  favor,  kindness  is  not  merely  pardoning 
grace  (Keil),  but  in  general  the  gracious  love 
that  God  shows  His  people  ou  the  ground  of 
His  covenant  with  them.  The  second  (^.n?*), 
truth  is  the  trustworthiness  and  attestation  of 
all  His  promises.  David  wishes  them  all  exhi- 
bitions of  the  love  and  faithfulness  of  the  Lord 
for  the  faithful  love  which  they  showed  king 
Saul  even  in  his  death. — And  I  also  do  you 
this  good,   because  ye    have   done   this 

•  Sept.  has  "IK^X  (=quocl)  after  iDsS,  and  the  latter 

is  omitted  by  Vulg.;    Thenius    henoe  supposes  that 

"IDN 7  got  into  the  text  by  mistake  (through  careless 

looking)  for  TJ!?X,  and  that  the  latter,  being  added  by 

way  of  supplement  in  the  margin,  thence  got  into  the 
wrong  place  in  the  text.  [See  "Text,  and  Gram." 
— Te.J 


thing ;  the  good  that  he  does  them  is  not  merely 
this  wish  for  the  divine  blessing  (Keil),  or  there- 
with a  gift  of  honor  (Bunseu),  but  this  honorable 
royal  embassy  with  expression  of  thanks  and 
invocation  of  blessing.  The  rendering :  "And  I 
also  wish  to  show  you  such  kindness"  (S.  Schmid, 
Clericus,  De  Wette)  gives  no  appropriate  sense, 
whether  the  comparison  be  referred  to  God's 
goodness  or  to  the  deed  of  the  Jabeshites.  The- 
nius excellently:  "greeting  you  with  ble-ssing  by 
my  ambassa<iors." — [Eng.  A.  V.,  Patrick  and 
Philippson  give  the  incorrect  future  rendering. — 
Tb.] — Ver.  7  adds  2)  encouragement  and  exhorta- 
thon:  let  your  hands  be  strong  means  not: 
be  consoled  I  but:  "be  of  strong  courage."  And 
be  sons  of  power  [valiant],  that  is,  show  your- 
selves brave  men  and  unappalled.  [The  phrase 
means  in  general  "men  of  force,"  the  context 
showing  whether  the  force  intended  is  moral, 

intellectual  or  physical.  The  word  ( /'n)  is  used 
of  Kuth  (Euth  iii.  11)  and  of  the  "  virtuous  wo- 
man" in  Prov.  xxxi.  10,  and  elsewhere  of  war- 
like valor  and  of  wealth.  Bib.  Com. :  the  oppo- 
site of  "men  of  virtue"  are  "men  of  Belial," 
that  is,  men  of  no  force  of  character.— Tr.] — The 
ground  ('3)  of  this  exhortation  is  at  the  same 
time  the  explanation  of  its  importance  for  the 
interests  of  David  as  anointed  king.  In  the  rea- 
son assigned  he  shows  them  not  directly,  but 
indirectly  that  he  has  been  made  king  of  Jiidah, 
their  king  Saul  being  dead.  But  his  exhortation 
to  valor  and  courage  is  intelligible  only  on  the 
supposition  that  he  gives  them  to  understand 
that  for  them  also  he  has  taken  Saul's  place  as 
king,  and  that  they  must  valiantly  espouse  and 
defend  his  cause  against  his  enemies,  the  party 
of  Saul  under  the  lead  of  Abner.  It  is  not  clear 
whether  or  not  Ishbosheth  had  at  this  time  been 
already  set  up  as  king  by  Abner.  But  from  ver. 
9  (which  states  that  Gilead  was  one  of  the  dis- 
tricts gained  by  Abner  for  Ishbosheth)  it  is  evi- 
dent that  David,  seeing  Abner's  movement  thi- 
ther (comp.  1  Sam.  xxvi.  7),  must  have  been 
concerned  to  secure  to  himself  the  capital  city 
[Jabesh]  of  this  province  (Joseph.,  Ant.  VI.  5, 
1).  Whether  he  succeeded  in  this  is  questiona- 
ble. His  demand  that  it  should  recognize  him 
as  king  was  justly  founded  on  his  divine  call  to  be 
king  over  the  whole  people  in  Saul's  stead,  comp. 
iii.  9.  10.  So  certainly  along  with  sincere  grati- 
tude "there  was  policy  in  this  embassy"  (Then.), 
but  it  was  a  thoroughly  justifiable  theocratic 
policy. 

II.  Chap.  ii.  8 — iii.  6.  Ishbosheth' s  anligodly  ele- 
vation to  the  throne  of  Israel  by  Abner  and  the  thence 
resulting  war. — Ver.  8.  On  Abner  see  1  Sam.  xiv. 
50. — He  had  taken  Ishbosheth  the  son  of 
Saul,  and  brought  him  over  to  Mahanaim, 
that  is,  across  the  Jordan.  Ishbosheth  had  pro- 
bably taken  part  in  the  unfortunate  battle  of 
Gilboa,  and  as  he  survived,  Abner  his  uncle 
saved  him  together  with  the  force  under  his  com- 
mand in  the  flight  across  the  Jordan  (1  Sam. 
xxxi.  7),  in  order  to  keep  the  kingdom  in  the 
house  of  Saul.  This  retreat  across  the  Jordan 
passed  from  Bethshean  or  Mount  Gilboa  south- 
ea-st  into  Gilead,  where  not  the  city  Jabesh  (as 
we  might  expect  from  the  foregoing),  but  Maha- 
naim (that  is,  "two  camps,"  Gen.  xxxii,  2)  be- 


374 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


came  the  abode  of  Ishboshetli.     In  the  division 
of  the  land  thig  place  was  asisigned  to  the  Tribe 
of  Gad,  and  lay  on  the  border  between  it  and  the 
half-tribe  of  Manasssh  (Josh.  xiii.  26,  30)  on  the 
Jabbok  [the  present  Wady  Zerqa] .     It  was  after- 
wards given  to  the  Levites,  Josh  xxi.  38.     At  a 
later  period  David  found  refage  there  in  his  flight 
from  Absalom,  xvii.  24. — Ishbosheth  according  to 
1  Chron.  viii.  33;  ix.  39,  was  Saul's  fourth  son, 
while  in  1  Sam.  xiv-  49  only  three  are  named, 
who  also  fell  with  him  in  the  battle,  1  Sam.  xxxi. 
2.    But  in  Chronielea  he  is  called  Eshbaal,  that 
is,  "Fire  of  Baal"  [or  "man  of  Baal."— Tr.]. 
For  the  name  of  the  god  Baal  in  Hos.  ix.  10 ; 
Jer.  iii.  24,  is  put  as  equivalent  bosheth  [shame] 
in  order  to  indicate  the  reproach  and  shame  of 
idol-worship  (comp.  Isa.  xlii.  17;  xlv.  16).     So 
for  Gideon's  surname  Jerubbaal  (Judg.  vi.  32; 
viii.  35)  we  find  Jerubbesheth  (2  Sam.  xi.  21). 
Similarly  the  name  Eshhacd  was   changed  into 
Ishbosheth="  fnun  of  shame  or  disgrace."    Ewald's 
supposition  that  bosheth  was  originally  used  in  a 
good  sense=" reverence,  awe,"  is  without  foun- 
dation, and  is  in  opposition  to  the  fact  that  the 
word  occurs  only  in  a  bad  sense.     It  is  therefore 
a  natural  conjecture  that  the  change  of  Eshbaal 
to  Ishbosheth  had  reference  to  the  shame  and 
disgrace  that  befell  Saul's  house  in  the  person 
of  tliig  his  la-st  son.  Pa.  xxxv.  26  being  thus  ful- 
filled.— [It  seems  more  probable  that  the  name 
Baal  =  lord  was  in  early  times  given  to  the  God 
of  Israel,  and  proper  namcrf  were  formed  from  it, 
as  Eslibaal  or  Ishbaal  =  man  of  the  lord;  after- 
wards when  the  worship  of  the  false  Baal  was 
introduced  into  Israel,  the  change  above-described 
was  made.     Possibly  this  change  was  made  by 
later  editors  and  scribes,  and  the  original  form 
was  retained  in  the  Book  of  Chronicles  because 
this  book  was  less  read  than  the  prophetic  histo- 
rical books. — Tk.] — That  Ishbosheth  was  a  weak, 
characterless  tool  in  the  hand  of  Abner  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  interests  of  the  fallen  royal 
house  is  already  intimated  in  the  words:  A-nd 
Abner  took  Ishbosheth  and  carried  him  over. — Ma- 
hanaim  was  fitted  by  its  position  to  be  a  refuge 
for  Ishbosheth  and  the  remains  of  the  defeated 
array. — Ver.  9.  And  made  him  king,  as  being 
in  his  view  the  legitimate  heir  to  Saul's  royal 
throne.     Then  follows  the  statement  of  the  dis- 
tricts over  which  Abner  extended  Ishbosheth's 
authority:  he  made  him  king  for  Gilead,  in 
which  was  the  central  point  of  his  dominion, 
Mahanaim,  whence  consequently  the  territory  of 
the  two  and  a  half  east-jordanic  trib&s  in  the  first 
place,  which  in  contrast  with  the  wesfr-jordanio 
Canaan  (.Josli.  xxii.  9,  13,  15,  32;  Judg.  v.  17; 
XX.  1)  is  put  as  equivalent  to  Gilead,  was  claimed 
for    Ishbosheth.     The  change  of   prepositions, 
three    times   "to,   for"   (l^),   and   three  times 
"over"   {iy_),  is  neglected  by  all  the  versions, 
which  take  the  first  as  equivalent  to  the  second. 
The  difference,  however,  is  to  be  retained;  see 
Ew.,  §  217  i  and  c.     The  former,  as  .sign  of  move- 
ment "to"  [occurring  in  the  Hebrew  text  with 
Gilead,   the  Ashurites   and    Jezreel],   indicates 
those  regions  over  which  Abner  gradually  ex- 
tended Ishbosheth's  authority,  being  obliged  to 
wrest  them  from  the  Philistines   by  continued 
wars ;  for  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  Philis- 


tines followed  the  flying  Israelites  across  the  Jor- 
dan, and  that  after  the  battle  of  Gilboa  the  dis- 
tricts  of   the  Ashurites   and   Jezreel   remained 
securely  in  their  possession.     It  is  obvious  that 
the  "Ashurites"   here  cannot  be  the  Arabian 
tribe  of  Asshurim  in  Gen.  xxv.  3  (Maur.)  nor 
the  Assyrians.     The  Chald.  has  "over  the  tribe 
of  Asher;"    but,    apart  from  the  in  that  case 
strange  insertion  of  the  Article  (Then. ),  this  ex- 
planation does  not  accord  with  the  position  of 
the  other  districts  here  mentioned,  according  to 
which  the  territory  of  Asher  must  have  embraced 
also  that  of  Zebulon  and  Naphtali,  which  is  not 
supposable.     According  to  the  view  of  Bachienne 
cited  by  Keil  the  reference  is  to  the  city  Asher 
(Josh.  xvii.  7)  with  its  territory,  since  this  citv 
lay  south-east  of  Jezreel,  and  Abner  might  well 
from  Gilead  have  first  subjected  this  region  to 
Ishbosheth.     But  in  that  case  (Keil)   no  reason 
appears  why  the  name  of  the  inhabitants  (Ashur- 
ites) is  given  instead  of  that  of  the  city  (Asher), 
and  the  mention  of  a  city  among  districts  is  im- 
probable.    The  be-st  way  out  of  the  difficulty  is 
to  adopt  the  reading    "  Geshurites "   found  in 
Vulg.,  Syr.  and  Ar.,  and  approved  by  Then., 
Winer  (R.  W.  I.  414)  and  Ewald.     This  mis- 
reading might  easily  have  gotten  into  the  text. 
This   Geshur    cannot,    however,   be  the  district 
whose  inliabitauts,  "Geshurim"="bridgemen," 
appear  in  the  south  of  Palestine  in  connection 
with  Philiatia  (Josh.  xiii.  2),  and  are  mentioned 
along  with    Girzites  and   Amalekites   (1   Sam. 
xxvii.  8) ;  nor  can  it  be  the  little  kingdom  of 
Geshur  which  belonged  to  Syria   (xv.  8),  and 
there  formed  an  independent  State  (iii.  3 ;  xiii. 
37;  xiv.  23).     From  this  latter  is  to  be  distin- 
guished (against  Keil)  a  district  of  the  same  name 
which  (Deut.  iii.  14sq.;  Josh.  xii.  5  sq.)  with 
the  region  of  the  Maacliathites  on  the  west  formed 
the  border  of  the  kingdom  of  Bashan  and  at  the 
same  time  touched  Gilead.     But  the  Maachathltes 
dwelt  on  the  southwestern  declivity  of  Hermon, 
at  the  sources  of  the  Jordan  (so  Jerome).    We 
shall  therefore  have  to  look  for  the  Geshurites 
(whose  district  is  named  also  in  Josh.  xiii.  11 
along  with  both  Gilead  and  Hermon)  together 
with  the  Maachathites  south  of  Hermon  in  the 
upper  Jordan-region  on  both  sides  of  the  river. 
That  this  district  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
independent  "kingdom"  of  Geshur  in  Syria  is 
clear  also  from  Josh.  xiii.  13:  "the  children  of 
Israel  drove   not    out  the  Geshurites  and  the 
Maachathites,  and  Geshur  and  Maachath  have 
dwelt  among  Israel  to  this  day,"  whence  it  ap- 
peal's that  it  belonged  to  the  Israelitish  territory. 
The  name  Geshur  (Bridgeland)  it  doubtless  re- 
ceived  from    the    numerous  crcssings  that  con- 
nected the  two  banks  of  the  Jordan  (Winer,  The- 
nius).— And  for  Jezreel— this  district  called 
after  the  city  of  the  same  name,  the  scene  of  the 
great  battle  in  which  Israel  succumbed  to  the 
Phihstmes,  was  the  great  fruitful  plain  (to  uha 
TEcSioM,  1  Mac.  xii.  49;  Jos.,  Ant.  XV.  1,  22«.s.) 
whose  recovery  must  have  particularly  occupied 
Abner.— To  these  three  great  regions,  which  are 
mentioned    m    geographical  order,   are   added, 
going  from  north  to  south  (with  the  preposition 
^il,    "over"),  the  tribe-territories   of  Ephraim 
and  Senjomm.— He    made   him  king  over 


CHAP.  II.  1— III.  6. 


375 


Ephraim  and  Benjamin,  these  tribes,  which 
had  not  yet  been  conquered  by  the  Philistines, 
holding  no  doubt  to  the  House  of  Saul. — And 
over  all  (the  rest  of)  Israel,  that  is,  over  all 
that  country  which  afterwards  formed  the  king- 
dom of  Israel  (Then.). 

Vers.  10,  11.  Duration  of  IsKbosheth's  reign  over 
Israel  and  of  David's  in  Hebron. — Forty  years 
old  vras  Ishbosheth  vrhea  be  became 
king  over  Israel. — The  words:  over  Israel  con- 
nect themselves  with  and  take  up  the  closing 
words  of  ver.  9 :  "  and  over  all  Israel."  The  fol- 
lowing: and  he  reigned  t-wo  years,  might 
therefore  be  understood  of  hia  reign  over  all 
Israel  excluding  Judah,  the  words  "over  Israel" 
being  naturally  supplied  from  the  context.  Ab- 
ner,  in  fact,  on  account  of  the  wars  necessary  to 
conquer  from  the  Philistines  at  least  the  three 
regions  mentioned  in  ver.  9,  could  only  gradually 
establish  Ishbosheth's  royal  authority,  and  could 
not  make  him  king  over  all  Israel  till  after  the 
clearing  of  those  districts.  It  may  well  be  sup- 
posed that  this  reconquering  process  took  five 
and  a  half  years.  This  explanation  (Ewald, 
Bunsen,  Keil)  sets  aside  the  seeming  discrepancy 
that  arises  when  we  compare  the  statements 
that  Ishbosheth  was  king  two  years,  and  that 
David  reigned  in  Hebron  over  Judah  seven  years 
and  six  months;  and  it  yet  remains  beyond 
doubt  that  fehbosheth's  elevation  to  the  throne 
was  nearly  synchronous  with  David's  anointment 
as  king  over  Judah,  and  his  murder  (oh.  iv.),  up 
to  which  he  was  king,  with  the  anointing  of 
David  as  king  over  all  Israel.  Ishbosheth  occu- 
pied the  throne  as  long  as  David  was  king  over 
Judah ;  but  he  was  only  two  years  king  over  Israel, 
which  he  could  really  become  only  after  the  gra- 
dual expulsion  of  the  Philistines.  However, 
instead  of  this  explanation  the  reading  of  The- 
nius  (which,  it  must  be  confessed,  does  some  vio- 
lence to  the  syntax)  commends  itself  as  better : 
he  takes  the  passage  from  ''  but  the  house  of  Ju- 
dah "  to  the  end  of  ver.  11  as  parenthesis,  and 
renders :  aTid  when  he  had  reigned  two  years  (only 
the  house  of  Judah  followed  David,  and  the  time 
that  David  was  king  in  Hebron  over  the  house 
of  Judah  was  seven  years  and  six  months),  then 
went  out  Abner,  etc.  The  harmouistic  attempt  of 
S.  Schmid,  Cler.  and  others  who  hold  that  David 
reigned  two  years  over  Judah  till  the  murder  of 
Ishbosheth  and  then  further  five  and  a  half  years 
over  Israel  in  Hebron  tiU  the  conquest  of  Jerusa- 
lem, is  in  direct  contradiction  with  the  words 
(ver.  11) :  David  reigned  over  Judah  seven 
years  and  six  months.  Equally  untenable 
is  the  view  that  the  two  years  of  Ishbo^'heth's 
reign  were  the  time  of  quiet  till  the  outbreak  of 
the  war  with  David,  during  which  Abner  played 
the  cliief  part  (Grotius) — for  Ishbosheth  was  king 
till  his  murder  after  Abner'a  death. — [Wellhauseu 
connects  ver.  10  b  with  ver.  9,  and  throws  out  10 
a  as  chronologically  wrong,  and  ver.  11  as  inter- 
rupting the  narrative.  It  seems  probable  that  10 
a  and  11  are  parenthetical  chronological  state- 
ments; but  they  are  not  on  that  account  to  be 
rejected ;  they  may  be  regarded  as  explanatory 
insertions  by  the  editor  of  the  book.  As  to  the 
chronology,  there  is  no  objection  to  be  made  to 
ver.  11,  which  is  well  supported  (1  Kings  ii.  11), 
and  the  two  years  of  ver.  10  is  reasonably  ex- 


plained by  Ewald  as  above  stated  by  Erdmann, 
or  if  the  numeral  be  incorrect,  this  merely  leaves 
doubtful  the  duration  of  Ishbosheth's  reign  (as 
Saul's  iu  1  Sam.  xiii.  1),  and  doeS  not  invalidate 
the  clause.  Exception  is,  however,  specially 
taken  to  Ishbosheth's  age  as  here  given,  forty. 
The  context,  it  is  said,  represents  him  as  a  youth 
or  child,  and  moreover,  as  probably  Saul's  young- 
est son,  he  must  have  bcLn  several  years  younger 
than  Jonathan,  who  was  the  oldest  son,  and 
.lonathau  seems  to  have  been  nearly  of  the  same 
age  with  David,  about  thirty,  when  he  died.  To 
this  it  may  be  answered  that  Ishbosheth  need  not 
have  been  much  younger  than  Jonathan  (espe- 
cially if  Saul  had  more  than  one  wife),  that 
Jonathan  may  have  been  twelve  years  older  than 
David  without  bar  to  their  friendship,  that  Jona- 
than may  easily  at  the  age  of  forty-two  have  left 
just  one  infant  child  (2  Sam.  iv.  4),  and  that 
Saul  might  have  been  a  husband  and  a  father  at 
the  age  of  twenty-one,  and,  dying  a  stout  warrior 
at  the  age  of  sixty-three,  have  left  a  sou  of  forty- 
two.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  these  suppositions 
single  or  combined.  But  if  the  number  forty  be 
incorrect,  this  does  not  afieot  the  genuineness  of 
the  clause.  The  editor  thought  it  well  to  insert 
here  these  chronological  statements  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  narrative  of  the  war  between  the 
house  of  Saul  and  the  house  of  David.  It  is 
quite  possible,  but  by  no  means  certain,  that  the 
numerals  have  been  lost  or  corrupted  by  copyists. 
See  "Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.] 

Ver.  12  sq.  From  ver.  12  on  is  related  how 
Abner,  after  actually  establishing  Ishbosheth  as 
king  over  Israel,  begins  the  conflict  against  David 
in  order  to  subject  Judah  also  to  Ishbosheth. 
He  could  not  have  undertaken  this  war,  if  he 
had  not  finished  the  war  against  the  Philistines 
for  the  establishment  of  Ishbosheth's  authority 
over  Israel,  so  that  he  knew  that  he  was  secure  on 
that  side.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  David  had  at  no 
time  and  in  no  way  planned  or  begun  hostilities 
against  Ishbosheth.  Eather  he  was  forced  into 
war  by  the  latter  through  Abner.  From  Maha- 
naim,  where  Ishbosheth's  headquarters  had  hith- 
erto been,  Abner  advanced  with  his  army  against 
David  to  Qibeon  (the  present  Jib  in  the  western 
part  of  Benjamin,  five  miles  north  of  Jerusalem) 
in  order  thence  to  march  southward  on  Hebron 
to  attack  David. — \^Bib.  Com.:  To  go  out  is  a 
technical  phrase  for  going  out  to  war. — Th.] 

Ver.  13.  Though  David  had  no  hostile  designs 
against  Ishbosheth,  he  was  yet  fully  prepared 
against  such  a  foreseen  attack. — [Some  hold  less 
well  that  war  was  already  going  on  between  the 
two  princes. — Tb.] — To  Ishbosheth's  army  under 
Abner  he  opposed  a  force  under  Joah.  Joah,  the 
son  of  David's  sister  Zeruiah  (1  Chron.  ii.  16), 
had  no  doubt  already,  as  his  brother  Abishai 
(who  was  with  David  during  his  persecution,  as 
David's  family  also,  1  Sam.  xxii.,  came  to  him 
for  protection  against  Saul),  had  a  military  train- 
ing with  his  uncle,  and  taken  a  prominent  posi- 
tion among  his  warriors ;  else  he  would  not  now 
appear  as  the  chief  leader  of  David's  forces.  In 
the  roll  of  heroes  in  ch.  xxiii.  8  sq.  his  name  is 
not  given,  probably  because  he  already  then 
stood  above  them  all  as  General,  as  we  may  con- 
jecture from  xxiii.  18,  24  (Vaihinger  in  Herzog 
VI.  712).     As  General-in-chief  he  appears  in 


376 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  official  lists,  viii.  16;  xx.  13.-The  two  ar- 
mies met  at  the  pool  of  Gibeon,  David  havmg_ has- 
tened to  anticipate  Abner's  attack  on  the  territory 
of  Judah,  and  to  cany  the  war  into  Ishbosheth  s 
territory.  The  pool  of  Gibeon  is  the  great 
water"  mentioned  in  Jer.  xli.  12;  there  is  still 
in  Jib  (the  ancient  Gibeon)  in  a  cave  a  copious 
spring  [forming  a  large  reservoir],  and  not  tar 
beneath  [on  the  side  of  the  hill]  the  remains  of 
an  open  tank  which  Bobinson  (II.  353  sq.  [Am. 
ed.  455  and  ii.  256])  saw,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
feet  long  and  one  hundred  feet  wide,  about  equal 
to  the  pool  of  Hebron.  Comp.  Tobler,  Topo^a- 
phie  von  Jei-uscdem  II.  515  sq.  [and  Smith  s  Bib. 
JDict,  Art.  Gibeon.— Tr.].  The  armies  encamped 
at  this  pool  opposite  one  another,  the  one  on 
this  side,  the  other  on  that  side. 

Vers.  1 4r-16.  To  avoid  a  bloody  civil  war  and 
perhaps  also  to  escape  personal  conflict  with  his 
near  friend  (ver.  22)  Joab,  Abner  proposes  to 
Joab  to  decide  the  contest  by  a  duel  between 
individual  warriors  ("young men,"  01")^^),  comp. 
ver.  21)  put  up  on  both  sides.  This  word  "play" 
(priE^)  is  used  of  children  in  the  street  (Zech. 
viii.  5),  of  beasts  in  the  sea  (Ps.  civ.  26),  and  so 
here  of  warlike  play,  =  to  wrestle,  but  not  to 
denote  a  game  of  arms  for  entertainment  (Ew.), 
but  a  serious  battle-play  to  decide  the  matter  for 
both  armies  (comp.  1  Sam.  xvii.)  as  the  result 
(ver.  16)  ehowa. — Joab  accepts  the  proposal  im- 
mediately, a  sign  that  it  was  agreeable  to  him. 
Twelve  warriors  from  each  side,  the  number  pro- 
bably derived  from  the  number  of  the  Tribes, 
meet  in  single  combat  on  one  side  of  the  pool. 
The  "  went  over  "  is  to  be  understood  of  one  party 
only,  while  the  preceding  arooe  refers  to  both. — 
[The  "went  over"  refers  from  the  wording  to 
both  parties ;  probably  they  met  at  some  interme- 
diate point.— Tr.]— And  they  seized  every 
man  the  head  of  his  fellow,  that  is,  they 
rushed  on  one  another,  in  order  by  the  stunning 
seizure  of  the  head  the  more  quickly  and  thorough- 
ly to  finish  the  struggle.  It  is  not  necessary  (Then. 
and  Ew.  after  Sept.)  to  supply  "his  hand"  after 
"man"  ("they  thrust  each  his  hand  on  the  head 
of  his  opponent")  in  order  to  get  a  verb  for  "his 
sword"  [Eng.  A.  V.  inserts  "thrust"]  ;  there  is 
no  need  to  repeat  the  verb  "seized,"  for  we  may 
without  forcing  render:  and  his  (every  one's) 
sword  in  the  side  of  his  opponent  I  The 
rapidity  with  which,  at  the  same  time  with  the 
seizure  of  the  head,  the  sword  entered  the  adver- 
sary's side  is  vividly  set  forth  by  the  absence  of 
the  verb,  it  being  logically  necessary  to  supply 
merely  the  word  was." — And  they  fell  toge- 
ther.— This  result  shows  the  embittei-ed  feeling 
of  the  young  men,  but  also  their  military  skill 
and  training.  ■ —  [Bp.  Patrick  understands  that 
only  the  twelve  Benjaminites  were  slain ;  but  it 
was  clearly  a  mutual  slaughter,  the  twenty-four 
fell  dead.  Bib.  Com.  cites  the  strikingly  similar 
combat  of  the  Horatii  and  the  Guriatii ;  as  the 
Alban  Mettius  there  urged  the  desirableness  of 
avoiding  bloodshed  because  the  two  people  had 
in  the  Etruscans  a  common  powerful  enemy,  so 
might  Abner  have  here  urged  the  same  argument 
in  reference  to  the  Philistines  (Livy  I.  25). — The 
hair  was  often  worn  long  in  those  days ;  but  it 
was  a  custom  also  to  out  the  hair  (and  sometimes 


the  beard)  before  going  into  battle,  that  the  ene- 
my might  not  have  a  hold  thereby.— These  single 
combats  still  occur  among  the  Arabians. — Te.] — 
The  place  (of  combat)  was  called  (by  the 
people  in  consequence  of  this  result). — Field  of 
knives  (or  edges)  (O'lyn  np_^n).  The  nar- 
rative indicates  that  this  name  was  connected 
immediately  with  what  was  peculiar  in  the 
occurrence,  namely,  the  mutual  synchronous 
slaughter  by  the  edge  of  the  sword,  so  that  they 
fell  down  together.  To  this  corresponds  the 
meaning  of  ""If,  "knife,  edge"  (comp.  Eng. 
knife),  which  is  found  also  in  Pe.  Ixxxix.  44,  and 
is  established  from  the  ground-idea  of  the  Arabic 
stem  by  FleLscher  in  Delitzsch's  Comm.  on  the  Pss. 
in  loco  (2  vols.,  1859-60).  Thenius  after  the 
Sept.  (tov  kiri^oijTMv,  "the  plotters")  renders 
field  of  adversaries  {drdngerfeld,  D'>Xn  Tl) ;  but 
this  does  not  answer  to  the  characteristic  fact  that 
occasioned  the  name,  which  was  not  the  mutual 
attack,  but  the  mutual  slaughter  with  swords. 
Thenias'  objection  to  the  rendering:  "field  of 
edges " — that  it  would  apply  to  every  place  of 
combat — holds  rather  against  his  own  translation. 
Ewald's  rendering:  "field  of  the  artful"  (DnX) 
unwarrantably  introduces  the  notion  of  "  artifice" 
into  the  affair,  and  changes  the  Heb.  text,  which 
ia  supported  by  all  the  versions.  Vulg. :  ager 
robustorum,  Aq.,  Sym. :  Kkijpoq  rav  uTEpeCyv,  "  field 
of  the  strong,"  a  rendering  derived  from  the  sig- 
nification "rock"  (which  also  belongs  to  the  Heb. 
word),  as  if  the  rock-like  firmness  of  the  comba- 
tants (which,  however,  is  not  specially  mentioned 
in  the  narrative)  were  here  indicated. — [Bishop 
Patrick  follows  the  Vulg.  in  the  translation  of 
this  name,  Syr.,  Philippson,  Bib.  Com.  (which, 
however,  also  suggests  "field  of  sides,"  D'^?) 
give  it  as  Erdmann.  Chald.  has  "  possession  of 
the  slain."— Tr.] 

Vers.  17-25.  In  consequeTice  of  the  undecisive 
result  of  the  single  combat,  a  general  and  fierce  battle 
between  the  two  armies,  which  issues  in  the  de- 
feat and  flight  of  Abner.  To  the  bitterness  of 
the  bloody  duel  answers  the  violence  of  the  general 
conflict  that  arose  the  same  day,  which  is  de- 
scribed as  ''very  sore"  (ver.  17).  Its  result,  in 
allusion  to  the  single  combat,  which  had  not 
proved  decisive,  is  straightway  given:  Abner 
and  his  army  were  beaten. — In  vers.  18-23  we 
have  a  very  vivid  and  interesting  description  of 
a  special  battle-scene  or  rather  pursuit.  In  this 
scene  the  three  nephews  of  David  come  forward, 
Joab,  Abishai  (comp.  1  Sam.  xxvi.  6  with  2  Sam. 
xvi.  9;  xviii.  2;  xxi.  17;  xxiii.  18)  and  Asahel, 
who  are  expressly  described  as  sons  of  Zeruiah 
(as  Joab  in  ver.  13)  in  order  to  indicate  the  pro- 
minent part  taken  in  this  battle  bv  the  family  of 
David.  _  Ver.  18.  ^saM,  distinguished  for  agility 
and  swiftness,  and  therefore  compared  to  a  "  ga- 
zelle in  the  field"  [Eng.  A.  V.:  wild  roe],  see 
Prov.  vi.  6.— Ver.  19.  He  pursues  Abner  in 
order  by  conquering  the  General  to  strike  the 
decisive  blow  that  must  end  the  battle.— He 
turned  not  to  the  right  hand  nor  to  the 
left  from  following  Abner,  pressed  hard  and 
straight  on  him.— Ver.  20.  Asahel  was  doubtless 
already  known  to  Abner,  comp.  ver.  22.  Abner's 
speaking  supposes  tliat  Asahel  had  almost  over- 
I  taken  him,  and  might  now  infer  from  his  silence 


CHAP.  II.  1— III.  6. 


377 


that  he  would  surrender  himself  prisoner. — Ver. 
21.  Abner's  address  to  Asahel  is  based  on  the 
supposition  that  the  latter  is  anxious  only  for  the 
glory  of  making  a  prisoner  and  for  booty. — 
Take  bis  armor,*  that  is,  after  having  slain 
him. — [Such  was  the  custom;  see  Homer  for 
example. — Tb.]  —  Ver.  22.  Abner  speaks  again, 
since  Asahel  will  not  desist  from  the  pursuit. 
He  gives  as  reason  for  his  exhortation  that  he 
wishes  to  spare  Asahel's  life,  and  not,  by  slaying 
him,  make  a  deadly  enemy  of  his  brother  Joab, 
with  whom,  therefore,  he  must  previously  have 
stood  in  friendly  relations  (Thenius).  "From 
regard  and  former  friendship  to  Joab,  he  was 
unwilling  to  kill  the  young  hero"  (Keil),  [who 
was  also  "probably  but  a  stripling  and  no  fit 
antagonist  for  so  great  a  warrior"  {Bib.-Oom.). — 
Tb.] — How  should  I  lift  up  my  face  ?  that 
is,  present  myself  with  a  good  conscience  before 
him.  [Bp.  Patrick  not  so  well:  "because  Joab 
was  a  fierce  man,  and  would  study  revenge." — 
Tr.] — Ver.  23.  Asahel,  however,  did  not  desist 
from  pressing  on  Abner,  who,  not  wishing  to  kill 
him,  was  compelled  to  defend  himself,  and  so, 
not  with  the  front  part  of  the  spear,  which  was 
designed  for  war,  but  with  the  hinder  part,  which 
was  stuck  into  the  ground  (1  Sam.  xxvi.  7),  and 
therefore  no  doubt  was  furnished  with  a  sharp 
edge  (perhaps  of  metal)  smote  him  in  the 
abdomen  so  that  it  came  out  behind  in  his 
back,  and  he  fell  dead  on  the  spot.  It  hence 
appears  that  Asahel  pressed  violently  on  Abner, 
who  was  defending  himself  with  the  point  of  the 
spear,  which  must  have  been  very  sharp.  In 
proof  that  there  was  a  lower  metallic  point  to 
spears,  Bottcher  cites  Sam.  M.  vi.  213 ;  x.  153 ; 
xiii.  443;  Herod,  vii.  41. — [On  the  translation 
"abdomen"  instead  of  "fifth  rib,"  see  "Text, 
and  Gram." — Tb.]  This  place,  too,  where  Asa- 
hel fell,  received  importance  among  the  people 
from  the  general  mourning  over  the  young  hero. 
This  is  pathetically  and  vividly  described  by  the 
single  expression :  "  Every  one  that  came  to  the 
place  stood  still,"  comp.  xx.  12. — Ver.  24.  The 
pursuit  continues  with  all  the  more  violence. 
The  two  brothers  Joab  and  Abishai  follow  Abner 
till  the  evening.  At  the  same  time  the  locality 
(now  unknown)  where  the  pursuit  ended,  "the 
hill  Ammah  in  front  of  Giah  on  the  road  to  the 
wildei-ness  of  Gibeou,"  is  stated  with  precision ; 
an  evidence  of  the  exactness  of  the  narrative. 
The  wilderness  of  Gibeon  lay  east  of  Gibeon  in 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin. — Ver.  25.  The  "children 
of  Benjamin,"  as  the  nearest  tribesmen,  who  must 
have  been  most  interested  for  the  kingdom  of 
Ishbosheth.  They  gathered  themselves  to- 
gether from  the  dispersion  produced  by  flight 
into  one  body  after  Abner  on  a  hill,  that  is, 
to  protect  Abner,  and  from  this  more  favorable 
position  to  defend  themselves. — [Bib.-Oom.:  Ab- 
ner's skill  and  courage  in  rallying  his  followers 
to  a  strong  position  in  spite  of  so  crushing  a  de- 


*  fni''7n.  not  exuvice,  "spoil"  [so  margin  of  Eng.  A. 

V.  a.nABib'.-Com.—Tis..'],  from  ^hr\,  "to  strip  off,"  since 

then  the  suffix  would  be  meaningless,  but  Armor  from 

vSn,  "to  gird  "(from  yhn,  "loins"),  Niph.:  "to  arm 

one's  self  for  battle,"  Num.  xxxii.  21,  27,  29  sq.  j  Josh. 
Ti.  7  gq. ;  Isa.  xv.  4 ;  comp.  with  Jer.  xlviii.  41.— Sept. : 
TTayoirAia  avrav. 


feat.  On  the  text  of  vers.  24,  25,  see  "Text,  and 
Gram."— Te.] 

Vers.  26-28.  On  Abner's  appeal  to  Joab  the 
conflict  is  straightway  stopped,  and  the  pursuit 
on  Joab's  part  ceases.  A  truce  is  concluded. 
Abner's  first  word :  Shall  the  sword  devour 
forever  ?  expresses  decided  aversion  to  this 
bloody  combat.  The  second  question:  Know- 
est  thou  not  that  it  will  be  bitterness  at 
last  ?  points  not  to  outward  destruction,"  but  to 
the  empoisoning  and  brutalizing  (the  necessary 
result  at  last  of  such  a  war)  of  the  feeling  that 
the  members  of  a  people,  and  especially  God's 
covenant-people,  ought  to  cherish  towards  one 
another.  Just  at  this  moment  the  bitterness  had 
reached  its  highest  point,  and  the  result  of  the 
continuation  of  the  war  would  necessarily  have 
been  bitter  and  sullen  despair  on  the  part  of  the 
Benjaminites  and  an  increase  of  military  fury  in  the 
army  of  Judah.  Vulg. :  ''  Dost  thou  not  know  how 
dangerous  is  desperation  7"  The  third  question  is  a 
pressing  demand  to  Joab  to  suspend  hostilities  im- 
mediately and  agree  to  a  truce.  Joab  answers 
Abner  with  an  oath,  in  which  he  partly  charges 
him  with  the  blame  of  the  day's  bloody  struggle, 
partly  affirms  his  own  perfect  willingness  to  cease 
hostilities  without  following  up  his  victory.  The 
first  '3  =  "surely"  (into),  the  mark  of  emphatic 
a-sseveration  in  an  oath,  Ew.  §  330  b;  comp.  1  Sam. 
xiv.  44;  XX.  3;  Gen.  xxii.  16  sq.;  1  Ki.  i.  29  sq.; 
ii.  23  sq.,  where,  as  here,  it  follows  real  oaths  and 
introduces  their  contents.  [This  first  "surely"  is 
not  in  the  Eng.  A.  V.— Tit.]  If  thou  hadst 
not  said  this,  surely  then.  —  The  second 
"surely"  ('3),  strengthened  by  "then"  (IS)  as 
elsewhere  by  "now"  (nOj^),  Num.  xxii.  29;  Gen. 
xliii.  10;  1  Sam.  xiv.  30,  takes  up  the  first  in  or- 
der to  bring  out  more  expressly  and  strongly  what 
would  then  have  happened.  What  Abner  said  is 
his  proposition  for  the  single  combat  (ver.  14), 
which  resulted  in  this  obstinate  battle.  Yea 
verily,  then  had  the  people  gone  up — that 

is,  returned  (Niph.  of  nS;?  in  reflexive  sense 
"get  up,"  Ew.  ?  123  b).  There  would  then  have 
been  no  fraternal  war.  Thenius  (after  Syr.  and 
Ar.)  explains:  If  thou  hadst  not  (now)  spoken 
(about  a  truce ) ,  then  surely  in  the  morning,  ( name- 
lyto-morrow)  would  the  people  have  been  led  back. 
But  1)  The  "to-morrow"  is  not  in  the  Hebrew, 
and  2)  Joab's  answer  would  then  amount  to  no- 
thing, as  it  was  then  evening,  and  a  return  on  the 
next  morning  was  a  matter  of  course.  To  our  in- 
terpretation Thenius  objects  that  Abner's  proposal 
of  a  duel  was  meant  for  good,  and  the  two  armies 
had  originally  marched  out  with  intention  to 
fight ;  but  this  objection  is  of  no  force  against  that 
interpretation,  which  follows  the  original  word 
for  word,  for  joab  means  to  say  simply:  if  thou 
hadst  not  by  that  challenge  given  the  signal  for 
the  battle,  which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  continued 
the  whole  day,  then  early  in  the  morning  one  side 
would  have  "retreated  before  the  other,  and  the 
battlo  would  not  have  occurred.  Joab  herein  as- 
sumes that  Abner,  with  the  disposition  which  he 
has  just  expressed,  would  have  avoided  the  battle 
if  he  had  not  excited  it  by  his  well-meant  arrange- 
ment of  the  duel,  and  in  his  whole  address  and 
his   bearing   to  Abner   it  may  be  seen  that  he 


378 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


{ Joab)  would  not  have  made  the  attack,  and  that 
his  march  against  Abuer  was  simply  to  protect 
the  territory  of  Judah.  We  muse  read  between 
the  lines:  but  for  thine  unfortunate  word,  which 
has  had  such  results,  we  twoshould  have  avoided 
the  battle.  Here  is  to  be  noted  what  is  indicated 
in  ver.  12  as  to  the  personal  relation  of  Abner  to 
Joab,  and  how  afterwards  (chap,  iii.)  Abuer 
passed  from  "  the  House  of  Saul"  to  David's  side. 
[Vulg.,  Lightfoot,  Patrick,  Phiiippson  agree  with 
Erdmann  in  the  interpretation  of  this  clause — 
£ii.  Comm.  with  Thenius.  A  common  explana- 
tion is :  even  if  thou  hadst  not  spoken  ( for  a  truce), 
the  pursuit  would  have  ceased  to-morrow  morn- 
ing. This  answer  would  not  (as  Erdmann  de- 
clares) be  meaningless,  for  it  was  by  no  means 
otherwise  certain  that  the  battle  would  not  have 
been  continued  the  next  day.  Moreover  the 
phrase  "from  the  morning''  might  be  understood 
of  the  following  morning.  Two  facts  seem  to  fa- 
vor this  latter  interpretation:  1)  the  phrase 
''from  after  their  brethren,"  repeated  by  Joab 
after  Abner,  would  naturally  have  the  same  mean- 
ing in  both  cases,  ''desist  from  pursuit;"  2)  the 
form  in  which  Joab  couches  liis  answer,  that  is, 
an  oath,  better  refers  to  .something  which  lay  in 
his  power,  not  the  non-occurrence  of  a  battle  that 
day,  but  the  cessation  of  the  battle  going  on.  Joab 
would  then  say  (agreeably  to  the  context) :  I  did 
not  design  to  continue  the  battle,  but,  if  you  had 
said  nothing,  my  purpose  was  to  withdraw  my 
troops  in  the  morning — the  context  showing  (as 
in  Ex.  xxix.  34)  that  the  following  morning  was 
meant. — Tk.]  Ver.  28.  Joab  straiqhtway  causes 
the  trumpec  to  sound  the  signal  "Haiti  Arms  at 
rest!"  The  army  halts,  the  pursuit  is  discon- 
tinued, the  battle  is  ended. 

Vers.  29-32.  The  withdrawal  of  both  armies  from 
the  scene  of  battle,  and  the  loss  on  both  sides. 
— Ver.  29.  Abner  and  his  men  marched  through 
the  Arabah*  (that  is,  the  valley  or  plain  of  the 
Jordan)  from  the  south  northward,  having 
marched  from  the  battle-field  first  directly  east- 
ward towards  Jericho.  The  distance  from  the 
entrance  into  the  Jordan-plain  (to  reach  which 
point,  however  (vers.  3,  4),  cost  them  some  hours) 
up  to  the  point  where  they  crossed  the  Jordan  to 
go  to  Mahanaim,  was  so  great  that  it  took  them  at 
least  tlie  whole  night  to  pass  through  the  Arabah. 
They  ma,rched  "the  whole  night,"  not  from  fear 
of  pursuit  (for  the  pursuit  was  discontinued  and 
a  truce  concluded),  but  probably  to  avoid  the  heat 
of  the  day.  After  crossing  the  Jordan  they  tra- 
versed "  all  the  Bithron."  Tlie  word  "  all "  forbids 
us  to  understand  here  a  city — it  is  therefore  not 
Bethoron{Aq.,  Vulg.),  apart  from  the  fact  that 
this  lay  in  the  opposite  direction  north-west  of 
Gibeon — but  it  must  mean  a  district  beyond  the 
Jordan,  probably  a  mountain-gorge  or  a' plain  on 
the  Jabbok  between  the  Jordan  and  Mahanaim, 
which  lay  on  the  Jabbok.  These  specific  geogra- 
phical statements  also  about  Abner's  return-march 
show  the  historical  exactness  and  value  of  the  nar- 
rative.— Ver.  30.  At  the  same  time  Joab  began 
his  return-march  "  from  after  Abner  (who  wai  with- 
drawing)," as  it  is  vividly  described.    Not  till  the 


*  [On  the  Arabah  (which  is  in  general  the  deep  gorge 
of  tlie  Jordan,  extending  from  the  sea  of  Kinnereth 
(Gennesaret)  to  the  Gulf  of  Akabah),  see  Smith's  Bible 
Did.  s.  V,  and  Stanley's  Sinai  and  Palestine,  481.— Ta.J 


whole  force  was  assembled  for  the  return  was  a 
muster  held  in  order  to  learn  the  loss.  Only  nine- 
teen men  and  Asahel  were  missing  from  David's 
army.  [Among  these  nineteen  some  reckon  the 
twelve  that  fell  in  the  single  combat. — Tu.] — 
Ver.  31.  The  Benjaminite  loss,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  much  greater,  "360  men  dead,"  as  might 
easily  be  determined  by  counting  the  slain.  Joab 
had  in  his  army  only  veteran  "servants  of  David," 
tried  by  many  severe  battles  and  privations,  while 
Abner  led  into  the  battle  the  remains  of  the  army 
that  was  beaten  by  the  Philistines  at  Gilboa,  who 
moreover  in  previous  battles  with  that  people 
"  might  have  been  still  more  weakened  and  dis- 
couraged", (Keil).  The  disproportion  in  the 
losses  "may,  however,  have  been  due  also  in  part 
to  the  character  of  the  ground,"  comp.  ver.  25 
(Then.).  [On  the  apparently  corrupt  text  of  this 
verse  see  "Text,  and  Graram."— Tb.] — Ver.  31. 
Asahd  is  buried  on  the  march  back  in  the  burial- 
place  of  his  father  at  Bethlehem,  which  lay  only 
a  little  to  the  left  of  the  direct  road  to  Hebron. 
"They  went  the  whole  night  thence,"  and  came 
at  break  of  day  to  Hebron.  Gibeon  is  distant  from 
Hebron  about  26  miles;  they  might  therefore 
have  gone  from  Gibeon  to  Hebron  in  one  night, 
even  if  they  stopped  on  the  way  to  bury  Asahel, 
which  need  not  have  taken  much  time  (against 
Then.).  [However,  the  text  says  only  that  they 
went  all  night  from  Bethlehem  to  Hebron,  fifteen 
miles.  They  had  previously  marched  from  near 
Gibeon  to  Bethlehem,  after  having  attended  to 
the  duties  incident  to  the  close  of  a  battle. — Tb.] 

Chap.  iii.  1-6.  Further  general  and  summary 
account  of  the  long  duration  of  the  conflict  between  the 
houses  of  David  and  Said  and  their  different  for- 
tunes.— Ver.  1.  And  the  ■war  vyas  protracted 
between  the  house  of  Saul  and  the  house 
of  David. — The  former  stands  first  because  the 
attack  came  from  it.  From  the  account  of  the 
particular  incident  at  Gibeon,  where  the  contest 
assumed  the  form  of  open  war,  which  was  sud- 
denly ended  by  the  two  generals,  the  narrator 
turns  to  the  summary  description  of  the  condition 
in  which  the  two  houses  from  now  on  found  them- 
selves in  respect  to  the  contest,  notwithstanding  the 
discontinuance  of  external  war.  While  this  long- 
continued  struggle  la-sted,  outward  hostilities  were 
not  renewed  [at  least  there  were  no  pitched  bat- 
tles— Tb.],  Ishbosheth  lacking  courage  and  en- 
ergy therefor,  Abner,  as  his  bearing  (chap,  ii.)  to- 
wards Joab  showed,  having  no  special  interest  in 
continuing  tlie  bloody  strife,  and  David,  as  before, 
so  now  holding  back  from  attack,  since,  though 
he  had  power  and  courage  to  maintain  his  claims, 
he  yet  hoped  to  gain  his  promised  royal  authority 
over  Israel,  not  by  his  own  military  power,  but 
only  by  the  interposition  of  the  Lord.  Further  is 
related  the  fortune  of  the  two  houses  during  the  long 
contest.*  David  grew  stronger  and  strong- 
est—David's  advance  in  strength  means,  how- 
ever, not  the  increase  of  his  family  (Keil),  but  of 


*  ^Sn  with  Vb.  or  Adj.  (1  Sam.  ii.  26)  indicating  pro- 
gressive increase.    Ges.  §131,  3,  Rem.  3. 

t  pm  is  not— pin  "strong"  (Bdttcher  on  Ex,  xii. 
19),  but  Partop,  or  Verbal  Adj. -"strengthening"  (neu- 
ter), as  h'fi  (1  Sam.  ii.  26). 


CHAP.  II.  1— III.  6. 


379 


his  adlierents,  of  the  number  of  those  that  recog- 
nized him  as  king  over  all  Israel,  and  came  for- 
ward as  supporters  of  his  authority  over  the  whole 
country,  as  is  fully  and  clearly  narrated  in  1  Chr. 
xii.  23  sq.  On  the  other  hand  the  house  of 
Saul  grevr  -weaker  and  weaker  in  conside- 
ration and  power.  Tlie  reason  of  this  was  Ish- 
bosheth's  incapacity  for  royal  rule  and  Abner's 
afterwards  related  defection  from  the  house  of 
Saul.  During  the  time  of  struggle  he  was  the 
only  person  that  sought  still  to  maintain  this 
house  (ver.  6),  and  it  rapidly  sank  and  disap- 
peared when  he  went  over  lo  David.  Ver.  1  and 
ver.  6  are  therefore  connected;  ver.  1,  according 
to  this  view,  not  only  continues  the  preceding 
chapter  (Then.),  but  at  the  same  time  begins  a 
new  section  (vers.  1-6)  which  forms  a  transition  to 
the  narrative  from  ver.  7  on,  in  which  is  related 
how  David's  elevation  to  the  throne  of  all  Israel 
was  prepared  by  the  sinking  and  disappearance 
of  the  house  of  Saul  under  his  last  son. — The  state- 
ment (vers.  2-5)  concerning  David's  family  during 
his  residence  in  Hebron,  and  the  sons  there  born 
to  him  certainly  interrupts  the  progress  of  the 
narrative  (Then.) ;  for  it  is  not  to  be  connected 
with  ver.  1  as  being  a  factual  proof  of  the  strength- 
ening of  David's  house  (Keil).  But  it  is  quite  in 
place  here,  since  it  is  in  keeping  with  the  habit 
[of  the  biblical  writers]  of  inserting  at  the  begin- 
ning or  at  a  turning-point  of  the  history  of  the 
reign  of  each  king,  information  about  his  house 
and  family.  Comp.  1  Sam.  xiv.  49-51 ;  2  Sam. 
V.  13  8(j.;  1  Ki.  iii.  1 ;  xiv.  21 ;  xv.  2,  9.  The 
same  hat  of  the  sons  born  in  Hebron,  with  the 
names  of  their  mothers,  is  found  in  1  Chr.  iii.  1- 
3.  The  two  first  are  the  sons  of  the  two  wives 
Ahinoamand  Abigail  (1  Sam.xxv.  42sq.),  whom 
he  brought  with  him  to  Hebron.     On  Amnon  see 

chap.  xiii.  The  Prep,  "to''  (so  the  Heb.  /)  in 
these  cases,  where  a  corresponding  noun  is  to  be 
supplied,  expresses  immediate  belonging  [pro- 
perty], as  "a  song  of  (/)  David;''  so  here  "son 
to  (or  of,  Germ,  von)  Ahinoara,"  comp.  Ewald, 
?  292  a. — Ver.  3.  The  second  son  is  called  Chileah, 
in  Chron.  Daniel;  he  had  perhaps  two  names 
(Keil).  [The  name  Chileab  is  suspected  by  Well- 
hausen  to  be  a  collateral  form  of  Caleb  (see  the 
two  in  the  Heb.),  while  Bib.  Oomm.  thinks  it  a 
copyist's  erroneous  transcription  of  the  first  letters 
of  the  following  word.     The  Midrash  derives  it 

from  3X  n /D  =  "  exactly  his  father,"  the  name 
indicating  his  likeness  to  David  against  those  who 
said  that  he  was  the  son  of  Nabal.  Similarly  the 
name  Daniel,  "  God  has  judged  me,"  is  said  to  re- 
fer to  God's  judgment  on  Nabal.  These  are  all 
conjectures,  and  the  relation  of  the  two  names  is 
involved  in  obscurity. — Tb.]  The  third,  Absalom 
(called  in  1  Ki.  xv.  2  Abishalom),  son  of  Maa- 
chah,  daughter  of  king  Talmai  of  Geshur.  This 
was  a  small  independent  kingdom  in  Syria.  See 
XV.  8,  comp.  ii.  9.  Perhaps  this  marriage  of  Da- 
vid with  a  foreign  un-Israelitish  princess  had  a 
political  ground.  Comp.  1  Ki.  iii.  1,  Solomon's 
marriage  with  a  daughter  of  Pharaoh.  The  origin 
of  the  three  wives,  Haggith,  Ahital,  and  Eglah, 
whose  sons  were  Adonijah,  Shephatiah,  and  Ith- 
rerem,  is  not  given.  Thelast  is  strangely  described 
in  an  especial  way  as  "David's  wife."    Bertheau 


(on  1  Chr.  iii.  3)  holds  that  the  unknown  and  un- 
described  Eglah  is  so  called  for  the  sake  of  a  fuller 
conclusion;  but  Thenius  justly  remarks  against 
this  reason  that  Haggith  and  Abital  also  are  other- 
wise wholly  unknown.  Thenius'  suggestion  that 
Michal  originally  stood  in  the  text  is  opposed  by 
the  fact  that  with  the  exception  of  the  Cod.  Vat., 
which  has  Aigat,  the  correctness  of  the  text-read- 
ing is  supported  by  all  the  witnes.sea.  Probably 
this  in  itself  superfluous  addition  is  made  in  order 
to  give  a  fuller  conclusion  by  this  epithet  which 
suits  each  of  the  six  women  (Berth.,  Keil).  [On 
this  reading  see  "Text,  and  Gramm. — Tk.] — 
Ver.  6  resumes  ver.  1  in  relation  to  the  continuance 
of  the  conflict  between  the  two  houses,  and  the 
statement:  Abner  showed  himself  strong 
(=a  strong  support)  for  the  house  of  Saul, 
concludes  the  period  during  which  the  house  of 
Saul  was  able  through  Abner  to  maintain  itself 
against  the  house  of  David.  In  contrast  therewith 
follows  now  the  narrative  of  the  events  which,  in 
consequence  of  Abner's  ceasing  to  work  for  it, 
through  Ishbosheth's  unwise  conduct,  farther  and 
farther  depressed  the  house  of  Saul ;  comp.  ver.  1  b. 
So  vers.  1-6  form  the  bridge  to  the  following  his- 
tory (from  ver.  7  on). 


HISTORICAL   AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  David's  pereonality,  bearing  and  doing  after 
Saul's  death,  and  the  consequent  turn  of  his  life 
towards  the  fulfilment  of  his  call  to  the  theocratic 
kingdom,  show  in  all  points,  as  here  detailed  in 
the  prophetic  narrative,  absolutely  free,  trustful 
and  humble  dependence  on  the  will  of  God,  as  it 
has  up  to  this  time  shown  itself  as  the  foundation 
of  David's  life-development,  and  a  determination 
of  conduct  solely  by  the  carefully  sought,  distinctly 
apprehended  and  clearly  recognized  divine  deci- 
sion, as  it  had  before  been  obtained  by  him  at 
many  important  and  difficult  moments  (1  Sam. 
xix.  19 ;  xxii.  5 ;  xxiii.  2, 4, 10, 16 ;  xxx.  8).  That 
this  was  accomplished  here  also  through  the  Urim 
and  Thummim  is  not  doubtful ;  for  the  high-priest 
with  the  ephod  was  with  him,  while  nothing  is 
said  of  a  prophet  in  his  retinue,  apart  from  the 
fact  that  the  expression  "he  inquired  of  the  Lord" 
cannot  be  applied  to  a  prophet ;  it  cannot,  there- 
fore, be  supposed  that  David  received  a  declaration 
from  a  prophet. 

2.  David's  pathway  from  Ziklag  to  Hebron,  till 
he  gained  the  crown  of  Judah,  and  thence  passed 
to  that  of  Israel,  is  the  way  of  the  Lord.  For  1 ) 
he  asks  concerning  the  will  of  the  Lord,  which 
way  he  shall  go  (ver.  1),  humbly  subjecting  his 
wUl  to  that  of  the  Lord,  in  his  heart  relying  firmly 
on  the  Lord's  decision,  which  could  be  only  for 
his  good,  and  seeking  by  repetition  of  his  question 
to  obtain  a  clear  and  secure  knowledge  of  the  way 
he  is  to  go.  2)  He  goes  the  way  appointed  him 
by  the  Lon-d  (vers.  2,  3)  in  unconditional  obedience, 
towards  His  command,  in  th.e  faithful  discharge  of 
his  duties  towards  all  about  him,  who  had  hitherto 
shared  all  sufferings  with  him,  and  in  joyous  re- 
liance on  the  further  help  of  the  Lord.  3)  He 
finds  in  this  way  appointed  by  the  Lard  after  the 
cross  the  crown,  and  mounts  up  from  lowline-ss  to 
glory  (ver.  4).  4)  He  pauses  on  this  way, 
which  has  led  him  to  royal  honor,  in  order  quietly 
to  wait  in  paiience  till  the  Lord  direct  him  to  go 


330 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


forward  to  the  final  goal,  the  kingdom  over  all  Is- 
rael and  in  order  to  unfold  the  noble  royal  virtues 
in  which  he  proves  liimself  the  Anointed  of  the 
Lord  (vers.  5-7).  5)  He  advances  om  «Ae  same 
loay  according  to  the  Lord's  direction  to  ward  off 
the  attack  of  the  adversary  (vers.  8-13),  to  bloody 
war,  into  which  he  is  drawn  against  his  will  (vers. 
14-23),  to  splendid  vietory  over  his  opponents 
(vers.  25-32),  and  to  the  attainment  of  increasing 
power  and  glory  in  respect  to  the  sinking  house  of 

3.  Grace  (^D^)  and  Truth  (™^)  are  the  fun- 
damental attributes  of  God,  which  set  forth  His 
relation  to  the  people  of  Israel  as  the  covenant- 
people  ;  grace  is  the  special  exhibition  of  His  love, 
by  which  He  1)  chooses  the  people,  2)  establishes 
the  covenant  with  tiiem,  and  3)  in  this  covenant- 
relation  imparts  favor  and  salvation ;  trutk  is  God's 
love  unchangeable  and  continuing  over  against 
the  people's  sin,  love  that  1 )  does  not  suffer  the 
choice  of  free  grace  to  fall,  2)  maintains  the  cove- 
nant, and  3)  fulfils  uncurtailed  the  promises 
that  correspond  to  the  covenant-relation.  Comp. 
Ex.  xxxiv.  6;  Ps.  xxv.  10. 

4.  Every  human  work  well-pl-easing  to  God,  vrrought 
out  of  genuine  love  and.  truth,  is  a  reflection  of  Ood^s 
love  and  truth,  of  which  the  heart  has  had  experi- 
ence, an  offering  brought  to  the  Lord,  the  impulsion 
to  which  has  come  from  this  inwardly  experienced 
love  and  truth,  an  object  of  God!s  love  and  truth  which 
repays  with  blessing  and.  salvation,  and  of  men's  ho- 
noring recognition  in  respect  to  its  ethical  value. 

5.  Invocation  of  the  Lord^s  blessing  (ver.  5)  pre- 
supposes the  presence  of  the  conditions  under  which 
alone  this  blessing  can  subsist. 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAI.,. 

Y&L.lsq.  Faith's  inquiry  of  the  Lord.  1)  Whereon 
it  is  founded ;  a)  Upon  an  eiltire  looking  away 
from  human  prudence  and  wisdom  ;  6)  Upon  un- 
conditional trust  in  the  divine  love  and  faithful- 
ness, and  c)  Upon  previous  experiences  of  His 
gracious  help.  2)  Whai  sort  of  answer  it  finds; 
a)  A  certain  decision,  which  puts  an  end  to  all 
doubt ;  b)  A  definite  direction  which  way  to  go  ; 
c)  A  safe  security  that  this  way  leads  to  the  goal. 

Vers.  1-4  a.  From  Ziklag  to  Hebron — the  way 
of  humility  from  the  depths  to  tlie  heights.  1)  After 
humble  subjection  to  sore  trials,  which  the  Lord 
had  imposed  ("after  this,"  ver.  1).  2)  After 
humble  inquiry  of  the  Lord's  will  as  to  the  way 
he  must  further  go.  3)  In  humble  submission  to 
be  directed  and  guided  by  the  Lord  in  the  way  ap- 
pointed for  him.  4)  In  humble  and  patient  ex- 
pectation  of  the  fulfilment  of  His  promises. 

The  way  of  faith  through  cross  to  crown.  1)  How 
it  is  surely  found  (ver.  11),  a)  inquired  for  of  the 
Lord ;  6)  pointed  out  by  the  Lord.  2)  How  it  is 
confidently  pursued,  a)  under  the  guidance  of  the 
Lord's  hand  ;  b)  in  communion  with  those  united 
in  the  Lord  (vers.  2,  3).  3)  How  it  is  joyfully 
completed,  a)  at  the  goal  set  up  by  the  Lord;  b) 
under  the  direction  of  faithful  human  love,  the 
instrument  of  the  Lord's  love  (ver.  4). 

Vers.  4  6-7.  Faithful  love  to  our  neighbor  in  time 
of  need.  1)  How  it  is  in  a  noble  and  unselfish 
manner  shown  and  attested  amid  the  misfortune  of 
our  neighbor  (ver.  46).  2)  How  it  is  5Ze5.'ie<i  by 
God  in  the  manifestation  of  His  grace  and  the  at- 


testation of  His  faithfulness  (vers.  5,  6).  3)  How 
it  is  honored  by  mew  through  thankful  recognition 
and  righteous  requital  (ver.  6).  4)  How  it  is  ex- 
alted in  itself  to  a  stout  heart  and  to  great  joy 
(ver.  7). 

[Ver.  6.  "And  now  the  Lord  do  kindness 
(grace)  and  truth  unto  you."  See  points  for  the 
homiletical  discussion  of  this  text  in  "  Hist,  and 
Theol."  No.  3.— Vers.  1-13.  See  outline  of  a  ser- 
mon in  "  Hist,  and  Theol."  No.  2.— Tr.] 

Vers.  8-32.  God's  judgment  in  war:  I.  How  the 
divine  decision /a?fe  .•  1)  Against  him  who  has 
begun  the  war  unrighteously,  a)  to  fight  out  a  pre- 
tended right ;  6)  to  extend  an  assumed  power  and 
dominion ;  c)  in  conscious  resistance  to  God's 
right  and  command.  2)  For  him  who  has  been 
innocently  drawn  into  it,  a)  to  repel  injastice ;  6) 
to  defend  His  righteous  cause  ;  c)  to  uphold  God's 
command  and  righteousness.  II.  How  men  should 
submit  to  this  divine  decision :  1 )  The  conquered 
have  to  bow  in  humility  under  God's  hand,  and 
to  abandon  the  war,  a)  in  order  to  avoid  further 
bloodshed  ;  6)  to  ward  off  further  mischief;  c)  to 
preserve  the  people  from  spiritually  and  morally 
running  wild.  2)  The  conquerors  must,  a)  in  the 
course  of  victory  and  honor  stop  immediately  with 
self-denial  when  the  Lord  commands  it ;  6)  give 
the  conquered  the  hand  of  peace  when  they  a.sk 
a  cessation  of  hostilities  on  the  ground  of  the  di- 
vine decision  which  has  been  reached,  and  c)  tes- 
tify to  the  readiness  for  peace  which  they  have 
felt,  and  against  the  unrighteousness  which  has 
constrained  them  to  the  conflict. 

Chap.  iii.  1-6.  By  justice  divine  are  decided  All 
conflicts  that  men  have  divided.  1)  What  comes 
from  God,  alone  can  last ;  2)  What  stands  against 
God,  soon  is  past.* 

Ver.  1.  Cramer  :  When  the  righteous  are  op- 
pressed and  have  stood  the  test,  God  leads  them 
by  a  right  way  that  they  may  go  to  a  city  of  ha- 
bitation, Ps.  cvii.  7  ;  so  let  us  wait  patiently  for 
the  right  time,  Heb.  ii.  3 ;  Ps.  Iv.  22.  Osiandee: 
A  Christian  should  never  undertake  anything 
without  good  forethought  and  effort  to  learn 
God's  will  from  His  word,  and  should  often  seek 
to  strengthen  his  faith  therefrom,'  Ps.  cxix.  105. 
— Bebl.  B.  :  David  rests  not  in  all  the  illumina- 
tions and  promises  he  has  before  received,  but 
only  in  the  will  of  God,  and  looks  to  the  divine 
nod  and  glance,  the  truest  and  only  guide  for 
tranquilly  trusting  souls.  Thereby  the  soul  re- 
mains free  in  all  things  from  selfishness  and  vain 
joy.  [Henry:  He  doubted  not  of  success,  yet 
he  uses  proper  means,  both  divine  and  human. 
Assurance  of  hope  in  God's  promise  will  be  so  far 
from  slackening,  that  it  will  quicken  pious  en- 
deavors.—Tr.]. —  Ver.  3.  Cramer:  Faithful 
friends,  proven  in  time  of  need,  are  a  great  trea- 
sure. Starke:  When  God  gives  us  prosperity, 
we  should  cause  this  also  to  be  shared  by  those 
who  have  shared  with  us  in  distress.  [Hall  : 
Thus  doth  our  heavenly  leader,  whom  David  pre- 
figured, take  us  to  reign  with  Him  who  have  suf- 
fered with  Him.— Tr.].— Ver.  4.  Osiandeb: 
The  hearts  of  subjects  are  in  God's  hand,  and  God 
can  incline  them  so  that  they  must  love  their 
rulers.  What  God  has  promised  is  sure  to  come 
at  last.     After  enduring  sufferings  thou  shall  re- 


*  [This  rhyming  in  propositions  and  divisions  is  a 
somewhat  common  practice  in  Germany. Ta.) 


CHAP.  II.  1— III.  6. 


381 


ceive  the  crown  of  life,  2  Tim.  iv.  8.  — S.  Schmid  : 
Praiseworthy  deeds  always  get  their  praise  and 
their  reward  even  among  men,  although  they  are 
not  performed  to  that  end,  but  from  love  to  righ- 
teousness.— Ver.  6.  Ceamer:  By  gentleness  and 
friendliness  rulers  may  easily  win  the  hearts  of 
their  subjects,  and  also  quiet  much  contention, 
Judg.  viii.  2.  — Ver.  7.  J.  Lanqe  :  Kings  derive 
their  kingly  majesty  immediately  from  God,  but 
also  mediately  from  their  subjects.  —  F.  W. 
Kbtjmmacher  :  People  gained  here  the  convic- 
tion that  this  man,  unmoved  by  the  lower  affec- 
tions of  revenge  and  malice,  knew  how  to  forgive 
and  to  tbrget,  and  that  all  the  wrong  and  injustice 
he  had  experienced  had  not  been  able  to  darken 
for  him  in  his  predecessor  the  dignity  and  sacred- 
ness  of  an  Anointed  of  the  Lord.  Beside.s,  this 
conduct  of  David's  made  on  the  people  the  de- 
cided impression  that  they  might  expect  of  him 
a  humane  rule,  since  he  would  reckon  even  the 
most  trifling  and  insignificant  praiseworthy  thing 
that  might  happen  anywhere  in  the  land  to  be 
Worthy  of  grateful  recognition  and  consideration. 

Vers.  8,  9.  Cbameb:  The  whole  life  of  pious 
men  is  and  remains  a  continual  school  of  the  cross. 
In  them  holds  good  the  saying :  Must  not  man  be 
always  in  strife  on  earth  ?  Job  vii.  1.  [So  Ltr- 
THEB.  Similarly  Conant:  Has  not  man  a  term 
of  warfare  on  the  earth?— Tb.].—  S.  Schmid: 
Carnal  prudence  and  pride  is  never  willing  to 
submit  itself  to  God's  will,  but  will  always  oppose 
itself,  Exod.  v.  2.=Ver.  10.  Schmer  :  He  wore 
the  crown  that  had  been  promised  him,  but  the 
cross  also  did  not  yet  cease  for  him.  Still  he  must 
persevere  and  wait  till  the  whole  kingdom  fell  to 
him,  still  he  must  now  also  bear  patiently  what- 
ever new  burden  was  allotted  to  him. — BerTj  B.  : 
When  he  came  into  possesssion  of  his  kingdom, 
even  yet  he  remained  quiet  awhile,  without  con- 
sidering how  he  might  increase  it,  because  he  cast 
all  this  care  upon  Divine  Providence.  He  thus 
ahamas  the  behaviour  of  those  sj)iritual  men,  who 
when  they  recognize  that  God  wishes  to  do  some- 
thing through  them,  are  constantly  making  at- 
tempts and  all  sorts  of  beginnings  to  see  whether 
they  may  perhaps  achieve  the  work,  and  are  ne- 
ver willing  in  patience  and  self-forgetfulness  to 
wait  on  God,  until  God  Himself  performs  His 
will.  The  hour  must  come  itself,  and  so  it  must 
simply  be  waited  for. 

Ver.  12.  Stabke  :  A  Christian  must  not  let  his 
courage  sink  because  when  he  has  gained  a  vic- 
tory in  a  good  cause,  unexpectedly  new  obstacles 
and  hindrances  are  found  — Schlieb  :  When  a 
king  takes  the  sword  in  an  ambitious  spirit,  and 
wishes  only  to  subjugate  other  peoples  in  order  to 
extend  his  dominion,  that  is  an  unrighteous  war, 
and  woe  to  all  the  princes  who  in  base  ambition  set 
at  stake  the  blood  of  their  people ! — A  bad  prince, 
who  wilfully  conjures  up  war  upon  his  land.  But 
also  shame  upon  the  prince  who  would  not  help 
his  people  when  wrong  is  done  them.  A  right- 
eous war  is  a  royal  duty,  from  which  no  prince 
can  venture  to  withdraw,  even  if  it  were  fraternal 
war  I  It  may  have  come  hard  enough  to  David 
to  take  up  arms  against  his  brothers,  and  yet  he 
could  not  do  otherwise.  God  the  Lord  had  Him- 
self given  the  arms  into  his  hand. — Vers.  13-32. 
Cramer:  Bloodthirsty  warriorscountmen's blood 
as  water,  and  have  their  pastime  in  it,  but  to  God 


that  is  an  abomination.  Schlieb  :  In  such  times 
there  is  only  one  consolation,  namely,  that  the 
Lord  sits  as  ruler,  and  that  we  should  accept  the 
war,  if  there  is  one,  from  the  hand  of  the  supreme 
Lord  of  war,  that  we  should  not  regard  what  princes 
and  kings  of  the  earth  do  and  design,  but  see  in  war 
the  chastening  rod  of  divine  wrath,  which  visits 
the  sins  of  the  peoples  even  through  the  horrors 
of  war. — Vers.  18,  19.  Cramer  :  Let  no  one  rely 
on  the  powers  of  his  body,  for  the  race  is  not  to 
the  swift,  Eccl.  ix.  11. — Ver.  23.  Langb:  Bravery 
is  certainly  very  far  different  from  foolhardy  te- 
merity. [Hall  :  Many  a  one  miscarries  in  the 
rash  prosecution  of  a  good  quarrel,  when  the  abet- 
tors of  the  worst  part  go  away  with  victory.  Heat 
of  zeal,  sometimes  in  the  indiscreet  pursuit  of  a 
just  adversary,  proves  mortal  to  the  agent,  preju- 
dicial to  the  service.  Henry  :  See  here  (1)  llow 
often  death  comes  upon  us  by  ways  that  we  least 
suspect.  Who  would  fear  the  hand  of  a  flying 
enemy,  or  the  butt  end  of  a  spear?  (2)  How  we 
are  often  betrayed  by  the  accomplishments  we  are 
proud  of.  Asahel's  swiftness,  which  he  presumed 
so  much  upon,  did  him  no  kindness,  but  forwarded 
his  fate. — Te.] 

Ver.  24  sq.  Schlier  :  The  bloodshed  was  at  an 
end,  the  horrors  of  fraternal  war  were  over,  the 
victory  had  been  won  by  David,  who  had  begun 
the  war  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  and  now  from 
the  Lord  had  also  received  the  victory.  For  of 
this  we  should  be  certain :  victory  conies  from  the 
Lord.  As  surely  as  the  Lord  our  God  is  no  dead 
but  a  living  God — as  surely  as  He  sits  in  govern- 
ment and  orders  everything  as  the  Almighty  God, 
so  surely  must  it  also  be  true  that  victory  comes 
from  the  Lord,  Ps.  xx.  8. — Vers.  24-26.  Ceamer  : 
A  wretched  wisdom  when  one  grows  prudent  only 
with  losses.  Therefore  in  the  beginning  think 
of  the  end.  [Heney:  See  here  (1)  How  easy  it 
is  for  men  to  use  reason  when  it  makes  for  them, 
who  would  not  use  it  if  it  made  against  them  I 
(2)  How  the  issue  of  things  alters  men's  minds  ! 
The  same  things  which  looked  pleasant  in  the 
morning,  at  night  looked  dismal. — Te.]. — Ver. 
27.  It  is  an  honor  to  a  man  to  stay  out  of  conten- 
tion ;  but  they  who  love  it  are  altogether  fools, 
Prov.  XX.  3. — Ver.  28.  Starke  :  Even  he  who 
has  been  injured  by  another  should  show  himself 
ready  to  be  reconciled  to  the  other  if  he  desires 
forgiveness.  Matt.  v.  5. — Vers.  30,  31.  Cramer  : 
Prosperity  should  be  used  reverently  and  with  mo- 
deration, lest  we  fly  too  high. — God  punishes  in 
war  the  sins  of  both  parties. — Ch.  iii.  1  sq.  Eoos : 
What  is  not  devised,  done,  collected  and  set  up  in 
God's  name,  has  no  permanence.  God  in  His 
holy  wrath  is  the  fire  that  consumes  such  a  thing, 
however  specious  it  seems;  on  the  contrary,  what 
He  wills  and  approves,  is  through  His  good  plea- 
sure obtained,  advanced  and  made  strong. 

[Ver.  11.  David  at  Hebron :  1)  His  choosing 
the  place  by  divine  direction  (ver.  1).  And  we 
can  see  that  it  was  a  fit  place.  The  city  of  Abra- 
ham, Caleb  and  the  Levites — a  city  of  refuge — the 
principal  town  in  David's  tribe,  and  somewhat 
remote  from  Saul's  tribe — and  David  had  taken 
pains  to  conciliate  its  inhabitants  (1  Sam.  xxx. 
31).  Divine  directions  are  seen  to  coincide  with 
true  human  wisdom,  wherever  we  sufliciently  un- 
derstand the  facts.  2)  His  "  apprenticeship  to 
monarchy."    Through  several  previous  years  he 


382 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


had  been  in  a  course  of  providential  preparation 
for  reigning ;  and  now  he  begins  to  reign  on  a 
small  scale.  He  has  occasion  to  learn  a)  from 
the  apparent  failure  of  wild  schemes  (ver.  5  sqq.), 
b)  from  open  hostility,  long  continued  (ver.  12 
sqq. ;  iii.  1),  c)  from  the  base  cruelty  of  his  trusted 
commander  (iii.  27).  Amid  all  these  he  grew  in 
popularity  and  strength  (iii.  1,  36).  The  lessons 
he  learned  were  especially,  to  be  prudent  (ver.  5 
sqq. ;  iii.  28),  and  to  be  patient  (ver.  11 ;  iii.  1 ). 
3)  His  founding  a  family,  (iii.  2-5).  a]  To  have 
sons  born  to  him  is  the  joy  of  any  man,  especially 
of  a  monarch,  b)  But  here  polygamy  was  already 
paving  the  way  to  sore  family  dissension,  c)  And 
three  of  these  sons  born  at  Hebron,  Amnon,  Ab- 
salom, Adonijah,  were  destined  to  bring  wretch- 
edness and  shame  on  their  father  and  his  house, 


and  ruin  on  themselves.  O  the  mingled  hopes 
and  fears  with  wliich  a  father  must  look  on  his 
little  children!— Tr.] 

[A  Sunday  school  address.  Vers.  18-23.  The 
rash  young  prince.  1 )  He  had  a  shining  gift,  ver. 
18.  I  In  ancient  warfare,  more  were  often  slain 
in  the  pursuit  than  the  battle ;  and  so  swiftneas 
of  foot  was  important  to  a  warrior).  2)  He  was 
ambitious — pursuing  the  distinguished  general  of 
the  enemy.  3)  He  had  decision  and  perseverance 
— turning  not  to  the  right  or  left,  and  yielding  to 
persuasion.  4)  He  fancied  himself  superior  to 
an  old  man— a  common  and  natural,  but  grave 
fault  in  the  young.  (The  old  man  at  length  killed 
him  with  ease,  in  mere  self-defense).  5)  He  was 
slain  as  the  penalty  of  self-confidence  and  rash- 
ness— besetting  sins  of  many  gifted  youth. — Ta.] 


m.  Abner's  quarrel  with  Ishbosheth,  defedion  from  the  House  of  Saul  and  transition  to  David. 

Chapter  III.  7-21. 

7  And  Saul  had  a  concubine  whose  name  was  Rizpah,  the  daughter  of  Aiah,  and 
Ishbosheth}  said  to  Abner,  Wherefore  hast  thou  gone  in  unto  my  father's  concubine  ?' 

8  Then  was  Abner  [And  Abner  was]  very  wroth  for  the  words  of  Ishbosheth,  and 
said,  Am  I  a  dog's  head  which  against  Judah'  [a  dog's  head  on  Judah's  side?]  [ins. 
I]  do  show  kindness  this  day  [to-day]  unto  the  house  of  Saul  thy  father,  to  his  bre- 
thren and  to  his  friends,  and  have  not  delivered  thee  into  the  hand  of  David,  that 

9  [and]  thou  chargest  me  to-day  with  a  fault  concerning  this  [the]  woman  ?  [ !  ]  So 
do  God  to  Abner  and  more  also  except,  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  sworn  to  Da- 

10  vid,  even  so  I  do  to  him.  To  translate  the  kingdom  from  the  house  of  Saul,  and  to 
set  up  the  throne  of  David  over  Israel  and  over  Judah,  from  Dan  even  to  Beersheba. 

11  And  he  could  not  answer  Abner  a  word  again,  because  he  feared  him. 

12  And  Abner  pent  messengers  to  David  on  his  behalf  [or  in  his  stead*],  saying. 
Whose  is  the  land  ?'  saying  ako  [pm.  also].  Make  thy  league  [covenant]  with  me, 


TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  Ver.  T.  The  lacking  subject  "  Ishbosheth  "  is  supplied  in  5  MSS.,  some  printed  BDD.,  and  all  the  VSS.  except 
Chald. ;  but  this  shows  only  that  they  regarded  this  name  as  the  proper  subject,  not  that  it  was  originally  in  the 
text.  Whether  it  stood  originally  in  our  Heb.,  or  we  have  here  a  fragment  of  a  fuller  narrative  in  which  the  sub- 
ject of  the  verb  was  indicated  by  the  context,  cannot  now  be  determined. — Before  "to  his  brethren,"  in  ver.  8, 
the  copula  "  and  "  is  inserted  in  all  VSS.  except.  Chald.,  and  in  some  MSS.— Tn.] 

2  [Ver.  7.  In  l!;j7^3  the  quiescent  Jod  instead  of  dagh.  forte  (as  is  frequent  in  Chald.).  The  origin  of  the 
word  is  unknown  ;  comp.  Chald.  XD''J73  "  vigorous  beast,"  perhaps  "one  that  has  reached  years  of  puberty," 

(Levyl ;  but  eomp.  Arab,  falhas  and  uflud.—T&.] 

>  [Ver.  8.  This  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.,  taken  from  the  Vulg.,  cannot  be  well  gotten  from  the  Heb. ;  the  trans- 
ition in  brackets  is  the  one  now  generally  adopted.— Instead  of  Tl'SDH  (for  TlNSDn)  "  delivered,"  Syr.  has  dW 
and  Sept.  has  jivToii.6\ria-a  —  'flD 72'n  (Then.). — The  change  of  Prep,  after lOn  (Dj/  and  7X)  is  to  be  noted.— Sym- 
machus  renders  "  dog's  head  "  by  KvvoK4<fta\o^  "  dog-headed." — Tb.] 

<  [Ver.  12.  'innr),  Qeri  vnnn.    Two  general  renderings  of  tUls  phrase  are  found  in  the  Ancient  VSS. :  "in 

his  place  "  (Sym. :  "  instead  of  him,"  Vulg.,  j^ro  se  dieejito,  Chald.,  "  from  his  place,"  Syr.  omits  it)  and  "on  the 
spot"  (Sept.  irapaxpfina,  followed  by  Erdmann).  The  former  best  accords  with  the  usage,  and  gives  a  good 
sense. — Ta.l  , 

»  [Ver.  12.  The  difficulties  in  this  text  are  1)  the  double  "^DKl  "  saying ;"  2)  the  absence  of  the  Art.  before 

VIS  "  land ;"  3)  the  obscurity  of  this  question.    The  Heb.  text  is  supported  by  the  VSS.,  except  that  the  second 

SbS7  is  omitted  in  Syr.,  Arab.,  and  in  a  few  MSS.,  and  the  second  in  Sept.,  and  the  Sept.  text  of  the  question  is 

corrupt  (the  Vat.  Sept.  shows  an  imperfect  triplet;   Abner  sent  messengers  to  David  tit  9ai\ii}L  o8  T/v  irapaxp^fia, 


CHAP.  III.  7— IV.  39.  383 


and  behold,  my  hand  shall  be  with  thee  to  bring  about  [to  turn]  all  Israel  unto 

13  thee.  And  he' said,  Well;  I  will  make  a  league  [covenant]  with  thee;  but  one 
thing  I  require  of  thee,  that  is,  Thou  shalt  not  see  my  face  except'  thou  first'  [om. 

14  first]  bring  Michal,  Saul's  daughter,  when  thou  comest  to  see  n^y  face.  And  David 
sent  messengers  to  Ishbosheth,  Saul's  son,  saying,  Deliver  [Give]  me^  iwy  wife  Mi- 

15  chal,  which  [whom]  I  espoused  to  me  for  an  hundred  foreskins  of  the  PhilistineH. 
And  Ishbosheth  sent  and  took  her  from  her  husband,  even  from  Phaltiel  the  son  of 

16  Laish.'  And  her  husband  went  with  her  along  weeping  behind  her  to  Bahurim. 
Then  said  Abner  [And  Abner  said]  unto  him,  .Go,  return.     And  he  returned. 

17  And  Abner  had  communication  with  the  elders  of  Israel,  saying.  Ye  sought  for 

18  David  in  timea  past"  to  be  king  over  you  ;  Now,  then,  do  it ;  for  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] hath  spoken  of"  David,  saying,  By  the  hand  of  my  servant  David  I  wilP'' 
save  my  people  Israel  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines  and  out  of  the  hand  of  all 

19  their  enemies.  And  Abner  also^'  spake  in  the  ears  of  Benjamin ;  and  Abner  went 
also'*  to  speak  in  the  ears  of  David  in  Hebron  all  that  seemed  good  to  Israel  and 
that  geemed  good  [pm.  that  seemed  good]  to  the  whole  house  of  Benjamin.  So  [And] 

20  Abner  came  to"  David  to  Hebron  and  twenty  men  with  him.     And  David  made 

21  Abner  and  the  men  that  were  with  him  a  feast.  And  Abner  said  unto  David,  I 
will  arise  and  go,  and  will  gather  all  Israel  unto  my  lord  the  king,  that  they'"  may 
make  a  league  [covenant]  with  thee,  and  that  thou  mayest  reign  over  all  that  thine 
heart  desireth.     And  David  sent  Abner  away,  and  he  went  in  peace. 

rV.  Murder  of  Abner  by  Joah-    Vers.  22-39. 

22  And  behold  the  servants  of  David  and  Joab  came  from  pursuing  a  troop  [came 
from  an  expedition"],  and  brought  in  a  great  spoil  with  them.  But  [And]  Abner 
was  not  with  David  in  Hebron,  for  he  had  sent  him  away  and  he  was  gone  in  peace. 

23  When  Joab  and  all  the  host  that  was  with  him  were  come,  they  told  Joab,  saying, 
Abner  the  son  of  Ner  came  to  the  king,  and  he  hath  sent  him  away,  and  he  is  gone 

24  in  peace.  Then  Joab  came  to  the  king  and  said.  What  hast  thou  done  ?  behold, 
Abner  came  unto  thee;  why  is  it  that  thou  hast  sent  him  away,  and  he  is  quite  [pm. 

in  which  tatXiii.  seems  to  be  corrupted  out  of  "D^  innn,  oB  ?"  is  for  oS  yjiv,  while  napaxpfiiia  is  translation  of 

'nriil).    It  appears  that  the  question  and  the  second  IDX/  were  not  understood ;  Ghald. :  saying,  I  swear  to  him 

who  made  the  land,  saying — Syr. :  what  is  the  land  ? — The  best  course  seems  to  be  to  omit  the  second  iDX7,  and 

seek  a  meaning  in  the  question. — Tb.] 

'  [Ver.  13.  Some  VSS.  and  MSS.  have  "  David,"  which  is  merely  the  expression  of  the  obvious  subjeeti — ^Tb.] 
'  [Ver.  13.  As  the  Heb.  stands  it  can  only  be  rendered  "  except  on  condition  of  thy  bringing,"  (so  Bib.  Com. 

and  substantially  Brdmann) ;  Battoher's  suggested  readings  'jab  "  before  "  (adv.)  and  'i J37  "  before  me,"  are 

dropped  by  himself  as  unnatural  here.  He  and  Wellhausen  see  a  duplet  in  this  text  (DN  '3  and  '  JS'?),  which  is 
not  improbable,  but  not  necessary.  If,  in  that  case,  the  latter  be  adopted,  the  Inf.  of  the  text  is  retained ;  if  the 
former,  the  Perf.  must  be  read. — Tb.] 

8  [Ver.  14.  There  is  no  need  of  inserting  this  Dat.  in  the  Heb.  text,  since  it  is  easily  supplied  from  the  con- 
text, and  its  omission  is  in  accordance  with  Heb.  usage.    But  in  ver.  15  the  suffix  must  be  written  ntff'X  "  her 

husband."— TbJ 

»  [Ver.  W.  Such  is  the  form  in  the  Qeri  or  margin ;  the  Kethib  or  text  has  Lush,  which  perhaps  means  the 
same  thing  "  lion."    Apparently  by  inversion  the  Sept.  writes  the  name  Selle. — Tb.] 

">  [Ver.  17.  Ijiterally,  "  both  yesterday  and  the  day  before."— Tb.] 

n  [Ver.  18.  Ss— so  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  Keil,  Cahen;  but  Vulg.,  Philippson,  Brdmann  "to  David."  Thenius 
would  read  7J^  "  concerning  "  (as  the  context  requires)  on  the  ground  that  7X  cannot  so  be  rendered  ;  but  see 
Jer.  xxii.  18.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  18.  The  text  has  the  Inf,  which  after  ION  some  would  render  "Jehovah  said  to  save  "  =  "said  that 

He  would  save,"  but  this  is  hard  on  account  of  the  intervening  IDXS,  and  the  Impf.  is  now  generally  read  with 

many  MSS.  andprinted  EDD.,  and  all  the  Ancient  VSS.— Te.]  , 

i«  [Ver.  19.  The  DJ  "  also  "  qualifies  not  the  succeeding  word  "Abner,"  but  the  preceding  "  spoke,"  "  went " 

(Wellh.).— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  20.  The  Heb.  has  no  Prep,  here,  employing  the  Ace.  of  the  point  reached;  but  some  MSS.  and  EDD. 

insert  %  and  so  all  VSS.  except  Chald.,  which  has  S. — Tb.] 

'5  [Ver.  21.  The  Sept.  has  the  first  person,  "  I  will  make  a  covenant  with  him,"  which  is  against  the  syntax  of 
the  context. — Te.] 

"  [Ver.  22.  Lit.  "  from  the  troop  (or  OTedatory  band),"  so  the  VSS.  except  Aquila,  who  has  "  (Jeddur  "  (mj) 
Which  he  renders  iLavoiiivmi  or  tii&vav.  The  Heb.  expression  is  somewhat  hard  and  obscure,  hut  may  have  been 
a  technical  one.— The  Heb.  Perfects  are  here  from  the  connection  properly  rendered  by  Eng.  Plups.  "  had  sent," 
"  was  gone."— Tb.] 


384  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

25  quite"]  gone  ?  Thou  knowest  Abner  the  son  of  Ner'°  that  he  came  to  deceive  thee, 
and  to  know  thy  going  out  and  thy  coming  in,  and  to  know  all  that  thou  doest. 

26  And  when  [om.  when]  Joab  was  come  out  [went  out]  from  David  he  [and]  sent 
messengers  after  Abner,  which  [who]  brought  him  again  from  the  well  of  Sirah  ; 
but  David  knew  it  not. 

27  And  when  Abner  was  returned  to  Hebron,  Joab  took  him  aside  in  [to  the  middle 
of]  the  gate  to  speak  with  him  quietly,  and  smote  him  there  under  the  fifth  rib 

28  [in"  the  abdomen]  that  he  died,  for  the  blood  of  Asahel  his  brother.  And  afterward 
when  David  heard  it  [when  David  afterward  heard  it],  he  said,  I  and  my  kingdom 
are  guiltless  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  for  ever  from  the  blood  of  Abner  the  son 

29  of  Ner  ;  Let  it  rest  [be  hurled]  on  the  head  of  Joab  and  on  all  his  father's  house, 
and  let  there  not  fail  from  the  house  of  Joab  one  that  hath  an  issue,  or  that  is  a 
leper,  or  that  leaneth  on  a  staff  [crutch'"],  or  that  falleth  on  [by]  the  sword,  or  that 

30  lacketh  bread.  So^'  Joab  and  Abishai  his  brother  slew  Abner  because  he  had  slain 
their  brother  Asahel  at  Gibeon  in  the  battle. 

31  And  David  said  to  Joab  and  to  all  the  people  that  were  with  him.  Rend  your 
clothes  and  gird  you  with  sackcloth,  and  mourn  before  Abner.     And  kiug  David 

32  hinvtelf  [om.  himself]  followed  the  bier.  And  they  buried  Abner  in  Hebron ;  and 
the  king  lifted  up  his  voice  and  wept  at  the  grave  of  Abner,  and  all  the  people 

33  wept.     And  the  king  lamented  over  Abner  and  said, 

Died  Abner  [Must  Abner  die]  as  a  fooP^  [or  villain]  dieth  ? 

34  Thy  hands  were  not  bound 
Nor  thy  feet  put  into  fetters. 

As  a  man  falleth  before  wicked  men 
So  fellest  thou. 

35  And  all  the  people  wept  again  over  him.  And  when  [om.  when]  all  the  people 
came  to  cause  David  to  eat  ^^  meat  [bread]  while  it  was  yet  day  [ins.  and]  David 
sware,  saying.  So  do  God  to  me  and  more  also,  if  I  taste  bread  or  aught  else  till  the 

36  sun  be  down.     And  all  the  people  took  notice  of  it,  and  it  pleased  them  ;  as^  what- 

37  soever  the  king  did  pleased  all  the  people.     For  [And]  all  the  people  and  all  Israel 

38  understood  that  day  that  it  was  not  of  the  king  to  slay  Abner  the  son  of  Ner.  And 
the  king  said  unto  his  servants,  Know  ye  not  that  there  is  a  prince  and  a  great  man 

39  fallen  this  day  in  Israel?  And  I  am  this  day  weak,  though  anointed  king,  and 
these  men  the  sons  of  Zeruiah  be  too  hard  for  me ;  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  [om. 
shall]  reward  the  doer  of  evil  [wickedness]  according  to  his  wickedness. 

"  H'sr-  24.  The  Inf.  Abs.,  the  force  of  which  cfmnot  be  exactly  given  in  English.  Perhaps  the  Sept.  "  in 
peace  here  was  designed  as  a  rendering  of  this  Inf..  though  it  is  not  improbable  that  it  is  merely  .1  repetition 
trom  the  two  preoedmg  verges  ;  it  is  therefore  not  to  bo  inserted  in  the  Heb.  text  (against  Wellh.).— -Tr.] 
,m4  "  L'^er-  26.  The  phrase  "  the  mn  of  Ner  "  is  omitted  by  Syr.  and  Ar.,  .and  its  points  are  omitted  in  one  MS. 
(224  Kenn.;— why,  is  not  elear.— The  Sept.  rendering:  "dost  thou  not  know  the  wickedness  of  Abner?"  isaweak- 
thie  "— T    1  °"^""'''  "^®  ^y"'-  '''^°  ^^"^  *'"*  neg.-interrog.  form,  and  renders  very  well  "that  he  came  to  flatter 

w  [Ver.  27.  The  Prep,  is  omitted  in  the  text,  but  some  MSS.  insert  Sn,  and  so  the  VSS.,  according  to  the  Heb. 

usage. — Tr.] 

„»tfi  JL'''rPr'!;„®*"°''f  S^™  a  Erdmann  (with  Vulg.  and  Syr.)  render :  "  one  that  holds  a  distaff,"  that  is,  an  effemi- 
nate man  (Prov.  xxxi.  19).    See  the  Exposition. — Tr.] 


better.fiowever,  to  regard  the  ^e-rSJnormer^ly^as  givi^iThe^e-'aTonVr  the  murde^^^  Mii  h  if  i?v":7in  versed")! 
nor  as  superfluous,  but  as  a  concluding  summing  up  of  the  incident,  as  is  so  common  in  Heb.  5arration.-Tl] 

■siCVer.  33.  Sept. :  "  Will  Abner  die  according  to  the  death  of  Nabal  ?"  taking  ^22  (fool)  as  a  proper  name.  So 
in  ver.  34  it  has  ov  Trpomivave"  m  NdiiSoX,  misunderstanding  the  h)3i3  of  the  Heb.,^whieh  it  read  SlJ  J3.— Tr.] 

23  [Ver.  36.  De  Bossi  cites  a  reading  in  some  MSS.  niianS  "  to'make  a  feast "  (2  Kings  vi.  23),  which  Kimchi 
said  was  written  but  not  read,  perhaps  a  clerical  error.— Th'.] 

MlVer.  36.  SbS-  Wellhausen  objects  that  this  3  cannot  be  rendered  as  a  conjunction  (as  in  Eng.  A.  V.),  and 
therefore  prefers  the  Sept.,  which  omits  the  3.  Syr.  accords  with  Sept,  and  Chald  and  Syr.  insert  "  and  "  before 
'.■?'4?f  "^^^  reading  of  Greek  and  Syr.  ("  and  good  in  their  eyes  was  all  that  the  king  did,  and  good  in  the  eyes 
ofall  the  people"),  however,  contains  a  weak  repetition,  and  something  like  the  Heb.  text  is  required  by  the 
connection. — Th.] 


CHAP.  III.  7— IV.  39. 


385 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

III.  Ch.  iii.  7-21.  Abner  quarrels  with  lahbo- 
sheth,  cmd  goes  over  to  David. — Vers.  7,  8.  The 
falling  out.  It3  occasion  was  Abner's  taking 
Saul's  concubine,  Rizpah,*  the  daughter  of  Aiah. 
The  Harem  was  part  of  the  property  of  the 
reigning  house,  and  therefore  fell  to  the  successor, 
comp.  xii.  8.  Taking  possession  of  it  was  a  poli- 
tical act,  and  signiiied  actual  entrance  on  royal 
rights,  comp.  xvi.  21,  and  of  this  act  Abner  was 
guilty.  Supply  from  the  connection  Ishbosheth 
(comp.  my  father  and  ver.  8)  as  subject  of  the 
verb  said.  His  question :  "  Why,"  etc.,  might 
be  taken  as  the  expression  of  suapieion  that  Abner 
was  thus  seeking  the  throne,  for  in  the  ancient 
Orient  claim  to  the  harem  was  claim  to  the 
throne,  so  especially  with  the  Persian,  comp. 
Herod.  3,  68 ;  Justin.  10,_  2.  But,  if  Ishbosheth 
really  had  such  a  suspicion,  Abner's  conduct 
gives  no  ground  for  such  a  view ;  his  act  seems 
rather  the  outflow  of  passionate  self-will  and  pre- 
sumptuous contempt  towards  Ishbosheth.  If  he 
had  really  wished  to  seize  the  throne  of  Israel  for 
himself,  his  conduct  towards  David  (ver.  9  sq.) 
would  be  inexplicable.  His  answer  in  ver.  8 
shows  how  loose  his  relation  to  Ishbosheth  and 
concern  for  his  cause  already  was.  " Dog's  head" 
as  in  our  language  also,  is  the  expression  for 
something  perfectly  despieable.  The  words : 
"  which  is  to  Judah,"  omitted  by  Sept.,  are  not 
to  be  connected  with  the  preceding  (Clericus: 
thinkest  thou  that  I  am  worth  no  more  to  the 
Tribe  of  Judah  than  a  dog's  head  ?  Syr. :  Am  I 
the  head  of  the  dogs  of  Judah  ?  Ewald :  Am  I 
then  a  Judahite  dog's  head? — such  an  adjectival 
periphrasis  would  be  very  strange) — nor  in  sense 
to  be  connected  with  the  following  ( Vulg. :  who 
against  Judah  to-day  show  kindness ;  De  Wette : 
who  in  respect  to  Judah  now  show  kindness),  but 
to  be  rendered  simply  as  they  stand :  "  who  is  for 
Judah,  pertains  to,  holds  with  Judah"  (Buns.). 
Abner  is  angered  by  the  insult  he  thinks  shown 
him  by  Ishbosheth's  reproachful  question.  The 
sense  of  his  reply  is :  that  Ishbosheth  treats  him 
as  a  despicable  man,  who  takes  no  interest  in 
him,  as  one  who  belongs  to  his  opponents,  the 
party  of  the  Tribe  of  Judah,  whereas  he  1)  is 
showing  only  kindness  to  the  whole  house  of 
Saul,  and  2)  especially  has  not  delivered  him, 
Ishbosheth,  into  the  hand  of  David.  By  addu- 
cing these  his  services  to  the  royal  house  Abner 
repels  the  reproach  based  on  his  appropriation 
of  the  concubine.f  His  words  express  the  ex- 
tremest  contempt  towards  his  king,  and  the 
strongest  consciousness  of  services,  to  which  the 
house  of  Saul  and  Ishbosheth  owed  everything. 
The  "to-day"  is  significant;  even  "now"  he 
occupies  this  position  towards  Saul's  house; 
comp.  the  "made  himself  strong,  was  a  strong 
helper"  in  ver.  6.  The  contrast  to  this  comes 
out  sharply  in  what  follows.     There  follows — 

Vers.  9-11,  the  sudden  complete  breach  with 
the  house  of  Saul  and  the  solemn  oath  in  respect 
to  the  house  of  David.  This  is  the  culmination 
of  what  is  said  in  ver.  1  of  David's  advance  in 


*  [See  xxi.  8-tl  and  Gen.  xxxvi.  24.— Te.1 
t  [It  is  supposed  by  aome  that  Abner  did  not  marry 
Hizpati,  but  used  her  as  a  harlot. — Te.J 

25 


strength  over  against  the  house  of  Saul.  (On  the 
simple  '3  in  oaths  see  on  ii.  27 ;  1  Sam.  lii.  17.) 
The  history  does  not  show  a  formal  divine  oath, 
such  as  Abner  here  refers  to.  But  the  divine 
choice  of  David  to  be  king,  his  anointment  per- 
formed by  Samuel  at  the  divine  command  (1 
Sam.  XV.  28,  29;  xvi.  1-12),  and  the  therewith 
conjoined  divine  declaration  which  Samuel  de- 
clares to  be  inviolable  (1  Sam.  xv.  29)  because 
based  on  God's  truthfulness  (comp.  Num.  xxiii. 
19) — all  this  had  in  fact  the  significance  and 
weight  of  a  divine  oath.  Abner's  words  presup- 
pose that  acquaintance  with  the  promises  given 
to  David  was,  through  the  prophetic  circles, 
widely  extended.  Abigail  is  an  example  of  such 
acquaintance  among  the  people  (1  Sam.  xxv.  28- 
31).— So  will  I  do  to  him;  Abner  does  not 
consider  himself  (as  Cler.  thinks)  as  the  Lord's 
instrument  for  fulfilling  his  declaration  to  David, 
which  he  in  fact  was  not.  He  merely  says,  that 
he  will  now  make  David  king,  as  had  been  pro- 
mised him  by  divine  oath.  The  remark  of  Cler. 
that  "military  men  do  not  sufficiently  weigh 
what  they  say  "  does  not  apply  here ;  for  in  Ab- 
ner's words  there  is  the  distinct  consciousness 
that  over  against  the  divine  promise  concerning 
David  the  cause  of  Saul  and  Ishbosheth  is  a  lost 
one,  but  at  the  same  time  also  the  mortified  am- 
bition that  thinks  its  services  not  sufficiently 
recognized,  and  the  overweening  pride  of  a  vigo- 
rous and  energetic  man  who  thinks  that  he  can 
of  himself  make  history.  In  spite  of  his  refer- 
ence to  a  divine  declaration,  his  conduct  is  any- 
thing but  theocratic,  fs  rather  throughout  auto- 
cratic, comp.  ii.  8,  9 :  "  he  took  Ishbosheth,  and 
made  him  king."  How  far  his  previous  energetic, 
autocratic  activity  for  Saul's  house  was  connected 
with  ambitious,  high-reaching  plans  for  himself, 
is  uncertain.  In  any  case,  however,  so  much  is 
true:  1)  that  he  knew  David's  divine  call  to  be 
Saul's  successor,  and  therefore  stood  in  conscious 
opposition  to  the  known  will  of  God,  and  thus  in 
conflict  with  himself,  and  2)  that  it  was  only  after 
his  defeat  in  the  battle  with  Joab  (which  he  him- 
self began,  ii.  12  sq.)  and  his  gradually  confirmed 
recognition  of  the  fact  that  Ishbosheth  was  wholly 
unfit  for  the  kingly  rule  and  its  maintenance  in 
the  house  of  Saul,  and  in  trath  the  personal  in- 
sult now  offered  him  by  Ishbosheth — that  he 
suddenly  decided  to  break  with  the  house  of  Saul 
and  go  over  to  David.  How  far  ambition  herein 
influenced  him  along  with  political  insight,  we 
cannot  tell ;  but  it  is  not  probable  that  he  showed 
so  much  energy  in  gaining  over  all  Israel  to 
David,  as  is  afterwards  related,  without  hope  of 
a  high  and  influential  po.sition  with  David. — 
With  the  words :  ''  to  translate  the  kingdom  from 
Saul,"  comp.  Samuel's  word,  1  Sam.  xv-  28. — 
From  Dan  to  Beersbeba,  as  in  Jndg.  xx.  1 ; 
1  Sam.  iii.  20. — [Bib.  Com.  thinks  it  probable 
that  Abner  had  before  this  begun  to  incline 
towards  David,  so  that  Ishbosheth  had  some 
ground  for  the  taunt :  "  which  belongeth  to  Ju- 
dah," and  this  made  it  all  the  more  stinging  to 
Abner.— Te.]— Ver.  11.  And  he  (Ishbosheth) 
could  not  ansvrer,  because  he  feared  him. 
This  characterizes  Ishbosheth  sufficiently  for  the 
explanation  of  the  whole  situation.  Having  with 
an  effort  plucked  up  courage  to  ask  that  reproach- 
ful question,  he  here  shows  the  greatest /eeiieness, 


386 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


cowm-dice  and  timidity  towards  Abner.  This  also 
contributes  to  the  explanation  of  what  is  said  in 
ver.  1  concerning  the  house  of  Saul. 

Vers.  12-21.  Abner' a  covenant  with  David. — 
Ver.  12.  The  threat  against  Ishbosheth  is  straights 
way  carried  out  by  sending  an  embassy  to  David, 
innn  is  not  "in  his  place"  (Vulg. ^ose,  Cler., 
De  Wette,  Keil  [Eng.  A.  V.:  "on  his  behalf"]), 
which  would  be  superfluous  and  unmeaning 
(Buns.),  but,  in  keeping  with  Abner's  passionate 
excitement  in  ver.  9,  ''  on  the  spot,  immediately," 
wapaxpvptn  (Sept.,  Chald.),  as  in  ii.  23,  where 
Keil  also  adopts  this  meaning,  though  he  here 
declares  that  there  is  no  ground  for  it. — [On  this 
whole  passage  see  "Text,  and  Gram." — Tb.] — 

The  first  "saying"  C^Ot*/.)  can  be  taken  here 
only  in  the  usual  sense  as  introduction  of  direct 
discourse,  not  as  =  "  to  say  "  in  reference  to  the 
messenger.'!.  And  the  second  "saying"  is  also 
so  to  be  taken,  and  not  as  ^  "  that  is  to  say " 
(Buns.,  Then.),  since  it  introduces  another  direct 
discourse  of  Abner :  "  Make  a  covenant,"  which 
cannot  except  by  forcing  be  regarded  as  an  expla- 
nation of  the  question :  "  to  whom  belongs  the 
laud  ?"  rather  the  demand  contained  in  it,  as  a 
consequenee  of  the  silent  answer  to  this  (Question, 
is,  on  account  of  its  importance  as  the  chief  thing 
in  the  commission  of  the  ambassadors,  naturally 
appended  by  means  of  a  repeated  "saying." 
The  saying:  To  -whom  belongs  (or  whose 
is)  the  land  ?  does  not  relate  to  David,  as  ifr= 
"to  whom  does  it  belong  but  to  thee?"  This 
interpretation,  that  the  land  properly  belonged  to 
David  by  virtue  of  hia  anointment  (Vat.,  S. 
Schmid,  Ew.  [Patrick,  Bib.  Ckm..']),  would  agree 
indeed  with  Abner's  acknowledgment  in  ver.  9, 
but  not  with  the  following  words :  Make  a 
covenant  with  me  to  turn  all  Israel  to 
thee,  which  rather  indicate  that  Abner  means  to 
say:  "tlie  land  belongs  to  me"  (Sanct.,  Theniue 
[Scott,  Philipps]).  This  is  quite  in  keeping 
with  his  proud,  haughty  nature,  as  hitherto  ma- 
nifested in  his  words  and  conduct,  and  also  with 
the  facts  of  the  case,  since  in  fact  the  whole  land 
except  Judah  was  still  subject  to  Saul's  house, 
that  is,  to  him  (Abner)  as  Dictator.  Because  he 
still  as  influential  ruler  controlled  the  greatest 
part  of  the  land,  he  could  1)  demand  of  David, 
as  one  standing  on  the  same  plane  with  him,  to 
make  a  eovenani  with  him,  and  2)  give  him  the 
promise  (the  product  not  only  of  strong  self-con- 
sciousness, but  also  of  extensive  power)  :  "my 
hand  is  with  thee  to  turn  aU  Israel  to  thee."  Ob- 
viously there  is  here  not  merely  implicitly  in- 
volved as  answer  to  the  above  question,  the 
declaration  :  "  the  land  is  his  whom  I,  the  leader 
of  the  army,  shall  favor"  (Cler.),  but  also  the 
expectation  that,  after  the  fulfillment  of  this  pro- 
mise, David  would  assign  him  the  highest  posi- 
tion in  the  army  and  in  the  nation  next  to  him- 
self. Abner's  proud  and  haughty  words  hardly 
permit  us  to  doubt  that  he  was  filled  with  such 
thoughts.— Ver.  13.  David  replies  with  a  coTuii- 
tion,  namely,  the  restoration  of  his  wife  Michal.* — 


»  '"[NOn  (as  elsewhere  after  ■'ish)  like  the  Perf., 
instead  of  the  usual  'N"3n  (Ex.  xxiii.  30 ;  Lev.  xxiii.  14 
sq.;  Deut.  iv.  28).  •'isH  here  —  "  before."  Ew.,  §  238  d, 
j  337  c. 


Thou  Shalt  not  see  my  face  before  (  = 
except)  thou  bring  Michal,  etc. — Certainly 
we  should  have  the  opposite  of  David's  meaning 
(Then.)  if  we  rendered :  "  Thou  shalt  not  see  my 
face  except  before  thou  bring  Michal."     But,  if 

we  retain  the  text  C.JS?),  this  explanation  is 
unnecessary,  rather  it  quite  answers  to  the  origi- 
nal signification  of  the  word  to  render  literally : 
"except  in  the  face  of  thy  bringing  Michal  .... 
in  thy  coming  to  see  my  face,"  that  is,  thou  shalt 
not  see  my  face  except  by  at  the  same  time  bring- 
ing me  Michal  when  thou  comest  to  see  my  face ; 
thy  coming  to  me  to  see  my  feice  shall  not  occur 
except  in  the  presence  of  this  fact,  namely,  that 
thou  (  =  unless,  before  thou)  bring  Michal.  It 
is  therefore  unnecessary  either  to  omit  the  Prep. 

('•!?/)  after  the  Sept.,  and  change  the  following 
Inf.  into  a  Perf,=  "unless  thou  bring"  (Then.), 
or  to  omit  the  " but"  (DN  '3)  =  "  thou  .shalt  not 
see  my  face  before  thy  bringing  (  =  before  thou 
bring)"  (Bottcher).  —  Ver.  14  presupposes  the 
acceptance  of  this  condition  by  Abner.  In  realiza- 
tion of  what  Abner  had  threatened  him  with, 
Ishbosheth  finds  himself  compelled  to  fulfil  David's 
condition  himself,  and  that  immediately  by  .46- 
ner's  own  hand,  to  whom  was  assigned  the  duty 
of  bringing,  and  who  really  did  bring  Michal  to 
David  (vers.  15,  16).  To  this  end  David  sends  a 
formal  embassy  to  Ishbo-iheth,  in  order  legaUy  to 
demand  and  receive  Michal  back,  she  having 
been  illegally  taken  by  Saul  and  given  to  another 
man  (1  Sam.  xxv.  44).  Seb.  Schmid :  "  that  it 
might  be  manifest  that  he  had  acted  legally 
towards  Phaltiel  before  his  king,  and  taken  her 
bark,  not  carried  her  oflT  by  force  from  a  husband." 
■Whom  I  espoused  to  me,  that  is,  purchased 
as  bride,  married. — For  a  hundred  foreskins, 
comp.  1  Sam.  xviii.  27,  where  two  hundred  is 
the  number  given.  David  thus  justifies  his 
claim  that  Michal  lawfully  belongs  to  him,  since 
he  had_  lawfully  won  her  as  his  wife.  Be- 
sides thisright  to  Michal,  which  he  was  now  for 
the  first  time  in  position  successfully  to  assert,  he 
was  led  to  a  reunion  with  her  partly  by  love 
("she  loved  him,"  1  Sam.  xviii.  27  ;  xix.  11  sq.), 
partly  by  a  political  motive;  as  king  he  could  not 
in  the  presence  of  the  people  leave  Michal  in  a 
relation  into  which  she  had  been  forced  against 
her  will,*  and  he  wished  the  people  to  see  from 
his  relation  to  Saul  as  son-in-law  that  he  was  free 
from  hatred  towards  the  latter.— Ver.  15.  And 
Ishbosheth  sent,  that  is,  to  Gallim,  where 
Phaltiel,  the  present  husband  of  Michal,  dwelt, 
1  Sam.  xxv.  44,  and  sent  Abner  himself  (ver.  16). 
Her  husband  cannot  part  with  her  without  sor- 
row. [The  Jewish  tradition  represents  Phaltiel 
as  the  guardian  merely,  not  the  husband  of  Mi- 
chal—a  view  that  the  text  does  not  permit.— 
Tk]— Ver.  16.  A  touching  scene,  briefly  but 
vividly  sketched.  The  faithful  husband  follows 
his  wife  weeping  to  Bahurim,  where  Abner,  who 
therefore  had  himself  brought  Michal  from  Gal- 
lim, ordered  him  to  return.  Bahwrim,  the  home 
of  Shimei  (xix.  17  ;  1  Kings  ii.  8),  a  village  near 
Jerusalem  (Jos.,  Ant.  7,  9-7)  north-east,  on  the 
road  between  the  Mount  of  Olives  and  the  Jordan 


appS-xIf  J  ^""^  ^'^  divorced  from  David  does  not 


CHAP.  III.  7-39. 


387 


(Gilgal),  not  fer  from  or  in  the  plain  of  the  Jor- 
dan (comp.  xvi.  1,  5 ;  xvii.  18). 

Vers.  17-19.  Abner's  preparatory  negotiations 
with  the  Elders  of  Israel  and  especially  of  Benja- 
min, and  his  report  thereon  to  David. — Ver.  17. 
Before  Abner  carried  out  David's  condition  (the 
restoration  of  Miohal),  he  had  a  conversaiion, 
(Trn  'X — 131)  with  the  JStders  of  Israel,  that  Li, 

the  Northern  Tribes  with  the  exception  of  Ben- 
jamin.— Both  yesterday  and  the  day  be- 
fore (  =  in  times  past)  ye  desired  [  =  sought] 
David  to  be  your  king — a  striking  testimony 
to  the  fact  that  outside  of  Judah  also  there  had 
been  a  favorable  sentiment  towards  David,  against 
which  Abner  had  energetically  established  and 
hitherto  maintained  Ishbosheth's  authority.  The 
existence  of  this  favorable  feeling  towards  David 
in  the  Northern  Tribes  is  confirmed  by  1  Chron. 
xii. — Ver.  18.  Now,  then,  do  it,  that  is,  fulfil 
your  desire,,  recognize  him  as  your  king.  As 
reason,  for  this  demand  Abner  refers  to  a  "word 
of  Jehovah,"  which  indeed  in  the  form  here  given : 

1  -will  save  my  people  Israel,  is  never  ex- 
pressly mentioned  as  spoken  "  to  David  "  (so  the 
Vulg.) ;  but  it  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  word  ap- 
plied in  the  prophetic  tradition  (which  Abner,  ver. 
9,  is  well  acquainted  with)  to  David,  with  which 
Saul.  (1  Bam.  ix.  16)  received  this  divine  com- 
mission, which  in  its  completeness  could  only 
now  be  fulfilled  by  David.* — Ver.  19.  The  special 
elaborate  and  pressing  negotiations  with  Benja- 
min were  necessary  not  only  because  this  tribe 
had  enjoyed  many  advantages  from  the  royal 
house  of  Saul,  1  Sam.  xxii.  7  (Then.),  but  in 
general  because,  though  numerically  the  smallest 
tribe,  it  had  hitherto  had  the  honor  of  furnishing 
the  reigning  family;  it  was  necessary  to  over- 
come the  tribal  ambition  and  the  tribe-interest, 
to  which  Saul  appealed,  1  Sam.  xxiL  The  "also 
.  .  .  also"  (DJ~DJ),  which  denotes  rrmtualness 
(Ew.,  I  352  o),  points  out  the  close  connection 
and  relation  between  the  negotiations  carried  on 
with  Benjamin  as  the  tribe  most  important  for 
David,  and  the  earnest  conversation  that  Abner 
therefore  had  with  David  ("  in  the  ears  of  David  ") 
at  Hebron.  He  "  went,"  namely,  after  these 
double  negotiations,  in  order  to  bring  Michal  to 
David.— AH  that  seemed  good,  that  is,  not 
their  demands  and  conditions  (De  Wette,  Then., 
Buns.),  which  does  not  accord  with  the  context 
or  lie  in  the  words,  but  (since  the  negotiations 
referred  to  the  recognition  of  David's  divine  right 
to  the  kingdom  over  all  Israel,  ver.  10)  the  wil- 
lingness to  recognize  him  as  king,  the  recognition 
of  his.  royal  authority. -r  [Patrick  observes  that 
David  so  effectually  attached  the  Benjaminites  to 
him  that,  though  they  had  been  Saul's  closest 
adherents,  they  became  David's  warm  friends, 
and  never  afterwards  left  him.     However,  comp. 

2  Sam.  XX. — Te.] — Ver.  20.  The  twenty  men, 
who  accompanied  Abner  to  David  and  for  whom 
he  prepared  a,  feast,  appeared  "  as  representatives 
of  all  Israel,  in  order  by  their  presence  to  confirm 
Abner's  overtures"  (Keil). — [Patrick;  The  feast 
was  notmerely  an  entertainment,  but  of  the  na- 
ture of  a  league.     Bih.-Com. :  "  It  is  remarkable 


*  Instead  of  tbe  Inf.  y^\n  read  with  all  VSS.  and 
many  MSS.  the  Impf.  ^'t!*^N. 


that  not  a  word  should  be  said  about  the  meeting 
of  David  and  Michal."— Tb.]— Ver.  21.  The 
same  quickness  with  which  Abner  carried  out  his 
resolution  to  go  over  to  David  (ver.  12)  fulfilled 
the  required  condition  (ver.  16),  pressed  the  pre- 
liminary negotiations  (ver.  17  sq.)  in  order  to 
inform  David  about  them,  he  now  shows  in  the' 
further  proceedings,  that  he  may  institute  as  soon 
as  possible  the  solemn  installation  of  David  as 
king  of  Israel  under  formal  conclusion  of  a  cove- 
nant between  king  and  people.  The  gradation 
in  his  following  words :  I  will  arise  and  w^ill 
go  and  will  assemble  all  Israel  to  my  lord, 
is  characteristic  of  the  rapidity,  excitedness  and 
energy  that  we  everywhere  remark  in  Abner. 
He  now  for  the  first  time  calls  David  "  his  lord." 
He  will  "  assemble  the  whole  nation  {i.  e.  in  its 
elders  and  other  representatives)  to  the  solemn 
covenanting."  This  last  was  not  to  consist  in 
the  establishment  of  a  constitution  after  the  na- 
ture of  a  "constitutional  monarchy"  (Then.), 
which  is  wholly  foreign  to  the  theocratic  king- 
dom, but  the  words :  that  they  may  make  a 
covenant  with  thee  mean:  they  are  to  vow 
to  obey  thee  as  the  king  given  them  by  the  Lordj 
thou  promising  to  govern  them  as  the  theocratic 
king,  through  whom  as  His  instrument  the  Lord 
Himself  will  rule  over  His  people. — And  that 
thou  mayest  be  king  over  all  that  thy 
heart  desireth,  that  is,  not:  "in  a  way  or  un- 
der conditions  that  thou  canst  accept"  (Then.), 
but  he  is  to  rule  as  he  desires ;  it  does  not,  how- 
ever, mean:  "  as  thy  soul  desires  "  (Clericus),  or 
"according  to  thy  pleasure"  (Dathe),  because 
the  conception  of  the  theocratic  rule  excluded  all 
arbitrariness  from  it,  but  "  over  all,  according  to 
which  is  the  desire  of  thy  soul,"  that  is,  accord- 
ing to  the  Lord's  will  and  appointment,  over  the 
whole  people  and  land.  David  had  indicated 
the  desire  of  his  heart  in  his  message  to  the 
Jabeshites.  Abner  was  dismissed  by  David  as 
his  king  who  was  in  accord  with  his  purpose. 
That  he  was  now  looked  on  by  David  and  his 
adherents  as  thoroughly  a  friend,  and  received 
no  harm  from  any  body,  is  indicated  by  the  con- 
cluding words :  And  he  went  in  peace. 

IV.  Vers.  22-39.  Murder  of  Abner  by  Joah  and 
his  solemn  interment  by  David.— Yer.  22.  Instead 
of  the  Sing.  "  came,"  referring  to  .loab  as  leader 
of  the  troop,  Sept.,  Syr.,  Ar.  render :  "  they  came." 
"From  the  troop"  came  Joab  with  the  servants 
of  David,  who  had  undertaken  an  expedition  for 
booty.  Whither,  is  not  said,  but  probably  outside 
the  Israelitish  territory  near  the  tribe  of  Judah. 
In  the  incomplete  organization  of  David's  court, 
such  expeditions  were  necessary  for  the  support 
of  the  large  army.  "Abner  was  no  longer  with 
David ;"  probably  he  had  purposely  chosen  the 
time  when  Joab,  with  the  army,  was  absent,  to 
carry  out  his  plan.  "He  had  gone  m  ;5eace"  is 
repeated  from  ver.  21  in  contrast  with  the  hostility 
afterwards  shown  him  by  Joab,  when  (ver.  23)  on 
his  return  he  learns  that  Abner  bad  meantime 
been  with  David  and  had  been  dismissed  in  peace. 
[For  the  correction  of  the  rendering  of  this  verse 
in  Eng.  A.  V.  see  "Text,  and  Gramm."— Tb.]— 
Ver.  24.  Joab's  reproach  of  David  that  he  had 
sent  Abner  away — so  that   "he  was  now  quite 

gone"  (^'''v' ^^^.l:  Ew.  ?  280  6)— supposes  that 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Abner  had  only  come  with  evil  and  hostile  pur- 
pose. [Joab,  of  course,  was  afraid  that  he  would 
be  superseded  by  Abner,  if  the  latter  entered  Da- 
vid's service.  He  was  younger  and  less  renowned 
than  Abner. — Te.] — Ver.  25.  Joab  gives  a  reason 
for  his  charge  of  unwisdom  against  David  in 
sending  Abner  away  in  peace:  Thou  kno'west 
(or,  as  a  question,  knowest  thou?)  Abner,  that 

In  a  quick,  passionate  speech,  for  the  truth 

of  which  he  appeals  at  the  outset  to  David's  know- 
ledge of  Abner's  character  (against  Thenius'  re- 
mark :  "  had  David  known  what  Joab  here  says,  he 
would  have  acted  differently"),  he  makes  a  three- 
fold charge  against  Abner,  with  the  intent  of 
thereby  branding  him  as  spy  and  traitor.  He  de- 
clares that  Abner  came  1)  to  trick  him  out  of  his 
most  secret  tlioughts.  The  verb  (DniJ)  means  "to 
be  open"  (Ps.  xx.  19),  Piel  ''to  make  open,  per- 
suade, get  one's  secrets  from  him"  (Judg.  xiv.  15; 
xvi.  5) ;  so  here;  2)  to  learn  David's  outgoing  and 
inmming,  that  is,  all  his  present  undertakings,  his 
whole  action  and  course  of  life  (comp.  Dent,  xxviii. 
6 ;  Ps.  cxxi.  8 ) ;  3 )  oii  that  he  wUl  do,  all  his  plans  for 
the  future. — Ver.  26.  Without  Bamds  knowledge 
(whether  expressly  in  David's  name,  falsely  used 
by  him,  is  not  stated)  he  sends  messengers  and 
brings  Abner  back,  making  him  believe,  no  doubt, 
that  David  had  something  further  to  say  to  him. 
The  pit  (or  cistern)  of  Sirah,  to  which  Ab- 
ner had  gotten  when  he  was  turned  back,  accord- 
ing to  Jos.  Ant.  7,  1,  5,  distant  twenty  stadia  [= 
nearly  two  and  a  half  English  miles]  from  He- 
bron, is  now  unknown ;  the  name  is  perhaps  to  be 
derived  from  a  verb  (^1D)  meaning  "to  turn  in" 
(Thenius),  and  denotes  an  inn  or  caravanserai. 
[According  to  others,  so-called  as  surrounded  with 
thorns,  Sirim,  Dn'D  (Philippson).— Tk.]— Ver. 
27.  [Bib.  Obmm.:  Abner's  condupt  bespeaks  his 
entire  reliance  on  David's  good  faith. — Tb.]  Af- 
ter .'i.bner's  return  to  Hebron,  Joab  met  him  in 
the  gate  of  the  city,  and  turned  him  "aside  to  the 
middle  of  the  gate,  in  order  to  speak  with  him 
quietly."  Clericus:  "made  him  turn  aside,  took 
him  apart"  (the  Hiphil  nan  is  transitive  as  in 
Job  xxiy.  4;_Numb.  xxii.  23).  Joab  could  not 
speak  with  him  in  the  way  where  people  were  go- 
ing out  and  coming  in.  He  had  therefore  to  take 
him  aside  to  the  places  in  the  gate-space,  where, 
according  to  the  oriental  custom,  men  used  to 
meet  for  private  or  public  conversations  and  con- 
sultations.    To  the   middle   of  the   gate. 

Joab  drew  Abner  to  the  middle  of  the  inner  gate- 
space  (which  was  no  doubt  roofed)  between  the 
places  of  exit  and  entrance,  because  it  was  not  so 
light  there,  and  one  could  better  escape  the  notice 
of  the  passers  by,  who,  however,  were  probably 
not  very  numerous.  Bnnsen  renders  well :  "made 
him  turn  aside  (from  the  way)  near  the  middle 
of  the  gate."  For  Joab  wished,  as  he  made  Ab- 
ner believe,  to  talk  with  him  "in  quiet,  undis- 
turbed, in  private"  C^^2).  There  he  stabbed 
him  in  the  abdomen  (tl'Dnn,  comp.  ii.  23)  [not 
"under  the  fifth  rib,"  as  in  Eng.  A.  V.— Tb.]. 
Tor  the  blood  of  Asahel  his  brother  see  ii. 
23;  that  is,  to  avenge  or  punish  the  death  of  his 
brother.  According  to  this  it  was  an  act  of  re- 
venge for  bloodshed.  But  Abner  had  not  wilfully 
elain  Asahel,  but  in  self-defence,  when  the  latter 


pressed  on  him,  ii.  22  sq.  But  blood-vengeance 
was  appointed  only  for  intentional  killing,  and  he 
was  protected  by  law  from  it,  who  had  killed  a 
man  unintentionally  (Deut.  iv.  41sq.;  Josh.  xx. 
1-9).  Joab's  deed  was  a  murder,  like  that  which 
he  afterwards  committed  on  Amasa,  xx.  11.  He 
thereby  cast  false  suspicion  on  David  (comp.  ver. 
37),  whose  friendly  relation  to  Abner  he  yet  must 
have  known,  since  David  no  doubt  informed  him 
in  their  conversation  (vera.  24, 25)  of  Abner's  true 
position.  The  avenging  of  blood  was  a  mere  pre- 
text ;  the  real  ground  of  Joab's  deed  was  envy  and 
ambition,  as  Josephus  already  rightly  holds.  He 
feared  that  Abner  would  take  a  higher  position  in 
the  new  kingdom  than  himself — especially  would 
cut  him  out  of  the  rank  of  general-in  chief  of  the 
whole  army.  Grotius:  "an  equal  and  rival  in 
military  glory  galled  him." 

Ver.  28  sq.  What  David  said  of  this  crime. 
And  when  David  afterwards  heard  of  It. 
—The  word  "afterwards"  (as  the  "David  knew 
it  not"  in  ver.  26)  certifies  that  David  had  no 
share  in  Joab's  deed.  David  1)  declares  his  inno- 
cence of  this  murder.  He  distinguishes  between 
himself  personally  and  "his  kingdom,"  that  is,  his 
royal  house,  his  "hereditary  successors  on  the 
throne"  (Thenius),  who  no  more  than  himself 
could  be  visited  with  divine  punishment  therefor. 
Comp.  1  Ki.  ii.  31-33.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
affirms  2)  that  the  righteous  punishment  of  God 
in  requital  of  this  crime  must  fall  both  on  the 
person  and  on  the  house  (the  posterity)  of  Joab. 
Let  the  blood  of  Abner  turn,  roll,  plunge  on 
the  head. — This  strong  expression,  instead  of 
the  ordinary  "let  it  come,"  answers  to  the  enor- 
mity of  the  crime  and  the  energy  of  David's 
righteous  anger.  ''And  let  there  not  fail,"  lite- 
rally "not  be  cut  off,  separated,  exterminated" 
''^i?:?!^)  so  that  it  no  longer  exist,  comp.  Josh.  ix. 
23.  One  that  hath  an  issue  (3t),  one  that 
pines  away  mi.serably  with  seminal  or  mucous 
flow, — comp.  Leviticus  xv.  2Bq.,  and  a  leper, 
see   Leviticus  xiii.  1—46,  and  one   that  holds 

the  distaff.— The  word  (^^3)  means  in  Heb., 
Talm.,  Arab,  mly  "distafT,"  never  "staff"  (Bott- 
cher),  comp.  Prov.  xxxi.  19.  Usually  indeed  the 
phrase  is  rendered  after  the  Sept.  {xparav  mvrd- 
Mv)  "one  that  holds  a  staflf;"  that  is,  a  cripple, 
lame,  or  blind  (the  last  by  Aquila).  But  against 
this  it  is  to  be  said  with  Bottcher  that,  apart  from 
the  fact  that  the  word  cannot  be  shown  to  mean 
"staff,"  the  phrase  "one  that  holds  a  stafi""  does 
not  necessarily  denote  a  cripple,  since  the  stafi" was 
held  by  "rulers  and  men  of  eminence  (Judg.  v. 
14;  Gen.  xxxviii.  18;  Numb.  xxi.  18),  old  men 
(Zech.  viii.  4),  travellers  (Luke  vi.  3),  shepherds 
(1  Sam.  xvii.  40;  Mic.  vii.  14),  and  where  a 
cripple  is  described  with  a  staff,  the  expression 
is  quite  different  (Ex.  xxi.  19)."  It  is  therefore 
better  (with  Bottcher)  to  take  this  as  a  contrast  to 
the  next  described  unfortunate  strong  warrior  who 
"  falls  by  the  sword  "=the  weakly  "  spindle-holder, 
unfit  for  war."  "  The  Greeks  also  had  their  '  Her- 
cules with  the  distaff'  as  a  type  of  unmanly  fee- 
bleness, and  for  a  warrior  like  Joab  there  coald 
be  no  worse  wish  than  that  there  might  be  a  dds- 
ta/-holder  among  his  descendants"  (Bottcher). 
So  also  Vulg.,  Schulz,  Maurer  (after  Prov.  xxxi. 


CHAP.  III.  7-39. 


389 


19).  [In  spite  of  this  forcible  and  striking  argu- 
ment of  Bottcher  (which  is  also  adopted  by  The- 
nius)  it  seems  better  to  take  the  signification 
"cratch,"  chiefly  because  the  other  terms  of  im 
precation  in  this  verse  are  all  literal,  and  the  term 
''distafF-holder"  would  be  figurative.  The  ren- 
dering "crutch"  or  "staflf"  is  adopted  by  Gese- 
nius,  Ewald,  Philippson,  Bible  Commeniary,  and 
others,  and  may  be  given  without  violence  to  the 
Hebrew  word,  though  in  the  one  other  passage  in 
the  Old  Testament  in  which  it  occurs  it  means 
"distaff."— Te.]  And  that  lacks  bread.— 
The  indication  of  bitter  poverty.  These  exclama- 
tions of  David  express  no  feeling  of  revenge  (as 
indeed  he  undertaken  no  revenge  or  punishment 
against  Joab  and  his  house),  but  commit  to  the 
holy  and  righteous  G-od  the  inevitable  punishment 
of  such  a  violation  of  the  divine  command.  They 
are  not  "genuinely  Jewish"  (Thenius),  but  genu- 
inely theocratic,  as  the  expression  of  the  clear,  en- 
ergetic consciousness  of  God's  punitive  justice 
which  maintains  the  laws  of  the  moral  government 
of  the  world  and  the  foundations  of  the  kingdom 
of  God,  and  which  here  he  wishes  may  exhibit  it- 
self on  tToab's  house  in  a  fourfold  manner :  in  mi- 
serable,  levitically  andean  sicknesses,  in  despicable 
weakness  and  crippling,  in  violent  death,  and  in 
bitter  pmcrly.  As  to  Joab's  violent  end,  comp.  1 
Ki.  ii-  :i8-34,  especially  vers.  31-33,  and  as  re- 
spects the  curse  on  his  house,  see  Ex.  xx.  5.  [The 
ancient  Jewish  writers  regarded  this  imprecation 
of  David's  as  sinful.  The  text  passes  no  opinion 
on  it,  but  from  the  religious-theocratic  point  of 
view  of  the  time,  it  would  seem  even  necessary 
that  tlie  wrath  of  God  should  be  specially  and 
sharply  invoked  on  so  high-handed  a  crime,  espe- 
cially as  David  was  not  able  to  call  the  criminal 
to  legal  account. — Tb.]  Ver.  30.  Supplementary 
remark  of  the  narrator,  who  1)  confirms  the  fact 
that  the  slaying  of  A^ahel  by  Abner  was  the  ground 
(pretext)  for  the  murder  of  the  latter  just  related, 
and  2)  adds  the  important  statement  that  Joab's 
act  was  not  merely  persona?,  but  also  a,  family -act: 
"Joab  and  Abishai  slew  Abner."  Abishai's  part 
in  the  affair  is  not  related.  Literally:  ''threw 
themselves  on  him,"  the  verb  being  used  with 
Dat.  instead  of  Aeons.,  Isaiah  xxii.  13  (Bottcher, 
Then.). 

Vers.  31-39.  David's  mottrnint)  for  Abner.  Ver. 
31.  David  said  to  Joab  (as  him  who  by  his  murder- 
ous act  was  chiefly  and  terribly  interested)  and  to 
all  the  people  that  were  "with  him"  (those  about 
him),  not  merely  to  the  "courtiers"  (Thenius): 
Rend  your  garments,  etc. — He  ordered  a  pub- 
lic mourning  with  all  the  usual  ceremonies  (rending 
garments,  putting  on  sackcloth,  that  is,  rough 
mourning  garments  of  haircloth,  and  lamentations 
for  the  dead).  We  must  distinguish  two  principal 
aets:  1)  Themouming  not  over,  for,  in  honor  of  (Ew. 

2217  2)  Abner,  but  "before"  him  ('Ja'?),  in  the 
presence  of  his  corpse ;  2)  the  burial,  ver.  31 6  sq.: 
And  the  king  David  followed  the  bier.* 
The  word  "king"  is  put  emphatically  first  to  in- 
dicate the  official  character  that  he  as  king  gave 
to  these  obsequies,  in  order  to  show  his  personal 

*  [The  bier  (HBO)  was  a  bed-like  structure,  often 

masnifioent.  So  Herod's,  Jos.  Bell.  Jud.  I.  23,  9.  Bee 
more  in  Comms.  of  Pat.  and  Philipps.— Tr.] 


deep  sorrow  for  the  death  of  Abner  which  con- 
cerned the  whole  people,  and  to  stifle  at  the  out- 
set any  suspicion  that  he  had  a  share  in  it.  His 
"  tears  at  the  grave"  showed  the  genvdneness  of  his 
grief  to  the  people  who  shared  ia  his  trouble  and 
wept  with  lum.  His  elegy  (vers.  33.  34)  is  the  ex- 
pression of  the  deepest  sorrow  over  Abner's  inno- 
cent and  shameful  death.  In  reference  to  his  guilt- 
lessness he  exclaims:  Must  Abner  die  as  a 

'worthless  fello'W  dies? — as  a  nabal  ('733),  a 
fool;  where  this  term  is  used  of  immorality  and 
crime,  these,  like  denial  of  God  and  godlessness  (  Ph. 
xiv.  1 ),  are  regarded  under  the  point  of  view  of 
foolishness;  nabal  always  denotes  hollowness, 
emptiness,  insipidity  (see  Moll  [in  Lange's  Bible- 
Work']  on  Psalm  xiv.  1).  and  signifies  therefore 
somewhat  more  precisely  "good-for  naught." 
[The  sentence  maybe  paraphrased:  is  this  the 
fate  that  the  noble  Abner  was  to  meet,  to  die  like 
a  worthless  fool  ?  alas  that  he  found  so  inglorious 
a  death. — Tb.]  But  he  was  murdered  in  shame- 
ful wise  also:  Thy  bands  were  not  bound 
and  thy  feet  not  put  into  fetters — with  free 
hands,  with  which  he  might  have  defended  him- 
self; with  free  feet,  with  which  he  might  have 
escaped  from  overpowering  force ;  without  suspect- 
ing evil,  he  was  attacked  and  murdered  as  a  de- 
fenceless man,  who  yet  might  have  defended  him- 
self. (De  Wette  (against  4;he  N /)  wrongly  ren- 
ders: Thy  hands  were  never  bound,  thy  foot  never 
put  into  fetters.)  Only  dislionorable,  wicked  men 
could  BO  act.  'This  lament  of  David  increased  the 
grief  of  the  people,  so  that  "they  wept  still  more 
over  Abner." — Ver.  35.  David's  grief  is  strong- 
est and  most  enduring — he  refrains  entirely  from 
food.  Fasting  often  occurs  as  a  sign  of  sorrow — 
see  i.  12.  All  the  people  (that  is,  as  many  as 
were  present)  came  to  cause  David  to  eat 
bread — that  is,  not  to  give  him  to  eat  (De  Wette), 
as  chap.  xiii.  5  (an  impossible  conception  in  re- 
spect to  "all  the  people"),  but  to  demand  of  him 
to  take  food.  Josephus:  "his  friends  tried  to 
force  him  to  take  nourishment."  It  was  the  cus- 
tom for  mourners  to  fast  immediately  after  the 
death  of  their  friends,  whereupon  their  relatives 
and  iriends  exerted  themselves  to  comfort  them, 
and  persuaded  them  to  strengthen  themselves  with 
food  and  drink,  comp.  xii.  16,  17,  20;  Jer.  xvi. 
Perhaps  the  people  here  acted  in  accordance  with 
this  custom ;  but  their  demand  may  also  be  re- 
ferred to  the  mourning  meal  that  followed  the 
burial.  But  David  refuses  with  an  oath  ;*  up  to 
evening  he  will  eat  nothing.  The  expression  of 
grief  here  reaches  its  culmination. — ^Ver.  36.  The 
people  took  notice  of  it — namely,  of  his  deep 
sorrow,  and  estwmated  this  expression  of  his  mourn- 
ing as  corresponding  to  the  intensity  of  his  grief. 
It  pleased  them,  asf  all  that  the  king  did 
pleased  all  the  people. — Thus  he  was  not  only 
freed  from  suspicion  of  share  in  the  murder  of 
Abner  (ver.  37).  but  won  the  love  and  confidence 
of  the  people. — Ver.  38.  An  echo  of  the  elegy: 
Know  ye  not  that  there  is  a  prince  and  a 


*  DN  is  aaseverafcive  particle=" if,"  that  is,  "surely 
not ;"  '3  introduces  the  oath. 

t  SbS.    [On  this  see  "  Text,  and  Gramm."— T».] 


390 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


great  man  fallen  this  day  in  Israel?— ^o^• 
"great  prince"  (Thenius,  after  Sept.,  omitting  the 
copula),  since  the  distinction  between  the pri?icc= 
"army-leader"  and  the  great  man  ia  perfectly  ap- 
propriate. Abner  was  a  "prince"  by  his  distin- 
guished military  ability,  which  (as  thia  exclama- 
tion intimates)  David  might  have  employed  for 
all  larael;  he  was  a  "great  man"  by  reason  of  his 
lofty  qualities  of  character  and  virtuea,  his  power 
of  action,  his  courage,  the  honorable  self- conquest 
he  exhibited  in  turning  from  his  previous  false 
course  of  opposition  to  David,  the  obedience  that 
he  yielded  to  the  will  of  God,  and  the  zealous  de- 
sire he  showed  to  serve  by  deeds  the  true  king  of 
Israel.  On  account  of  his  natural  noble  endow- 
ments and  these  moral*  qualities,  Abner  rightly 
seems  to  David  to  be  a  great  man  in  Israel,  not 
merely,  therefore,  in  the  incorrect  sense  in  which 
the  term  has  been  applied  to  a  Napoleon. — Ver. 
39.  The  usual  explanation :  "  but  I  am  still  weak 

and  these  men  are  too  strong  for  me ;"  that 

is,  as  a  weak  young  king  I  feel  unable  to  bring  a 
man  like  Joab  to  justice ;  I  must  therefore  confine 
myself  to  an  imprecation,  and  leave  the  punish- 
ment to  God  (Jos.,  Theod.,  Brent.,  Tremell.,  S. 
Schmid,  Clericus,  De  Wette,  Keil  [Patrick]),  is 
wholly  untenable ;  for  David  could  not  and  durst 
not  so  express  himself.  It  would  have  been  very 
unwise  to  acknowledge  his  fear  and  weakness  in 
respect  to  Joab  and  Abishai ;  nor  would  it  have 
been  true;  for  he  who  had  conquered  Abner,  by 
whose  side  stood  600  heroes,  in  whose  grief  over 
Abner's  murder  all  the  people  shared,  no  doubt 
had  power  to  punish  th\s  crime ;  such  a  self-ex- 
culpation based  on  confession  of  weakness  does  not 
at  all  agree  with  the  courage  and  fearlessness  that 
form  a  fundamental  trait  of  David's  character. — 
Against  Ewald's  explanation:  "1  indeed  now  live 
in  palaces  and  am  crowned  king,  and  yet  the  sons 
of  Zeruiah  are  out  of  my  reach,"  it  is  to  be  re- 
marked with  TheniuB  that  the  word  ^^  [Eng.  A. 
v.;  "weak,  tender"])  for  whose  meaning  "well- 
living"  lie  cites  Isa.  xlvii.  1;  Deut.  xxviii.  54- 
56,  is  used  in  those  passages  in  a  bad  sense^rfcK- 
catus  [luxurious,  effeminate],  and  that  the  other 
adj.  (D'E'p)  cannot  mean  "out  of  reach;''  and 
there  is  the  further  objection  to  this  rendering  that 
David  had  as  yet  no  very  splendid  position,  and 
his  dwelling  proudly  in  royal  palaces  is  out  of  the 
question.  Against  Bunsen's  rendering:  "hard, 
out  of  my  reach"  (Ex.  xlviii.  25),  Thenius  rightly 
remarks  that  hard  and  out  of  reach  are  two  dif- 
ferent conceptions,  and  that  the  former  can  be  used 
only  of  things,  notof  persons.  Bottcher  translates: 
"And  I  am  today  easy,  and  am  crowned  king,  but 
these  men — are  too  rough  for  me."  and  finds  in 
the  "easy"  (^'1)  a  double  contrast,  on  the  one 
hand  between  David's  present  comfortable  circum- 
stances and  Abner's  sad  death,  and  on' the  other 
hand  between  the  eosj/ disposition  (natural  in  easy 
circumstances)  inclined  to  pardon  (as  was  lawful 
and  right  for  the  king),  and  the  rough  deed  of  the 
eons  of  Zeruiah.  But  1 )  "we  cannot  suppose  such 
a  double  meaning  in  the  declaration"  ("Thenius), 


*  [Of  these  moral  qualities  nothing  is  said  in  the  nar- 
rative. Abner  may  have  po9sea.sed  them,  but  we  tinow 
nothing  about  It.  Our  author's  picture  is  the  creation 
of  his  own  imagination. — Tb.] 


and  2)  the  history  is  in  conflict  with  this  supposi- 
tion of  royal  well-living  on  the  part  of  David,  who 
with  his  men  must  have  depended  chiefly  for  their 
living  on  the  booty  taken  in  their  incursions. 
Thenius  alters  the  text*  after  the  Sept.  and  trans- 
lates :  "  know  ye  not  that  . . .  and  that  I  am  to-day 
weak  and  am  raised  to  the  position  of  the  king. 
Those  men  .  .  .  are  harder  than  I.  Jehovah  re- 
ward," etc.  But  the  text  of  the  Sept  in  the  first 
third  of  the  verse  is  too  confused  t  to  allow  an 
emendation  of  the  Hebrew  to  be  based  on  it.  Nor 
could  David  yet  have  said:  ''I  am  raised  to  the 
position  of  the  king."  Holding  to  the  text,  we 
might  rather  adopt  Thenius'  explanation,  accord- 
ing to  which  David,  over  against  Abner^s  great- 
ness and  importance  for  all  Israel  (which  he  had 
just  affirmed),  sets  his  own  present  situation,  in 
which  this  distinguished  man  would  have  been 
of  the  greatest  value  to  him,  so  that  the  sense 
would  be:  "How  well  in  my  situation  could  I 
have  used  such  a  man  as  Abner,  I  who  have  just 
been  set  on  the  throne  I  What  these  men  have 
done  I  could  not  have  done  I  (comp.  xvi.  10). 
But  God  will  judge!"  Yet  in  this  explanation 
also  a  confession  of  weakness  would  be  the 
chief  point,  which  in  David's  present  situation  is 
altogether  improbable.  David  was  actually  not 
"set  on  the  throne"  in  respect  to  all  Israel;  that 
does  not  take  place  till  ver.  1.  The  little  word 
"just"  is  put  in.  Before  tlie  whole  people  David 
has  avowed  the  deepest,  sincerest  grief  of  heart  for 
Abner  by  declaring  that  he  would  continue  hia 
fasting  till  the  sun  went  down.  Then  follows  in 
vers.  36,  37  the  parenthetical  double  statement  of 
the  impression  that  hia  conduct  made  on  the 
people:  they  approved  his  feeling,  and  were  firmly 
convinced  that  he  had  no  part  in  the  murder.  It 
is  then  further  related  in  ver.  38  (which  connects 
itself  with  ver.  35)  how  David  expressed  to  the 
narrower  circle  of  "his  servants"  (that  is,  his  im- 
mediate royal  retinue)  his  grief  at  the  loss  that 
he  and  Israel  had  suffered  by  Abner's  death.  In 
ver.  ii9  follows  immediately  the  avowal  of  his  dis- 
position of  mind,  that  he  as  king  showed  himself 
soft  and  weak,  while  those  men  showed  themselves 
so  hard.  The  contrast  of  "soft"  and  "hard" 
(here  evidently  intended)  is  thus  fully  preserved 
in  respect  not  to  the  political  situation,  but  to 
mental  constitution.  "The  meaning  of  David'a 
words  would  thus  be :  Wonder  not  that  I  so  giVe 
myself  up  to  grief.  You  know  what  a  great  man 
we  and  all  Israel  have  lost.  I  am  then  soft  and 
weak,  I,  an  anointed  king,  while  these  men,  the 
sons  of  Zeruiah,  are  in  disposition  harder  than  I. 
They  (at  least  Joab)  were  obliged  indeed  to  take 
part  in  the  ceremony  of  mourning  (ver.  31) ;  their 
haad,  inflexible  mind,  whence  proceeded  the  evil 
deed,  showed  itself  in  their  mien  and  deportment 
at  the  ceremony.  This  gave  David  occasion  to 
contrast  his  weakness,  his  absorption  in  grief  with 
their  hardness,  a  contrast  that  is  sharpened  by 
his  comparing  them  with  himself  as  king.     The 

*  He  reads  OJXl  to  connect  with  the  preceding  '31 
(khi  oTt  iyii)  and  rinn  DpID  ^Ssn  instead  of  nwoi 

f  (TUYV«'"i5  for  ^"1— probably  corrupted  from  atrBei^ 

(Bottcher)— and  (caSeora/iei'os  inrh  /Soo-iWus  alongside  of 
Kade(7T.  eis  jSacriAea. 


CHAP.  III.  7-39. 


391 


concluding  words:  Tile  Lord  vrill  reward  .... 
are  the  natural  expression  of  the  feelings  and. 
thoughts  that  filled  David's  soul  when  he  looked 
at  their  hardness  and  inflexible  defiance  (comp. 
ver.  29). 

HISTOKICAL  AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  "  The  house  of  Saul  grew  weaker  and  weak- 
er," chap.  iii.  1.  This  is  the  theme  of  the  tbl- 
lowing  narrative  of  Ishbo-sheth's  kingdom  under 
AbnePs  lead  and  guidance.  In  the  first  place, 
the  heir  to  Saul's  throne  appears  as  a  very  weak 
man,  unfit  to  rule,  without  character  or  will,  who 
is  merely  an  object  of  Abner's  mighty,  unlimited 
activity,  and  never  (except  for  a  moment  in  the 
afidir  of  the  concubine)  attempts  to  take  the  posi- 
tion of  subject  [that  is,  independent  agent]  in 
respect  to  Abner.  While  David  undertakes 
nothing  of  his  own  will  and  strength  in  order  to 
overthrow  the  dynasty  of  Saul  and  gain  the  pro- 
mised kingdom  over  all  Israel,  patiently  waiting 
for  the  fulfilment  of  the  promise  given  him,  this 
fulfilment  is  already  introduced  by  the  fell  of 
Saul's  house  through  its  own  weakness,  and  by 
its  loss  of  the  royal  throne  through  the  incapacity 
of  its  representative  for  the  royal  office,  with  the 
co-operation  at  last  of  Abner,  who  was  still  its 
only  support.  Ishbosheth  appears  as  a  will-less, 
weak  mock-king  in  degrading  dependence  on  the 
mighty,  vigorous,  heroic  nature  of  Abner.  When 
the  latter,  in  reply  to  the  charge  made  against 
him  of  high-handed  and  reckless  proceeding 
against  the  royal  house,  breaks  forth  into  anger, 
discarding  all  reverence  for  his  royal  master  and 
openly  announcing  his  defection  to  David,  Ish- 
bosheth has  nothing  to  answer,  because  he  fears 
Abner.  Indeed  in  his  utter  helplesfiness  Ishbo- 
sheth seems  to  have  entertained  the  thought  of 
sharing  the  royal  dignity  with  David,  being  per- 
haps ready  to  cede  to  him  the  greater  part  of  the 
power.  At  least  he  became  Abner's  passive  tool 
so  far  as  to  lend  his  hand  to  the  fulfilment  of  the 
condition  on  which  David  was  willing  to  yield  to 
his  proposals,  namely,  the  restoration  of  Michal. 
"  The  Scripture  presents  in  him  a  living  example 
of  how  the  sacredly  held  right  of  legitimate  in- 
heritance has  no  root  when  it  is  not  ennobled  by 
a  vigorous  personality.  When  the  divine  calling 
is  lacking,  no  legitimate  pretensions  help"  (P. 
Cassel,  Herz.  s.  v.). 

2.  "  David  grew  stronger  and  stronger."  This 
second  statement  also  in  iii.  1  is  in  respect  to 
David  the  title  of  this  section.  While  David 
bears  himself  patiently  and  humbly  in  respect  to 
his  royal  interests,  the  spirit  of  the  people,  under 
the  misrule  of  Ishbosheth,  turns  to  him  more 
and  more  in  the  desire  that  he  may  be  king  over 
the  remaining  tribes  also  (ver.  17).  Even  the 
bearer  and  support  of  Saul's  kingdom,  the  mighty 
A.bner,  inclines  secretly  to  him  on  the  ground  of 
his  ever  clearer  consciousness  and  conviction  that 
it  is  Jehovah's  will  that  the  kingdom  of  Israel 
should  depart  from  the  house  of  Saul  and  pass 
over  to  David ;  tiU  his  rupture  with  Ishbosheth 
leads  to  his  open  transition  to  David's  side. 
Abner  had  indeed,  against  his  better  convictions, 
maintained  his  partisan  position  against  David 
and  continued  his  hostile  efforts  against  him,  and 
it  was  only  after  the  overthrow  of  his  hitherto 


unlimited  power  and  the  violence  done  to  his 
self-esteem  and  ambition,  that  he  came  tc  the 
conclusion  to  abandon  his  position  as  David's 
opponent ;  and  certainly  ambitious  plans  and 
views  for  his  position  in  the  new  kingdom  were 
not  wanting  in  his  transition  to  David  and  his 
energetic  efibrts  for  David.  But  all  this  could 
give  David  no  ground  to  reject  Abner's  oflfer; 
rather  he  was  under  obligation  to  employ  this 
unsought  change  in  AbnePs  mind  and  position 
(which  entered  into  his  life  as  a  factor  permitted 
by  the  Lord)  for  the  end  (fixed  not  by  himself, 
but  by  the  Lord)  of  his  kingdom  over  all  Israel, 
the  kingdom  of  Saul  falling  to  pieces  of  itself, 
when  the  Dictator,  who  had  furnished  its  outward 
support,  left  it.  Abner's  defection  from  Ishbo- 
sheth and  effiirt  to  gain  from  the  whole  people 
the  recognition  of  David's  authority  was  an  im- 
portant preliminary  step  thereto.  But  further, 
by  a  wonderful  proviaence  of  God,  Abner's 
shameful  murder  by  the  envious,  ambitious  Joab 
was  to  lead  to  this  result,  namely,  that,  after  the 
Elders  of  the  people  had  already  shown  them- 
selves willing  to  recognize  his  authority  over  all 
Israel,  the  whole  people  gave  him  their  love  and 
confidence;  "all  that  he  did  pleased  them" 
(ver.  36). 

3.  The  realization  of  the  pkms  and  aims  of  the 
wisdom  of  Ood  in  the  development  of  David  up  to 
his  ascension  of  the  royal  throne  in  Israel  is 
secured  by  the  co-operation  of  human  efforts  and 
acts  (like  Abner's  and  Joab's),  which  have  their 
ground  not  in  zeal  for  the  cause  of  the  kingdom 
of  God,  but  in  selfish  ends  and  motives  of  the 
self-seeking,  sinful  heart.  Human  sin  must  sub- 
serve the  purposes  of  God's  government  and 
kingdom. — The  absolute  freedom  of  control  in 
the  things  of  His  kingdom  takes  the  activity  of 
human  freedom  into  its  dispensations,  and  weaves 
them  into  the  fast  closed  web  of  divine  arrange- 
ments and  acts,  in  which  they  fulfil  the  plans  of 
divine  wisdom. — J.  Hetz  {Oeschieht.  Davids  I. 
309)  remarks  on  ver.  18 :  "  Here  also  it  is  to  be 
noted  how,  merely  by  preparing  circumstances, 
the  free  actions  of  men  have  been  forced  to  accord 
with  divine  declarations,  of  which  fact  this  theoc- 
racy gives  so  many  examples." 

4.  David's  words  concerning  Joab  and  his  hoinse 
are  no  more  the  expression  of  revenge  than  the 
orders  that  he  gives  to  Solomon  in  his  last 
words  (1  Kings  ii.  5  so.)  respecting  the  punish- 
ment of  Joab  for  this  bloody  crime  (against 
Dunker,  Oesch.  des  Alterth.  I.  386) ;  but  they 
express  his  moral  horror  at  this  evil  deed,  and  at 
the  same  time  the  everlasting  lam  of  Ood!s  re<fwl- 
ting  justice,  which  reaches  not  merely  the  person, 
but  also  the  posterity  (Ex.  xx.  5)  of  the  offender. 
David  (though,  as  theocratic  king,  he  had  the 
right  to  do  it)  does  not  himself  execute  the  de- 
served act  of  divine  righteousness  on  Joab,  not, 
as  the  common  view  is,  because  he  felt  himself 
too  weak  in  his  royal  office,  but  because  he  wished 
to  avoid  the  appearance  of  personal  revenge, 
especially  now  when  Abner  had  just  done  him 
such  great  services.  He  therefore  committed  to 
the  Lord  the  requital  and  expiation  of  this  crime, 
ver.  39.  This  could  be  accomplished,  however, 
only  through  a  human  instrument.  The  com- 
mission to  this  end  he  accordingly  gave  to  his 
son  Solomon  (1  Kings  ii.  5  sq.),  who,  not  as  his 


392 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


son,  as  a  private  person,  but  as  his  successor  on 
the  throne  and  as  theocratic  king,  had  therein  an 
official  duty  to  fulfil.  For  "  in  the  kingdom  of 
God,  in  which  ruled  the  law  of  earthly  requital, 
such  a  crime  might  not  go  unpunished "  (O.  v. 
Gerlach). 

5.  In  David's  ethical  conduct  in  this  important 
episode  also,  which  immediately  precedes  his 
ascension  of  the  promised  throne,  we  see  indivi- 
dual prefigurations  of  his  humble  obedience  to  the 
Lord,  without  whose  will  he  will  take  no  step  in 
life.  Under  the  strongest  temptations  to  arbitra- 
riness and  violence,  which  were  the  rule  with  the 
ancient  oriental  princes,  he  maintains  strict  self- 
control,  exhibits  uniform  circumspection,  a  wis- 
dom and  discretion  cognizant  of  God's  ways,  and 
does  not  permit  anger  at  the  deed  of  horror  that 
had  been  done  under  his  eyes  to  lead  him  to  im- 
mediate, bloody  punishment.  We  must  guard 
against  exaggerated  demands  on  the  morality  of 
the  Old  Testament  men  of  God,  that  we  may  not 
unfairly  judge  them  by  an  improper  standard, 
and  that  we  may  not  pervert  the  truth  of  the 
divine  development  of  revelation  by  confounding 
the  stand-points  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments. 
David's  invocation  of  divine  punishment  on  Joab 
(ver.  29)  (wherein,  indeed,  we  must  distinguish 
between  the  eternal  truth  of  the  divine  justice 
and  the  sinful  element  of  subjective  pasision)  is 
held  by  some  to  be  unjustifiable  from  the  Chris- 
tian point  of  view.  To  this  it  is  to  be  replied 
once  for  all,  that  David  belongs  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, not  the  New  Testament  economy,  stands 
on  the  stand-point  of  the  Law,  not  of  the  Gospel, 
and  therefore  is  not  to  be  ethically  judged  ac- 
cording to  the  New  Testament  stand-point. 

[Dr.  Erdmann's  remarks  on  David's  moral 
motives  are  determined  in  part  by  his  interpreta- 
tion of  ver.  39,  about  which  there  is  much  room 
for  doubt.  It  may  be  merely  a  confession  of 
political  weakness  that  he  here  makes  privately 
to  his  friends,  in  which  case  his  self-control  is 
simply  political  sagacity.  David  had  high  moral 
and  spiritual  (jualities;  at  the  same  time  we 
must  guard  agamst  the  determination  to  find  the 
loftiest  theocratic  motives  in  every  act  of  his  life. 
Dr.  Erdmann  holds  that  in  ver.  39  David  afiirms 
his  own  softness  of  nature  as  reason  for  his  deep 
grief  over  Abner,  in  contrast  with  the  hardness 
of  Joab.  The  objection  to  this  is  that  it  does  not 
explain  sufficiently  why  David  immediately  ap- 
pends an  appeal  to  God  for  the  punishment  of 
the  doer  of  evil.  Further,  the  reason  assigned 
by  our  author  for  David's  failure  to  punish  Joab 
(namely,  his  desire  to  avoid  the  appearance  of 
revenge)  seems  unsatisfactory ;  nobody  would 
have  accused  him  of  personal  vengeance.  To 
the  usual  interpretation  Dr.  Erdmann  objects 
that  a  confes.sion  of  political  weakness  on  David's 
part  would  have  been  unwise  and  untrue.  But, 
what  more  natural  than  that  he  should  make 
such  a  statement  to  a  select  body  of  friends ;  and 
that  it  was  not  true,  we  are  not  warranted  in  say- 
ing, since  we  do  not  know  Joab's  power  and  po- 
sition. The  words  of  the  Heb.  may  refer  to  poli- 
tical relations,  and  such  a  statement  would  accord 
with  the  whole  history.  It  must  be  allowed, 
however,  that  the  words  are  obscure. — Tk.] 


HOMILETICAL   AND   PEACTICAL. 

Ver.  7  sq.  The  designs  that  God  has  with 
His  chosen  ones  for  the  furtherance  of  His  king- 
dom often  have  the  way  smoothed  for  them 
through  human  8in8.-;-Single  wicked  deeds,  pro- 
ceeding from  momentary  passionate  excitement, 
do  often  in  God's  government  give  occa.s!on  for 
changes  having  important  eon.oequencep. — Divi- 
sion among  the  opposers  of  God's  kingdom  must 
subserve  the  furtherance  of  His  aims,  and  on  the 
contrary,  discord  among  those  who  on  a  like 
ground  of  faith,  wish  to  live  and  labor  for  the 
same  tasks  in  the  kingdom  of  God  must  help  the 
wicked  one  and  further  his  aims. — Ver.  12  sqq. 
When  an  opposer  of  God's  word  honestly  turns, 
we  should  without  reluctance  give  him  the  hand, 
without  undertaking  to  pass  judgment  on  the 
motives  that  are  hidden  in  his  heart. 

Ver.  13.  Where  the  honor  of  God  and  His 
holy  ordinances  are  concerned,  a  man  should 
guard  his  rights,  and  demand  reparation  of  a 
right  that  has  been  impaired.  —  Ver.  17  sq. 
He  who  has  left  the  ways  of  unrigliteousness, 
upon  which  for  a  long  time  he  had  consciou.sly 
or  unconsciously  gone,  and  returned  to  the  way 
of  truth  and  righteousness,  will  exhibit  the  sin- 
cerity of  his  change  by  a  so  much  the  more  ear- 
nest striving  to  restore  the  damage  done  by  his 
previous  conduct,  and  to  carry  into  execution  the 
previously  hindered  aims  of  divine  wisdom  and 
love. 

Ver.  23  sq.  That  there  is  a  kingdom  of  evil  is 
proven  by  the  fact  that  a  man's  turning  from  evil 
to  good,  which  pleases  God  and  is  a  joy  to  the 
angels,  commonly  excites  bitterness  and  hate  in 
wicBed  men,  who  see  their  aims  and  plans  thereby 
interfered  with,  and  awakens  an  envy  and  jea- 
lousy that  does  not  shrink  from  the  most 
wicked  deeds. 

.  Ver.  28  sq.  The  honor  of  one's  good  name  is 
too  precious  a  possession  to  let  even  the  suspicion 
cleave  to  it  of  participation  in  other  men's 
guilt.  Manly  honor  demands  that  in  every  way, 
by  word  and  deed  and  behaviour,  one  should  set 
forth  his  innocence  when  the  circumstances  and 
relations  give  occasion  to  untrue  and  unjust  accu- 
sations. 

Ver.  33  sq.  In  lamenting  the  loss  of  great  men 
who  were  prominent  in  advancing  the  kingdom 
of  God,  we  not  merely  render  to  them  the  honor 
they  deserve,  but  also  praise  God  who  gave  them. 
-  Ver.  36.  That  king  will  be  most  honored  and 
loved  by  his  people  who  walks  in  the  ways  of 
God,  and  by  a  noble  disposition,  magnanimity 
and  hearty  goodness  himself  awakens  the  nobler 
feelings  of  his  people.— Ver.  39.  In  patience  and 
humility  must  we  refer  to  God  the  Lord  the 
righteous  requital  for  wicked  transgression  of 
His  holy  commandments.  IndifTerence  thereto 
makes  one  a  partaker  of  like  guilt.— [Comp. 
above  at  close  of  "  Hist,  and  Theol."— Tr.] 

On  ver.  8.  Schlieb:  How  many  stand  toge- 
ther and  seem  the  most  inseparable  friends,  so 
long  as  each  hopes  to  gain  his  end  ;  but  only  let 
this  aim  remove  to  a  distance,  only  let  it  become 
manifest  that  a  selfish  or  ambitious  desire  is  not 


CHAP.  III.  7-39. 


393 


going  to  be  fulfilled,  and  how  soon  is  all  rent  in 
twain  I  For  there  is  nothing  that  really  unites 
men  but  the  fear  of  God.  No  friendship  is  per- 
manent and  progressive  that  is  not  rooted  in  the 
fear  of  God. — |^Vers.  9,  10.  Scott:  While  men 
go  on  in  their  sins  apparently  without  concern,  they 
are  often  conscious  that  they  are  fighting  against 
God. — Tr.] — On  ver.  16.  F.  W.  Krummacheb: 
It  appears  from  this  occurrence  that,  amid  the 
wilderness  of  ruined  domestic  relations  by  which 
Israel  was  then  overgrown,  there  was  yet  here 
and  there  to  be  found  the  flower  of  a  true  and 
inward  love  and  fidelity.  This  bloomed  in 
David's  house  also,  but  not  unstunted,  and  he 
has  not  remained  untouched  by  the  curse  which 
God  had  laid  upon  the  abomination  of  polygamy 
in  Israel. — On  ver.  21.    "  When   a  man's  ways 

E lease  Jehovah,  he  maketh  even  his  enemies  to 
e  at  peace  with  him."  Prov.  xvi.  7. 
[Ver.  27.  Henby:  In  this,  1.  It  is  certain 
that  the  Lord  was  righteous.  Abner  had  against 
the  convictions  of  his  conscience  opposed  David, 
and  had  now  deserted  Ishbosheth,  under  pretence 
of  regard  to  God  and  Israel,  but  really  from 
pride  and  revenge.  2.  It  is  as  certain  that  Joab 
was  unrighteous.  (1)  Even  the  pretence  for 
what  he  did  was  very  unjust.  (2)  The  real 
cause  was  jealousy  of  a  rival.  (3)  He  did  it 
treacherously,  under  pretence  of  speaking  peace- 
ably to  Abner,  Deut.  xxvii.  24.  (4)  He  knew  that 
Abner  was  now  actually  in  David's  service. — Tb.] 
[EoBiNSON  :  Ver.  33.  Are  we  all,  in  our  seve- 
ral stations,  grieved  for  the  wickedness  which  we 
are  compelled  to  witness,  and  which  we  cannot 
prevent  or  remedy? — Ver.  39.  Those  who  possess 
the  highest  authority  cannot  do  all  they  would. 
We  should  compassionate  rather  than  envy  their 
situation. — ^Henry:  Ver.  38.  When  he  could 
not  call  him  a  saint  and  a  good  man,  he  said 
nothing  of  that ;  but  what  was  true  he  gave  him 
the  praise  of,  that  he  was  "  a  prince  and  a  great 
man." — Ver.  39.  This  is  a  diminution,  (1)  To 
David's  greatness ;  he  is  anointed  king,  and  yet 
is  kept  in  awe  by  his  own  subjects.  (2)  To 
David's  goodness;  he  ought  to  have  done  his 
duty,  and  trusted  God  with  the  issue.  Fiat  justi- 
tia,  ruat  ccdwm. — Tayxob:  Had  he  put  Joab  to 
death,  public  opinion  would  have  sustained  him 
in  the  execution  of  justice;  and  even  if  it  had 


not,  he  would  have  had  the  inward  witness  that 
he  was  doing  his  duty  to  the  state.  For  a  magis- 
trate to  be  weak,  is  to  be  wicked.  .  .  .  O  what 
suifering— may  I  not  even  say  what  sin? — David 
might  have  saved  himself  from,  if  he  had  only 
thus  early  rid  himself  of  the  tyrannic  and  over- 
bearing presence  of  Joab! — Wordswoeth:  He 
would  have  probably  prevented  other  murders, 
such  as  that  of  Ishbosheth  and  of  Amasa;  and 
he  would  have  been  spared  the  sorrow  of  giving 
on  his  death-bed  the  warrant  of  execution  against 
Joab,  to  be  put  in  effect  by  Solomon.  "  Impunity 
invites  to  greater  crimes."  "  He  is  cruel  to  the 
innocent  who  spares  the  guilty." — Tb.] 

[Vers.  15,  16.  We  pity  a  man  who  weeps  in 
helpless  and  apparently  innocent  suffering.  But 
consider  a  little,  and  it  may  appear  that  this  is 
only  the  consequence  of  a  wrong  action  he  com- 
mitted long  ago  (1  Sam.  xxv.  44).  Our  pity  is 
not  thereby  destroyed ;  but  its  character  is  greatly 
changed. — Vers.  17,  18.  How  gracefully  rulers 
can  yield  to  the  popular  wish  when  they  conclude 
that  it  is  their  own  interest  to  do  so.  And  how 
zealous  some  men  will  suddenly  become  to  carry 
out  Qod'a  own  will  when  their  own  places  have 
been  so  changed  as  to  coincide  therewith  ! — 
Hall:  Nothing  is  more  odious  than  to  make 
religion  a  stalking-horse  to  policy. — Tr.] 

[Ver.  25.  An  ambitious  and  unscrupulous  man 
is  quick  to  discern,  and  ready  to  distort,  the  sel- 
fish aims  of  others.  "Set  a  thief  to  catch  a 
rogue."  And  one  who  acts  from  impure  motives 
exposes  himself  to  be  accused  of  grossly  wicked 
designs  which  he  has  not  at  all  entertained. — 
Vers.  27,  30.  O  mad  ambition,  that  pleads  fra- 
ternal love  and  sacred  duty  to  the  dead  as  an 
excuse  for  the  foul  deed  that  removes  a  rival! 
(The  principle  of  blood-revenge  did  not  apply, 
for  Asahel  was  killed  in  war ;  and  if  it  had  ap- 
plied, Hebron  was  a  city  of  refuge.) — Vers.  33, 
34.  The  bitterest  fruit  that  even  civil  war  can 
bear  is  as.sassination,  a  thing  to  awaken  horror  in 
every  noble  inind. — Te.] 

[Ver.  38.  Abner,  tlie  soldier  turned  politician. — 
Or  a  sermon  might  be  made  on  the  general 
career  and  character  of  Abner.  See  1  Chron.  ix. 
36;  1  Sam.  xiv.  51;  xvii.  57;  xxvi.  3-14;  2 
Sam.  ii.  and  iii.,  and  the  notes ;  and  comp.  iv.  1. 
-Tb.] 


394  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


THIRD    SECTION. 

David   becomes   Sole    Ruler   over   Israel. 

Chaptek  IV.  1— V.  5. 
I.  Murder  of  Ishbosheth.    Chap.  IV.  1-8. 

1  And  when  [om.  when]  Saul's  son'  heard  that  Abner  was  dead  in  Hebron,  [ins. 
and]  his  hands  were  [became]  feeble,  and  all  the  Israelites  [Israel]  were  troubled. 

2  And  Saul's  son  bad  two  men  that  were  captains  of  bands.  The  name  of  the  one 
was  Baanah  and  the  name  of  the  other  Eachab,  the  sons  of  Eimmon  a  Beerothite, 

3  of  the  children  of  Benjamin ;  for''  Beeroth  also  was  reckoned  to  Benjamin.  And 
the  B.eerothites  lied  to  Gittam,  and  were  [have  been]  sojourners  there  until  this 

4  day.  And'  Jonathan,  Saul's  son,  had  a  son  that  was  lame  of  his  feet.  He  was 
five  years  old  when  the  tidings  came  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  out  of  Jezreel,  and  his 
nurse  took  him  up  and  fled ;  and  it  came  to  pass,  as  she  made  haste  to  flee,  that 

5  he  fell  and  became  lame.  And  his  name  was  Mephiboshi  th.  And  the  sons  of 
Rimmon  the  Beerothite,  Rechab  and  Baanah,  went,  and  came  about  the  heat  of 
the  day  to  the  house  of  Ishbo-heth,  who  lay  on  a  bed  at  noon  [and  he  was  taking 

6  his  midday-rest].*  And  they  came  thither*  into  the  midst  of  the  house,  as  though 
they  would  have  fetched  [fetching]  wheat;  and  they  smote  him  under  the  fifth  rib 

7  [in  the  abdomen]  ;  and  Rechab  and  Baanah  his  brother  escaped.*  For  when  they 
[And  they]  came  into  the  house,  [ins.  and]  he  lay  on  his  bed  in  his  bed-chamber, 
and  they  smote  him  and  slew  him  and  beheaded  him,  and  took  his  head,  and  gat 

TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

'  [Ver.  1.  Sept.  (Jebosthe)  and  Syr.  (Ashboshul)  prefix  (he  name  "  Ishbosheth,"  and  Sept.  also  in  the  begin- 
ning of  ver.  2.  Wellhausen  thinks  the  omission  due  to  the  same  feeling  that  led  to  the  change  of  Eshbaal  (or 
Ishbaal)  to  Ishbosheth,  namely,  repulsion  to  a  bad  (idolatrous)  name.  But  Ihe  omission  may  naturally  be  ex- 
plained as  a  breviloquence  of  the  narrator,  the  context  clearly  fixing  the  reference  to  Ishboslieth ;  similarly  the 
Sept.  inserts  in  this  verse  after  Abner  the  words  "  son  of  Ner."    Comp.  1  Sam.  xxii.  7,  8,  9, 12, 13.— Te.] 

2  [Ver.  2.  The  brackets  of  Eng.  A.  V.  may  just  as  well  be  omitted,  since  the  Heb.  regards  this  statement  as 
part  of  the  narrative,  and  ver.  4  is  as  much  a  parenthesis  as  ver.  3. — Aq.  improperly  makes  these  men  iv^avot.  = 
'J  '"ity. — The  notice  vers.  2  6,  3,  is  an  archeeologioa]  or  historical  remark  of  the  editor,  not  necessarily  a  "mar- 
ginal remark  "  ( Wellh.)  that  has  gotten  into  the  text. — Te.  | 

8  [  Vec.  4.  This  verse  is  an  explanatory  historical  remark ;  see  the  Exposition.  It  is  "  too  peculiar  for  a  gloss '' 
(Wellh.).—"  Made  haste  "  is  not  strong  enough  for  tSn,  which  contains  the  notion  of  "  terror,"  Sy m.  eo/>v/3ciir9ai, 

Erdmann :  sie  sich  in  derr  anr/st  beeilU,  Chald.,  Syr.,  Cahen,  Philippson  as  Eng.  A.  V.— The  name  Mephibosheth  is 
written  by  Sept.  Memphibosthe,  by  other  Greek  VSS.  Memphibaal.  For  the  first  part  of  the  name  no  satisfactory 
etymology  has  been  found,  and  it  is  not  improbably  a  corruption  of  Merib  in  Meribbaal,  1  Chron.  ix.  40.— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  5.  Lit.:  "sleeping  the  sleep  of  noon"  (example  of  cognate  Ace.).— Instead  of  "about"  we  may  render 
"  at  (or,  in)  the  heat  of  the  day."— Te.J 

'  [Ver.  6.  run,  "hither,"  which  Norzius  (cited  by  De  Rossi)  declares  to  be  the  true  reading.  Some  MSS. 
and  printed  Edd.,  together  with  Sept.,  Syr.,  Chald.,  read  rUH,  "behold."  (So  the  Chald.  text  of  P.  de  Lagarde; 
but  others  have  the  maso.  pron.  HSn,  "  they.")— Instead  of  ^"ifl  HJJ,  some  MSS.  and  EDD.  have  ^'in-'?K. 
— Te. 

1  [Ver.  6.  Two  points  are  to  be  noted  in  the  criticism  of  the  difficult  text  of  vers.  6,  7 :  1)  the  seeming  repeti- 
tion of  the  masoretic  text,  double  account  of  the  murder ;  2)  the  divergence  of  the  Sept.  in  ver.  6  especi^ly  from 
the  Heb.  The  Vulg.  agrees  with  Sept.  in  ver.  6  a;  the  Chald.  and  Svi'.  substantiate  (with  slight  variations)  the 
masoretic  text.— The  view  taken  of  the  text  will  depend  largely  on  the  decision  of  the  first  point.— Some  hold 
the  repetition  in  the  Heb.  of  ver.  6  and  ver.  7  to  be  unmeaning,  and  therefore  adopt  the  Sept.,  out  of  which  they 
endeavor  to  explain  the  MSS.  text  as  a  corruption  (Ew.,  B6ttch.,  Then.,  Wellh.,  who  all  differ  sonJIwhat  in  their 
restorations  of  the  original  text).  Others  regard  the  repetition  as  a  characteristic  of  Heb.  historical  narration, 
and  take  the  Sept.  in  ver.  6  as  a  corruption  or  an  explanatory  paraphrase  (Keil  [who  cites  Konigsfcld]  Philipps, 
Erdmann,  Bit.- Com.).  A  middle  view  seems  preferable:  the  repetition  seems  unnecessary;  but  the  corruption 
of  the  Sept.  text  into  the  masoretic  is  improbable.  It  is  therefore  more  natural  to  suppose  that  the  Heb  contains 
two  different  accounts  of  the  same  fact  put  together  by  the  editor,  and  that  the  Sept.  either  represents  a  diffe- 
rent text  or  is  a  corruption  of  the  masoretic— The  following  are  some  of  the  restorations  attempted     Thenius: 


CHAP.  IV.  1— V.  5.  395 


8  them  away  through  the  plain  all  night.  And  they  brought  the  headof  Ishbosheth 
unto  David  to  Hebron,'  and  said  to  the  king,  Behold  ibe  head  of  Ishbosheth  the 
son  of  Saul  thine  enemy,  which  [who]  sought  thy  hfe ;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
hath  avenged  my  lord  the  king  this  day  uf  Saul  and  of  his  seed. 

II.  Punishment  of  Ishbosheih's  Murderers  by  David.  Vers.  9-12. 

9  And  David  answered  Bechab  and  Baanah  his  brother,  the  sons  of  B.immon  the 
Beerothite,  and  said  unto  them,  As  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth,  who  hath  redeemed 

10  my  soul  out  of  all  adversity.  When  one  [He°  who]  told  me,  saying.  Behold  Saul 
is  dead,  thinking  to  have  brought  good  tidings — I  took  hold  of  him  and  slew  him 
in  Ziklag,  who  thnugJd  that  I  would  have  given  [in  Ziklag,  to  give  him']  a  reward 

11  for  his  tidings ;  How  much  more  when  wicked  men  have  slain  a  righteous  person 
in  his  own  house  upon  his  bed  ?  shall  I  not  therefore  now  [and  now,  shall  I  not] 
r^^quire  his  blood  of  your  hand,  and  take  you  away  [destroy  you]  from  the  earth?'" 

12  And  David  commanded  his  [the]  young  men,  and  they  slew  them  and  cut  off  their 
hands  and  their  feet,  and  hanged  them  up  over  [at]"  the  pool  in  Hebron.  But 
[And]  they  took  the  head  of  Ishbosheth  and  buried  it  in  the  sepulchre  of  Abner 
in  Hebron. 

III.  David  anointed  King  over  Israel.  Cli.  V.  1-5. 

1  Then  came  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  [And  all  .  .  .  came]  to  David  unto  Hebron, 

2  and  spake,"  saying,  Behold,  we  are  thy  bone  and  thy  flesh.  Also  in  time  past, 
when  Saul  was  king  over  us,  thou  wast  he  that  leddest  [led]"  out  and  broughtest 
[brought]  in  Israel ;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  to  thee.  Thou  ehalt  feed  my 

3  people  Israel,  and  thou  shalt  be  a  [owi.  a]  captain  over  Israel.  So  [And]  all 
the  elders  of  Israel  came  to  the  king  to  Hebron,  and  king  David  made  a  league 
[covenant]  with  them  in  Hebron  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  they  anointed 

4  David  king  over  Israel.     David  was  thirty  years  old  when  he  began  to  reign,  anc/'* 

5  he  reigned  forty  years.  In  Hebron  he  reigned  over  Judah  seven  years  and  six 
months,  and  in  Jerusalem  he  reigned  thirty  and  three  years  over  all  Israel  and 
Judah. 

^taSa:  vn«  nj^^M  3^^^  ]W'fli  Dipn  D'Bn  nupS  n;|ri  rhi  m'pa  rtin},  "and  behoid  the  female 

overseer  onhe  door  of  the  house  wasVathering  wheat,  and  nodded  [slumbered]  and  slept.  And  Bechab  and 
Baanah  his  brother  (came)  unpereeived  (into  the  house)."  But  the  Greek  has  cleansmg,"  not  gathermg 
wheat,  and  it  is  not  easy  to  construct  the  masoretic  text  out  of  this.  BBttcher :  n'3n  '^IPl  nTJJltS'n  nijiHl 
OJl  3D11  nnnjl  sin  nnjl  D'BH  nnpS,  and  behoW,  the  portress  (was)  within  the  house  to  cleanse 
wheat,'^and  she  had  slumbered  and  slept;  and  Reohaband  Baanah  had  slipped  through."  He  introduces  a  verb 
nnp,  "  to  purify,"  from  the  Arabic,  and  does  not  account  for  the  Heb. :  "  smote  him  in  the  underbody.  — JLwald 

adopts  Thenius'  reading  except  that  he  puts  hy  "IK'S  for  the  Heb.  •\p_  MtX  and  instead  of  Dp'?  writes  hpO- 
Wellhausen:  TI  Thpp  jTan  mj^'lty  Hiirn,  "arid 'behold,  the  portress  of  the  house  was  stoning  wheat," 
where  the  SpD  makes  a  difficulty.— if  the  suggestion  made  above  be  adopted,  we  may  take  the  masoretic  text 
as  the  original  (though  a  blending  of  two  contemporary  accounts),  and  then  with  the  help  of  these  emendations 
explain  the  emergence  of  the  Sept.  text  from  it.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  8.  Ace.  of  limit.    Three  MSS.  prefix  the  prep.  3,  "in."— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  10.  Partep.  as  preposed  absolute  Nominative.— Te.] 

»  rVer.  v.  Lit. :  "  who  (or,  which)  for  my  giving  to  him  [the  reward  of]  tidings."    Hence  three  renderings 
1)  "wiiichinamely.theslayiAghim)  waste  give  him;"  2)  "to  whom  I  should  have  given;    3)     who  thought 
that  I  would  have  given  him."    The  first  is  simplest  and  strongest  (so  Bpttch   Cahen,  Philipps    Keil,  Erdmann) 
The  second  is  that  of  the  Sept.  and  Vulg.    The  third  is  adopted  by  Chald.  and  Eng.  A.  V.    the  Syr.  has  (m  the 
simplifying  style  it  so  often  adopts) :  "  instead  of  giving  him."-^^i?3,  "  good  tidmgs,"  here  stands  for    reward 

of  good  tidings."— Te.J 

i»  [Ver.  11.  Or:  "  from  the  laud"  (BSttcher,  Erdmann),  a  more  distinctively  Israelitish  coneeption.-TE.] 

"  [Ver.  12.   ^y_  in  the  sense  of '-on,  at"  {mi  with  Dat.).-TE.] 
.      ^  [Ch.  V.  1.  Lit". :  "  said,  saying,"  at  which  repetition  offence  has  been  '^ken  b"t  improperiy,  since  it  is  gem^^ 
ine  Heb.  (though  rare),  eomp.  Ex.  xv.  1 ;  2  Sam.  xx.  18.-The  first  word  is  omitted  in  1  Ohron.  xi.  1  and  in  the 
Vulg.;  the  second  by  two  MSS.,  Sept.,  Syr.,  Ar.    After  npX'l  some  MSS.,  Sept.,  Syr.,  Ar.,  insert  >|S,  "to  him." 
— Tk.] 

^^    "  [Ver.  2.  Eng.  A.  V.  is  here  ungrammatical.    The  sentence  would  ?°Y  ™?™  ■"'i'"™"^  f^J^^u'*  ™^^ 
that  leddest."-Rlmove  the  final  H  from  HHTI,  and  prefix  it  (as  Art.)  to  the  following  word,  as  the  masoretic 

t;  t 

note  suggests.    Comp.  1  Ohron.  xi.  2— Te.] 

"  f  Ver.  4.  The  "  and  "  is  found  in  several  MSS.  and  VSS.,  a  natural  interpolation.-TE.] 


396 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

I.    Chap.  IV.  1-8.    Murder  of  IsUiosheth. 

Ver.  1.  In  consequence  of  the  news  of  Abner's 
murder,  Ishboshetlrs  hands  became  "slack,"  the 
opposite  of  the  "  strong"  (pjn)  comp.  ii.  7 ;  xvi. 
21 — that  is,  he  completely  lost  heart.  And  all 
Israel  was  troubled,  because  people  knew  Ish- 
bosheth's  incapacity,  and  that  Abner  alone  had 
been  the  prop  of  his  kingdom  (iii.  6).  [Things 
were  generally  in  an  unsettled  state.  Patrick  : 
By  Abner's  death  the  treaty  with  David  was 
broken  off,  or  there  was  nobody  to  manage  it  like 
Abner ;  Plato  observes :  "  when  any  calamity  is 
about  to  befall  a  city,  God  is  wont  to  take  away 
(the)  excellent  men  out  of  that  city." — Tr.]. — 
Ver.  2.  The  son  of  Saul  had*  two  band- 
leaders, Baanah  and  Rechab,  sons  of  Rim- 
mon. — Noteworthy  is  the  designation  "eon  of 
Saul "  for  Ishbosheth,  who  is  never  called  "  the 
Anointed  of  the  Lord." — The  two  "  band-leaders ' ' 
in  Ishbosheth's  service  were  no  doubt  bold,  ad- 
venturous men.  The  part  that  they  play,  as 
well  as  Abner's  conduct,  suggests  the  supposition 
that  the  firm  military  organization  that  Saul 
had  called  into  being  had  relaxed,  and  a  disinte- 
gration of  the  army  into  separate  bodies  under 
adventurers  and  partisans  was  imminent,  if  it  had 
not  already  occurred.  Of  the  sons  of  Benja- 
min ;  for  Beeroth  also  was  reckoned  tof 
Benjamin. — Beeroth,  according  to  Rob.  II.  345 
sq.  [Am.  Ed.  i.  451-453,  ii.  262]  and  Later 
Bibl.  Eesearches  190  [Am.  Ed.  IIL  289],  the 
present  village  Bireh,  seven  miles  north  of  Jeru- 
salem in  an  unfruitful  and  atony  region  on  a  moun- 
tain, with  old  foundations,  not  far  from  Gibeon  on 
the  western  border  of  Benjamin.  Comp.  Josh, 
ix.  17  ;  xviii.  25.  As  from  its  border-position,  it 
might  easily  be  reckoned  to  another  tribe,  it  is 
here  expressly  mentioned  as  belonging  to  Benja- 
min, that  there  might  be  no  doubt  that  these  mur- 
derers were  really  Benjaminites,  fellow-tribesmen 
of  Saul's  son. — Ver.  3.  An  explanatory  statement 
about  Beeroth  with  reference  to  the  time  of  the 
narrator,  when  that  Beeroth  was  no  longer  in  ex- 
istence. Not :  "  they  had  fled  "  (for  at  the  time 
of  Ishbosheth's  murder  Beeroth  no  longer  existed), 
but :  "  they  fled  to  Oittaim."  They  dwelt  there 
as  strangers  (D")J)  not  protegis  (against  Ewald, 
Then.).  Neither  the  reason  for  their  flight,  nor 
the  position  of  this  place  is  known  to  us.  In  Neh. 
xi.  33  a  Gittaim  is  mentioned  among  the  places 
inhabited  by  Benjaminites  after  the  Exile.  If 
that  is  the  same  with  our  Gittaim,  we  yet  cannot 
certainly  conclude  that  it  belonged  to  Benjamin 
ie/orc  the  Exile ;  the  contrary  rather  is  probable. 
The  word  "  strangers  "  points  to  the  fact  that  the 
fugitive  Beerothites  dwelt  there  among  non-Isra- 
elites. It  was  perhaps  one  of  the  places  on  the 
border  of  Benjamin  belonging  to  the  non-Israel- 
itish  Araoritic  Gibeonitea.  [Patrick  and  Phi- 
lippson  suggest  that  Beeroth  was  abandoned  by 
its  inhabitants  at  the  time  of  the  Philistine  inva- 


*  It  is  necessary  to  supply  7  (but  not  n\il2~\i>^K!) 
before  "^IXK^-ja. 
t  bi'  — '"'on  to,"  "to." 


sion,  1  Sam.  xxxi.  7.  Bih.-Com.  (supposing  the 
Beerothites  to  be  Gibeonites)  conjectures  that  the 
flight  was  occasioned  by  Saul's  attack,  2  Sam.  xxi. 
1,  2,  and  that  the  act  of  Baanah  and  Beehab  was 
one  of  vengeance. —  But  we  know  nothing  cer- 
tainly about  it. — Gittaim  has  been  supposed  to  be 
the  Philistine  Gath  (Then,  and  others)  or  Gath- 
Eimmon,  Josh.  xix.  45  ;  xxi.  24  ( Wellh.).— Tb.]. 
—Ver.  4.  A  historical  remark  in  respect  to  the 
then  condition  of  Saul's  house.  Its  only  repre- 
sentative besides  Ishbosheth  was  Jonathan's  sou 
Mephihosheth,  five  years  old  at  the  time  of  the  ear 
tastrophe  at  Jezreel,  lame  in  both  feet,  helpless 
therefore,  and  neither  a  support  to  Ishbosheth  nor 
fit  to  succeed  him  on  the  throne.  In  view  of  this 
the  narrator  here  inserts  this  statemtnt  in  order 
to  make  clear  how,  on  the  murder  of  Ishbosheth 
related  below,  the  kingdom  of  Saul's  house  was 
necessarily  extinguished.  For  further  notices  of 
Mephihosheth  see  ix.,  xvi.  1  sq. ;  xix.  25  sq.  In- 
stead  of  this  name  we  find  (parallel  with  Eshbaal 
for  Ishbosheth — see  on  ii.  8)  in  1  Chron.  viii.  34; 
ix.  40,  Meribbaal  =  "  opponent,  conqueror  of 
Baal,"  and  Mephihosheth*  also  perhaps  means 
"  exterminator  of  Baal."  [This  statement  about 
Mephihosheth  also  prepares  the  way  for  the  sub- 
sequent notices  of  him. — Tk.]. — Ver.  5.  "In  the 
heat  of  the  day  "  the  murderers  came  to  Maha- 
rmim  where  Ishbosheth  dwelt,  see  ii.  8.  He  lay 
on  the  midday-bed,  that  is,  in  a  quiet,  remote, 
cool  spot  of  the  house.  They  chose  this  time  of 
midday-rest  as  favorable  to  lieir  purpose. — Ver. 
6.  "And  hither."!  The  phrase  "fetching  wheat" 
explains  how  they  could  penetrate  "  into  the  midst 
of  the  house,"  where  Ishbosheth  was  lying;  they 
came  as  persons  that  wished  or  were  directed  to 
fetch  wheat.  The  Particp.  is  sometimes  put  for 
the  Impf.  as  our  Fut.,  as  Ex.  x.  8,  "who  are  they 
that  are  going?"  (==  that  purpose  going),  and  bo 
in  narration  does  the  duty  of  the  Prct,  as  Gen. 
xix.  14,  ''marrying  his  daughter"  (=who  were 
to  or  wished  to  marry).  Ewald,  §  335  b.  They 
came  not  as  "purchasers  of  wheat"  (Buns),  but 
as  band-leaders,  to  get  wheat  for  the  support  of 
their  men,  "  corn  [grain]  to  divide  out  to  their 
soldiers,  which  was  kept  in  the  middle  of  Ishbo- 
sheth's house"  (Cler-).  We  need  not  suppose 
that  this  was  merely  a  pretext;  rather  their  en- 
trance into  the  midst  of  the  house  is  the  more 
easily  explained  when  we  suppose  that  this  was 
a  usual  practice  in  accordance  with  their  military 
position,  and  that  they  had  done  it  before.  Thus 
without  attracting  attention  they  could  slay  Ish- 
bosheth, and  quickly  make  their  escape.— The 
Sept.,  departing  completely  from  the  Ma.=:ore(ic 
text,  here  reads :  "  and  behold,  the  portress  of 
the  house  was  cleansing  wheat  and  had  fallen 
asleep  and  slumbered  ;  and  Eechab  and  Easnah, 
the  brothers,  escaped  (or,  slipped  by)."  Thenius' 
re.itoration  of  the  original  text  after  the  Sept.  is 
rejected  by  Bottcher  as  "  frightfully  far  "  from  the 
masoretic  text,  while  Thenius  disapproves  Bott- 
cher's  reading  (which  Ewald  with  some  modifi- 

»  nti^a  for  S^l  and  'SD  from  nX3  "  scatter  "  (only 

Hiph.,  Deut.  xxxii.  26,  Sept.  Siainrepil  airov't,  and  so  Ar., 
Chald.) 

t  It  is  unneoes.sary  (with  Ses.  ?]21.  6,  Rem.  1)  to  take 
nan  as  Pron.  fem.  for  maso. ;  we  may  render  "hither" 

(Maur.),  or  point  njn  "behold." 


CHAP.  IV.  1— V.  5. 


397 


cations  adopts)  as  more  circumstantial  than  his 
own.  If  the  original  text  accorded  with  these 
conjectures,  It  Is  not  easy  to  see  how  the  present 
masoretlc  text  (which  differs  from  It  so  much) 
came  from  It,  while  It  is  easy  to  suppose  that  the 
Sept.  (according  to  its  custom),  tried  by  an  inter- 
pretation to  explain  partly  how  the  two  murder- 
ers could  get  into  the  house  unopposed,  partly  the 
strange  repetition  of  tlie  account  in  ver.  7.  The 
Vulg.  (which,  through  the  Itala  on  which  it  is 
baaed,  is  dependent  on  the  Sept.)  has  the  corres- 
ponding insertion  :  "  and  the  portress  of  the  house 
cleansing  wheat  fell  asleep,"  while  in  the  rest  of 
the  verse  it  follows  the  masoretlc  text  against  the 
Sept.  All  the  other  ancient  versions  follow  the 
Heb.  According  to  the  latter  there  is  certainly  a 
tautology  in  vera.  6, 7,  the  entrance  into  the  house 
and  the  murder  being  twice  mentioned.  But  in 
the  first  place,  it  is  to  be  observed  that  in  the  at- 
tempted restorations  of  the  original  text  the  phrase 
"  came  into  the  house  "  remains  in  ver.  5  and  ver. 
7.  But  we  must  further  bear  in  mind  a  peculia- 
rity of  Heb.  narration  (referred  to  by  Konigsfeld, 
Annot.  ad  post.  tihr.  Sam.,  and  Keil),  by  which  a 
previously-mentioned  fact  is  repeated  in  order  to 
add  something  new.  So  in  ill.  22,  23  the  coming 
of  Joab,  and  in  v.  1,  3  the  coming  of  the  Tribes 
is  twice  mentioned.  Here  the  "  coming  "  of  ver. 
5  is  more  fully  described  in  ver.  6,  and  the  "  slay- 
ing "  of  ver.  6  is  defined  in  ver.  7  as  beheading, 
and  this  makes  the  transition  to  the  account  in 
ver.  8,  that  the  murderers  brought  the  head  of 
lahbosheth  to  David,  having  during  the  night  tra- 
versed the  Arabah  or  plain  of  the  Jordan.  Comp. 
ii.  29.— Ver.  8.  To  the  king.— Notice  that  Da- 
vid is  always  here  so  termed,  while  in  respect  to 
Ishbosheth  the  title  is  avoided.  Behold  the 
head  of  thy  eneiay,  who  sought  thy  life. — 
The  better  to  justify  their  deed,  and  to  gain  favor 
4nd  reward  from  David,  the  risen  star,  they  stig- 
matize Ishbosheth  as  one  that  sought  after  Da- 
vid's life,  thinking  perhaps  that  the  recollection 
of  Saul's  persecution  and  Abner's  hostility  would 
give  the  color  of  truth  to  their  false  assertion. 
[Others  hold  less  well  that  Said  is  the  enemy  here 
meant. — Tr.]  .  Nothing  is  said  in  the  history  of 
attempts  on  David's  life  by  Ishbosheth,  and  Da- 
vid's designation  of  him  as  a  "  righteous  man," 
who  was  guilty  of  no  evil  deed  stamps  that  asser- 
tion as  a  lie.  They  have  the  effrontery  indeed  to 
represent  tlieir  crime  a-s  an  act  or  judgment  of 
God,  the  better  to  commend  themselves  to  David, 
though  they  had  committed  the  murder  of  their 
own  accord  without  any  commission  at  all. 

II.  Vers.  9-12.  Punishment  of  Ishbosheth's  mur- 
derers by  David. 
Ver.  9.  The  words:  Who  hath  redeemed 
my  soul  out  of  all  adversity — are  therefore 
not  a  confirmation  of  the  murderers'  assertion 
about  Ishbosheth,  but  contain  the  thought  "  that 
David  is  not  obliged  to  free  himself  by  crime  from 
his  enemies"  (Keil). — Ver.  10.  He  who  told 
me  .  .  .  thinking  himself  a  messenger  of 
good — a  recapitulation  of  the  history  of  the  Ama- 
lekite  (ch.  i.),  here  put  in  the  absolute  construc- 
tion, and  the  words  and  I  seized  him  follow  as 
principal  assertion,  instead  of:  "  if  1  seized  and 
slew  him  who  told  me"  (ch.  i.  15).  "In  order 
to  give  him  a  reward  for  his  tidings,"  that  is,  to 


inflict  on  him  the  punishment  he  deserved.*  [See 
''  Text,  and  Gram."  The  last  clause  of  this  verse 
is  of  the  nature  of  biting  irony — David  gave  the 
man  a  reward,  and  it  was  death. — ^Te.]. — Ver. 

II.  "  How  much  more  1"  f  3  ']>5)  the  apodosis 
to  the  protasis  in  ver.  10.  The  words:  wicked 
men  ...  on  his  bed  are  (as  in  ver.  10)  pro- 
posed in  absolute  construction,  instead  of :  "  now 
much  more  shall  I  require  his  blood  from  your 
hand,  ye  wicked  men  I"  The  "  wicked  men " 
stands  in  sharp  contrast  with  the  "righteous 
man.''  David  characterizes  Ishbosheth  as  a 
''  righteous  man,"  that  is,  as  one  who  had  never 
done  anything  wicked  (so  Josephus) .  This  judg- 
ment accords  with  the  character  given  of  Ishbo- 
sheth in  chaps,  ii.,  ill.  (he  was  a  "  good  man," 
without  falsehood  and  blameless),  and  is  at  the 
same  time  a  decided  refutation  of  the  charge  by 
which  the  murderers  think  to  palliate  their  crime. 
"  David  declares  that  Ishbosheth  was  blameless, 
having  done  nothing  to  occasion  this  end  "  (Cas- 
sel).  With  the  phrase  "  and  now  "  David  brings 
his  speech  to  a  close,  pronouncing  sentence  of 
death,  by  the  same  royal  authority  as  in  i.  14, 15. 
The  form  of  the  thought  is  a  progression  from  the 
less  to  the  greater :  If  I  executed  in  Ziklag  him 
who  avowed  having  killed  at  his  own  request  on 
the  battle-field  my  adversary  Saul,  under  whose 
persecutions  the  Lord  delivered  me  from  all  ad- 
versity, how  much  more  must  I  demand  at  your 
hands  the  blood  of  this  righteous  man  whom  ye 
murderously  slew  in  his  house  on  his  bed.  On  the 
phrase  "  require  blood,"  see  Gen.  ix.  5,  according 
to  which  God  Himself  is  the  avenger  of  blood, 
comp.  Ps.  ix.  13.  David  recognizes  himself  as 
king  in  God's  service  and  His  instrument,  when 
he  causes  these  criminals  to  be  slain  in  expiation 
of  intentional  homicide.  Comp.  Num.  xxxv.  31. 
— "  Take  away,  destroy ;"  the  verb  (1jl^3)  is  used 
of  extermination  by  death,  for  example,  in  Deut. 
xiii.  6  (5)  ;  not  "  from  the  earth,"  but  "  from  the 
land  "  (1'."^*?),  since  according  to  the  law  (Num. 
xxxv.  33),  the  murderer  lost  his  abode  in  the  land 
of  promise. — ^Ver.  12.  The  order  for  execution  is 
given  and  carried  out.  It  is  specially  severe  in 
two  points :  the  dismemberment  of  the  corpses  by 
cutting  off  hands  and  feet,  the  deepest  indignity, 
and  the  hanging  up  of  the  mutilated  corpses  at 
the  pool  in  Hebron,  a  place  where  many  persons 
came  and  went ;  this  was  for  a  public  testimony 
to  David's  righteous  severity  against  auch  evil- 
doers, as  well  as  his  innocence  of  the  murder,  and 
for  a  terrible  example,  comp.  Deut.  xxi.  21,  22. 
[Hands  and  feet  were  cut  off  because  these  were 
the  offending  members  (Abarb.  in  Philippson). 
This  sort  of  punishment  has  always  been  common 
in  the  East.— Tb.].— David  had  " Ishbosheth's 
head"  buried  in  "Abner's sepulchre  in  Hebron" 
on  account  of  the  relation  that  had  existed  be- 
tween the  two  men. 

III.  Vers.  1-5.  David  anointed  king  (yver  ail  Israel. 
Ver.  1.  These  incidents  (the  murder  of  Abner 

and  that  of  Ishbosheth),  which  made  a  deep  im- 
pression on  the  whole  people,  taken  in  connection 
with  the  growing  inclination  to  David  in  all  Is- 


*  The  initial  '3  introdaoes  the  discourse.  The  "Ityx 

in  the  last  clause  =  ori  (Ew.  J  338  b)  introducing  the 
following  words. 


398 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


rael,  necessarily  favored  and  hastened  the  attain- 
ment of  the  end  after  which  Abner  had  striven  in 
his  negotiations  with  the  elders  (iii.  17,  18).  The 
tenor  of  the  history  leads  us  to  hold  with  Ewald 
that  the  recognition  of  David  as  king  over  all  Is- 
rael occurred  immediately  after  Ishbosheth's 
death,  against  Stahelin,  who  thinks  that  there 
was  an  interval  of  several  years  after  his  death, 
during  which  the  tribes  gradually  came  over  to 
David.  [Here  the  Book  of  Chronicles  again  falls 
in  with  our  history  (1  Chron.  xi.),  and  runs  pa- 
rallel with  it  in  general  (though  with  many  dif- 
ferences) to  the  end  of  David's  life.  The  differ- 
ences will  be  noticed  as  they  present  themselves. 
— Tb.]. — Thus,  then,  appear  at  Hebron  "  all  the 
tribes  of  Israel,"  that  is,  the  elders  (ver.  3)  of  all 
the  tribes  except  Judah.  The  elders  give  three 
reasons  (arranged  in  order  of  importance)  for 
raising  David  to  the  throne  over  the  whole  na- 
tion :  1)  Behold,  vsre  are  thy  bone  and  thy 
flesh. — This  expression  denotes  blood-relation- 
ship in  the  family,  Gen.  xxix.  14 ;  Judg.  ix.  2 ; 
it  here  refers  to  their  common  descent  from  one 
ancestor :  "  we  are  thy  kinsmen  by  blood,"  in 
view  of  which  the  enmity  between  us  must  cease. 
— Ver.  2.  2)  Before,  V7hen  Saul  reigned 
over  us,  it  vras  thou  that  leddest  Israel 
out  and  in — the  same  thing  is  said  of  Joshua  in 
Num.  xxvii.  17.  The  expression  "  lead  out  and 
in"  does  not  refer  to  the  affairs  of  Israel  (Keil), 
but  the  pcopte  itee{/'("  Israel"),  and  "the  whole 
people  indeed.  This  is  expressly  affirmed  in 
1  Sam.  xviii.  16  in  the  words :  "  And  all  Israel 
and  Judah  loved  David,  because  he  went  out  and 
in  before  them,"  and  that  this  "  going  out  and  in  " 
is  to  be  understood  of  military  leadership  is  clear 
from  ver.  5,  ver.  13,  and  fi-om  the  whole  connec- 
tion. The  bond  of  fellowship  and  love,  which 
had  bound  him  to  them  (even  under  Saul)  as 
leader  in  their  military  undertakings,  is  the  se- 
cond ground  of  their  proposal.  —  3)  Their  last 
and  strongest  ground  is  the  immediate  call  by  the 
vmrd  of  the  Lord  to  be  shepherd  and  prince  over  Is- 
rael. And  the  Lord  said  to  thee ;  on  the 
word  "feed"  (H^l)  see  Ps.  Ixxviii.  70-72,  and 
on  "  prince"  [captain]  see  1  Sam.  xxv.  30.  No 
such  word  of  the  Lord,  spoken  immediately  to 

David,  is  ever  mentioned.  The  declaration  of 
the  elders  is  to  be  explained  as  Abigail's  in  1 
Sara.  xxv.  30,  and  Abner's  in  2  Sam.  iii.  9,  18 
[that  is,  as  belonging  to  the  circle  of  prophetic 
thought. — Tr.].  It  IS  perhaps  based  on  theword 
of  the  Lord  to  Samuel,  1  Sam.  xvi.  1,  2,  by  which 
David  was  chosen  to  be  king  over  Israel,  comp. 
with  1  Sam.  xv.  28.^The  first  and  third  grounds 
answer  exactly  to  the  precept  in  Deut.  xvii.  1.5  : 
"  Thou  shalt  make  him  king  over  thee  whom  the 
Lord  thy  Ood  shall  choose  ;  out  of  the  midst  of  thy 
brethren  shalt  thou  make  a  king  over  thee."  [Pa- 
trick: Ver.  1.  They  were  not  overcome  by  the 
arms,  but  by  the  piety  and  justice  of  David,  to 
acknowledge  him  their  king. — Ver.  2.  This  is  the 
first  time  we  find  a  governor  described  in  Scrip- 
ture as  pastor  of  the  people;  afterwards  the  name 
is  much  used  by  the  prophets,  particularly  Ezek. 
xxxiv.  23  and  many  other  places.  Whence  our 
Lord  Chri.st  is  called  "  the  good  Shepherd  "  and 
"the  great  Shepherd." — Evil  rulers  are  called 
■'  roaring    lions,   hungry   bears,   and  devouring 


wolves,"  etc.,  Ez.  xix.  2.— Comp.  the  Homeric 
epithet  Trm/jeveg  A.aC>i>,  and  the  emblematic  animals 
in  Dante's  Inferno.  Bk.  I.— Tr.].— Ver.  3.  And 
the  elders  .  .  came  to  Hebron — resumption 
of  the  words  of  ver.  1  with  exacter  definition  of 
the  expression  "  tribes  "  by  the  mention  of  their 
representatives  "  the  elders,"  for  the  purpose  of 
further  detailing  the  solemn  covenanting  of  David 
with  the  people  and  his  anointing  as  king  of  Is- 
rael. And  king  David  made  a  covenant 
with  them  before  the  Lord. — Comp.  iii.  21, 
"  that  they  may  make  a  covenant  with  thee."  In 
this  word  of  Abner  is  given  one  tide  of  the  cove- 
nant, namely,  the  obligating  of  the  people  to  obey 
him  as  the  king  given  them  by  the  Lord  ;  here 
the  other  side  is  given,  namely,  David  promises  in 
this  covenant,  in  accordance  with  his  divine  choice 
and  call  to  the  throne,  to  rule  the  people  aecord- 
ing  to  the  wiU  of  the  Lord.  Notice  the  expres- 
sion of  the  Heb.   "made  to  them,  a  covenant" 

(7  n^3),  which  does  not  permit  us  to  regard  this 
as  a  mere  bargain,  wherein  both  parties  have 
equal  rights  and  authority  "  (OEhler,  Herz.  VIII. 
11).  The  relation  of  both  parties  to  the  Lord  is 
indicated  by  the  expression  "  b^ore."  The  view 
that  an  agreement  was  here  entered  into  of  the  na- 
ture of  a  modem  constitution*  (Then.),  does  not 
accord  with  the  relation  that  the  theocratic 
principle  of  the  Davidic  kingdom  established 
between  king  and  people  in  their  common  obli- 
gation to  the  Lord,  the  true  king  of  His  people. 
And  they  anointed  David  king  over  Is- 
rael— to  which  the  Chronicler  adds  (1  Chr.  xi. 
3) :  "according  to  the  word  of  the  Lord  by  Sa- 
muel," an  explanatory  addition  referring  to  the 
Lord's  command  to  Samuel  to  anoint  David  king 
over  Israel,  1  Sam.  xvi.  1, 12.  David's  anointing 
by  Samuel  (1  Sam.  xvi.)  is  now  confirmed  by  the 
anointing  of  the  people,  they  having  expressly 
and  solemnly  recognized  his  divine  call  to  be  king 
of  Israel  (1  Sam.  xv.  28),  made  by  Samuel  and 
witnessed  by  Samuel's  anointing.  The  Chroni- 
cler, deriving  his  information  from  precise  ac- 
counts, declares  that  there  was  a  large  attendance 
of  military  men  from  the  whole  nation  at  this 
royal  festival  (1  Chr.  xii.  23-40).— Vers.  4,  5.  The 
statement  in  ii.  11  is  here  resumed,  and  we  have 
stated,  1)  David's  age  (30  years)  at  his  accession 
to  the  throne :  2)  the  whole  time  of  his  reign  (40 
years),  and  3)  the  time  of  his  reign  over  Israel 
(33  years).  See  on  ii.  11.  These  statements  of 
time  are  given  in  1  Chr.  xxix.  27  at  the  close  of 
David's  reign.  [Bib.  Com. :  The  age  of  David 
(30  years)  shows  that  the  events  narrated  from  1 
Sam.  xiii.  to  the  end  of  the  book  did  not  occupy 
above  10  years — four  years  in  Saul's  service,  four 
years  of  wandering,  one  year  and  four  months 
among  the  Philistines,  and  a  few  months  after 
Saul's  death.— Te.] 

HISTORICAL   AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  In  the  section  chap.  iv. — v.  5  we  have  the 
completed  fulfilment  of  the  statement  made  in 

*  [There  was  probably  gradually  established  between 
king  and  people  some  recognition  of  mutual  rights  and 
duties— an  unwritten,  or  possibly  in  part  a  written  law. 
This  would  not  be  out  of  harmony  with  the  theocratic 
conception  of  the  government.  Philippson  points  out 
some  apparent  indications  (as  1  Kings  xii.)  of  such  » 
law. — Tb.]  ' 


CHAP.  IV.  1— V.  5. 


iii.  1  concerning  the  theocratically  contrasted  for- 
tunes of  Saul's  house  and  David,  up  to  the  culmi- 
nation of  the  latter's  rise  and  the  uttermost  point 
of  the  former's  depression.    The  spiritual  weak- 
ness, moral  slackness  and  personal  insignificance 
of  Saul's  heir  on  the  throne,  the  unfaithfulness, 
ambition,  selfishness,  rude  violence  and  dissolu- 
tion of  all  discipline  and  order  about  the  royal 
court,  the  increasing  favor  of  the  people  to  David 
and  the  entire  absence  of  prospect  for  the  physical 
maintenance   of  the  kingdom  in  Saul's  house, 
whose  last  scion  was  a  cripple — all  this  co-ope- 
rated to  bring  about  the  fall  of  this  kingdom  be- 
fore the  eyes  of  the  people  and  the  fulfilment  of 
the  divine  judgment  on  Saul's  houpe,  without  Da- 
vid's doing  the  slightest  thing  to  produce  the 
catastrophe  or  staining  his  hands  with  Ishbo- 
sheth's  blood,  holding,  as  he  did,  to  what  he  had 
sworn  to  Saul,  1  Sam.  xxiv.  22,  23.     Amid  the  af- 
fecting events  that  introduce  the  final  fall  of 
Saul's  house,  and  the  severe  temptations  with 
which  he  is  beset  to  make  a  compact  with  sin,  or 
at  least  to  come  in  contact  with  crime  in  order  to 
gain  his  end,  David  holds,  as  from  the  beginning, 
firm  and  unshaken  to  his  stand-point  of  humble 
obedience  to  and  complete  dependence  on  the  will 
and  leading  of  the  Lord,  knowing  himself  to  be 
ia  person  and  life  and  in  his  destination  for  the 
throne  of  Israel  solely  in  the  hand  of  God.    The 
anger  with   which  he  repels    self-commending 
crime  [iv.  8-11],  appealing  to  the  guidance  of  his 
God  who  had  brought  him  through  all  adversity, 
is  at  the  same  time  a  positive  witness  to  his  de- 
termination to  take  all  further  steps  also  up  to 
the  attainment  of  his  promised  dominion  only  at 
the  hand  of  his  God,  and  to  guard  against  all 
tainting  of  his  divine  mission  by  sin  and  crime. 
"His  way  to  the  throne  had  hitherto  been  always 
the  way  of  obedience  to  God's  will ;  it  was  ever 
the  way  of  the  fear  of  God  and  of  conscientious 
fulfilment  of  duty,  and  with  such  crimes  he  had 
never  had  anything  to  do.     How  could  he  now 
defile  himself  with  them  I    The  execution  of  these 
two  murderers  was  a  testimony  to  all  the  people, 
what  ways  David  went  and  wished  further  to  go, 
and  that  whoever  would  avail  anything  with  this 
king,  must  tread  solely  the  path  of  godly  fear  and 
duty  "  (Schlier). 

2.  Ishbosheth's  violent  end  is  not  to  be  regarded 
as  a  natural  step  in  the  fall  of  Saul's  house,  or  as 
a  necessary  consequence  thereof,  but  as  a  revela^ 
tion  of  the  divine  justice  against  his  guilt  in  per- 
mitting himself  (by  his  good-nature  and  moral 
weakness)  to  be  misused  by  his  ambitious  and 
high-aiming  general  Abner,  to  be  made  a  rival 
king  and  seduced  into  hostile  undertakings  against 
David  (ii.  12).  Such  an  end  must  Ishbosheth's 
kingdom  according  to  the  divine  justice  have  had, 
since  it  was  founded  on  opposition  to  God's  will. 

3.  And  so,  in  respect  to  God's  judgments  on 
men's  sins,  the  God-fearing  man,  like  David,  with 
all  his  holy  anger  against  evil,  which  is  a  reflec- 
tion of  God's  holy  anger,  and  with  all  his  obliga- 
tory energy  of  punitive  justice,  must  yet  exhibit 
recognition  of  the  good  that  exists  in  his  neigh- 
bor who  is  smitten  by  the  judgment  of  God,  and 
especially  cherish  gentleness  and  forbearance 
where  personal  wrong  has  been  done  him. 


4.  The  covenant,  which  David  made  with  the 
people  on  his  accession  to  the  throne,  is  not  to 
be  thought  of  as  a  contract  between  two  parties, 
who  by  negotiations  and  mutual  concessions  pro- 
duce a  constitutional  relation,  in  which  their  nm- 
tiud  rights  and  duties  are  to  be  considered  and 
carried  out. — This  would  be  directly  contradic- 
tive  of  the  fundamental  idea  of  Israel's  constitu- 
tion, namely,  that  the  God  of  the  fathers,  who 
had  chosen  the  people,  separated  them  to  be  His 
people,  redeemed  them  from  the  bondage  of  Egypt, 
and  made  a  law-covenant  with  them  at  Sinai,  was 
their  king,  and  that  they  owed  Him  obedience  as 
their  ruler  according  to  the  demands  of  His  law. 
People  and  God-given  king  had  to  obey  the  Lord 
as  their  proper,  true  king;  there  is  no  con- 
trasting of  king  and  people,  but  both  have  to 
render  unconditional  obedience  to  the  invisible 
God  as  their  Lord  and  Euler.  See  1  Sam.  xii. 
20-25.  The  conviction  that  David  was  called  im- 
mediatdy  by  the  Lord  to  be  king  of  Israel  had 
spread  from  Samuel  and  the  prophets  throughout 
the  nation,  and  announced  itself  expressly  in  the 
formal  and  solemn  recognition  of  David  as  king 
in  accordance  with  the  demand  in  Deut.  xvii.  15 : 
"  Thou  shalt  set  as  king  over  thee  him  whom  the 
Lord  thy  God  shall  choose."  This  recognition 
of  the  divine  call  precedes  the  covenanting  and 
the  anointing.  On  the  basis,  now^  of  this  recog- 
nized fact,  the  covenanting  could  include  nothing 
but  what  followed  necessarily  from  the  principle 
of  the  theocratic  kingdom,  to  govern  the  people 
in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  and  according  to  the 
law  that  the  invisible  King  of  the  people  had 
given.  David  promised,  in  accordance  with  Dt. 
xvii.  19,  20,  faithfully  to  perform  the  law  given 
by  the  Lord  for  him  as  well  as  for  the  people,  and 
not  merely  a  constitutional  law  agreed  on  between 
him  and  the  people ;  and  the  people  promised  to 
obey  the  Lord  their  God  in  His  royal  govern- 
ment, and  to  be  subject  to  David  as  God-appointed 
instrument  of  the  theocracy.  [While  this  state- 
ment of  the  joint  subordination  of  king  and  people 
to  the  divine  law  is  perfectly  just,  so  that  there 
could  not  be  in  Israel  a  political  constitution,  po- 
litical progress,  or  free  institutions  according  Jo 
modern  conceptions,  we  may  still  suppose  that  in 
carrying  out  the  details  of  the  government  there 
came  to  be  recognized  certain  principles  (subor- 
dinate to  the  central  principle)  which  controlled 
the  customary  action  of  sovereign  and  people,  and 
were  of  the  nature  of  Common  Law  or  a  Consti- 
tution.— Tb.]. 

5.  Tlie  establishment  of  David  on  the  throne  of 
Israel  as  an  act  of  Ood  (completed  by  the  people, 
in  the  knowledge  and  recognition  of  God's  will, 
by  the  anointment  as  an  act  of  choice  and  ho- 
mage) restored  externally  and  internally  on  the 
old  deep  theocratic  basis,  the  unity  of  the  people 
introduced  by  Samuel,  which  was  gradualljf  weak- 
ened under  Saul's  government,  and  after  his  death 
destroyed  by  the  division  of  the  nation  into  two 
parts  and  the  establishment  of  two  kingdoms,  so 
that  a  recurrence  of  the  disintegration  of  the  Pe- 
riod of  the  Judges  was  imminent.  The  perfect 
unity  of  all  the  tribes  shows  itself  at  David's  an- 
ointment in  Hebron,  1)  in  the  avowal  of  the 
bloodrrelationship  of  the  whole  people  with  David 
through  their  common  descent  from  one  ancestor 


400 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


— in  contrast  with  the  nations  that  were  corpo- 
rally foreign  to  them  (comp.  Deut.  xvii.  15) ;  2) 
in  the  recognition  of  David's  services  to  the  whole 
nation  even  in  Saul's  time  as  military  leader 
against  foreign  nations,  and  of  the  bond  of  love 
and  confidence  that  consequently  bound  the 
whole  people  to  him  ;  3)  in  the  declaration  that 
David  vraa  called  by  the  Lord  Himself  to  be  king 
over  all  Israel  (comp.  Deut.  xvii.  15),  and  4)  in 
the  covenant  that  the  two,  king  and  people, 
make  with  one  another  before  the  Lord  as  their 
King,  on  the  basis  of  the  law-covenant  that  God 
had  made  with  His  people  (comp.  Deut.  xvii.  19, 
20,  with  1  Sam.  xii.  20  sq.,  and  Ex.  xix.,  xx.) 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PEACTICAL. 

Ver.  1  sq.  Cursed  is  the  man  thai  trusteth  in  man, 
and  maketh  flesh  his  arm,  1)  Because  of  the /raiftj 
of  all  flesh  and  of  all  human  supports,  with  which 
fall  the  hopes  based  on  them.  2)  Because  of  the 
faitUessncKS  of  men,  in  whom  blind  confidence  is 
placed  instead  of  putting  all  confidence  in  the 
faithfulness  of  the  Lord.  3)  Because  of  the  danger 
of  ruin  of  body  and  soul,  to  which  one  thereby 
exposes  himself. — Ver.  8.  Sow  eirii  seeks  deceitfully 
to  clothe  itself  with  the  appearance  of  good,  1 )  by 
falsehood,  in  alleging  something  evil  in  others  as 
ii  pretext  to  make  itself  appear  right  and  good  ; 
2)  by  hypocrisy,  in  representing  itself  as  in  har- 
mony with  Ood's  Word  and  will;  3)  by  the  pre- 
sence of  having  promoted  the  interest  of  another. 

Vers.  8-12.  liow  the  children  of  Ood  should  guard 
against  the  power  of  evil  which  presses  upon  them.  1) 
Bv  repulsing  every  service  of  evil  that  is  to  their 
advantage,  and  pointing  to  the  Lord  who  alone  is 
their  help.  2)  By  avoiding  all  participation  in 
others'  guilt.  3)  By  energetically  testifying,  in 
word  and  deed,  against  evil. 

Chap.  V.  3.  What  kingdom  is  in  truth  a  kingdom 
by  the  grace  of  Ood  ?  That  which,  1 )  is  based  on 
the  solid  ground  of  the  word  and  will  of  God  ;  2) 
conducts  its  government  only  in  the  name  and  ser- 
vice of  the  living  God,  fulfilling  its  office  of  shep- 
herd and  leader,  and  3)  strives  after  the  welfare 
of  the  people  only  in  the  covenant  of  love  and  obe- 
dience towards  the  holy  and  gracious  God. 

Ver.  1.  Starke:  Let  no- one  trust  in  men,  Jer. 
xvii.  5;  for  they  are  nothing,  Psa.  Ixii.  10  [9], 
and  when  they  fall,  all  hope  &Ils,  too,  Psa.  cxlvi. 
3,  4. — S.  ScHMiD :  At  last  the  will  of  God  does 
come  to  pass,  and  His  promises  gO'  on  to  their  ful- 
filment, Eom.  iv.  21 ;  Heb.  ii.  3. 

[Ver.  2.  Scott  :  Wretched  indeed  are  they  who 
are  engaged  in  undertakings  is  which  none  can 
serve  them  without  opposing  the  known  will  of 
God !  The  more  exalted  their  station,  the  greater 
is  their  danger ;  for  the  very  men  in  whom  they 
repose  their  chief  confidence  are  destitute  of  prin- 
ciple, serve  them  only  for  gain,  and  will  betray 
or  murder  them  when  their  mercenary  schemes 
require  it.— Tb.].— Vers.  2,  3.  Bbel.  B.  :  A  true 
king  is  nothing  else  than  the  shepherd  of  the 
people,  vii.  7;  Psa.  Ixxviii.  71,  72.  Accordingly 
God  made  David  a  shepherd  of  men,  as  Peter  a 
fisher  of  men. — Ver.  3.  Starke:  God  causes  His 
own  people,  whom  He  wishes  to  exalt,  first  to 
come  under  the  cross  awhile,  Prov.  xiii.  12. — S. 
SCHMID  :  Kings  and  prince?  must  know  that  they 
stand  under  God,  according  to  whose  will  and 


direction  they  have  to  judge  themselves. — Wuert. 
B.  i  Although  God  does  not  cause  that  which  He 
has  promised  the  pious,  to  come  to  them  immedi- 
ately, yet  He  does  at  least  give  it  to  them,  and  in- 
deed the  longer  He  delays  the  more  glorious  it 
becomes.  So  let  men  patiently  wait  for  the  right 
time. 

Ver.  4.  Osiander:  What  often  seems  most 
hurtful  to  us,  must  often  be  most  helpful  to  us. — 
Wuert.  B.  :  When  God  with  His  grace  turns 
away  from  a  man  or  a  whole  race,  there  is  then 
no  more  prosperity,  but  all  gradually  goes  down. 
— Ver.  8.  Cramer:  Ungodly  men  boa-st  of  their 
trickery  and  villainy,  and  imagine  they  will 
thereby  gain  praise,  and  glory  in  their  sin. — Bebl. 
B. :  They  wish,  as  it  were,  to  spread  the  name  of 
God  and  His  Providence  as  a  mantle  over  their 
knavery,  as  bad  boys  are  wont  to  do. — [Words- 
worth: It  has  been  often  so  in  the  history  of  the 
world  and  of  the  Church,  where  zeal  for  God  is 
sometimes  a  color  for  worldly  ambition,  and  an 
occasion  for  deeds  of  cruelty  and  treachery. — Tr.  ] . 
— ScHLiER  :  Where  is  there  a  human  heart  that 
knows  nothing  of  selfishness  ?  O  do  let  us  recog- 
nize such  an  enemy  in  ourselves,  and  humble  our- 
selves therefor,  do  let  us  all  our  days  fight  against 
the  enemy  with  real  earnestness  1  Either  thou 
slayest  selfishness  or  it  slays  thee,  and  plunges 
thee  into  sin  and  shame,  and  thereby  into  ruin 
and  damnation.  It  was  selfishness  that  made 
these  two  Benjamiuites  become  murderers  of  their 
king. — [Ver.  8.  Scott  :  Many  are  conscious  that 
they  should  be  pleased  with  villainy,  provided  it 
conduced  greatly  to  their  profit :  thus  they  are  led 
confidently  to  conclude  that  others  will  be  so  too ; 
and  as  numbers  are  rewarded  for  villainous  ac- 
tions, they  expect  the  same. — Tr.] 

Vers.  9-11.  To  hate  and  avoid  sin  is  to  be  pru- 
dent, to  keep  out  of  sneaking  ways  is  to  build 
one's  fortune,  and  to  put  away  from  us  even  en- 
ticing ofiers  that  are  not  in  accordance  with 
duty  and  the  fear  of  God  is  to  be  sensible  for 
time  and  eternity.  —  Ver.  9.  Cramer:  True 
Christians  should  commit  and  commend  all  their 
aflairs  to  God,  who  judges  righteously;  He  can 
and  will  make  all  well,  1  Pet.  ii.  23 ;  Ps.  xxxvii. 
5. — Ver.  10.  Cramer  :  God-fearing  rulers  should 
not  bring  territory  and  people  to  them  through 
treachery,  assassination,  unfaithfulness,  apostasy 
from  known  truth,  hypocrisy  and  such  like  vil- 
lainous tricks  ;  for  to  be  pious  and  true  will  alone 
protect  the  king,  and  his  throne  is  established  by 
righteousness,  Prov.  xx.  28. 

[Ver.  11.  Henrt:  Charity  teaches  us  to  make 
the  best,  not  only  of  our  friends  but  of  our  ene- 
mies, and  to  think  those  may  be  righteous  per- 
sons who  yet  in  some  instances  do  us  wrong. — 
Chap.  V.  1.  Wordsworth  :  And  thus  God  over- 
ruled evil  for  good,  and  brought  good  out  of  evil. 
He  made  the  crimes  of  Abner,  Joab,  and  of  the 
two  Beerothites  to  be  subservient  to  the  exaltation 
of  David,  and  the  establishment  of  his  kingdom 
over  all  Israel.  Thus  God  will  make  all  the  sins 
of  evil  men  to  be  one  day  ministerial  to  the  ex- 
tension and  final  settlement  of  the  universal  do- 
minion of  Christ. — Tr.] 

[Ver.  1.  When  the  sudden  death  of  one  man 
completely  disheartens  a  whole  people,  it  shows 
that  he  was  a  great  man,  but  also  that  the  people 
were  already  in  an  evil  condition.    And  this  man 


CHAP.  V.  6— VI.  23. 


401 


who  seemed  the  prop  of  everything,  may  have 
long  been  in  fact  delaying  some  grand  Providen- 
tial destiny. — Tb.] 

[Ver.  4.  Sunday-school  address,  The  little  lame 
prince.  Hia  lameness  was  produced  under  very 
s.id  circumstances,  was  itself  a  sad  calamity,  and 
sjemed  to  cut  him  off  from  a  great  career.  Yet 
it  afterwards  preserved  his  life,  and  brought  him 
wealth  and  honor  (ch.  ix.).  Let  us  not  conclude 
that  the  afflicted  or  unfortunate  have  no  future. 
Let  us  remember  how  often  Providence  turns  ca- 
lamity into  blessing. — Tr.] 

[Vers.  5-12.  Sunday-school  address,  The  assas- 
sins. Describe  them  walking  rapidly  all  night 
along  the  plain  of  the  Jordan,  bearing  the  slain 
king's  head.  1)  Their  foul  deed,  vers.  6,  7,  11. 
2)  Their  false  pretences,  ver.  8.  3)  Their  de- 
served and  terrible  fate,  ver.  12.    Beflections: 


The  sacredness  of  human  life — trickery  often 
fails — it  is  a  shame  to  claim  God's  sanction  for 
wickedness — men  becoming  immortal  by  their 
crimes  alone. — Te.] 

[Ver.  9.  Memory  of  past  ddioeranees  by  the  Lord. 
1)  Inspiring  gratitude.  2)  Kestraining  from  sin. 
3)  Cheering  with  hope.  (Each  may  be  richly 
illustrated  by  David's  circumstances  when  he  ut- 
tered the  text). — Tr.] 

[Chap.  V.  4.  Sow  has  David  reached  the  throne? 
1)  By  aspiring  to  it  only  because  divinely  ap- 
pointed. 2)  By  deserving  it  a)  in  what  he  did ; 
b)  in  what  he  refused  to  do.  3)  By  waiting  for 
it,  o)  continuing  patient  through  a  long  course  of 
trials ;  b)  u.'sing  all  lawful  means  in  his  power  to 
gain  it  (e.  g-,  ii.  5  ;  iii.  20,  36) ;  c)  preparing  for 
it,  consciously  and  unconsciously,  learning  how 
to  rule  men,  and  to  overcome  difficulties. — Tk.] 


SECOND  DIVISION. 

DAVID  KING  OVER  ALL  ISRAEL. 
Chap.  V.  6— XFV.  25. 

FIRST  SECTION. 

David's  reign  at  its  culmination  and  greatest  splendor. 

Chapter  V.  6— X.  19. 

I.    ITS  QliOEIOTJS  BSTABIilSHMENT   AND  CONITEMATION. 

Chapter  V.  6— VI.  23. 

A.— WITHOUT:  1)  BY  THE  VICTOEY  OVER  THE  JEBUSITES  AND  THE  CONQUEST 
OP  THE  CITADEL  OF  ZION,  IN  CONSEQUENCE  OF  WHICH  JERUSALEM  BE- 
COMES THE  CAPITAL  CITY  OF  THE  KINGDOM.  Vers.  6-16.  2)  BY  TWO  VIC- 
TOBIES  OVER  THE  PHILISTINES.    Vers.  17-25. 

I.  The  victory  over  the  JebvMtes  and  the  conquest  of  the  citadel  of  Zion.    Vers.  6-16. 

6  And  the  king^  and  his  men  went  to  Jerusalem  unto  the  Jebusites,  the  inhabitants 
of  the  land.  Which  [And  they]  spake  unto  David,  saying,  Except'  thou  take  away 
the  blind  and  the  lame,  thou  shalt  not  come  in  hither;  thinking  [saying],  David 


TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

1  Ver.  6.  Instead  of  "  king  "  we  find  "  David  "  in  several  MSS.,  in  Sept.,  and  in  1  Chr.  xi.  4,  and  "  king  David  " 
in  Sj^r.,  Ar. ;  we  can  feel  the  differences  that  these  readings  make  in  the  tone  of  the  narrative,  but  it  is  hardly 
possible  to  decide  which  of  them  is  original. — Tk  ] 

2  [Ver.  6.  Eng.  A.  V.  has  here  unnecessarily  inverted  the  clauses ;  read :  "  thou  shalt  not  come  in  hither  ex- 
cept, etc. ;"  so  Sym.,  Chald.,  Syr.,  Vulg.,  pointing  ITDH  as  Inf.    But  others  point  it  Perf.  plu.  HTDn  and  render : 

"thou  shalt  not  come  in  hither,  but  (DN  '3)  the  blind  and  the  lame  will  keep  thee  away"  (Sept..  Then.,  BBttch., 

Wellh.,  Bib.-CQm.,  Erdmann  and  others),  which  rendering  (making  "  the  blind  and  the  lame  "  the  subject  of  the 
Sentence)  Philippaon  declares  to  be  unnecessary  and  un^rammatical.  The  sentence  presents  serious  grammati- 
cal difficulties:  on  the  one  hand  the  DX  '3  requires  a  finite  verb  after  it  (when  a  noun  follows  it,  it  is  always  as 

object  of  a  preceding  verb,  which  the  Inf.  cannot  here  be),  on  the  other  hand  the  verb  should  here  be  Impf. 
(Philippson'a  diiHeulty  is  not  serious).    The  difficulty  might  be  removed  by  prefixing  3  to  the  Infin.  (so  Symna., 


402  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

7  cannot  [shall  not]  come  in  hither.    Nevertheless  [And]  David  took  the  stronghold 

8  of  Zion;  the  same  is  the  city  of  David.  And  David  said  on  that  day,  Whosoever' 
getteth  up  to  the  gutter,  and  smiteththe  Jebusites,  and  the  lame  and  the  blind  that 
are  hated  of  David's  soul,  he  shall  be  chief  and  captain.     Wherefore  they  said  [say], 

9  The  blind  and  the  lame  shall  not  come  into  the  house.  So  [And]  David  dwelt  in 
the  fort  [stronghold],  and  called  it  the  city  of  David.     And  David  built*  round 

10  about  from  Millo  and  inward.  And  David  went  on  and  grew  great  [David  kept 
growing  greater  and  greater],  and  the  Lord  God  [Jehovah  the  God]  of  hosts  was 
with  him. 

11  And  Hiram  king  of  Tyre  sent  messengers  to  David,  and  cedar  trees  and  carpen- 

12  ters  and  masons ;  and  they  built  David  an  house.  And  David  perceived  that  the 
Lord  [Jthovah]  had  established  him  king  over  Israel,  and  that  he  had  exalted'  his 
kingdom  for  his  people  Israel's  sake. 

13  And  David  took  him  more  concubines  and  wives  out  of  Jerusalem,  after  he  was 

14  come  from  Hebron  ;  and  there  were  yet  sons  and  daughters  born  to  David.  And 
these  be  [are]  the  names  of  those  that  were  born  unto  him  in  Jerusalem :  Shammuah 

15  [Shammua]  and  Shobab  and  Nathan  and  Solomon,  Ibhar  also  [And  Ibhar]  and 

16  Elishua  and  Nepheg  and  Japhia,  And  Elishama  and  Eiiada  and  Eliphalet. 

2.  David!s  two  victories  over  tne  Philistines.    Y^rs.  17-25. 

17  But  when  [And]  ihe  Philistines  heard  that  they  had  anointed  David  king  over 
Israel,  [ins.  and]  all  the  Philistines  came  up  to  seek  David ;  and  David  heard  of 

18  it,  and  went  down*  to  the  hold.     The  Philisdnes  also  [And  the  Philistines]  came  and 

19  spread  themselves  iu  the  valley  of  Eephaim.  And  David  enquired  of  the  Lord  [Je- 
hovah], saying,  Shall  I  go  up  to  the  Philistines  ?  wilt  thou  deliver  them  into  mine 
hand?    And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  said  unto  David,  Go  up;  for  I  will  doubtless 

20  [certainly]  deliver  the  Philistines  into  thine  hand.  And  Ds  vid  came  to  Baal-pera- 
zim,'  and  David  smote  them  there,  and  said,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  broken  forth 
upon  [broken  asunder]  mine  enemies  before  me  as  the  breach  of  waters.     Therefore 

21  he  called  the  name  of  that  place  Baal-perazim.  And  there  they  left  [they  left 
there]  their  images,*  and  David  and  his  men  burned  them  [took  them  away]. 

22  And  the  Philistines  came  up  yet  again,  and  spread  themselves  in  the  valley  of 

23  Rephaim.     And  when  [pm.  when]  David  enquired  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  [ins.  and] 

Chald.),  or  by  reading  Perf.  2  sing.  masc.  n'l'Dn  (so  Syr.,  Vulg.  perhaps). — Wellhausen  thinks  the  subjoined  ex- 

T         •  V: 

planaticn  ("saying,  David  shall  not,  etc.")  unnecessary  (the  meaning  hein^  clear  enough),  and  therefore  hardly 
original,  perhaps  a  marginal  gloss;  but  it  is  not  merely  a  repetition,  since  it  puts  absolutely  what  was  before  put 
as  conditional.— Tb.] 

■  [Ter.  8.  In  this  sentence  there  are  three  points  of  difficulty :  1)  the  construction  of  J?J^1,  whether  it  is  to  be 

joined  to  the  preceding  protasis,  or  regarded  as  beginning  the  apodosis,  that  is,  whether  the  whole  sentence  is 
to  be  taken  as  protasis,  the  apodosis  being  omitted  (so  Then.,  Philippson,  Cohen,  Eng.  A.  V.,  which  supplies  the 
apodosis  from  1  Chr.  xi-  6),  or  as  containing  protasis  and  apodosis  (so  Bottch.,  Ew.,  Erdmann).  2)  The  pointing 
and  construction  of  IXJK/,  and  3)  the  meaning  of  T133f.    For  the  discussion  see  the  Exposition.— Te.] 

<  [Ver.  9.  Read  after  Sept.  n23"V' built  it"  (so  Wellh).-From"  Millo"  Aq.  has iiro  irAijpiunaTOs,  Sym.  iirb  irpoSe- 
jiiaTos  (Jerome  says  that  Sym.  and*  Theod.  had  adimpleihnem),  Sept.  awo  t^s  awpa?.— Te.J 

'  [Ver.  12.  Styj  Piel  3  sing,  masc;  I  Ohr.  xiv.  2  nXt^J,  Kiph.  3  sing.  fem.    According  to  Wellh.  the  final  n 

in  Chr.  represents  the  first  D  in  the  following  word  in  Sam.  Which  reading  is  original  can  hardly  be  deter- 
mined.—Ta.  ] 

•  [Ver.  17.  1  Chr.  xiv.  8;  "And  went  out  before  them  (—against  them.1."  The  Chr.  omits  the  details  of  the 
movement,  but  this  does  not  show  that  he  could  not  reconcile  the  "went  down"  of  Sam.  with  the  preceding 
(against  Wellh.).    Nor  is  there  any  good  reason  why  the  same  narr.ator  should  not  apply  the  same  word  (mi^D 

"  hold  ")  to  two  diflferent  places  in  consecutive  paragraphs.  It  is  a  common  noun,  and  moreover  the  use  in  ver. 
9  is  defined  in  ver.  7  by  the  phrase  "  of  Zion."— Ta.] 

'  [Ver.  20.  Baal-perazira  —  "  possessor  (—  place,  margin  of  Eng.  A.  V.  plain)  of  breaches."    Sept.  eic  tAv  tirovu 

tiaicotrSiv  =.  7j?SD,  etc.    Aq.  Ixoii'  SiaKoiras.    The  point  of  the  comparison  seems  to  be  not  the  dividing  of  waters 

(Sept.  is  SiancSjTTeTai  iiSara.  Vulg.,  aicut  dividuntur  agtice),  but  the  violent  rending  asunder  by  a  torrent  of  wa- 

.  has 
r  text. 

I  no  meaning  nere  rainer  is  mat  uavm  carried  ott  the  Images,  either  to  destroy  them,  or  to  bear  them  in  triumph. 
The  margin  of  Eng.  A.  V.  has  "  took  them  away."— Tb.J  niuiui.". 


CHAP.  V.  6— VI.  23. 


403 


he  said,  Thou  shalt  not  go  up ;  but  [pm.  but]  fetch  a  compass  behind'  them,  and 

24  come  upon  them  over  against  the  mulberry-trees  [baca-trees].  And  let  it  be,  when 
thou  hearest  the  sound  of  a  going  in  the  tops  of  the  mulberry-trees  [baca-trees], 
that  then  thou  shalt  bestir  thyself;  for  then  shall  [will]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  go  out 

25  before  thee  to  smite  the  host  of  the  Philistines.  And  David  did  so,  as  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  had  commanded  him,  and  smote  the  Philistines  from  Geba  until  thou 
come  to  Gazer  [Gezer]. 

•  [Ver.  23.  Instead  of  DH'^nX-bx  some  MSS.  and  EDD.  and  Syr.,  Ar.  have  Dri'inNa,  which  does  not  change 

the  sense.    In  a  few  MSS.  the  Prep,  is  omitted,  as  in  1  Chr.  xiv.  14.    The  difference  between  the  texts  in  Sam.  and 
Chr.  is  obvious,  perhaps  in  the  latter  an  attempt  at  greater  clearness  ;  the  meaning  is  the  same  in  both.    It  is 

not  necessary  to  supply  anything  here  after  " go  up  "  (n7j^ri),  since  the  word  implies  "  going  to  meet."— Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAI-. 

I.  Vers.  6-16.  Victm-y  over  the  Jebusites,  conquest 
of  the  citadel  of  Zion,  and  fixing  of  Jerusalem  as  the 
capital. — In  keeping  with  the  reminder  of  the  eld- 
ers that  he  had  before  led  the  people  out  and  in 
to  battle  and  victory,  David  now  proceeds  with- 
out delay  to  fulfil  the  warlike  duties  that  de- 
volved on  him  as  king  of  Israel  against  the  exter- 
nal enemies  of  the  kingdom;  for  a  principal  con- 
dition of  the  establishment  of  internal  unity  and 
of  the  vigorous  theocratic  development  of  the  na- 
tional life  was  the  purging  of  the  land  from  the 
still  powerful  remains  of  the  Canaanitish  peoples. 

Vers.  6-10.  See  the  parallel  1  Ohron.  xi.  4-9. 
The  two  accounts  agree  substantially ;  being  taken 
from  a  common  source,  they  complement  and  con- 
firm one  another  in  particular  statements,  of  which 
each  has  some  peculiar  to  itself.  [In  respect  to 
these  differences  it  is  important  to  remember  that 
in  general  "Samuel"  is  more  biographical  and 
annalistic,  "Chronicles"  more  historiographical. 
— TB.]-yer.  6.  Aad  the  king  and  his  men 
went — that  is,  according  to  the  Chronicler,  the 
Israelitish  warriors  who  gathered  around  him 
from  ''all  Israel,"  and  were  now  united  with  his 
former  soldiers — to  Jerusalem  against  the 
Jebuaites. — This  undertaking  followed  imme- 
diately on  the  anointing  in  Hebron,  as  is  evident 
from  the  statement  (ver.  5)  that  David's  reign  in 
Jerusalem  was  co-extensive  with  his  ^eign  over 
all  Israel  (Keil).  After  the  word  "Jerusalem," 
instead  of  "unto  the  Jebusites  . . .  saying,"  "Chro- 
nicles" has:  "that  is  Jebus,  and  there  (are)  the 
Jebusites,  the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  and  the  in- 
habitants of  Jebus  said  to  David."  Which  of  the 
two  forms  is  nearer  to  the  original  account  in  the 
commonsourcemustremain  undetermined.  [Well- 
hansen  remarks  that  "the  original  author  would 
not  have  written  'Jerusalem,  that  is,  Jebus,'  but 
more  naturally  'Jebus,  that  is,  Jerusalem ;'  the 
Chron.  inserts  this  statement  in  order  to  explain 
the  transition  from  Jerusalem  to  the  .Jebusite-s — 
and  this  leads  to  the  further  remark  that  the  Je- 
busites were  dwelling  in  the  land  "  According 
to  this,  the  author  of  Chronicles  (who  wrote  after 
the  Exile)  introduces  this  historical  explanation 
as  necessary  for  his  time. — Te.]     The  Jebusites* 

*  Heb.  "Jebusite"  ('D3'),  poetically  individualizing 

Sing,  for  PIu.  "Inhabitant"  O^Y),  the  proper,  abori- 
ginal people.  [The  Sing,  is  not  poetic,  but  collective; 
see  its  use  in  Gen.  x.  16;  xv.  21;  Numb.  xiii.  29;  Judg. 
xix.ll — the  name  of  the  tribe  as  an  individual. — Tb.]  bo 
the  verb  IDX"!  is  Sing. 


belonged  to  the  great  Canaanitish  race  (Gen.  x. 
6),  who  dwelt,  when  the  Israelites  took  possession 
of  Palestine,  in  the  mountain-district  of  Judah  by 
the  Hittites  and  Amorites  (comp.  Numb.  xiii.  30; 
Josh.  xi.  3),  especially  at  the  place  afterwards 
called  Jerusalem,  and  under  kings.  Josh.  x.  1,  23. 
Neither  Joshua  (Jcsh.  xv.  8,  63;  xviii.  28),  who 
conquered  the  Jebusites  along  with  other  Canaan- 
itish tribes  in  a  battle  (Josh.  xi.  3sq.),  nor  the 
children  of  Judah,  who  only  got  possession  of  the 
lower  city  (Judg.  i.  8;  comp.  Jos.  Ant.  V.  2,  2), 
nor  the  Benjaminites,  to  whom  the  city  had  been 
assigned  (Josh,  xviii.  28),  could  conquer  the  strong 
citadel  of  Jebus  on  Mount  Zion,  which  was  the 
centre  of  their  dwellings  spread  out  "  in  the  land," 
that  is,  around  Jerusalem  (Judg.  i.  21 ;  xix.  11  sq.). 
In  the  time  of  the  Judges  Jebus  is  still  called  "a' 
strange  city,  in  which  are  some  of  the  children  of 
Israel"  (Judg.  xix.  12).  But  as  long  as  this  point 
was  unconquered,  the  possession  of  southern  and 
middle  Palestine  was  unassured ;  and  so  David's 
first  act  was  the  siege  and  capture  of  the  citadel. 
Belying  on  its  hitherto  invincible  strength,  they 
declared  that  David  could  not  get  into  it;  but 
the  blind  and  the  lame  repel  thee — that  is, 
if  only  blind  and  lame  defend  it,  thou  canst  not 
take  the  citadel,*  "saying"  (=namely,  the  Jebu- 
sites meant  to  say),  "  David  will  not  come  in  hi- 
ther." Some  have  supposed  (after  Josephus)  that 
the  Jebusites  had  really  in  derision  of  David  put 
lame  and  blind  men  on  the  wall,  trusting  to  the 
strength  of  their  citadel ;  an  expression  that  is 
by  no  means  so  strange  (Then.)  as 'that  which  re- 
gards the  blind  and  lame  as  the  idol-images  of  the 
Jebusites,  which  they  had  placed  on  their  walls 
for  protection,  and  had  so  called  in  order  to  scoff 
at  the  Israelites,  who  (Psalm  cxv.  4sq.  et  al.)  de- 
scribed heathen  idols  as  "  blind  and  lame"  (Cler., 
Luth.,  Wasse  [de  coeds  et  claudis  JebvscEorum,  Witt., 
1721] ).  Would  the  .Tebu.'ites  have  used  such  ex- 
pressions of  their  gods?t    This  saying  of  the  Je- 


*  DX  '3  after  a  negation —  "  bu(,"  Ew.  jasfia.  The 
'"TI'Dn  is  not  Inf ,  but  Perf.,  expressing  a  complete  ac- 
tion. The  Sing,  is  used  because  it  precedes  the  subject 
(Keil,  Ew.  ?119(i\  Put  we  mav  with  Then,  point  it  as 
Flu.  '"l^'pn  (comp.  Gen.  i.  2S ;  Jsa.  Iiii.  3,  4,  where  also 

!\  has  fallen  out).  1DnS  =  "  namely."  [On  the  gram- 
matical difficulties  here  see  "Text,  and  Gramm."  The 
sense,  however,  is  tolerably  plain. — Tr.J 

t  fAccnrrlinp:  to  the  Midrash  (Targ-.and  Pirke  Elea- 
zar  36)  the  images  of  the  blind  Isaac  and  the  lame  Jacob 
are  here  meant,  Abraham  having  agreed  with  the  Jebu- 
sites (Gen.  xxiii.1  not  to  lay  claim  to  their  city.  S«e 
Patr.  and  Philipps.— Tb.] 


404 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


busites  is  not  found  in  "  Chronicles."     [Omitted 
in  Chron.  perhaps  as  being  obscure,  or  else  as  un- 
necessary to  thegeneral  sense, ''  Chronicles  "  avoid- 
ing details  that  do  not  bear  on  its  main  aim,  the 
history  of  the  development  of  the  theocratic  cul- 
tus. — Tr.] — Ver.  7  it  is  briefly  remarked  that  in 
spite  of  this  braggart  reliance  of  the  Jebusites  on 
the  impregnability  of  their  fortress,  David  took  it. 
This  old  Jebvsite  dty  and  fortress  lay  on  the  high- 
eat  of  the  hills  or  mountains  that  surrounded 
Jerusalem,  "Mount"  Zion  (2Ki.  xix.  31;  Isaiah 
iv.  5;  xxix.  8 ;  Ps.  xlviii.  3),  which  stretched  out 
in  the  south  and  south-west  of  the  city,  mount 
Ophel  and  Moriah  on  the  east  (more  precisely 
north-east)  lying  opposite,  separated  from  it  by  a 
precipitous  ravine.    See  more  in  Winer  s.  v.  [and 
in   the  JBible  IHctionariea  and  books  of  travel; 
Philippson  has  a  good  description  of  Jerusalem  in 
his  Comm.  on  this  passage.     It  is  not  yet  possible 
however  to  restore  with  precision  the  Jerusalem 
of  David's  time. — Tb.]     The  name  "Zion"  pro- 
bably="the  dry  mountain"   (from  H'S   "to  be 
dry").     [See  Ps.  Ixxviii.  17;  cv-  41 ;  Isa.  xxv.  5, 
where  the  root  occurs.     Some  take  the  name  to 
mean  "sunny"  (Ges.),  others  "lofty"  (Abarb.  in 
Philipp.son).     The  rock-formation  on  which  the 
city  stands  is  limestone. — Tr.]     The  explanatory 
addition,   "city   of  David,"   anticipates  what  is 
narrated  in  ver.  9.     From  this  mountain,  where 
David  built  (whence  arose  the  city  of  David,  that 
is,  the  Upper  City)  and  resided,  the  city  extended 
itself  northward  and  eastward.     [The  name  ''  City 
of  David"  was  sometimes  given  afterwards  to  Je- 
rusalem, Isa.  xxix.  1;  and  see  1  Ki.  xi.  43;  xv. 
8  for  its  use  as  burial-place  of  the  kings. — Tk.] — 
Ver.  8.  ''  David  had  said,"  the  sense  requiring  the 
Plup.  (Then.) — an  appended  incident  of  the  cap- 
ture in  connection  with  the  derisive  words  of  the 
Jebusites.     We  must  undoubtedly  assume  a  refer- 
ence to  those  words  in  the  treatment  of  the  follow- 
ing difficult  and  variously  explained  saying  of 
David.    The  "blind  and  lame"  are  the  J'ebuaites 
themselves,  so  called  by  David  in  answer  to  their 
scornful  words.     We  must  further  suppose  that 
the  assailants  had  a  difficult  task  before  them,  and 
were  all  the  more  embittered  by  the  derisive  re- 
marks of  the  Jebusites,  as  David's  words  indicate. 
In  the  attempt  to  explain  this  obscure  passage,  the 
principal  point  is  the  meaning  of  the  expression 
bcKinnor,  llJSa  [Eng.  A.V.:  "to  the  gutter"]. 
Zinnor  occurs  elsewhere  only  Ps.  xlii.  8,  where 
the  meaning  assigned  by  several  expositors  ( mostly 
— '^   regard  to  onr  passage),  "conduit,  canal," 


with 

does  not  suit  at  all,  but  the  connection  (inwhich 
the  Psalmist  speaks  of  the  roaring  of  violently 
swelling  and  plunging  waves)  indicates  the  signi- 
fication to  be  that  .adopted  (after  Sept.  Kara'p^aKTat) 
by  Keil,  Moll,  Delitzsch,  and  others,  "cataract, 
waterfall."  Ewald  accordingly  translates:  "Every 
one  who  conquers  the  Jebusites,  let  him  cast  down 
the  precipice  both  the  lame,"  etc.;  and  this  of  all 
the  attempts  at  explanation  is  the  simplest  in  sen.se 
and  construction,  suiting  the  locality  also,  since 
Mount  Zion  had  steep  declivities  on  the  east,  south 
and  west,  which,  with  the  opposite-lying  heights, 
formed  deep  gorges.  Yet  it  is  better  with  Keil  to 
keep  more  strictly  to  the  signification  of  the  word 
according  to  Ps.  xlii.  8,  and  to  take  it  as  meaning 
not  with  Ewald  the  precipitous  declivity  of  the 


rock  that  produces  the  waterfall,  but  the  water- 
fall  itself.     We  are  therefore  not  to  think  of  an 
aqueduct,  by  cutting  off  which  the  capture  of  the 
citadel  was  decided  (Stahelin),  nor  water  pipes  for 
carrying  off  the  rain  from  the  height   ( Vatab., 
Cler.),  nor  gutters  (Luther),  nor  a  subterranean 
passage  (Joseph.).     But  there  is  nothing  opposed 
to  the  supposition  of  a  waterfall  on  one  of  the  de- 
clivities.   At  present  the  south-east  part  of  the 
ridge,  which  slopes  somewhat  toward  the  north- 
west (the  ridge  running  from  south  to  north)  is 
still  the  point  wliere  appear  the  only  springs  in 
Jerusalem,  at  the  foot  of  the  declivity  (comp.  E. 
Hoffmann,   Das  gelobte  land,   1871,  p.  116  sq.). 
There  is  the  pool  of  Siloah  in  the  valley  Tyro- 
poeon  [cheesemongers'  valley],  on  the  border  of 
Zion  and  Moriah,  which  receives  its  water  from 
a  lofty-lying  basin  hewn  out  of  the  rocky  side  of 
Zion,*  into  which  it  flows  from  springs  that  break 
forth  higher  up.     Might  not  this  be  conjecturally 
the  precipice  spoken  of  in  our  passage,  if  the 
C[uestion  of  locality  (a  precise  answer  to  which  is 
impossible)  is  to  be  raised?    But  in  another  place 
also,  for  example,  on  the  west,  where  is  found  the 
lower  pool  under  the  highest  part  of  the  north- 
western corner  of  Zion,  there  might  be  waterfalls 
which  in  the  precipitous  descent  of  the  rocky  de- 
clivity plunged  into  a  gorge.    According  to  this 
view,  David  gives  strict  orders  that  when  the  Je- 
busites are  overcome  in  the  fortress,  where  the 
space  was  relatively  limited,  their  slain  should  be 
thrown  into  the  waterfall.     He  calls  them  "the 
lame  and  the  blind,"  taking  up  their  own  words, 
with  reference,  perhaps,  at  the  same  time,  to  the 
expression   "every  one  that  smiteth,"   etc;   the 
fallen  and  slain  in  the  battle  (regarded  as  a  vic- 
tory) are  to  be  cast  down  f  the  precipice,  that  the 
citadel  may  be  free  and  habitable  for  the  Israel- 
ites.    The  next  clause  may  be  rendered  "they 
hate,"  or  "  who  hate,"  pointing  the  verb  as  3  plu. 
Perf.;  the  absence  of  the  Eel.  Pron.  (Keil)  is  not " 
a  decisive  objection  to  this  rendering;  comp.  Gea. 
1 12.3,  3;    Ew.  ^  332,  333  b.    But  the  connection 
and  warlike   tone  make  the  marginal  pointing 
(Pasjs. Purtcp.)  also  appropriate:   "who  are  hated 
of  David's  soul,"  that  is,  hated  by  David  in  his 
"soul."      Both  of  these   admissible  renderings 
point  (0  the  fact  that  the  Israelites  had  to  main- 
tain a  furious,  embittered  combat  with  this  enemy 
who  so  confidently  and  scornfully  boasted  of  his 
strong  fortress,  and  they  were  directed  to  make 
short  work  of  it  with  the  "blind  and  lame"  in  the 
assault,   and   clear   the    ground   of   the    enemy 
straightway.    Therefore  they  say :  Blind  and 
lame  will  not  come  into  the  house. — That 
is,  one   holds  no   intercourse  vrith  disagreeable, 
hateful  people  like  the  Jebusites;  or,  with  refer- 
ence to  the  crippled  condition  of  lame  and  blind 
persons,  the  sense  is:  "will  not  get  home,"  like 
those  blind  and  lame  plunged  into  the  precipice 
and   unable  to  get  back.J      "Into  the  house." 
Some  (Buns.,  Then.)  understand  by  this  the  tem- 
ple, and  assume   (with  reference  to  Acts  iii.  2; 
John  ix.  1 ;  viii.  69)  an  old  law,  forbidding  the 
blind  and  the  lame  to  enter  the  temple,  which  law 


a  *  f.^"l^*S?,'^  °^  ."  ^i,"°."v,T®  should  here  read  '■  Moriah." 
See  Art.  Siloam  m  Smith's  Bib.  Di.ct—Ta  I 

t  The  Tsrb  la  to  be  poioted  aa  Hiph. ;; j'  "  oast  down." 
_^t[Or  because  (hey  are  poor  defenders  (Philippson). 


CHAP.  V.  6— VI.  23. 


405 


the  narrator  derives  from  this  incident ;  but  this 
view  is  wholly  without  support.  This  explana- 
tion [Erdmann's  explanation  of  the  whole  pas- 
sage] avoids  the  difficulty  that  ensues  when  Da- 
vid's address  is  taken  as  protasis  merely,  and  the 
apodosis  supplied  [as  in  Eng.  A.  V.,  Philippson]. 
Against  Thenius'  rendering:  "he  who  smites  the 
Jebusites  (paves  the  way  to  the  capture  of  the 
city,  in  that  he  first)  reaches  the  baUlements  and 
the  lame  and  the  blind— him  David's  soul  envies" 
apart  from  its  unwarranted  changes  of  text* — it 
is  rightly  remarked  by  Bottcher  that  its  tone  is 
too  modern :  one  cannot  well  think  of  David  as 
showing  envy  at  such  a  military  exploit  (unfortu- 
nately not  open  to  him),  in  order  to  inflame  the 
ardor  of  his  warriors.  Bottcher  translates :  "  he 
who  smites  the  Jebusites  shall  attain  the  staff," 
that  is,  become  captain;  against  which  it  is  to  be 
remarked  with  Thenius  that  he  has  not  succeeded 
in  showing  {Zeitschr.  d.  morgenl.  Oesellschaft,  1857, 
p.  541  sq.)  that  zinnor  means  "captain's  staff," 
and  that,  according  to  the  unrestricting  phrase 
"  enery  one  that  smites,"  David  would  have  had  a 
good  many  staffs  of  the  sort  to  bestow ;  and  for  the 
same  reason  the  remark  of  the  Chronicler  (1  Chr. 
xi.  6,  which  omits  our  ver.  8)  that  "David  an- 
nounced that  whoever  first  smote  the  Jebusites 
should  be  chief  and  captain,  and  Joab  won  this 
prize,"  is  not  to  be  taken  as  an  exhibition  of  the 
sense  of  our  passage  (against  Bottcher).  Maurer 
changes  the  textf  and  translates :  "  He  who  has 
smitten  the  Jebusites  and  reached  the  canal,  let 
him  slay  those  blind  and  lame,"  to  which  the  ob- 
jection is  the  tautology  in  protasis  and  apodosis. 
Maurer's  other  rendering:}:  "whoever  shall  slay 
the  Jebusites  and  reach  with  the  sword  either  the 
lame  or  the  blind,  him  will  David's  soul  hate" 
[that  is,  as  Maurer  explains,  David  forbids  his 
men  to  slay  the  Jebusites  with  the  sword,  in  order 
that  these  boasters  might  die  a  shameful  death- — 
Ta.],  contains,  as  Thenius  rightly  remarks,  a 
(xmtradictio  in  adjecto,  "  and'  David  would,  accord- 
ing to  this,  have  desired  something  impossible." 
Joab,  having  led  the  stormers  in  the  attack,  was 
named  by  David  "  head  and  prince,"  that  is,  ele- 
vated to  the  rank  of  general-in-ehief  of  the  whole 
army  of  Israel,  which,  according  to  ii.  13,  he 
could  not  yet  have  been.  [The  decisive  objection 
to  Erdmann's  rendering:  "let  him  dost  into  the 
waterfall_  the  blind,"  etc.,  is  that  the  verb  (J?JJ) 
whether  in  Qal  or  in  Hiphil,  cannot  be  so  trans- 
lated. In  Qal  it  means  only  "to  reach,  touch, 
strike,"  the  object  reached  being  usually  intro- 
duced by  3 ;  in  Hiph.  it  means  "  to  cause  to  touch, 

to  join,  to  raze,"  usually  followed  by  Sn,  "7^,  1)1 
or  7.  In  the  passages  most  favorable  to  Erd- 
mann's rendering,  such  as  Ezek.  xiii.  14;  Isaiah 
XXVI.  5,  the  object  introduced  by  the  Prep,  is  that 
to  which  something  is  brought  (corresponding  to 
the  signification  "touch"  of  the  verb),  not  that 


*  He  changes  113X3  into  n'U33,  and  INjt?  into  iN3p 
=  "  envies  him." 
t  He  reads  PIS'  instead  of  nxi. 

t  Following  Sept.  ev  napa^t^iiSi  (Hesych.  =  h  fiaxaipa) 

he  reads  IVSa  for  l'l3-X3,  referring  to  Psalm  Ixxxix. 

«  3-(n  ■!«. " 


into  which  it  is  cast.  Similarly,  for  reasons  de- 
rived from  the  construction  of  the  verb,  we  must 
reject  the  interpretation  of  BH.  Cam.:  "whoso- 
ever will  smite  the  Jebusites,  let  him  reach  both 
the  lame  and  the  blind,  who  are  the  hated  of  Da- 
vid's soul,  by  the  water-course,  and  he  shall  be  chief," 
which,  moreover,  hardly  renders  the  1  in  the  first 
nsi  (it  must  here  ^  "  and,"  though  it  might  as  an 
emendation  of  text  be  omitted).  The  natural 
conception  of  the  passage  would  lead  us  to  take 
zinnor  as  the  object  reached  (so  Eng.  A.  V.,  Phi- 
lippson, Cahen),  but  it  is  very  difficult  in  that 
case  to  find  a  satisfactory  meaning  for  this  word, 
or  to  construe  the  following  words.  Wellhausen 
would  take  it  to  mean  some  part  of  the  body,  a 
blow  on  which  or  violent  grasping  of  which  pro- 
duces death,  and  Hitzig  suggested  the  ear,  others 
the  throat  (zinnor  being  supposed  to  mean  a 
"tube");  but  the  absolute  form  of  the  word  ("let 
him  seize  the  throat")  is  opposed  to  this  render- 
ing, and  the  construction  of  the  following  words 
presents  a  difficulty,  even  if  we  suppose  the  HX  to 
be  used  as  equivalent  to  3.  Taking  zinnor  (as 
seems  safest)  to  mean  "  channel,  canal,"  the  whole 
context  and  tone  suggests  that  "the  blind  and  the 
lame"  is  the  object  of  the  verb  ''smile,"  or  some 
similar  verb,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  the  in- 
version of  the  Eng.  A.  V.  (tliough  an  impossible 
translation  of  the  present  text)  gives  the  general 
sense.  The  supplying  of  an  apodosis  is  harsh,  but 
we  have  here  only  a  choice  of  difficulties.  No 
defensible  translation  of  the  passage  h:is  yet  been 
proposed,  and  it  is  natural  to  conjecture  that  tlie 
text  is  corrupt,  though  its  restoration  is  now  per- 
haps impossible. — Tn..] 

Ver.  9.  Two  things  are  here  said:  1)  David 
took  up  his  abode  in  the  conquered  JAvsiie  cita- 
del, which  with  its  buildings  formed  the  Upper 
City,  and  called  it  the  Oily  of  David.  Chron. : 
"therefore  it  is  called  the  city  of  David."  He 
made  it  the  royal  residence  (which  was  equivalent 
to  making  Jerusalem  the  capital),  on  account  of 
its  remarkable  strength,  through  which  alone  the 
Jebusites  had  been  able  to  hold  it  so  long,  and  on 
account  of  its  very  favorable  position  on  the  border 
between  Judah  and  Benjamin,  almost  in  the  cen- 
tre of  the  land.  2)  The  building  up  of  this  city. 
And  David  built  round  about  from  the 
Millo  and  inward.  —  The  Def.  4.rt.  before 
"  Millo"  shows  that  this  work  was  already  in  ex- 
istence at  the  time  of  the  capture,  having  been 
founded  by  the  Jebusites.  From  the  connection 
the  Millo  must  have  belonged  to  the  citadel  on 
Zion  and  have  formed  a  part  of  the  fortification. 
This  alone  would  set  aside  the  explanation  of  the 
word  (founded  on  the  etymology  =  "a  filling 
out")  as  ="  out  filling  embankment,"  an  earth- 
waM,  which  ran  aslant  through  the  Wady  and 
connected  Mount  Zion  with  the  opposite- lying 
temple-mountain  (Kraft's  Topog.,  p.  94,  Schultz, 
Jerus.  80,  Ewald  and  others) — apart  from  the  fact 
that  that  connection  is  shown  by  the  latest  inves- 
tigations to  have  been  not  an  earthwall,  but  a 
bridge  resting  on  arches  (Tobler,  Dritte  Wande- 
rung,  p.  223  sq.).  But  a  comparison  of  Judg.  ix. 
6,  20,  46-49,  puts  it  beyond  doubt  that  Millo  is 
the  castle  proper  of  the  citadel  or  fortification  = 
Bastion,  a  strong  fortified  tower  or  separate  forti- 
fication which  is  called  "house"  in  Judg.  ix.  6, 


406 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


20 ;  2  Kings  xii.  21.  The  fort  designed  to  protect 
the  citadel  and  Upper  City  on  Zion,  lay  no  doubt 
at  the  point  most  exposed  to  hostile  attack,  that 
is,  the  northwest  end  of  Zion,  wliere  the  castle 
still  stands.  "  From  the  Miilo  out "  David  built 
"  around  and  inward,"  that  is,  while  Millo  formed 
the  most  advanced  fortification,  he  built  in  oon- 
nection.with  it  and  out  from  it  on  Zion,  1)  "roundr 
ahont "  the  city  and  citadel  for  further  fortifica- 
tion, as  Yiss  necessary  especially  on  the  north  tow- 
ards the  Lower  City,  where  an  attack  could  be 
most  easily  made,  and  2)  "inward,"  so  that  the 
Upper  City  (City  of  David  or  of  Zion)  was  ex- 
tended by  houses  and  defensive  edifices,  and  more 
and  more  covered  the  mountain.  The  Chronicler 
(1  Chr.  xi.  8)  expresses  sukstantially  the  same 
thing :  "  from  one  surrounding  to  the  other,"  that 
is,  the  whole  space  between  the  fortifications  which 
were  built  around.  As  it  is  here  clearly  only 
buildings  designed  to  fortify  and  extend  the  city 
071  Zion  that  are  spoken  of,  Josephus  has  misun- 
derstood this  passage  when  he  relates  {Ant,  7,  3, 
2)  that  David  surrounded  the  Lower  City  and  the 
citadel  with  a  wall,  and  united  them  into  one. 
Comp.  Winer,  s.v.  and  Arnold  in  Herzog,  o.  v. 
"  Zion  "  ( XVIII.  623  sq. )  On  the  extension  of 
the  Millo  and  the  other  fortifications  by  Solomon 
see  1  Kings  ix.  15,  24;  xi.  27.  [See  also  2  Chr. 
xxxii.  5. — Bib.  Com.  refers  to  Lewin's  "Siege  of 
Jerusalem."  p.  256  sq.,  where  it  is  argued  from 
the  etymology  and  the  mentions  in  the  Bible  that 
the  great  platform,  called  the  Haram  esb-Sherif 
(1500  by  900  feet)  was  itself  Millo,  and  Mr.  Lewin 
thinks  that  Solomon's  Palace  (Betli-Millo,  so 
called  from  abutting  on  Millo)  was  built  on  a  ter- 
race immediately  below,  and  to  the  south  of  the 
Temple-area. — Patrick:  ''Some  take  Millo  to  be 
the  low  place  between  the  fort  and  the  city,  which 
was  now  'filled'  with  people." — On  the  "Palace 
of  Solomon"  see  ''Eecovery  of  Jerusalem"  (Am. 
Ed.)  pp.  84,  91,  222,  249,  and  see  also  the  remarks 
on  the  Haram  esh-Shorif — -Tb.]  .  According  to 
1  Chr.  xi.  9,  "  Joab  renewed  the  rest  of  the  city," 
that  is,  he  restored  at  David's  command  what  was 
destroyed  in  the  capture.  He  thus  seems  as ''  chief 
and  captain"  to  have  been  charged  also  with  other 
than  military  affixirs. —  Ver.  10.  General  state- 
ment of  the  continuous  (idvance  and  growth  of  David 
in  power  and  consideration.  Observe,  1 )  how  this 
is  referred  to  the  highest  source,  not  merely  to 
God's  assistance,  but  to  the  fact  that  Ood  was  uith 
him,  and  2)  how  God  is  in  this  connection  called 
the  Ood  of  Hosts. 

Vers.  11-16.  David! s  house.  Building  of  a  royal 
residence,  and  extension  of  his  family.  Comp.  1 
Chr.  xiv.  1-7. — And  Hiram,  king  of  Tyre, 
sent  messengers  unto  David. — This  name 
is  written  variously,  Heb.  Hiram  or  Huram 
(□■Jin  2  Chr.  ii.  2),  Phoenician  Hirom  (1  Kings 
V.  24,  32),  Sept.  Xsip&ii  (Cheiram),  Joseph.,  Eiram 
and  Eirom.  That  this  king  lliram,  who  was  in 
friendly  connection  with  David,  ia  the  same  Hiram 
that  was  Solomon's  friend  and  ally,  and  his  help- 
er in  building  the  Temple  and  palace,  is  clear 
not  only  from  2  Cliron.  ii.  2  :  "as  thou  hast  done 
to  David  my  father,  (so  do  to  me  also"),  but  also 
from  1  Kings  v.  15  :  "  Hiram  had  always  been 
David's  friend."  We  can  neither  suppose  there- 
fore, with  Ewald,  that  this  king  Hiram  is  the 


grandfather  of  Solomon's  friend  of  the  same  name, 
nor  with  Thenius  that  his  (our  Hiram's)  father  i.s 
here  meant,  whose  name  according  to  Menander 
of  Ephesus  (in  Joseph,  cont.  Ap.  I.  18)  was  Abi- 
baal,  whether  this  be  considered  a  surname  to  the 
proper  name  Hiram,  or  it  be  held  that  the  two 
persons  are  here  confounded.     The  occasion  to 
this  hypothesis  has  been  given  by  the  diflference 
that  exists  between   the  Biblical  chronological 
statements  and  those  of  Josephus  after  Menander. 
The  latter  relates  (Jos.  vhi  sup.)  that  Hiram  suc- 
ceeded his  father  Abibaal,  and  that  he  died  in  the 
thirty  fourth  year  of  his  reign  and  the  fifty  third 
of  his  life.     With  this  is  to  be  connected  the  state- 
ment of  Josephus  (ubi  sup.  and  Ant.  8,  3,  1)  that 
Solomon  began  the  temple  in  the  twelfth  year  of 
Hiram.     H^ow,  according  to  1  Kings  ix.  10  sq., 
Hiram  was  still  living  after  twenty  years  of  Solo- 
mon's reign,  counting  from  the  beginning  of  the 
Temple-building  (and  therefore  twenty-four  years 
of  his  reign  in  all)  had  elapsed,  namely  seven 
years  for  the  building  of  the  Temple  ( 1  Kings  vi. 
38,  and  thirteen  years  for  the  building  of  the  pa- 
lace (vii.  1).     On  comparing  these  statements  of 
the  Bible  and  Josephus,  it  appears  that  Iliram 
reigned  at  the  most  eight  years  contemporane- 
ously with  David,  and  that  therefore  David  began 
his  palace  in  about  the  seventh  year  before  his 
death,  that  is,  in  the  sixty-third  year  of  his  life, 
and  that  his  determination  to  build  a  temple  to 
the  Lord  (which  was  after  the  completion  of  his 
palace,  2  Sam.  vii.  2)  was  not  made  till  the  last 
years  of  his  life.     Both  these  conclusions,  how- 
ever, are  incompatible  with  our  passage  and  with 
ch.  vii. ;  for  the  position  of  these  two  narratives 
in  the  connection  of  the  history  leaves  no  doubt 
that  both  things  belonged  to  David's  prime  of 
manhood.     It  has  indeed  been  declared,  in  order 
to  set  a.side  the  discrepancy,  that  the  Books  of 
Sarnuel  narrate  events  not  so  much  in  chronolo- 
gical order  as  in  the  connection  of  things,  and 
that  here  the  building  of  the  palace  which  oc- 
curred much  later,  is  related  in  connection  with 
other  buildings  (Movers,  Phoniz.  II.  1,  147  sq., 
Eiitschi  in  Herzog.  s.  v.  Hiram,  Stahelin,  spez. 
Eiid.  107).     And  m  fact  it  must  be  admitted  tliat 
David's  palace-building,  which  must  have  taken 
time,  and  supposes  a  corresponding  period  of  rest 
and  peace,  probably  did  not  (as  might  appear 
from  the  narrative)   follow  immediately  on  the 
conquest  of  Zion,  before  the  Philistine  war  (ver. 
17)   which  broke  out  as  soon  as  the  Philistines 
heard  of  David's  anointment  as  king  over  Israel, 
but  after  this  war.     "  The  historian  has  rather 
attached  to  the  conquest  of  Zion  and  its  choice  as 
David's  residence  not  only  what  David  gradually 
did  to  strengthen  and  beautify  the  new  capital, 
but  also  the  account  of  his  wives  and  the  children 
that  were  born  to  him  in  Jerusalem  "  (Keil).  But 
though  in  detached  instances  a  topical  rather  than 
a  chronological  arrangement  of  the  material  is  to 
be  recognized,  it  is  nevertheless  not  probable  in 
itself  that  David  would  have  deferred  the  build- 
ing of  a  royal  palace  till  the  last  part  of  his  life ; 
and  further,  this,  as  Winer  rightly  observes,  would 
not  accord  with  ch.  xi.  2,  where  the  palace  whence 
David  sees  Bathsheba  is  called  the  "king's  palace," 
which  is  to  be  understood,  not  of  the  simple  house 
that  David  took  as  his  dwelling-place  on  Mount 
Zion  immediately  after  its  capture,  but  of  the 


CHiVP.  V.  6— VI.  23. 


407 


place  that  he  had  had  built  for  himself  there. 
Conip.  vii.  1,  2.    And  if  the  afiklr  with  Bathsheba 
occurrod  when  David  was  an  old  man,  which  is 
in  itself  highly  improbable,  Solomon,  who  was 
born  a  couple  of  years  later,  would  have  been  a 
little  child  when  he  ascended  the  throne.     If  Da- 
vid had  not  resolved  on  the  building  of  the  Tern- , 
lie  till  in  advanced  life,  or  towards  the  close  of  his 
lite,  we  could  not  harmonize  this  fact  with  1  Sam. 
vi.  12,  and  1  Clir.  xxii.  9,  according  to  which 
Sdomon  was  not  yet  born  when  David  received 
thedivine  promise  there  mentioned.     If  therefore 
the  iccount  of  the  palace-building  is  in  this  place 
chroiologically  anticipatory,  the  building  ia  ne- 
vertleless  not  to  be  put  towards  the  end  of  Da- 
vid's leign.     We  are  therefore  forced  to  assume 
a  longr  reign  for  king  Hiram,  and  to  suppose  in- 
acourades  in  the  chronological  statements  of  Jo- 
sephas,  as  has  been  shown  to  be  true  in  the  peri- 
ods of  leign  of  the  succeeding  Tyrian  kings,  even 
whenhe  refers  to  Menander.   See  more  in  Movers 
(ubis^ra)  and  Keil  on  this  verse. — [On  Tyre 
see  M(vers  and  Arts,  in  JBib.  Dkt. — Te.] 

It  is  \ot  said  that  the  object  of  this  embassy,  as 
in  Solomon's  case  (1  Kings  ix.  15),  was  to  con- 
gratulate David  on  his  accession  to  the  throne 
(Then.),  ad  this  is  improbable  from  the  length 
of  time  (resupposed  in  his  purpose  to  build) 
that  must  ave  elapsed  since  his  accession.  We 
should  rathr  infer  from  the  sending  of  cedar  wood 
and  workmn  along  with  the  messengers,  that 
David  had  deviously  put  himself  in  connection 
with  Hira[n,oartly  to  maintain  a  good  under- 
standing with  a  powerful  neighbor,  partly  and 
especially  to  atain  the  help  of  this  king  (who 
was  renowned  tr  his  magnificent  edifices,  Mov. 
II.  ],  190  sq.)  iihis  building  plans. — The  eastern 
part  of  Lebanon  Antilibanus),  which  belonged  to 
Israel,  producedonly  firs,  pines  and  cypresses 
(Bob.  Pat.  HI.  723)*;  the  northwestern  part, 
which  alone  was  overed  with  cedar-forests,  and 
furnished  the  bsstedar  for  building,  belonged  to 
Phoenicia.  On  accunt  of  its  strength,  durability, 
beauty  and  fragran»,  the  cedar-wood  was  much 
used  for  costly  bUding  and  wainscoting. — 
Through  Tyrian  woimen  David  began  the  splen- 
did structures  of  ced?  in  Jerusalem,  which  had 
80  increased  in  Jereuah's  time  that  he  covdd  ex- 
claim to  the  city:  "'Jiou  dwellest  on  Lebanon 
and  makest  thy  nest  in  le  cedars  "  [  Jer.  xxii.  23] . 
Ver.  12.  And  Da^d  perceived,  namely, 
from  his  success  exteriUy  against  Israel's  ene- 
mies and  in  the  connecbn  with  the  friendly  king 
of  Tyre,  and  internally  the  establishment  of 
unity  in  Israel  and  in  ti-  execution  of  his  plans, 
that  the  Lord  had  etablished  him  king 
over  Israel ;  the  "  estabshed"  (in  contrast  with 
the  previous  divine  choicof  David  as  king  and 
the  fate  of  Saul's  kingdoi)  refers  to  the  divine 
providences,  through  whiclas  David  clearly  saw, 
all  doubt  as  to  the  permajuce  of  his  kingdom 
was  ended,  and  it  immovaly  established.  And 
that  he  had  e^calted  hi  kingdom  (Chron  : 
''and  that  his  kingdom  wasixalted  on  high"  [I. 
xiv.  2])  for  his  people  Iiael's  sake,  that  is. 


*  (See  Am.  Ed.  of  Eob.  III.  4tl«6, 4S9, 401, 547. 648  and 
420 ;  alao  II.  437,  438,  and  for  theedars  II.  49:i,  III.  5S8- 
693;  see  also  Articles  in  theBiblDiotionaries  and  later 
books  of  travel,  as  Thomson's  iid  and  Book,  1  p.  292- 
297.— Te.]  ' 


not  for  the  sake  of  the  blessing  that  rested  on  his 
people  Israel  (Bunsen),  nor  simply  because  he 
had  chosen  them  (Then. ),  but  because  he  wished 
to  rule  them  as  his  (chosen)  people  through  Da- 
vid's kingdom,  glorify^himseif  in  them  and  make 
them  a  great  and  mighty  people  according  to  his 
covenant-faithfulness. 

Vers.  13-16.  Account  of  the  growth  of  David's 
Iiouse  and  family,  appended  to  the  summary  state- 
ment concerning  the  establishment  of  his  kingdom 
and  his  palace-building.  Concubines  and 
wives. — David  follows  the  custom  of  eastern 
princes,  and  gathers  a  numerous  harem.  See  the 
law  against  this,  Deut.  xvii.  17.  The  "concu- 
bines "  are  mentioned  first  in  order  to  bring  out 
prominently  the  extension  of  the  harem,  as  an  es- 
sential part  of  oriental  court-state,  and  as  a  sym- 
bol of  royal  power.  The  omission  of  the  "  con- 
cubines" in  1  Chr.  xiv.  3  is  not  to  be  regarded  as 
intentional  (against  Then.),  for  David's  concu- 
bines are  mentioned  in  1  Chr.  iii.  9. — "  From  Je- 
rusalem "  ([0)  is  not  =  "  elsewhere  than  in 
Jerusalem,"  which  view  (Keil)  cannot  be  based 
on  the  following  words,  "  after  he  came  from  He- 
bron," but  (because  of  this  very  chronological 
statement)  =  "  from,  that  is,  out  of  Jerusalem," 
substantially  agreeing  with  Chron. :  "  in  Jerusa- 
lem." After  changing  his  residence  from  Hebron 
to  Jerusalem,  David  took  concubines  and  wives 
in  the  latter  place  also. — The  statement :  sons 
and  daughters  'were  born  to  him  shows 
clearly  that,  in  all  these  summary  accounts  con- 
cerning family  and  building,  a  greater  space  of 
time  than  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  is  assumed ; 
and  this  statement  is  here  put  proleptically  not 
only  before  the  following  notice  of  the  Philistine 
wars,  but  also  before  the  narrative  concerning 
Bathsheba.  For  among  the  sons  of  David  (given 
in  1  Chr.  xiv.  5-7,  and  also  in  iii.  5-8)  occur  l>cre 
first  the.  names  of  the  four  song  of  Bathsheba: 
Shammua,  Shobab,  Nathan  and  Solomon.  For 
Shammua  Chron.  (I.  iii.  5)  has  Shimea,  and  for 
Elishua  it  has  (ver.  6)  Elishama,  a  clerical  error 
from  the  following  Elishama.  After  Elishua,  1 
Chr.  iii.  6,  and  xiv.  6  sq.  have  the  two  names 
Eliphalet  (or  Elpaiet)  and  Nogah.  This  la.st  is 
not  to  be  taken  as  miswriting  of  Nepheg  (Mov.). 
Thenius  supposes  that  the  latter  (Nogah)  has 
fallen  out  of  our  text  by  oversight,  and  that  the 
former  (Eliphalet)  got  into  the  text  of  Chron.  by 
mistake  from  the  following  verse  (ver.  16),  that 
David  had,  therefore,  only  eight  son.s,  not  nine  (aa 
in  1  Chr.  iii.  8)  born  in  Jerusalem. — Keil  thinks 
that  the  names  of  these  two  sous  are  omitted  in 
our  passage  becau.'ie  they  died  early,  and  the  late- 
born  Eliphalet  (whose  name  stands  la-st)  received 
the  name  of  his  dead  brother ;  but  the  question  is 
involved  in  doubt.  According  to  the  former  view 
David  had  in  all  eighteen  sons,  according  to  the 
latter  nineteen,  of  whom  six  were  born  in  Hebron 
(2  Sam.  iii.  2  sq.).  Instead  of  Eliacla  1  Chron. 
xiv.  7  has  Beeliada,  another  form  of  the  name, 
with  Baal  [=  lord]  instead  of  El  [=  God].  No 
daughter  is  named  (see  ver.  13),  because  daugh- 
ters are  in  general  not  considered  in  genealogical 
lists.  The  only  daughter  that  appears  byname 
in  the  following  history  is  Tamar,  chap.  xiii.  1. 
[Patrick :  Kimchi  says  that  Sam.  gives  the  sons 
of  the  wives  only,  Chron.,  those  of  wives  and  con- 


408 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


cubines,  which  does  not  agree  with  1  Chron.  iii.  9. 
— It  was  looked  on  as  a  piece  of  political  wisdom  in 
princes  to  endeavor  to  have  many  children,  that  by 
matching  them  into  many  potent  families  they 
might  strengthen  their  interest  and  authority  .-Tr.] 
H.  Vers.  17-25.  David's  victories  over  the  Phi- 
listines, 1  Chr.  xiv.  8-17.— Ver.  17.  And  when 
the  Philistines  heard  that  they  had  an- 
ointed David  king  over  Israel — this  was  the 
occasion  of  the  war.     From  David's  elevation  to 
the  throne  of  all  Israel  and  the  consequent  unifi- 
cation of  the  people,  the  Philistines  feared  (and 
did  their  best  to  prevent)  such  increase  in  his 
power  as  would  endanger  their  power  and  foot- 
hold not  only  in  Palestine  [Israel],  but  also  in 
their  own  land.    Hence,  according  to  the  narra- 
tive, their  attack  followed  on  the  receipt  of  intelli- 
gence of  his  anointment,  which  must  have  come  on 
them  as  a  surprise.     Ewald  conjectures  (but  it  is 
a  mere  conjecture,  and  unnecessary)  that  the  oc- 
casion of  the  war  was  David's  withholding  the 
tribute  that  he  had  paid  the  Philistines  while 
he  was  in  Hebron. — And  all  the  Philistines 
marched  up,  namelv,  from  the  lowlands  of  Ju- 
dah  which  they  held,  or  from  their  own  land 
against  the  Israelitish  army  (with  which  David 
had  attacked  the  Jebusites)  which  wa.s  on  the 
TmjumtaiTi-plateau  of  Judah.    As  this  Jebusite  war 
followed    immediately  on   David's    anointment 
(comp.  vera.  3,  6),  and  the  gathering  of  ail  the 
Philistines  was  not  the  affair  of  a  moment,  it  is 
for  this  reason  alone  an  untenable  view  that  these 
two  victories  "  probably  belonged  in  the  interval 
between  the  second  anointment  at  Hebron  and 
the  capture  of  Zion"  (Keil).     But  the  following 
words :  And  when  David  heard  of  it,  he 
marched  down  to  the  hold,  are  decisive,  for 
the  reference  (as  the  context  shows)  is  here  to 
Mount  Zion,  which  is  mentioned  just  before  (vers. 
7,  9)  ;  and  this  is  proved  also  by  the  Def.  Art., 
which  (from  the  context)  cannot  refer  to  ^ome 
other  stronghold  in  Judah  resorted  to  by  David 
in  Saul's  time  (so  Keil,  who  cites  xxiii.  14),  but 
points  to  the  citadel  of  Zion  which  is  here  twice 
named  with  emphasis  as  the  centre  of  David's  po- 
sition. The  expression  "he  went  down  to  the  hold  " 
is  not  against  this  view ;  for,  though  the  citadel 
of  Zion  was  so  high  that  one  ascended  to  it  from 
all  sides,  yet  its  plateau  was  by  no  means  a  hori- 
zontal plain,  but  was  made  up  of  higher  and 
lower  parts,  and  David  of  course  made  his  resi- 
dence on  the  highest  and  safest  part,  the  most 
favorable  position  for  a  military  outlook,  while 
the  fortifications  most  protective  against  the  ene- 
my  (enlarged  by  him,  ver.  9)   must  certainly 
have  lain  on  the  relatively  lower  north-western 
side  (in  accordance  with  their  design),  and  with 
this  agrees  the  fact  that    the    Philistines    ad- 
vanced to  the  attack  from  the  west.     David,  ac- 
cordingly,  on  hearing  of  the  approach  of  the 
Philistines,  went  down  from  his  residence  to  the 
fortifications  on  Zion,  in  order  to  make  at  this 
rendezvous  and  sally-point  of  his  army  the  ne- 
cessary preparations  whether  for  defence  (Maur.) 
or  for  attack.     Maurer :  ''  David  was  not  yet  cer- 
tain whether  to  defend  himself  at  the  walls,  or 
to  advance  to  meet  the  enemy,"  comp,  ver.  19. 
There  is  no  need,  therefore,  to  change  the  text* 

•   iTHVD  instead  of  m^lSD.      ~  ' 


(Syr.,  Mich.,  Dathe)  to  "  siege "  (besiegers),  the 
narrative  giving  no  hint  of  a  siege.     It  is  by  no 
means  sure  (Then.)  from  xxiii.  13,  14,  that  the 
hold  here  referred  to  is  the  cave  of  Adullam : 
for,  even  if  the  incident  here  related  was  an  epi 
sode  in  this  Philistine  war,  it  may  very   well 
have  occurred  after  David  had  left  the  citadel  tc 
march  against  the  PhUistines,  while  they  weB 
encamped  in  the  valley  of  Bephaim.     [Still,  tte 
impression  made  on  us  is  that  David  went  doVn 
into  the  plain  against  the  Philistines;  thusin 
ver.  20  he  does  not  go  down,  but  comes  to  Bial- 
perazira,  as  if  he   were   already  in   the  piin. 
Perhaps  the  editor  has  here  inserted  a  seraate 
narrative  of  this  war,  so  that  the  ''  hold  "  Aiere 
may  be  different  from  the  "hold"  in   \^r.  9. 
Adullam  was  a  strong  place,  and  was  fortifed  by 
Kehoboam  (2  Chron.  xi.  7).     If  we  take  t/e  nar- 
rative in  xxiii.  13-17  to  belong  to  the  tme  of 
this  war,  it  would  show  that  David  waslal  one 
time  hard  pressed ;  but  this  cannot  be  determined 
with  certainty. — Tb.] — The   phrase:    "/  seek 
David,"   cannot  prove  that  David  had  /t  this 
time  not  yet  taken   up   his  residence  (4  Zion 
(Keil),  but  only  that  the  aim  of  the  PHlistines 
was  to  get  possession  of  the  person  of  Javid  so 
dangerous  to  them. — Ver.  18.  The  strdgicai  po- 
sition of  the  Philistines.     Instead  of  ourtext-word 
"spread  themselves,"  1  Chron.  xiv.  9/as  "made 
an  inroad"   {ID'dS).     The  valley  of  Iphaim,  ac- 
cording to  Josh.  XV.  8,  was   a  frutful  plain,* 
nearly  three  miles  long  by  two  wi[e,  separated 
from  the  valley  of  Ben-hinnom  (so»h  and  south- 
west of  Jerusalem)  by  a  ridge,  ary  large  enough 
to  hold  a  large  army  in  camprft  was  named 
after  the  old  Canaanitish  giant-trif,  the  Eephaim 
(Gen.  xiv.  5).     Comp.  Bob.  I.  3D  [Am.  Ed.  I. 
219,  469],  Tobl,  Top.  Jems.  V  401  sq.,  and  3 
Wand.  202,  Winer  II.  322,  Thf  us  in  Kaufl'er's 
Stud.  II.  137  sq.     [For  variou^pinions  .see  Kit- 
to,  Porter,  Bonar,  Fvirst.— Tr./  The  Philistines 
had  probably  advanced  from  /e  we.st  by  way  of 
Bethshemesh  (comp.  1  Sam.  /•  9). 

Ver.  19.  David  inquires  of  he  Lord  (comp.  ii. 
1 ;  1  Sam.  xxiii.  2),  1)  wheter  he  shall  march 
out  against  the  Philistines^d  2)  whether  he 
shall  get  the  victory  over  tlm.  The  expression 
"  shaU  I  go  up !"  is  explajed  by  the  fact  that 
David  has  led  his  army  drfu  from  Mount  Zion, 
the  defence  of  which  he  h>  first  to  keep  in  view. 
He  now  adv.ances  to  the  <hck  from  his  position 
in  the  plain,  which  lay  fiwer  than  the  Philis- 
tines, perhaps  near  the  cje  of  Adullam  (Then.), 
after  having  inquired  ofhe  Lord  and  received 
an  aflSrmative  answer.  fHe  no  doubt  made  a 
sudden  impetuous  atta/,  as  is  clear  from  the 
meaning  of  the  name  'paal-^erazim,"  the  place 
where  he  "smote"  »  Philistines.  He  said, 
namely  (referring  thMctory  to  the  Lord  ac- 
cording to  the  Lord'/ answer,  ver.  19):  "The 
Lord  hath  broken  asiUer  (or  through)  my  ene- 
mies before  me  as  thtfreach  of  waters,"  that  is, 
as  a  violent  torrent  rikes  a  rift  or  breach.  All 
other  explanations,A;hat  make  the  point  of 
comparison  the  diviin  of  the  water-mass  itself, 
depart  from  the  con/ption  of  the  expression,  and 
weaken  the  force  of/ie  image.     The  place  where 

*  pPi'.'  ooinp-  IsaTii-  5.    [See  Stanley's  "  Sinai  and 
PrtJ.,"'App.gl.— Te.] 


CHAP.  V.  6— VI.  23. 


409 


the  battle  was  fought  was  thus  called,  from  the 
way  that  David  won  it,  Water-breach,  "  Bruch- 
hausen,  Brechendorf"  (Keil)  [Breach-ham,  Break- 
thorpe — the  Heb.  name  =  "possessor  of  breach- 
es."*—Te.].  It  cannot  have  been  far  from  the 
Valley  of  Bephaim.  In  Isa.  ixviii.  21  it  is 
called  (with  allusion  to  this  battle)  "mount" 
Perazim.  This  fills  out  the  topographical  de- 
scription of  the  place,  and  in  exact  accordance 
with  the  name  "water-breach."  As  a  torrent 
plunging  from  the  mountain  rends  asunder  every- 
thing before  it,  so  David  rushed  with  his  army 
suddenly  and  unexpectedly  on  the  Philistines, 
from  a  gorge  opening  into  the  valley  of  Eephaim, 
burst  through  and  scattered  them  with  impetuous 
and  irresistible  power.  Perhaps  he  marched 
northward  around  the  position  of  the  Philistines, 
and  attacked  them  from  the  rocky  height  (the 
border  of  the  valley  of  Hinuom),  that  bounds 
the  valley  of  Eephaim  on  the  north,  comp.  Josh. 
XV.  8.— Ver.  21.  And  there  they  left  their 
images  behind,  which  they  were  doubtless 
accustomed  to  carry  with  them  to  war,  in  order 
to  make  the  victory  more  uertain.f  Clericua: 
"as  if  they  would  feel  the  help  of  the  gods  more 
present,  if  they  had  their  statues  along.  Perhaps 
they  imitated  the  Hebrews,  who  sometimes  car- 
ried the  ark  of  God  into  camp."  Their  abandon- 
ment of  their  sacred  images  confirms  the  supposi- 
tion (founded  on  the  name  of  the  scene  of  battle) 
that  David  made  a  sudden  attack.  Chrou.  has 
(by  way  of  explanation)  "gods"  instead  of  ''im- 
ages." According  to  our  passage  David  took 
them  away  as  spoil;  according  to  Chron.,  they 
were  at  David's  command  burned  with  fire.  It 
cannot  be  determined  whether  this  text  of  Chron. 
is  an  addition  from  another  source  (Movers),  or 
taken  from  the  same  source  aa  our  text  (Keil),  or 
an  explanatory  remark  of  the  Chronicler  him- 
self according  to  Deut.  vii.  5,  25,  where  the  burn- 
ing of  heathen  idols  is  prescribed.  Thus  the 
disgrace  of  the  Philistine  capture  of  the  Ark 
was  wiped  out. 

Vers.  22-25.  Seoond  invasion  by  the  Philis- 
tines and  victory  over  them. — Ver.  22.  Their 
approach  is  described  (as  ver.  17)  by  the  phrase : 
came  up.  They  had  therefore  fled  as  far  as  the 
lowland  on  the  west,  but,  as  David  had  not  pur- 
sued them,  soon  assembled  again.  They  advance 
(as  ver.  18)  to  the  valley  o/'  Bephaim.  Chron. 
(ver.  13)  has  simply:  "in  the  valley,"  Eephaim 
being  understood  from  the  context,  and  in  fact 
supplied  by  Sept.,  Syr.  and  Arab.  [Joseph., 
Ant.  7,  4, 1 :  "  let  no  one  suppose  that  the  Philis- 
tines brought  a  small  force  against  th»  Hebrews ; 
all  Syria  and  Phoenicia  and  many  other  warlike 
nations  fought  with  them ;  only  thus  could  they 
march  against  the  Hebrews  after  their  frequent 
defeats."  But  this  assertion  is  unsupported  and 
not  necessary  to  explain  the  recuperation  of  the 
powerful  Philistines.  Josephus  was  anxious  to 
magnify  the  prowess  of  his  own  nation. — Tr.] — 
Ver.  23.  David  again  inquires  of  the  Lord  [Jos. : 
through  the  high-priest].  The  words:  "thou 
shalt  not  go  up,"  suppose  the  question  (as  in  ver. 

*  [Or,  possibly  "  lord  ( =  God)  of  breaohes."  Comp. 
Gen.  xxii.  14  and  xvi.  13  (El-roi).— Tr.] 

t  [So  the  Bdomites,  2  Chron.  xxv.  14.  The  heathen 
idols  were  carried  off  with  impunity — not  so  the  Ark  of 
God  (Pat.).— Tb.J 


19) :  shall  I  go  up  f  The  negative  answer :  "  go 
not  up "  refers  to  the  height,  up  to  which  David 
had  gone  in  the  first  battle,  in  order  thence  to 
fall  on  the  Philistines;  for  this  time  they  had 
doubtless  guarded  against  a  surprise  on  that  side. 
If  their  front  was  now  in  that  direction,  the  addi- 
tion of  the  Sept.:  "to  meet  them,"  and  Vulg. ; 
"  against  them  (  =  in  front),"  may  be  regarded 
as  a  correct  explanation ;  but  there  is  no  neces- 
sity, as  Then,  supposes,  for  supplementing  the 

Heb.  text  with  this  expression  (  Dnsip7). — 
Make  a  detour  to  their  rear. — Chron.:  "go 
not  up  behind  them,*  but  turn  from  them,  and 
come  on  them."  David  was  to  fall  on  their  rear 
opposite  the  "  baca-trees."  These  (mentioned  only 
here  and  1  Chron.  xiv.  14)  are  not  pear-trees 
(Sept.,  Vulg.,  Aq.,,  Eosenmiiller,  Biiil.  Pfiamen- 
reich,  p.  249)  or  mulberry-trees  (Jewish  exposi- 
tors, Luth.  [Eng.  A.  V.]),  but  shrub-like  baca- 
trees,  which  grow  especially  about  Mecca  (called 
Baca  by  the  Arabs),  similar  to  the  balsam-shrub, 
from  which  they  difier  only  in  having  longer 
leaves  and  larger  round  fruit  (according  to  Abul- 
fadli  in  Ods.  Hierob.  I.  338  sq. ;  comp.  Mebuhr, 
Beschreibung,  339,  Faber  in  Harmer's  Beobacht. 
iiber  d.  Orient,  I.  400,  and  Burckhardt  Beise  in 
Syrien,  etc.,  977,  who  found  a  baca-valley  near 
Smai).  See  Winer  I.  s.  v.  The  name  is  proba- 
bly derived  from  a  verb  meaning  "to  weep" 
(Xja  =  nj3)  because  when  the  leaves  are  broken 

V      TT  TT^' 

or  cut  ofij  a  tear-like  sap  exudes.  Comp.  the 
"  valley  of  Baca "  =  "  valley  of  weeping,  tear- 
dale"  [Ps.  Ixxxiv.  6]. — [For  further  opinions 
and  details  see  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  Art.  Mulberry- 
tree. — Tb.] — The  connection  and  the  local  pre- 
suppositions of  the  narrative  put  it  beyond  doubt 
that  these  baca-trees  stood  somewhere  in  the  val- 
ley of  Eephaim. — ^Ver.  24.t  And  when  thou 
hearest  the  sound  of  a  going.];  .  .  .  The 
sound  produced  by  human  steps  (1  Kings  xiv.  6; 
2  Kings  vi.  32),  here  the  sound  of  an  advancing 
army,  is  (as  in  Gen.  iii.  8)  employed  as  the  sym- 
bol of  the  approach  of  the  Lord — in  the  tops 
of  the  baca-trees,  they,  namely,  being  moved 
by  a  strong  wind  [Jos. :  "  while  no  wind  was 
blowing." — Tb.]  ;  the  sound  thus  produced  would 
indicate  the  advance  of  the  Lord  with  His  invisi- 
ble hosts ;  it  was  to  be  the  sign  that  He  Himself 
would  march  before  the  army  of  Israel  with  His 
victorious  might,  comp.  1  Kings  xix.  11  sq.  So 
Jacob  (Gen.  xxxii.  2,  3)  and  Elisha  (2  Kings  vi. 
17)  behold  in  vision  the  guardian  hosts  of  God. 
Then  be  sharp,  that  is,  rush  quickly  to  the 
attack  [bestir  thyself]  !  Chron.  weaker  and 
probably  not  original:  "go  out  to  battle."  The 
ground:  For  then  will  the  Lord  go  out 
before  thee,  etc.,  he  should  know  by  the  above 
sign  that  the  time  appointed  by  the  Lord  for  a 
sharp  attack  and  for  the  revelation  of  His  help- 
ing power  was  come.  [The  sound  of  going  in 
the  trees  seems  here  represented  by  the  narrative 
as  supernatural,  not  produced  by  wind. — Instead 
of  "in  the  tops,"  etc.,  Patrick  renders:  "in  the 
beginnings,"  etc.   (Neh.  iii.  10),  that  is,  at  the 

*  ["  After  them  "  —  "  to  meet  them."— Tb.] 
t  'n'lforn'HI,  Ew.,  §345  6. 

T  T : 

X  [The  word  aignifies  a  majestic,  jgtately  tread  or 
stepping,  often  used  of  God.   Pa.  Ixviii.  7.— Te.] 


410 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


entrance  of  the  place  where  the  trees  stood,  "  for 
men  do  not  wa,lk  on  the  tops  of  trees,  and  God 
intended  to  make  a  sound  as  if  a  vast  number  of 
men  were  marching."  There  is  no  need,  how- 
ever, of  this  difficult  translation,  if  the  sound  be 
taken  as  a  supernatural  sign.— Tb.] — Ver.  25. 
Exact  carrying  out  of  the  divine  directions,  and 
bestowal  of  the  promised  divine  aid. — David 
smote  the  Philistines  from  Geba  as  far  as 
the  region  of  G-ezer. — The  direction  of  the 
battle  and  flight  is  determined  by  the  position  of 
Gezer  to  be  from  south-east  to  northrwest,  whatever 
the  position  of  Geba  be  held  to  be.  Oeser  or  Oaser 
(1  Chron.  xlv.  16),  Gazer  and  Gazera  (Sept.),  af- 
terwards Gazara  (2  Mac.  x.  32;  Jos.  Ant.  8,  6,  1) 
or  Gadara  (Joseph.  Ant.  5,  1,  22 ;  12,  7,  14)  and 
Gadaris  (Strabo  XVI.  759) — an  old  Canaanitish 
royal  city  (Josh.  xii.  12),  belonging  to  the  tribe 
of  Ephraim,  who  did  not  drive  the  Canaauites 
out  of  it  (Josh.  xvi.  9,  10;  Judg.  i.  29),  in  the 
south  of  Ephraim  (whose  border  passed  from 
Lower  Beth-horon  over  Gezer  to  the  sea  north 
of  Joppa),  north-west  of  Beth-horon  on  the  western 
declivity  of  Mount  Ephraim,  where  the  latter 
sank  into  the  Philistine  plain  (Plain  of  Sharon). 
Solomon  fortified  it,  along  with  other  important 
military  positions  (1  Kings  ix.  15-17),  inasmuch 
suf  it  formed  a  strong  defence  towards  the  south 
against  the  Philistines ;  for  "from  this  point  an 
army  might  penetrate  into  the  country  and  reach 
the  capital  far  more  easily  than  over  the  moun- 
tains of  Judah"  (see  Then,  and  Biihr  in  loco). 
It  is  noteworthy  that  this  place  plays  an  impor- 
tant part  as  fortress  in  the  Maccabean  time  aLso, 
and  that  the  route  taken  by  Judas  Maccabseus 
from  Emmaus  to  Gazer  (1  Mao  iv.  15)  and  from 
Adasa  to  Gazer  (1  Mac.  vii.  45)  is  the  same  as 
this,  namely,  the  north-westerly.  Comp.  v.  Eau- 
mer,  p.  191,  and  his  map.  For  the  Oeba,  from 
which  David  pursued  the  Philistines,  is  not  = 
Gibeon  (according  to  the  inexact  reading  of 
Chron.,  which  constantly  changes  the  Gibeah  of 
First  Samuel  into  Gibeon,  Stilhelin,  Leben  Davids 
38),  which  is  adopted  by  Movers,  Then.,  Keil, 
Dachsel — nor  =  Gibeah,  whether  Gibeah  in  Ju- 
dah (Josh.  XV.  57),  8-10  miles  south-west  of 
Jerusalem  (Bertheau,  Stahelin),  or  Gibeah  of 
Samuel  (Cler.,  Budd.,  O.  v.  Gerlach),  neither  of 
which  could  here  come  into  consideration  as  a 
military  position — but  it  is  the  place  known  from 
1  Sam.  xiii.  15-23  as  the  camping-ground  of 
Saul  and  Jonathan,  on  the  southern  border  of 
the  Wady-es-Suwcinit,  oppo.site  Michma.sh  (now 
Mukhmas)  which  is  on  the  northern  border  of 
the  Wady,  where  Rob.  found  a  place  Jeba  (with 
ruins)  still  existing.  Comp.  Isa.  x.  29.  See 
Bob.,  Sibliotheca  Sacra,  1844,  p.  598,  and  v. 
Raumer,  19G,  Furrer,  Wanderungen,  212-217,  Fay 
[in  Lange's  JBiblemork']  on  Josh,  xviii.  24.  The 
battle  therefore  passed  from  the  valley  of  Re- 
phaim  on  the  west  of  Jerusalem  about  nine  miles 
northward  to  the  plateau  of  Geba,  where  the 
Philistines  vainly  tried  to  make  a  stand,  and, 
having  the  deep  gorge  of  Michmash  before  them, 
took  a  north-westerly  direction  towards  Beth- 
horon  and  Gezer.  Here  the  pursuit  ceased,  be- 
cause the  Philistines  were  driven  into  the  plain, 
and  no  danger  could  be  apprehended  from  them. 
According  to  Joseph.  {Ant.  7,  4.  1)  Gazer  was 
then  their  extreme  northern  limit.    On  the  great 


extension  of  their  power  northward  comp.  Stark, 
Oaza,  170. — [Gibeon  (instead  of  Gebaj  is  here 
preferred  by  many  critics,  because  Gibeon  lies 
more  nearly  on  the  road  from  Rephaim  to  Gezer ; 
but  the  pursuit  may  easily  have  gone  first  north 
to  Geba  and  then  west  to  Gezer,  as  Erdmann 
points  out.  It  is  not  to  be  expected,  however, 
that  we  can  settle  with  absolute  certainty  these 
minute  geographinal  points. — The  phrase:  ''till 
thou  come  to  Gezer,"  does  not  necessarily  mean : 
"  up  to  Gezer,"  but,  like  the  similar  expression : 
"as  thou  goest,"  may  =  "on  the  way  to."  See 
on  1  Sam.  xxvii.  8. — Tb.] 

In  reference  to  the  chronological  relation  of 
the  account  here,  vers.  17-25,  and  that  in  1  Chr. 
xiv.  8-17  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  two  differ, 
in  that  the  former  puts  these  victories  without 
further  statement  in  the  beginning  of  David's 
government  over  all  Israel,  the  latter  in  the  in- 
terval between  the  unsuccessful  and  the  successful 
attempts  to  remove  the  Ark.  "  Whether  this 
exacter  statement  of  time  is  correct  cannot  be 
determined  with  certainty"  (Stahelin,  vii  sup., 
p.  37). 

HISTORICAL   AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  In  his  first  royal  deed  of  arms  David,  by 
a  victory  over  the  last  Canaanites  of  any  power 
that  were  left,  completed  the  conquest  of  the  land 
for  the  Lord's  covenant-people,  and  thus  con- 
cluded the  military  work  that  was  first  entrusted 
by  divine  command  to  Joshua  (Josh.  i.  1-9),  but 
had  been  completed  neither  by  him,  nor  by  the 
Judges,  nor  by  Saul.  The  result  of  this  first 
exploit  against  the  Jebusites  was  the  firm  estab- 
lishment of  the  royal  rule  in  the  strongest  posi- 
tion and  in  the  centre  of  the  land. 

2.  In  David's  person  and  government  the  Cove- 
nant-God, the  King  of  His  people,  takes  His 
royal  seat  on  Mount  Zion,  and  the  city  that 
David  builds  there  is  (with  old  .Jerusalem  under 
Zion)  called,  as  being  the  theocratic  dwelling- 
place  and  holy  city  of  God,  the  "  city  of  the  great 
King"  (Matt.  v.  35).  In  the  historical  books 
the  "  Oity  of  David"  (ver.  9)  always  has  the  nar- 
rower signification  of  the  old  Upper  City  or 
David's  city,  being  used  only  in  poetry  of  the 
whole  city  (Isa.  xxii.  9;  comp.  xxxi.  1)  while 
according  to  1  Kings  viii.  2:  2  Chronicles  vi. 
2 ;  1  Chronicles  xv.  1,  29 ;  it  is  distinctly 
differenced  from  Jerusalem  as  a  whole. 
So  "  Zion "  in  the  historical  books  means 
originally  only  Mount  Zion,  on  which  the  city 
of  David.  Jay,  but  is  used  by  Poets  and  Prophets 
for  Jerusalem  in  general,  in  allusion  to  its  cha- 
racter as  God's  royal  dwelling-place  and  throne 
(see  Arnold,  "Zion"  in  Herzog  XVIII.,  Hupfeld 
in  Zeiischr.  d.  deutsch.  morgenl.  ges.  XV.,  p.  224, 
Rem.  67).  From  the  time  of  David's  making  his 
residence  on  Mount  Zion  dates  in  the  theocratic 
language  of  the  Old  Covenant  the  terminology 
of  God's  royal  dwelling  and  enthronement  in  the 
midst  of  His  people  on  His  regnal  seat,  "  Mount 
Zion."  See  Ps.  iii.  5  [4]  :  "He  hears  me  from 
His  holy  mountain."  Ps.  ix.  12  [11]  :  "  Sing  ye 
to  the  Lord,  who  is  enthroned  on  Zion."  Ps.  xv. 
1;  xxiv.  3;  Isa.  viii.  18;  Joel  iv.  16,  21,  and 
other  passages.  "  Zion"  is  the  royal  seat  of  the 
future  Anointed  of  the  Lord,  of  whom  David 


CHAP.  V.  6-VI.  23. 


411 


with  his  theocratical  kingdom  is  the  type,  and 
concerning  whom,  the  promise  in  oh.  vii.  comes 
to  him,  the  fulfillment  of  which  is  the  matter  of 
the  prophetic  declaration  in  Ps.  ii.,  Ixxxix.,  ox. 
Mount  Zion  is  the  geographical-historical  symbol 
of  the  dominion  of  the  Messiah  to  be  sent  by  God 
to  His  people,  and  of  the  extension  of  the  Mes- 
sianic kingdom  of  God  from  this  as  centre. 
Hengatenberg  on  Ps.  ii.  6 :  ''  Zion,  the  holy 
numntain  of  the  Lord,  is  the  fitting  seat  for  His 
long ;  for  as  after  David's  time  it  was  the  centre 
of  Israel,  so  is  it  destined  to  become  some  day 
the  centre  of  the  world,  for  from  Zion  goes  forth 
the  law  and  the  word  of  the  Lord  from  Jerusa- 
lem" (laa.  ii.  3). 

3.  The  military  stamp  of  the  first  part  of  David's 
reign  is  the  pre-indication  of  the  military  cha- 
racter of  the  whole  of  it.  That  the  theocracy  in 
Israel  may  be  developed,  he  purges  the  land  of 
the  remains  of  the  heathen,  extends  the  borders 
of  Israel,  and  secures  for  the  people  the  posses- 
sion of  the  laud  and  the  maintenance  of  their 
boundaries  by  mighty  victories  over  all  their 
enemies.  In  the  Psalms  of  David  we  hear  the 
echo  of  this  warlike  and  victorious  theocracy. 
They  are  mostly  songs  of  conflict  and  victory  m 
praise  of  the  God  who  saved  His  people  from 
their  enemies.  Ps.  ix.  may  serve  as  an  example 
of  them  all,  much  of  it  corresponding  with  David's 
experiences  in  these  first  wars  and  victories, 
though  it  cannot  be  said  that  it  was  composed 
with  special  reference  thereto. 

4.  Several  prominent  features  charac:teristic  of 
the  propheiical-theocraticcd  historiography  appear  in 
this  section  (which  embraces  the  elevation  of  David 
to  the  throne  of  Israel,  his  wars  against  internal 
and  external  enemies):  1)  the  relation  between 
king  and  people  is  described  as  essentially  a 
covenant  before  the  Lord  (ver.  3) ;  2)  it  is  de- 
clared to  be  the  task  and  calling  of  the  theocratic 
king  to  be  shepherd  and  captain  of  the  people 
(ver.  2) ;  3)  the  reference  of  all  the  king's  suc- 
cesses to  the  highest  and  la.st  source,  the  God  of 
Sabaoth,  who  was  with  him,  whereby  all  his  own 
human  merit  is  excluded  (ver.  10) ;  4)  the  con- 
ception of  aU  these  events  whereby  David's  king- 
dom was  confirmed  and  recognized  even  by  the 
powerful  heathen  king  of  Tyre,  through  whose 
friendly  relations  with  David  it  was  exalted  and 
honored  at  home  and  abroad,  as  ordinations  of 
God,  the  object  of  which  was  to  establish  David's 
kingdom  as  a  divine  institution,  and  give  him 
the  assurance  that  he  was  confirmed  by  the  Lord 
immediately  as  king  over  Israel  (ver.  12) ;  5)  the 
repeated  exhibition  of  David's  humble  subjection 
of  his  mill  to  the  will  of  God,  which  he  seeks  and 
asks  after,  that  he  may  have  a  sure  path  in  what 
he  is  to  do,  which  path  the  divine  answer  shows 
him  (vers.  19,  23) ;  and  6)  the  express  declara- 
tion of  David's  unconditional  active  obedience  to 
the  Lord's  will,  which  is  revealed  to  him  in  a 
definite  Yes  and  No  (ver.  25). 

5.  All  the  powers  and  goods  of  the  world  which 
have  their  origin  in  the  might  and  goodness  of 
God,  are  employed  by  Him  also  for  the  ends  of 
His  wisdom  in  the  government  of  His  kingdom 
of  grace  (which  is  founded  on  His  positive  self- 
revelation)  and  of  His  people.  The  help  of  the 
heathen  king  in  David's  Zion-buildings  (and  so 
in  Solomon's  Temple)  sets  forth  the  great  truth 


that  all  the  art  and  treasures  of  the  lower,  natural 
world  are  to  be  subservient  to  the  higher  world, 
which  has  entered  humanity  through  the  king- 
dom of  God,  and  to  contribute  to  the  glorification 
of  the  name  of  God.  Biihr  on  1  Kings  v.  15-32 : 
"  Israel  was  destined  not  to  foster  the  arts,  but  to 
be  the  bearer  of  divine  revelation,  and  to  secure 
for  all  nations  the  knowledge  of  the  one  living 
and  holy  God ;  thereto  had  God  chosen  this  peo- 
ple out  of  all  peoples,  and  therewith  is  closely  con- 
nected its  manner  of  life  and  occupation,  yea,  its 
whole  development  and  history.  To  the  attain- 
ment of  this  its  destiny  the  other  nations  had  to 
contribute  with  the  special  gifts  and  powers  which 
had  been  lent  them.  Israel,  in  spite  of  faults 
and  errors,  stood  as  high  above  the  Phoenicians 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  truth,  as  they  above 
Israel  in  technic  and  artistic  performances  (comp. 
Duncker,  Gesch.  u.  Alterth.,  p.  317-320) ;  distin- 
guished as  was  Phoenicia  for  arts  and  industries, 
its  religion  was  nevertheless  the  most  perverted 
and  its  cultus  the  rudest  (Duncker,  ■ul>i  sup., 
155  sq.)." 

HOMILETIOAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  6-9.  The  stronghold^  on  Mount  Zion:  1) 
How  it  is  gained:  a)  by  holy  war  against  the 
enemies  of  God's  kingdom;  b)  by  holy  victory, 
which  God  vouchsafes.  2)  How  it  is  maintained : 
a)  in  defiance  of  God's  enemies,  and  b)  as  a  reli- 
ance for  God's  friend.s. 

Vers.  10-12.  Tlie  true  kingdom  by  the  grace  of 
Ood:  1)  It  ia  firmly  founded  through  the  Lord's 
power;  2)  It  grows  and  prospers  under  the 
Lord's  blessing ;  3)  It  rendei-s  subservient  to  it- 
self the  Lord's  enemies ;  4)  It  serves  the  Lord  in 
the  Lord's  people. — Ver.  12.  The  true  salutary 
relation  between  government  and  people  rests  on 
two  things :  1)  That  the  people  recognize  the 
authorities  as  set  over  them  by  God's  grace,  and 
honor  them.  2)  That  the  authorities  regard 
themselves  as  constituted  by  God  only  for  the 
people's  welfare,  and  fulfil  their  calling  to  that 
end. 

Vers.  17-25.  The  war-counsel  from  on  high:  1) 
How  it  is  inquired  after — by  looking  above.  2) 
How  it  is  imparted — by  the  voice  from  above. 
•S)  How  it  is  carried  out — by  help  from  above. — 
Victory  comes  from  the  Lord:  1)  When  it  is  be- 
forehand humbly  asked  for  according  to  the 
Lord's  will  and  word;  2)  When  the  battle  is  un- 
dertaken in  the  Lord's  name  and  for  His  eau^e; 

3)  When  it  is  fought  with  obedient  observation 
of  the  Lord's  directions  and  guidance. 

The  Lord  will  go  out  before  thee  (ver.  24) :  1)  A 
word  oi consolation  in  sore  distress;  2)  A  word  of 
encouragement  amid  inward  conflict;  3)  A  word 
of  exhortation  to  unconditional  obedience  of  faith ; 

4)  A  word  of  assurance  of  the  victory  which  the 
Lord  gives. 

The  rustling  of  the  Lord!s  approaching  help  in 
the  tops  of  the  trees  (ver.  24):  1)  Dost  thou  wait 
for  it  at  His  bidding?  2)  Dost  thou  hear  it  with 
the  right  heed ?  3)  Dost  thou  understand  it  in 
the  right  sense?  4)  Dost  thou  follow  ii  without 
delay  ? 


*  [There  is  here  an  allusion  to  Luther's  famous  hymn, 
Sin'  feste  Bui  g  ist  unsar  ffo«.— Tk,] 


112 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Vers.  6-9.  Kkummachbb:  David  dwells  now 
in  Mount  Zion,  the  crown  of  the  land,  and  from 
her3  on  begins  the  history  of  Jerusalem,  which 
as  the  history  of  a  city  has  not  its  like  in  gran- 
deur, in  change  of  fortunes,  and  in  importance 
for  the  whole  world. — Now  exalted  to  heaven, 
now  cast  down  to  hell,  thrice  de.=!troyed  to  the 
foundations  and  always  rising  again  from  the 
ruin.?,  now  given  up  to  the  heathen,  plundered, 
covered  with  shame,  and  then  again  crowned 
with  the  highest  honors,  the  city  stands  on  its 
seven  hills  amid  the  cities  of  the  earth  as  a  liigh 
seven-branched  candlestick,  from  which  shines 
forth  into  tlie  world  both  the  consuming  flame  of 
God's  holiness  and  justice,  and  the  mild  and 
blessed  light  of  the  divine  long-suffering,  love, 
compassion  and  covenant-faithfulness. — Ver.  6  sq. 
S.  Sohmid:  In  that  which  God  has  commanded, 
we  must  not  look  to  what  others  have  done  be- 
fore us,  but  to  God's  command  (1  Sam.  xv.  22, 
23). — Schlibr:  The  Lord,  who  delivered  Jeru- 
salem's stronghold  into  David's  hand,  still  lives 
to-day,  and  will,  so  far  as  it  is  good  for  us,  always 
help  us  still  in  every  time  of  need,  and  well  is  it 
for  all  them  that  trust  in  Him. 

Ver.  10.  [Henby:  Those  that  have  the  Lord 
of  hosts  for  them  need  not  fear  what  hosts  of  men 
or  devils  can  do  against  them.  Those  who  grow 
great  must  ascribe  it  to  the  presence  of  God  with 
them,  and  give  Him  the  glory  of  it. — Tb;]  — 
Bebl.  Bible  :  The  world  thinks  little  of  it  when 
it  is  said,  God  be  with  a  man.  But  it  is  assuredly 
no  trifle,  it  is  the  greatest  of  all  things,  for  one 
to  have  with  him  the  God  of  all  the  hosts  of 
heaven  and  earth. — Keummacheb:  O  blessed 
is  the  man  on  wliose  heart  nothing  so  presses  as 
this,  that  in  all  his  doings  he  may  be  with  God 
and  God  with  him. — Ver.  11.  Cramer:  A  glo- 
rious testimony  that  even  the  heathen  will  serve 
Christ. — Starke:  God  knows  how  to  incline 
towards  pious  rulers  the  minds  of  neighboring 
princes  and  kings,  so  that  they  may  show  them 
all  friendly  good-will  (Prov.  xxi.  1). — Ver.  12. 
J.  Lanob  :  Great  lords  exist  for  the  .sake  of  their 
subjects,  not  these  for  their  sake:  O  that  the  fact 
might  be  recognized  I  —  [Vers.  13-16.  Scott: 
Alas !  even  good  men  are  apt  to  grow  secure  and 
self-indulgent  in  prosperity,  and  to  sanction  by 
their  example  those  abuses  which  they  should 
oppose  or  repress;  and  all  our  returns  for  the 
Lord's  mercies  are  deeply  tinged  with  ingratitude. 
— Tb.] 

Ver.  17.  ScHLiBB :  Then  might  David  clearly 
enough  see  that  there  is  appointed  to  man  no 
true  resting-time  upon  earth.  David's  life  was 
a,  warfare,  and  from  one  strife  it  went  on  into 
another,  and  when  he  thought  to  have  found  rest, 
then  battle  and  strife  began  anew.  Our  life  upon 
earth  is  not  yet  the  resting-tirae;  what  awaits  us 
is  strife  and  warfare. — Ceameb:  The  pious  never 
cease  to  encounter  opposition ;  therefore  whoever 
wishes  to  be  pious,  let  him  prepare  for  this 
(Luke  xiv.  28). — Keummacheb;  The  old  ene- 
my of  Israel  stood  again  in  arms  upon  the  plain. 
God  the  Lord  knows  how  to  mingle  always  with 
the  encouragements  which  He  gives  His  friends 
so  much  also  of  the  humbling  as  suffices  to  secure 
them  against  the  danger  of  losing  their  equilib- 
rium. 

Ver.  19  sqq.   ScHLiER:  "Whatever  we  under- 


take then,  we  must  look  to  the  Lord  in  beginning 
it,  and  it  should  be  to  us  a  matter  of  earnest  con- 
cern that  we  may  really  have  the  Lord's  word 
and  will  on  our  side. — So  long  as  we  have  a  good 
cause,  we  too  may  comfort  ourselves  with  the 
help  of  the  Lord;  but  what  does  it  help  if  we 
pray  and  have  a  bad  cause,  or  use  God's  word, 
and  yet  do  not  walk  in  the  Lord's  ways !  God's 
word  and  prayer  make  no  bad  cause  good,  but 
help  only  when  we  undertake  a  good,  God-plea- 
sing work.  And  there  is  one  more  thing  we 
must  not  overlook  if  we  wish  really  to  have  the 
Lord's  help,  namely,  that  we  must  be  acting  only 
and  entirely  for  the  Lord's  cause  and  honor. 
How  did  it  stand,  properly  speaking,  between 
Israel  and  the  Philistines  ?  On  the  one  side  was 
the  Lord,  and  on  the  other  the  idols;  there  wag 
the  Lord's  people,  and  here  an  idolatrous  or  hea^ 
then  people.  So  the  conflict  was  the  cause  of 
the  Lord;  the  Lord's  name  and  kingdom  was  in 
question ;  David's  defeat  would  have  been  the 
Lord's  defeat ;  a  victory  for  David  was  the  Lord's 
victory. 

Ver.  20.  Berl.  Bible:  David  will  not  agree 
that  the  honor  of  the  victory  which  he  has  gained 
by  the  help  of  God's  goodness  shall  be  a.scribed 
to  him,  but  rather  to  God. — Ceameb:  Believers 
when  they  have  been  rescued  from  distress  should 
heartily  thank  God  for  it,  and  recognize  that  the 
victorv  comes  from  Him;  for  He  fights  for  His 
Church  (Ps.  1.  15;  cxv.  1).— Ver.  21.  Bbel. 
Bib.:  Men  do  not  commonly  let  their  idols  go 
until  they  have  been  smitten  by  God,  and  do  not 
quite  let  them  go  even  then. 

Vers.  23-25.  Keummacheb:  It  rustles  in  the 
tops  of  the  baca-trees,  as  if  an  invisible  host  were 
passing  over  them.  We  know  what  this  meant 
for  him.  Nothing  less  than  what  was  once  meant 
for  Jacob  by  his  dream  of  the  heavenly  ladder, 
for  Moses  by  the  burning  bush  that  was  not  con- 
sumed, for  Elijah  by  the  still,  small  voice  on 
Horeb,  and  for  Saul  by  the  light  which  shone 
round  him  from  heaven.  The  Lord  was  near 
and  would  go  out  for  him. — Berl.  Bible;  God 
Himself  gives  to  those  who  tranquilly  trust  in 
Him  to  know  His  will,  and  also  places  them  in 
a  position  to  be  able  to  carry  it  out. — Keumma- 
cheb: The  word  of  the  Lord;  "As  soon  as  thou 
shalt  hear  the  rustling  in  the  tops  .  .  .  bestir 
thyself,"  applies  figuratively  to  us  also  in  our 
spiritual  conflict  with  the  children  of  unbelief  in 
the  world.  There  too  it  comes  to  nothing  that 
one  should  make  war  with  his  own  prowe,ss  and 
merely  in  the  human  equipment  of  reason  and 
science.  Success  can  only  be  reckoned  on  when 
the  conflict  is  waged  amid  the  blowing  of  the 
Holy  Spirit's  breath  and  with  the  immediate 
gracious  presence  of  the  Lord  and  of  the  truth  of 
His  word. — [Heney:  But  observe,  though  God 
promised  to  go  before  them  and  smite  the  Philis- 
tines, yet  David,  when  he  heard  the  sound  of 
this  going,  must  bestir  himself,  and  be  ready  to 
pursue  the  victory.  God's  grace  must  quicken 
our  endeavors.  Phil.  ii.  12,  13.— Tb.] 

[Vers.  6,  7.  Men  are  prone  to  rely  on  strong 
fortifications,  so  as  to  feel  no  fear  of  successful 
attack,  and  no  need  of  help  from  God.  So  at  a 
later  period  the  men  of  the  southern  kingdom 
were  at  ease  in  this  same  Zion,  and  those  of  the 
northern  kingdom  trusted  in  the  mountain  of 


CHAP.  VI.  1-23. 


413 


Samaria,  which  was  also  a  very  strong  place,  and 
neither  Judah  nor  Israel  felt  that  their  help  came 
from  Jehovah  (Amos  vi.  1-8).  The  same  prin- 
ciple applies  as  to  all  reliance  on  mere  human 
agencies,  without  recognizing  our  dependence  on 
Grod ;  for  example,  on  religious  societies  and  boards, 
eloquent  preachers,  active  pastors,  famous  revi- 
valists, beautiful  houses  of  worship,  eto. — Tk.] 

[Ver.  12.  A  good  mare  in  great  prosperity.  1) 
He  ascribes  it  all  to  the  Lord.  2)  He  regards  it 
as  given  him  for  the  benefit  of  his  fellow-men. 
(This  is  the  text  of  Maurice's  Sermon  on  "David 
the  King,"  see  "  Prophets  and  Kings  of  the  Old 
Testament."— T:b,.'] 

[Ver.  17  sqq.  The  Philistines  could  conquer 


Saul,  who  had  been  forsaken  by  God  for  his  dis- 
obedience ;  but  they  only  stimulate  David  to  ful- 
fil his  divine  calling  (iii.  18),  and  to  seek  divine 
guidance  (ver.  19). — Tr.] 

[Ver.  24.  In  like  manner,  when  we  perceive 
signs  of  the  Spirit's  special  presence  among  us, 
wo  should  bestir  ourselves  to  secure  the  blessed 
results. — Tb.] 

[Chap.  V.  King  David's  first  years  of  sunshine. 
After  struggling  through  so  many  years  of  dark- 
ness, he  now  gains  1)  a  new  crown,  vers.  1-3 ; 
2)  a  new  capital,  vers.  6-9;  3)  a,  new  palace, 
ver.  11 ;  4)  new  victories  over  the  old  enemy, 
vers.  17-25;  and  in  them  all,  5)  new  proofs  of 
Jehovah's  favor,  vers.  2,  10,  22,  M,  24.— Tk.] 


m.  Solemn  transfer  of  the  Ark  to  Mount  Zion  and  establishment  of  regular  divine  service. 

Chapter  VI.  1-23. 

1  Again  David  [And  David  again^]  gathered  together  all  the  chosen  men  of 

2  Israel,  thirty  thousand.  And  David  arose  and  went  with  all  the  people  that  were 
with  him  from  Baale  of  Judah,  to  bring  up  from  thence  the  ark  of  God,  whose 
name  is  called  by  the  name  of  the  Lord  of  hosts  that  dwelleth  between  the  cheru- 
bims  [which  is  called  by  the  name  of  Jehovah  of  hosts  who  sitteth  on  the  cheru- 

3  bim]."  And  they  set  [transported]  the  ark  of  God  upon  a  new  cart,  and  brought 
it  out  of  the  house  of  Abinadab  that  was  in  Gibeah  [on  the  hill]  ;  and  Uzzah  and 

4  Ahio,  the  sons  of  Abinadab,  drave  [led]  the  new  cart.  And  they  brought  it  out 
of  the  house  of  Abinadab  which  was  at  Gibeah  [on  the  hill]  [pm.  And  .  .  .  Gibeah]' 

5  accompanying  [with]  the  ark  of  God,  and  Ahio  went  before  the  ark.  And  David 
and  all  the  house  of  Israel  played  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  on  all  manner  of 
instruments  made  of  firwood  [with  all  their  might,  with  songs]*  even  [and]  on  harps 
[lyres]  and  on  psalteries  and  on  timbrels  and  on  cornets  [sistra]  and  on  cymbals. 

6  And  when  they  came  to  Nachon's'  threshing-floor,  Uzzah  put  forth  his  hand  to 


TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  1.  Wellhausen  supposes  that  nij;  came  from  the  misunderstanding  of  cip^,  as  if  the  verb  were  from 
flD'.  which  regularly  takes  lij?  (comp.  1  Sam.  xviii.  29) ;  but  see  the  explanation  in  the  Exposition.— Tn.] 

2  [Ver.  2.  So  substantially  Cahen,  Wellhausen,  Bib.  Com. ;  Philippson  repeats  the  word  "  name,"  and  Erdmann 
renders :  "  where  (Diyj  is  invoked  the  name  of  the  Lord  of  hosts,  who  is  enthroned  on  the  cherubim  over  it." — 

T  ! 

It  is  clear,  however,  that  VlV  is  the  complement  of  the  Bel.  "lE^N.  and  the  second  DK^  is  better  omitted  with 

Sept.,  Vulg.,  Chald.,  Arab.,  and  one  MS.  of  Kennicott.    As  to  the  number  of  words  between  the  Rel.  and  its  com- 
plement, such  a  massing  up  of  dependent  phrases  is  unusual,  but  not  impossible;  and  the  sentence  may  have 

been  originally  simpler  (as  Wellh.  suggests)  V/J?  '^  DK?  'pj  TK'X,  and  the  appositional  phrase  afterwards 

added.— Tb.] 

3  [Ver.  4.  This  clause  is  omitted  by  Erdmann  (so  Sept.).  But  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  whole  verse  had  not 
better  bo  omitted  (as  in  1  Chron.  xiii.),  for  it  adds  nothing  to  the  preceding.  In  that  case  the  last  clause  might 
be  regarded  as  a  marginal  explanation  which  early  got  into  the  text. — Thenius  thinks  that  the  incorrect  repeti- 
tion of  the  first  clause  has  occasioned  the  dropping  out  of  the  words:  "and  Uzzah  went,"  before  the  words: 
"with  the  ark  of  God,"  and  Wellh.  adds  that  it  has  also  occasioned  the  change  of  the  appellative  VnN,  "his 

brother,"  into  the  proper  name,  VPN,  "  Ahio."— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  5.  This  is  the  reading  in'l  Chron.  xiii.  8.    Sept.:  iy  'Sja.- Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  6.  Aq.  ews  aAwi/09  eToi>Tjs,  and  so  substantially  Bdttcher  and  Erdmann :  "  to  a  ready  (fixed)  threshing- 
floor;"  but  this  18  less  probable  than  the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  as  a  proper  name.  It  is  no  objection  to  this 
that  this  word  does  not  occur  elsewhere  as  a  proper  name.    The  form  in  Chr.  [iT3  is  thought  by  Wellh.  to  be 

the  same  as  the  last  syllable  of  this :  —  p3  =  [U ;  hut  this  is  improbable. — Tr.] 


414  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


7  the  ark  of  God  and  took  hold  of  it,  for  the  oxen  shook  it.     And  the  anger  of  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  was  kindled  against  Uzzah,  and  God  smote   him  there   for  hi8 

8  error;'  and  there  he  died  [he  died  there]  by  the  ark  of  God.     And  David  was  dis- 
pleased because  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  made  a  breach  upon  Uzzah ;  and  he 

9  called  the  name  of  the  [that]  place'  Perez-uzzah  to  this  day.     And  David  was 
afraid  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  that  day,  and  said.  How  shall  the  ark  of  the  Lord 

10  [Jehovah]  come  to  me  ?  So  David  woidd  not  remove  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] unto  him  into*  the  city  of  David,  but  David  carried  it  aside  into  the  house  of 

11  Obed-edom  the  Gittite.  And  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  continued  in  the 
house  of  Obed-edom  the  Gittite  three  months ;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  blessed 
Obed-edom'  and  all  his  household. 

12  And  it  jyas  told  king  David,  saying,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  blessed  the  house 
of  Obed-edom  and  all  that  pertaineth  unto  him,  because  of  the  ark  of  God.  So 
[And]  David  went  and  brought  up  the  ark  of  God  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom 

13  into  ihe  city  of  David  with  gladness.  And'"  it  was  so  [it  came  to  pass]  that  when 
they  that  bare  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  had  gone  six   paces,   he  sacrificed 

]  4  oxen  and  fatlings.     And  David  danced  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  with  all  his 

15  might ;  and  David  was  girded  with  a  linen  ephod.  So  [And]  David  and  all  the 
house  of  Israel  brought  up  the  ark"  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  with  shouting  and 
with  the  [om.  the]  sound  of  the  [om.  the]  trumpet. 

16  And  as  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  came  into  the  city  of  David,  Michal, 
Saul's  daughter,  looked  through  a  [the]  window,  and  saw  king  David  leaping  and 

17  dancing  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ;  and  she  despised  him  in  her  heart.  And 
they  brought  in  the  ark  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  and  set  it  in  his  [its]  place  in  the 
midst  of  the  tabernacle  that  David  had  pitched  for  it ;  and  David  offered  burut- 

18  offerings"  and  peace-offerings"  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  as  soon  as  David 
had  made  [And  David  made]  an  end  of  otf'eriug  [ins.  the]  burnt-offerings  and 
[ins.  the]  peace-offerings,  [ins.  and]  he  blessed  the  people  in   the  name"  of  the 

19  Lord  [Jehovah]  of  hosts.  And  he  dealt  among  [dealt  out  to]  all  the  people,  even 
among  [to]  the  whole  multitude  of  Israel,  as  well  to  the  women  as  [ins.  to  the] 
men,  to  every  one  a  cake  of  bread  and  a  good  [om.  good]  piece  of  flesh''*  and  a  flagou 
of  idne  [a  raisin-cake]  ;  so  [and]  all  the  people  departed  every  one  to  his  house. 

20  And  David  returned  to  bless  his  household.  And  Michal,  the  daughter  of  Saul, 
came  out  to  meet  David,  and  said.  How  glorious  was  [om.  was]  the  king  of  Israel 
[ins.  made  himself]  to-day,  who  uncovered  himself  to-day  in  the  eyes  of  the  hand- 
maids of  his  servants,  as  one  of  the  vain  fellows  shamelessly''  uncovereth  himself! 

•  fVer.  7.    i1l>T\~l)),  an  obscure  phrase.    Ewald:  "unexpectedly"  (comp.  Dan.  viii.  25;  Job  xt.  21);  some 

Greek  VSS.  give  en-l  t^  TrpoTrereta,  evl  rij  fievota;  Erdmann  and  others  as  Eng.  A.  V.,  which  is  a  doubtful  meaning, 
and  besides  "the  suffix  would  then  be  required.    Our  phrase  might  be  a  fragment  of  the  piirase  in  Cbron.: 

nity  "^WiJ  IJl  (so  Bib.  Com.  and  others).    Chald.  as  Eng.  A.  V.;  Vulg.  super  temeritats  (so  margin  of  Eng.  A.  T.). 

— Tk.] 

'  LVer.  S.  Some  MSS.  have  DIpBH  Dt!'-— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  10.  "7j;,  "  on,"  since  the  city  was  on  a  hill  (but  many  MSS.  have  7N)-— jT3  indicates  the  point  reached 
by  motion,  the  Prep,  being  omitted,  as  is  frequent. — Tn.} 

»  [Ver.  11.  Some  MSS.  have  "the  house  of  Obed-edom,"  and  others  add  "the  Gittite."— Ta.l 

^^  [Ver.  13.  Here  and  elsewhere  Aquila  renders  jllN  by  yAwo-tjoKojuoi/.    Sept.  has  iv  bpyivoi^  yiptioatUvoi^  for 

fj?~733  in  ver.  14  (see  ver.  5).  It  is  difficult  to  see  how  it  gets  its  translation  :  "  and  there  were  vrith  him  seven 
choruses  bearing  the  ark,"  unless  it  takes  DHi^X  (steps)  concretely  as  =  "persons  going  or  marching;"  what 
follows :  Kol  dvfia  jLLooxo?  leal  apve^.  is  also  strange. — Tr.] 

"  [Ver.  15.  Some  MSS.:  "ark  of  the  covenant  of  Jehovah."— Te.] 

12  [Ver.  17.  Without  the  Art.  since  the  number  is  not  given,  and  the  statement  is  indefinite;  but  in  the  fol- 
lowing verse,  since  the  nouns  are  then  defined  by  previous  mention,  the  Art.  is  used. — Tb.] 

i»  [Ver.  18.    D!y3.— Sym. :  Sii  toS  6ni|xaTos,  Aq.  ev  ip6iio.Ti,.—'Ia.] 

"  [Ver.  19.  Erdmann:  "a  measure  (of  wine),"  Aq.,  Sym.  ifivpiniv  (perhaps  afiir^i'njK  from  im>Xo!  =  "fine 
meal "),  obscure,  Sept.  exapiViji',  perhaps  —  13t?X,  Vulg.  aesaiuram  bubuke  carnis  unam,  "a  roast  of  ox-flesh." 
-Te.] 

16  [Ver.  20.  This  adverb  in  Eng.  A.  V.  is  intended  to  express  the  force  of  the  second  Inf.  here;  the  oonstmc- 
tion  IS  noticed  by  Erdmann.  Supposing  the  second  Inf.  to  he  genuine  and  intensive,  the  meaning  would  be: 
"  really,  thoroughly  uncovers,"  to  which  Eng.  A.  V.  corresponds  substantially.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  VI.  1-23. 


415 


21  And  David  said  unto  Michal,  It  was  [om.  it  was]  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  which 
[who]  chose  me  before  thy  father  and  before  all  his  house,  to  appoint  me  ruler 
[prince]  over  the  people  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  over  Israel — therefore  will  I  play 

22  [yea,  I  have  played]  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah].  And  I  will  yet  be  more  [be  yet 
more]  vile  than  thus,  and  will  be  base  in  mine  own  sight ;  and  of  the  maid-servants 

23  which  [whom]  thou  hast  spoken  of,  of  them  shall  I  be  had  in  honor.  Therefore 
[And]  Michal  the  daughter  of  Saul  had  no  child"  unto  the  day  of  her  death. 

"  [Ver.  23.  Keth.  iS',  Qsri  iSl,  written  in  Gen.  xi.  30  iSl,  which  ia  the  older  form.    BSttoher:  "This  is 

TT 

one  of  the  few  examples  of  the  retention  by  the  punctuators  of  an  archaism  in  the  older  book,  and  its  correction 
in  the  later."— Te.] 


EXEGETICAL  AND  CRITICAL. 

[Parallel  with  2  Sam.  vi.  is  1  Chr.  xiiL,  xv., 
XVI.— Tb.] 

Ver.  1.  Assembly  of  all  the  chosen  men  in  Israel. 
— "  David  assembled."*  Thenius  renders  :  "  and 
David  increased  again  all  the  chosen  men  ;"  but 
against  this  is  that  nothing  has  been  before  said 
of  the  miimfters  of  the  army  (as  the  "again"  would 
then  imply),  and  that  such  a  completely  isolated 
statement  of  the  augmentation  of  the  standing 
army  would  be  very  strange,  [and  further  this 
rendering  would  not  agree  with  the  expression 
"  all  the  chosen  men."— Tb.].— The  ancient  VSS. 
all  have  :  "  assembled." — The  expression  "all  the 
chosen  men"  can  be  understood  (as  in  Judg.  xvi. 
34 ;  XX.  15  ;  1  Sam.  xxiv.  3)  only  of  the  military 
men  chosen  expressly  for  service  of  war,  not  of  a 
chosen  body  identical  (according  to  1  Chr.  xiii. 
1-5)  with  the  captains  of  thousands,  etc.,  that  is, 
with  the  representation  of  the  nation  in  stocks  and 
families  (Keil),  for  the  term  "chosen"  (1in3) 
could  not  be  so  employed.  And  for  this  reason 
the  word  "again"  cannot  refer  to  the  non-mi- 
litary assembly  of  the  Elders  in  v.  1,  3,  against 
which  forther  is,  that  David  did  not  convoke 
that  body,  while  it  is  here  said  that  "David 
again  gathered,"  and  that  that  assembly  lay 
too  far  back  of  the  two  gatherings  of  the  mili- 
tary population  for  the  Philistine  wars  described 
just  before  [ch.  v.].  Eather  the  "again"  refers 
to  this  latter  a.ssemblage  of  the  military  men,  which 
is  obviously  presupposed  in  the  immediately  pre- 
ceding narrative.  Thus  ver.  1  by  the  "  again  " 
and  the  "  all  the  chosen  men  "  connects  itself  im- 
mediately with  what  precedes,  while  it  introduces 
what  follows :  for  why  should  David  not  have 
brought  up  the  ark  with  an  army  of  thirty  thou- 
sand men  (against  Thenius)  ?  The  exhibition  of 
such  military  pomp  accorded  perfectly  with  the 
importance  of  the  ark  for  the  whole  people,  whose 
elite  in  these  ''hearts  of  oak"  [Germ,  kernel-  or 
core-warriors]  (Ew.  Or.  §  290  c)  the  more  appro- 
priately took  the  first  place  in  the  solemn  proces- 
sion, since  it  was  their  victory  over  the  Philis- 
tines that  made  the  transference  of  the  ark  pos- 
sible. Besides,  amilitary  escort  might  be  necessary 
to  guard  against  a  new  attack  of  the  enemy. — W^ 
learn  from  this  "  that  David  already  in  a  certain 
sort  maintained  a  standing  army  "  (Then.). — The 
Sept.  has  seventy  instead  of  thirty  thousand,  sup- 


*  "IDV  for  nDX'  —  nbxMaginlSam.xv.e;  Mic.iv.6, 

Ps.  civ.  2")),  comp.  Ew.  ?'i39  6,  Ges.  $  68,  Sem.  2;  It  ia 
Impf.  of  nox  [not  of  tjO'  "  to  increase  "]. 


posing,  no  doubt,  that  the  whole  military  force  of 
all  Israel  was  here  assembled,  a  supposition  that 
is  excluded  by  the  phrase  "  chosen  men."  [The 
consultation  of  David  with  the  leaders  in  1  Chr. 
xiii.,  and  the  assembling  of  "  all  Israel "  (that  is, 
probably,  through  its  representatives)  is  not  in- 
consistent with  the  statement  here.  The  Chroni- 
cler brings  out  prominently  details  of  organiza- 
tion, especially  religious,  "  Samuel "  gives  the 
simplest  historical  narration. — Tb.] 

Vers.  2-10.  Damd!s  march  to  fetch  the  ark  from 
Kirjath-jearim.  —  Ver.  2.  And  David  went 
■with  all  the  people  that  were  with  him.^ 
These  are  not  the  above-named  thirty  thousand 
chosen  warriors,  but,  besides  them,  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  whole  nation  gathered  to  the  festi- 
val, as  described  in  1  Chr.  xiii.  1-16,  where  no- 
thing is  said  of  a  military  body,  while  here  in  our 
passage  the  preliminary  conference  with  the  heads 
of  families  is  passed  over,  and  only  a  summary 
statement  made  in  reference  to  the  accompaniment 
of  the  ark  by  the  people.  The  expression  "from 
Baale  "  is  strange,  since  nothing  has  before  been 
said  of  David's  going  thither.  But  we  cannot 
make  the  Prep,  (f?)  =  "  to  "  (Dathe),  nor  regard 
the  phrase  as  definitive  of  the  preceding  "all  the 
people,"  as  do  the  ancient  VSS.  (Sept  ''  of  the 
rulers  of  Judah,"  Vulg.  "  of  the  men  of  Judah," 
and  so  Luther  "  of  the  citizens  of  Judah  " ) — the 
latter  view  is  untenable  because  the  designation 
of  place  presupposed  in  the  expression  "from 
thence  "  would  then  be  wanting.  From  what  fol- 
lows ''  Baale-Judah  "  can  be  nothing  butthe  place  , 
Kirjath-jearim  (comp.  1  Chr.  xiii.  6)  whither  the 
ark  was  carried  according  to  1  Sam.  vi.  21 ;  vii. 
1,  =  Kirjathrbaal,  Josh.  xv.  60 ;  xviii.  14 ;  Baa- 
lah,  Josh.  XV.  9 ;  1  Chr.  xiii.  6.  This  original 
Canaanitish  name  continued  along  with  the  Isra- 
elitish.  See  Josh,  xviii.  14,  "  Kiijath-baal,  that  is, 
Kirjath-jearim,  the  city  of  tlie  children  of  Judah-" 
to  this  last  name  answers  here  Baale-JiidaA, 
whereby  this  city  is  distinguished  from  others  of 
like  name,  Baal  or  Baalah  in  Simeon  (Josh.  xix. 
8 ;  1  Chr.  iv.  33)  and  in  Dan  (Josh.  xix.  44).  It 
lay  on  the  border  between  Judah  and  Benjamin, 
westward  on  the  border  of  the  latter  trilae  and 
about  eight  miles  west  of  Jerusalem  [identified  by 
Bob.  with  the  modern  Kuryet  el-Enab  or  Abu 
Gosh,  on  the  road  from  Jerusalem  to  Jaffa. — Te.]. 
—Since,  now,  the  Prep.  "  from  "  cannot  well  be 
taken  (with  Keil)  to  be  an  ancient  clerical  error, 
we  may  either  suppose  that  the  writer  here  gives 
a  very  condensed  narrative,  not  mentioning  Da- 
vid's march  to  Baalah,  because  he  took  it  for 
granted  in  relating  what  was  to  him  the  chief 
matter,  the  bringing  of  the  ark  thence  (Kim- 
chi,  Maurer),  or,  if  such  a  condensation  seems  too 


416 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


hard,  we  must  suppose  a  lacuna  in  the  text.  The- 
nius  thinks  it  probable  that  it  originally  read  "to 
Kirjath-jearim  of  the  citizens  of  Judah,"  ^^  "chU- 
dren  of  Judah,"  Josh,  xviii.  14  ('3  on^;  nnp) 
and  the  two  first  words  except  the  last  letter  (D) 
have  fallen  out.  This,  as  explaining  how  the 
Prep.  (ID)  came  into  the  text,  seems  better  than 
the  conjecture  of  Lud.  CapeU.  [OrU.  Sae.  I.  9,  ^ 
8),  who  supplies  the  words  of  1  Chr.  xiu.  6  "to 
Baalah,  to  Kirjath-jearim,  which  is  to  Judah,"  or 
that  of  Bertheau  (and  Ewald)  "  Baalah,  it  (N'H), 
ia  K.,  which  is  to  Judah."  [It  seems  a  difficulty 
in  the  way  of  Thenius'  ingenious  restoration  that 
the  word  7^3  in  the  sense  of  "  citizen,  inhabitant " 
is  found  only  with  names  of  cities,  not  of  coun- 
tries. This,  if  correct,  will  also  set  aside  Well- 
hausen's  explanation  of  the  Prep.  (|D),  that  it 

arose  from  a  misunderstanding  of  '7if3,  which 
was  taken  ^  "  citizens  or  inhabitants."  Perhaps 
the  D  is  clerical  error  for  7,  the  two  letters  being 
not  very  unlike  in  their  ancient  forms. — Ts.]. 
To  bring  up  thence  the  ark  of  God. — The 
rest  of  the  verse  is  descriptive  of  the  "  ark  of  God," 
but  opinions  vary  as  to  the  exact  sense.  The  ren- 
dering (connecting  IK'S  withl'TJ'):  "on  which 
(ark)  the  name,  the  name  of  Jehovah  ...  is 
called "  (Keil)  or  "called  on"  (De  Wette),  has 
against  it  that  "  there  is  no  example  of  so  many 
words  between  the  Rel.  and  its  complement" 
(Then.),  and  the  strangeness  of  this  repetition  of 
the  "  name  "  [which  is  written  twice  in  the  Heb. 
— Tb.].  The  translation :  "  which  (ark)  is  called 
the  name"  (Kimchi,  and  also  Bunsen:  which  is 
called  hy  name  [whose  name  is  called]  .  .  .  ),  is 
untenable  because  the  ark  itself  is  never  so  called ; 
equally  insufficient  is  Keil's  explanation  of  his 
translation :  "  over  which  the  name  of  Jehovah  is 
named,"  that  is,  above  which  Jehovah  reveals 
Hisglory,  for  the  verb  "  is  called  or  named  "  must 
be  referred  not  to  Jehovah,  but  to  the  human 
naming  of  Jehovah's  name.  Also  to  Ewald's 
view,  who  refers  the  Relative  to  "God,"  and 
translates  "He  was  named  with  the  name"  (Or. 
\  284  c)  the  twice-recurring  "  name"  is  an  objec- 
tion. It  is  better,  therefore,  to  render  (with  Cler., 
Maur.,  Then.,  Berth.) :  "where  the  name  of  the 
Lord  of  hosts  ...  is  invoked"  (reading  DE'  for 
02?).  Usually  indeed  the  verb  "  call "  is  followed 
by  the  Prep.  3  (in,  on)  when  it  means  "  invoke," 
but  it  ia  found  without  this  Prep.,  Ps.  xcix.  6, 
and  Lam.  iii.  55 ;  and  though  there  was  no  invo- 
cation of  the  Lord's  name  at  the  ark  itself  (since 
none  was  permitted  to  approach  it),  yet  the  place 
where  it  stood  was  doubtless  a  place  of  divine  wor- 
ship.* "  Who  is  enthroned  on  the  Cherubim," 
that  is,  is  present  with  His  ruling  power  in  the 
midst  of  His  people ;  the  expression  is  never  used 
except  in  relation  to  the  ark;  see  on  1  Sam.  iv.  4. 
"  Who  is  enthroned  on  the  Cherubim  oione  itf 

»  The  DE?-1E'N  refers  back  to  the  □E'D.    So  in  1 

TV-:  -  T   ' 

Chr.  xiii.  6  this  invocation  is  mentioned,  if  we  read  DB' 
for  DE^  at  the  end. 

t  V7;;  belongs  to  3t!^',  but  there  is  no  need  to  supply 
IBfN  in  reference  to  "  Cherubim  "  (Then.). 


(the  ark)."     [On  the  text  of  this  verse  see  "  Text, 
and  Gram. — Tb.]. — Ver.  3  sq.    "&(  it  on  the 
cart."*    A  "new  cart"  must  be  taken,  because 
the  sacred  vessel  was  not  permitted  to  come  in 
contact  with  anything  already  desecrated  by  com- 
mon use,  comp.  1  Sam.  vi.  7.     "And  brought  it 
out;"  according  to  the  above  translation  ("set") 
there  is  no  need  of  rendering  this  verb  as  Pluperf. 
"had  brought"  (Then.). — Carrying  the  ark  on  a 
cart  was  contrary  to  the  legal  requirement  (Num. 
vii.  9),  according  to  which  it  was  always  to  be 
home,  by  the  Levites.     "  The  Hebrews  here  pro- 
bably imitated  a  Phoenician  or  Philistine  custom. 
The  Phoenicians,  namely,  seem  to  have  had  sa- 
cred  carts,  on  which  they  carried   about  their 
gods  (Miinter,  Eelig.  der  Karthager,  p.  120),  and 
the  oxen  were  sacred  to  Baal  (p.  15)."     (Stiihl., 
David  p.  39).     See  1  Sam.  vi.  7.     Out  of  the 
house  of  Abinadab  on  the  hill,  comp.  1  Sam. 
vii.  1  .sq.     According  to  this  passage  Abinadab's 
son  Eleazar  was  entrusted  with  the  oversight  of 
the  ark;  here  we  find  "Ueza  and  Ahio"  men- 
tioned as  Abinadab's  sons,  and  as  driving  the  cart 
in  charge  of  the  ark.    The  ark  had  been  about 
seventy  years  in  Abinadab's  house,  twenty  years 
up  to  the  victory  of  Ebenezer  (1  Sam.  vii.  1  sq.), 
forty  years  under  Samuel  and  Saul,  and  about  ten 
years  under  David.     Thus  the  statement  that 
Uzza  and  Ahio  led  the  ark  may  (as  Keil  remarks) 
be  explained  without  difficulty.     "  Either  these 
two  sons  were  born  about  or  after  the  time  that 
the  ark  was  deposited  in  his  house,  or  the  word 
'  sons '  is  used  in  the  wider  sense  of  '  grandsons,' 
as  is  often  the  case"  (Keil). — Text-critieism  of  ver. 
4.    By  the  mistake  of  a  transcriber,  whose  eye 

wandered  at  the  words  'n-JIX  DUJlJ  back  to  OP'^S 
TW'm,  the  words  firom  '^T\  to  nj?3J3  were  re- 
peated, and  are  to  be  omitted.  Only  thus  is  the 
omission  of  the  Art.  in  the  second  nn  to  be  ex- 
plained. [That  is,  omit  the  "  new  "  at  the  close 
of  ver.  3,  and  in  ver.  4  omit  the  first  clause  end- 
ing with  "Gibeah."  Some  read  ver.  4  thus: 
"  and  Uzza  went  with  the  ark  of  God,  and  Ahio 
(or,  his  brother)  went  "before  the  ark,"  which 
gives  a  good  sense.  The  whole  verse  is  omitted 
in  Chron.     See  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.] 

Ver.  5.  Whilst  Ahio  went  before  the  ark,  and 
Uzza  went  alongside  it  (ver.  6) — perhaps  in  ver. 
4  the  words  "and  Uzza  went"  have  fallen  out 
before  "  with  the  ark  of  God"  (De  Wette,  Then., 
Buns.) — the  whole  procession,  David  at  the  head, 
moves  forward  with  music,  song  and  dance.  The 
whole  house  of  Israel,  see  vers.  1,  2.  Before 
the  Iiord,  whose  presence  was  symbolized  by  the 
ark  itself.  "  Sportmg,"  that  ia.playing  (see  Judg. 
xvi.  25)  and  dancing  (see  ver.  14).  The  Heb. 
word  (pn?',  pnV)  is  the  general  expression  for 
dancing  in  its  connection  with  vocal  and  instru- 
mental music,  1  Sam.  xviii.  7;  xxi.  11;  1  Chr. 
xiii.  8 ;  xv.  29 ;  Jer.  xxx.  19 ;  xxxi.  4 ;  Prov. 
viii.  30  sq.— The  words  of  tlxe  Heb.  text  "  with 
all  manner  of  cypress-woods"  make  no  sense;  for 
what  signifies  the  mention  of  the  material,  of 
which  the  instruments  were  afterwards  made? 
The  Sept.  and  Vulg.  {sv  bpydvoig  ^pfioa/ihoig 
"  with  fitted  instruments,"  in  omnibus  lignis  fa- 


*  3''3'in  as  2  Kings  xxiii.  30  j  comp.  2  Kings  xiii.  1 


OHAP.  VI.  1-23. 


417 


brefactis  "  with  all  manufactured  woods  ")  presup- 
pose indeed  this  reading ;  but  the  Sept.  has  also 
another  reading  "  with  might  and  with  songs,"  to 
which  answer  the  corresponding  words  in  Chron. 
(ver.  8) :  "  with  all  their  might  and  with  songs." 
[This  reading  of  Chron.  is  now  generally  adopted 
here,  though  not  by  the  Jewish  expositors  Phi- 
lippaon  and  Cahen,  who  retain  the  text  of  "  Sa- 
muel."— Tb.]  "With  the  expression  "with  all 
might "  comp.  ver.  14 :  "  and  David  danced  with 
all  (hia)  might."  On  the  connection  of  song  with 
festive  dance  and  instrumental  music  see  on  1 
Sam.  xvJii.  6,  7.  The  timbrel  (tabret,  hand-drum 
^^Ifl)  or  Aduffe  [Arab,  and  Pers.  duff  or  diff,  Span, 
adufe]  was  used  by  the  virgins  to  give  the  time 
in  dancing. — The  menana  [incorrectly  "cornet" 
in  Eng.  A.  V.]  is  an  instrument  that  gave  forth 
a  melodious  tone  when  shaken  to  musical  time 
(from  j?'J  "to  shake"),  the  siatrum  (aelarpov)  of 
the  ancients. — "  Cymbals,"  smaller  or  larger  me- 
tal-plates, which  when  struck  together  gave  a 
clear  sound.*  Chron.  has  "  trumpets "  in  place 
of  "  aistra  ;"  the  two  accounts  are  doubtless  mu- 
tually complementary  (Keil).  [On  these  instru- 
ments see  the  Bib.-Dicts. — Te.] 

Ver.  6.  And  vrhea  they  came  to  a  fized 
threshing-floor. — Nachon  (fl^J)  is  not  to  be 
taken  (with  many  expositors  [and  Eng.  A.  V.]) 
aa  a  proper  name,  since  it  never  so  occurs ;  nor  is 
it  =  "  threshing-floor  of  the  blow  "  (H^J  Mov., 
KeU),  for  the  word  is  always  found  as  a  Pass. 
Partcp.  (Niph.),  and  cannot  be  derived  from  the 
Qal  [simple  Active]  of  the  verb  "smite"  (HJJ), 
which  never  occurs ;  besides,  in  that  case,  as 
Bottcher  rightly  remarks,  "  the  name  would  not 
be  connected  with  Perez  (ver.  8)."  Nachon  (from 
JO)  =  "  a  fixed  threshing-floor,  which  did  not 
change  its  place  like  the  summer  floor  (Dan.  ii. 
35),  and  therefore  probably  had  a  roof  and  a 
stock  of  fodder"  (Bottch.).  Chron.  has  "thresh- 
ing-floor of  destruction  "  (Kidon,  ]n'3  =  T2  Job 
xxi.  10,  destruction,  properly  blow,  plaga  =  Ar. 
caid),  a  designation  that  probably  has  its  origin 
in  the  succeeding  narrative.  Later  the  name  Pe- 
rez-uzza  came  into  use  instead  of  these  appellations. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  insert  in  the  Heb.  the  words 
"his  hand"  (IT)  after  the  verb  "put  forth,"  for 
the  verb  is  found  alone  in  Ps.  xxii.  17;  for  ex- 
ample, comp.  with  Ps.  xviii.  17  ;  Obad.  13.  [Bih.- 
Oom. :  the  word  reach  is  so  used  in  Eng.  without 
a  following  hand. — Tb.].  Uzza  reached  out 
to  the  ark  of  God  and  took  hold  of  it, 
namely,  to  keep  it  from  falling  over  or  down  ; 
for  the  oxen  shook,  jostled  it  (1D3"u^),  ac- 
cording to  the  usual  signification  of  the  verb, — 
not  "ran  away"  (Ges.  Dietr.),  or  "had  gotten 
loose"  (De  Wette),  nor  "had  thrown  it  down" 
(Bottch.,  Then.),  since  according  to  the  narrative 
IJzza  wished  to  save  it  from  falling  by  laying  hold 
of  it.  Ewald:  "they  jostled  the  ark  so  that  it 
seemed  about  to  fall  off."  [The  Ace  Pron.,  not 
expressed  in  the  Heb.,  is  easily  supplied  from  the 
connection. — Tb.] 

Ver.  7.  "  God  smote  him  for  the  error."    [Erd- 

*  Instead  of  our  wh'i^'i  Chron.  has  D'ijlSSD,   see 
Ps.  ol.  5. 

27 


mann  thus  agrees  in  this  translation  with  Eng. 
A.  v.,  Abarb.,  Philipps.,  Keil,  Chald. ;  the  diflS- 
culty  is  stated  in  "Text,  and  Gram."  Some  ren- 
der "for  his  rashness,"  some  "unawares,"  and 
others  adopt  the  reading  in  1  Clir.  xiii.  10.  Con- 
sult Kennicott's   "  Dissertation,"  p.  456,  Levy's 

Chald.  Diet.  s.  v.  'W,  Wellhausen's  "  Text  Sa- 
mite(i3."^TE.].  The  error  consisted  in  touching 
tlie  ark,  which  as  the  symbol  of  God's  presence 
(1  Sam.  iv.  7),  none  could  look  at  (Num.  iv.  20; 
1  Sam.  vi.  19),  much  less  lay  hold  of,  without  pe- 
ril of  life.  For  transportation,  therefore,  it  was 
first  covered  up  by  the  Levites  to  whom  it  was 
committed  (especially  the  Kohathites,  Num.  vii. 
9),  and  that  with  faces  covered  (Num.  iv.  15,  20), 
and  carried  on  staves  which  constantly  projected 
(Ex.  XXV.  14, 15). — Instead  of  this  brief  statement 
of  the  offence,  Chron.  has  the  descriptive  peri- 
phrasis :  "  because  he  had  put  out  his  hand  to  the 
ark,"  which  is  followed  by  Syr.  and  Arab.  A 
suddenly  fatal  apoplectic  stroke  was  the  natural 
means  of  the  manifestation  of  the  divine  anger  at 
Uzza's  violation  of  the  majesty  of  the  holy  God 
symbolized  in  the  ark  of  the  covenant. — Ver.  8. 
"And  David  was  angry  that  the  Lord  had  made 
a  breach  (or  inflicted  a  stroke)  on  Uzza;"  not 
"was  amazed  (confounded),"  for  the  verb  is  al- 
ways used  of  anger,  the  angry  person  being  intro- 
duced with  the  Prep.  ;  [=  to],  2  Sam.  xix.  43; 
1  Sam.  XV.  11 ;  Gen.'  xviii.  30,  32 ;  xxxi.  36. 
The  cause  of  his  anger  or  angry  excitement  is  not 
the  deed  of  TJzza,  but  the  deed  of  God,  the  slay- 
ing of  Uzza,  in  so  far  as  he  was  obliged  to  look  on 
himself  as  the  cause  of  this  punishment  through 
his  non-observance  of  the  legal  prescription  con- 
cerning the  transportation  of  the  ark ;  forlBe  ark 
was  to  be  borne,  not  ridden,  and  touching  it  was 
forbidden  on  pain  of  death  (Num.  iv.  15).  "  To 
this  day "  this  name  had  continued  the  only  one 
in  pse  in  commemoration  of  this  occurrence,  [that 
is,  up  to  the  writer's  time,  which  was  at  some  con- 
siderable remove  from  the  event  referred  to. — 
Tb.]. — Ver.  9.  While  David  is  angry  at  this 
justly-incurred  misfortune,  his  heart  is  filled  with 
fear  of  the  Lord.  Hovr  shall  the  ark  of  the 
Iiord  come  to  me? — This  question  indicates 
the  ground  and  object  of  David's  fear  of  the  Lord ; 
in  view  of  what  had  happened  on  the  touching 
of  the  ark,  he  feels  himself  guilty  before  the  Lord 
and  unworthy  of  His  presence ;  he  fears  to  be  si- 
milarly stricken,  if  he  now  bring  the  ark  to  him 
into  Zion. — Ver.  10.  The  procession  was  broken 
up,  and  the  effort  to  bring  the  ai-k  to  Zion  aban- 
doned; he  carried  it  aside  into  the  house 
of  Obed-edom  the  Gittite. — Obed-edom,  a  Le- 
vite  of  the  stock  of  the  Korahites,  which  was  a 
branch  of  the  family  of  Kohath  (Ex.  vi.  16,  18, 
21),  a  "son  of  Jeduthun"  (1  Chr.  xvi.  38),  ap- 
pears afterwards  as  a  porter  in  Jerusalem,  and 
also  acts  as  musician  in  the  transference  of  the 
ark  (1  Chr.  xv.  18,  21,  24 ;  xvi.  5).  He  is  called 
"  Gittite  "  not  from  a  former  protracted  residence 
in  the  Philistine  city  Gath  (Vatabl.),  but  from 
Gath-Eimmon,  the  Levitical  city  in  Dan.  (Cler.), 
Josh.  xxi.  24 ;  xix.  45,  where  he  was  no  doubt 
born.  Since  he  was  of  the  Korahites,  who  were 
porters  during  the  march  through  the  wilderne.ss, 
we  can  the  more  readily  understand  how  the  ark 
was  carried  to  him.     [If  Jeduthun  is  the  same  as 


41S 


TirS  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Ethan  (comp.  1  Chr.  xv.  17,  19  with  xvi.  41,  42 ; 
XXV.  1,  3,  6 ;  2  Chr.  xxxv.  15)  then  Obed-edom, 
the  son  of  Jeduthun,  was  a  Merarite.  There  may, 
however,  have  been  several  of  th«  name.  1  Chr. 
XXV.  15  is  supposed  by  some  to  establish  the  iden- 
tity of  our  Obeiedom  with  the  Jeduthunite,  though 
this  cannot  be  said  to  be  certain.  If  the  two  are 
the  same,  it  is  suggested  that,  "  though  a  Merarite 
by  birth,  marriage  with  a  Kohathite  would  ac- 
count for  his  dwelling  in  a  Kohathite  city."  The 
question  can  hardly  be  certainly  decided.  His 
name  is  peculiar,  apparently  =  "  serving  (ser- 
vant of)  Edom."  It  is  suggested  (Wellh.l  that 
Edom  is  here  the  name  of  a  god,  to  which  the  ob- 
jection ia  that  there  is  no  trace  elsewhere  of  such 
a  deity,  the  name  occurring  only  as  a  gentilic  one, 
and  in  connection  with  Esau.  It  having  been 
shown  by  Erdmann  that  the  man  Obed-edom  was 
a  Levite,  it  may  be  surmised  either  that  he  was 
a  foreigner  adopted  by  marriage  into  the  tribe  of 
Levi,  or,  more  probably,  that  he,  or  some  ances- 
tor of  hi",  had  once  been  in  servitude  to  the  Edom- 
ites. — See  Bib.-Com.  in  loco. — Tr.] 

Vers.  11-19.  [1  Chron.  xiii.  14;  xv.,  xvi.]. 
Transference  of  the  Ark  from  the  house  of  Obed-edom 
to  the  Oity  of  David. — Ver.  11  sq.  Three  months 
the  Ark  remained  in  the  house  of  Obed- 
edom.^After  the  words  "  with  the  house  of 
Obed-edom,"  Chron.  has  "in  its  house,"  ''in  order 
to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the  sacred  vessel" 
(Then.j.  The  blessing  on  Obed-edom's  house  and 
possessions  (corap.  Jos.  Ant.  7,  4,  2)*  "  for  the  ark 
of  God's  sake,"  that  is,  by  reason  of  God's  gra- 
cious presence  in  His  majesty  and  glory,  forms 
the  contrast  to  that  other  revelation  of  God's  an- 
ger [against  Uzza]  and  to  David's  fear  of  misfor- 
tune and  destruction  from  the  presence  of  the  ark, 
and  now  becomes  the  oncmion  of  David's  resolu- 
tion to  bring  the  ark  to  himself  to  Mount  Zion. 
After  the  words  (ver.  12):  "because  of  the  ark 
of  God"  the  Vulg.  has  :  "and  David  said,  I  will 
go  and  bring  back  the  ark  with  blessing  into  my 
house,"  which  is  an  explanation  of  what  precedes 
in  reference  to  Obed-edora's  experience  of  bless- 
ing, as  motive  for  bringing  back  the  ark.  [Well- 
hauseu :  "  This  addition  in  the  Vulgate  of  1590, 
which  pragmatically  connects  the  two  facts  which 
in  the  masoretic  texts  are  merely  collocated,  does 
not  belong  to  Jerome — see  Vei-cellone  in  loco.  It 
is  found  also  in  several  Greek  MSS.  Against 
Thenius."— Tn.].  Chron.  (xv.  1)  connects  this 
narrative  with  the  preceding  (the  palace-building, 
xiv.  1  sq.)  by  the  remark  that  David,  while  build- 
ing houses  in  Jerusalem,  prepared  a  place  for  the 
ark  of  God  and  pitched  a  tent  for  it.  And  Da- 
vid ■went  and  brought  up  the  ark  of  God 
from  the  house  of  Obed-edom  (which  was 
not  necessarily  near  Perez-Uzza,  but  lay  perhaps 
on  the  oufcikirts  of  the  Lower  City)  into  the 
city  of  David  "  with  gladness,"  in  glad  proces- 
sion, with  festive  joy,  comp.  Gen.  xxxi.  27  ;  Neh. 
xii.  43. — Ver.  1.3.  Since  bearers  of  the  ark  are 
spoken  of,  it  appears  that  David  now  observed  the 
prescription  of  the  Law.  In  1  Chr.  xxv.  2  sq. 
David  declares  that  no  one  should  bear  the  ark 
but  the  Levites,  because  they  were  thereto  chosen 
by  God.     The  former  procedure  is  thus  expressly 

*  [.Tosaphus  says  fbut  probably  without  extrn-hiblical 
authority)  that  Obed-edom,  from  having  been  poor,  be- 
«ame  rich,  and  tliat  people  observed  it. — Tu.J 


recognized  as  illegal  (comp.  Num.  i.  40;  iv.  15; 
vi.  9;  X.  17).  In  Chron.  we  then  find  (vers.  2- 
13)  the  king's  consultation  with  the  priests  and 
Levites  about  the  legal  performance  of  the  solemn 
act  of  bringing  up  the  ark,  and  (ver.  14  sq.)  Da- 
vid's further  regulations  concerning  the  singing 
and  instrumental  music  in  the  procession. — And 
■when  the  bearers  of  the  ark  of  the  Lord 
had  made  six  steps,  he  sacriiicsd  (caused  to 
be  sacrificed)  an  ox  and  a  fat  calf. — De  Wette 
renders  wrongly  :  "  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  often 
as  they  went  six  steps,  he  sacrificed;"  the  Heb. 
would  not  allow  this  rendering  (it  must  then  be 
^3]]  •  ^T?''  I^ortcl^Oj  and  what  a  monstrous 
representation :  such  an  offering  every  six  steps ! 
The  meaning  is  that  David,  having  arranged  and 
started  the  procession,  introduced  and  consecrated 
it  with  a  sacrifice.  "  It  was  a  thank-ofiering  for 
the  happy  beginning  and  a  petition  for  the  pros- 
perous continuation  of  the  nndertuking"  (Bottch.). 
The  halt  after  six  steps  is  therefore  not  a  "  sur- 
prising fact"  (Then.),  nor  need  we  suppose  that 
the  bearers  stood  "  a  long  time  "  with  the  ark  on 
their  shoulders.  The  offering  of  seven  bullocks 
and  seven  rams,  which  according  to  Chron.  (xv. 
26)  was  made  by  the  Levites,  was  not  the  same 
with  this,  but  a  concluding  thank-offering  for  the 
happy  completion  of  the  undertaking  with  the 
Lord's  help  (comp.  ver.  25).  [So  also  Patrick 
and  Keil  regard  the  sacrifice  in  1  Chr.  xv.  26 ; 
but  it  seems  clear  from  the  context  that  the  same 
offering  is  here  intended  as  in  our  passage,  for 
the  solemnity  is  not  completed  till  ver.  28.  It  is 
no  objection  to  this  that  David  is  the  offerer  in 
the  one  and  the  Levites  in  the  other  (Pair.),  for 
David  may  have  used  the  Levites  as  sacrifieers 
(as  Erdmann  intimates) ;  nor  does  the  apparent 
difference  in  the  animals  make  a  serious  difiiculty, 
for  the  terms  in  "  Samuel "  may  be  collective,  see 
Gen.  xxxii.  6  (so  Eng.  A.  V.),  Chron.  simply 
supplying  the  exact  numbers,  the  special  term 
''  bullock  "  of  Chron.  may  be  included  under  the 
general  "oxen"  of  "Samuel,"  and  the  "rams" 
under  the  somewhat  indefinite  "fatlings"  (so 
Sept.  and  Vulg.).  Or,  if  it  be  diflicult  to  take  the 
second  word  ('^'I'D)  as  collective,  we  may  suppose 
a  difference  in  the  figures  in  the  two  accoimts, 
such  as  is  not  infrequent. — Tr.]. — Ver.  14.  And 
David  danced  ■with  all  his  might  before 
the  Lord  —The  verb  (Pilp.  of  1^3,  only  here 
and  ver.  16)  =  "  to  hop,  spring,  dance  in  a  half 
circle,"  comp.  the  similar  word  for  "camels, dro- 
medaries" (nn^lj).  Dances  on  festive  occa- 
sions, as  in  thanksgiving  for  deliverances  'Ex. 
XV.  20),  for  victory  ( Judg.  xi.  84  ;  xxi.  19 ;  1  Sam. 
xviii.  6)  were  commonly  performed  by  women 
alone.  The  expression  " with  all  his  might"  sets 
forth  the  high  degree  of  David's  joyful  excite- 
ment, comp.  ver.  5.  "  Before  the  Lord,"  that  ia, 
before  the  ark  of  the  covenant  as  the  symbol  of 
the  presence  of  the  Lord  as  the  king  of  His  peo- 
ple.—Girded  with  a  (white)  linen  ephod.— 
As  elsewhere  the  white  ephod  w.ts  worn  only  by 
priests  as  a  sign  of  their  priestly  character  ( 1  Sam. 
xxii.  18),  there  was  a  special  significance  in  Da- 
vid's wearing  the  priestly  dress  now  ;  it  lay,  how- 
ever, not  in  a  desire  on  his  part  to  represent  himself, 
in  honor  of  the  Lord  as  head  of  the  priestly  people 
of  Israel,  but  partly  in  the  general  priestly  cha- 


CHAP.  VI.  1-23. 


419 


racter  that  the  kingly  office  of  David  and  Solomon 
still  continued  to  maintain  at  the  head  of  the  peo- 
ple, partly  in  David'a  priestly  procedure  in  this 
festivity ;  he,  as  it  were,  performed  the  functions 
of  a  priest  (Theniua),  not  merely  in  blessing  the 
people  (ver.  18),  but  also  in  conducting  the  whole 
procession  and  arranging  the  sacrifice.  While  the 
Chronicler  gives  elaborate  information  respecting 
the  dress  of  David  and  the  Levites,  our  narrator 
here  confines  himself  to  the  statement  that  David 
was  clothed  with  the  white  ephod.  On  the  other 
hand,  David's  dancing  is  omitted  by  the  Chroni- 
cler, not  because  it  offended  him  from  a  priestly 
point  of  view  (for  he  alludes  to  it  in  ver.  29,  and 
mentions  it  xiii.  8  in  agreement  with  2  Sam.  vi. 
5),  but  because  he  here  wished  to  bring  out  with 
special  prominence  the  ritualistic  side  of  the  cere- 
mony, for  which  the  priestly  dress  was  important. 
(See  Keil  in  loco.)  [It  is  suggested  by  some  (see 
JBib.  Comm.)  that  the  first  clause  of  1  Chr.  xv.  27, 
"and  David  was  clothed  witli  a  robe  of  fine  linen," 
is  merely  another  form  (possibly  a  corruption)  of 
the  text  of  "Samuel,"  "and  David  danced  with 
all  his  might,"  especially  as  this  same  ver.  27  men- 
tions the  linen-ephod  also.  The  Heb.  letters  in 
the  two  clauses  are  sufficiently  alike  to  permit  one 
to  be  derived  from  the  other,  and  the  context  in 
Chron.  is  not  against  such  a  supposition.  But  it 
is  impossible  to  say  whether  the  one  text  is  to  be 
derived  from  the  other,  or,  under  such  a  supposi- 
tion, which  is  the  original.  —  Tr.] — Ver.  15. 
Comp.  1  Chr.  xv.  28,  where  the  names  of  the  se- 
veral instruments  are  given.  Here  we  have 
briefly  with  shouting  and  sound  of  trum- 
pet.— The  Chron.  draws  full  accounts  from  the 
common  source,  our  author  gives  a  summary 
statement.  [On  religious  dances  among  the 
Egyptians,  Greeks,  and  Romans,  see  Wilkinson's 
Ancient  Egyptians,  Smith's  Diet,  of  Greek  and  So- 
man Ant.,  Arts.  Chorus  and  Saltatio,  and  comp.  Art. 
Dance  in  Smith's  Bih.  Diet. — Tb.] 

Ver.  16.  Michal*  is  expressly  called  /ScwtZ's 
daughter,  not  thereby  to  characterize  her  as  lacking 
in  true-hearted  piety  (Keil),  but  to  distinguish  her 
in  comparison  with  David's  other  wives,  as  high- 
e.st  in  position.  She  looked  through  the 
■windovT — ^that  is,  holds  herself  aloof  from  the 
procession,!  and  criticises  David's  conduct  (as  her 
remark  proves)  with  a  cold  heart  which  had  no 
part  in  his  and  the  people's  joyous  inspiration. 
wnen  she  saw  the  king  leaping  and 
dancing  (Chronicl.:  dancing  [=leaping]  and 
playing),  she  despised]:  him  in  her  heart — 
despised  him  on  account  of  his  presumed  degra- 
dation of  himself,  to  the  shame  of  his  royal  dignity 
(ver.  20).— Ver.  17.  The  tent  that  David  pitched 
for  the  ark  being  merely  a  covering  on  poles  with- 
out a  firm  structure  of  boards,  could  have  been 


*  n*ni,  as  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  48  and  often  in  later  books, 

TT  ; 

for  TTI  (comp.  Ew.  §345 &) — "because  there  is  no  pro- 
gress in  the  action,  but  we  have  merely  the  mention  of 
an  additional  incident"  (KeilJ. 

t  [But  probably  it  wag  not  expected  that  she  and  other 
members  of  the  household  (women)  should  take  part  in 
the  procession  iver.  20).— Tb.] 

t  nm  with  7,  as  verbs  of  inclination  and  hate  often 

have  the  prepo.sitional  construction  (love  to,  Ley.  xix. 
18 ;  hate  or  contempt  towards,  Proverbs  xvii.  6) ;  Ewald, 
§282  c. 


only  temporary,  since  David  had  the  purpose  to 
build  a  permanent  sanctuary,  a  "house"  to  the 
Lord  (chap.  vii.).  Set  it  in  its  place  in  the 
midst  of  the  tent. — That  is,  in  the  space 
marked  oflf  according  to  the  tabernacle  which  still 
stood  in  Gibeon,  in  the  Holy  of  Holies-  The 
burnt-offerings  and  thamk-offerings  that  David  now 
offered  referred  to  this  provisional  sanctuary,  and 
served  to  consecrate  it.  Of  course  he  made  the 
sacrifices  not  in  hLs  o^vn  person,  but  through  the 
priests. — Ver.  18.  The  offerings  being  ended,  he 
blessed  the  people  in  the  name  of  the  Lord 
of  Sabaoth. — The  blessing  was  not  the  Aaronic 
(Numb.  vi.  22  sq.),  which  pertained  only  to  the 
high-priest,  but  (like  Solomon's,  1  Ki.  viii.  5-5)  a 
concluding  benedictory  address  to  the  whole  peo- 
ple. "The  name  of  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth"  is  the 
essential  being  of  God,  as  it  was  exhibited  in  the 
fulness  of  all  His  revelations  to  His  people.  The 
benedictions  find  their  fulfilment  only  in  this  self- 
revelation  of  God  to  His  people  as  their  source, 
which  is  at  the  same  time  the  pledge  for  the  ful- 
filment.— Ver.  19.  The  entertainment  of  the  peo- 
ple. Each  one,  men  and  women,  received  a 
"bread-cake"  (nbn  =  i33,  1  Chron.  xvi.  3),  a 
round  cake,  such  as  was  baked  for  sacrificial  meals, 
comp.  Ex.  xxix.  23  with  Lev.  viii.  24  sq.  Eshpar 
[Eng.  A.  v.:  good  piece  of  flesh]  occurs  only  here, 
is  not  :=  "  piece  of  flesh,"  *  but  probably  to  be  de- 
rived from  a  verb  "to  measure"  (Aeth.  liJiy,  De 
Dieu,  Geseniu.s,  Kodiger,  De  Wette),  and  =  a 
"  measure  of  wine,"  which  would  not  be  too  hard  a 
suppletion  [would  not  be  supplying  or  under- 
standing too  much]  (Thenius).  The  third  term 
[Eng.  A.  v.:  flagon  of  wine]  means  raisin-cake,  or 
a  mass  of  dried  grapes  pressed  into  a  cake  (Ges.), 
comp.  Song  of  Songs  ii.  5;  Hos.  iii.  1. — There- 
upon the  people  returned  home. — In  like 
manner  David,  having  finished  the  offering  and 
the  entertainment,  returned  to  his  house  to 
bless  it  (ver.  20  a) — that  is,  to  invoke  on  his 
house  the  blessings  he  had  pronounced  on  the 
people,  and  (having  finished  this  sacred  act)  to 
place  it  under  the  protection  and  blessing  of  the 
Lord,  of  whose  presence  in  his  house  the  ark 
standing  near  in  the  tent  was  the  symbol.  The 
close  of  verse  19  and  the  beginning  of  verse  20 
are  given  at  the  end  of  the  narrative,  1  Chron. 
xvi.  43. 

Vers.  20-23.  MichaPs  pride  and  Damd's  humi- 
lity.— Ver.  20.  And  Michal  came  to  meet 
David. — The  words  here  added  by  the  Sept.: 
"and  greeted  him"  are  an  insertion^which  there 
is  no  ground  for  putting  into  the  Hebrew  text. 
How  glorious  did  the  king  of  Israel  make 
himself  to-day! — This  bitterly  ironical  address 
with  which  David,  returning  joyfully  to  bless  his 
house,  is  received  by  Michal,  is  the  outburst  of 
her  wicked  feeling  (ver.  16).  Who  uncovered 
himself  to-day  in  the  eyes  of  the  hand- 
maids of  his  servants. — That  is:  exposed,  de- 
graded himself,  obviously  alluding  to  the  fact  that 
David  had  exchanged  the  royal  robes  proper  to 
such  an  occasion  for  the  light,  comparatively  short 
sacerdotal  dress.  She  blames  him  not  so  much 
for  dancing  as  that  in  such  a  procession  and  in 
such  attire,  forgetting  his  royal  dignity,  he  min- 

*  It  is  not  (with  most  Eabbis)  to  be  derived  from 
m  and  lil. 


420 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


gled  with  the  common  people  and  put  himself  on 
a  level  with  them.  As  one  of  the  vain  fel- 
loTWS  uncovers*  himself. — "Worthless,  bad 
fellows"  (p''?.)  as  Judg.  ix.  4;  xi.  3;  Prov.  xii. 
11;  Vulg.:  "buffoons"  (scttrris),  Sept.:  "dancers" 
[opxoviikvav),  which  is  an  explanation  instead  of 
a  translation.  Observe  the  twofold  definition  of  the 
degradation :  "  in  the  eyes  of  the  maids  of  his  ser- 
vants" over  against  the  reference  to  the  king  of 
Israel. 

Ver.  21.  David^s  ansmer. — Before  the  Lord 

•who  chose  me and  I  have  played 

before  the  Iiord. — We  have  here  an  anacolou- 
thon,  the  long  Eel.  clause  "who  chose  . . .  Israel" 
breaking  the  connection,  which  is  then  restored 
by  "and  [or  yea]  I  have  played,"  the  phrase 
"  before  the  Lord  "  (which  stands  at  the  beginning) 
being  resumed.  [On  this  verse  see  the  English 
translation  and  "Text,  and  Gram." — Tb.]  After 
the  words  "  before  Jehovah "  Sept.  inserts  "  I  will 
dance;  blessed  be  the  Lord,"  and  after  "and  I 
have  played"  [which  it  renders  "I  will  play"] 
has  "and  I  will  dance,"  in  order  thus  to  relieve 
the  anacolouthon,  and  to  introduce  the  "  dancing," 
which  (though  the  object  of  Michal's  blame)  is 
strangely  omitted  [in  the  Heb.]  in  David's  reply. 
In  answer  to  Michal's  cutting  irony,  which  re- 
gards David's  conduct  merely  from  the  point  of 
view  of  its  accordance  with  the  dignity  of  "  the 
king  of  Israel,"  and  characterizes  it  as  common 
and  low,  he  affirms  two  things:  1)  that  in  his  pro- 
cedure he  had  an  eye  only  to  the  glory  of  God,  and 
that  it  must  therefore  not  be  condemned  as  com- 
mon and  low,  but  rather  recognized  as  holy  and 
well-pleasing  to  God ;  and  2)  that  he  received  his 
kingdom  and  his  position  as  king  of  Israel  through 
the  Lord's  choice  and  command,.  He  had  therefore 
acted  not  counter  to,  but  in  accordance  with  this 
royal  dignity,  in  that  he  gave  the  honor  to  the 
Lord,  who  haid  raised  him  from  lowline-ss  to  this 
height.  The  expression  ''before  the  Lord"  de- 
rives a  very  strong  emphasis  from  its  position  at 
the  beginning  and  at  the  end,  and,  thus  repeated, 
indicates  the  holiest  and  highest  point  of  view 
whence  (in  opposition  to  Michal's  profane  utter- 
ance) his  procedure  in  this  festival  is  to  be  judged 
and  estimated.  Before  thy  father  and  before 
his  whole  house  says  David,  in  order  to  repel 
the  charge  that  he  had  thus  lowered  the  royal 
dignity  which  had  passed  to  him  from  Saul  and 
his  house,  thus  pointing  also  to  the  cause  of  the 
rejection  of  Saul  and  his  house,  namely,  such 
haughtiness  and  pride  as  the  "daughter  of  Saul" 
had  here  exhibited. — Ver.  22.  "And  I  will  be  yet 
more  vile."  Instead  of  this  Sept.  has  the  non- 
sensical rendering :  ''  and  I  will  still  thus  uncover 

myself"  (H  7J)  |   The  less  reason  then  for  changing 
*  r\wJ3  ni/JHS.    The  explanation  of  this  abnormal 

:  ■  T*   ! 

combination — according  to  Ew.  §240  c — is  "that  since 
according  to  the  senpe  only  the  second  form  must  be  in 
the  Inf.  Ahs.j  both  now  with  slight  change  of  form  ap- 
pear in  the  Inf.  Const.,  because  the  whole  sentence  by 
reason  of  the  Prep.  3  follows  the  train  of  the  Inf.  Const." 

Maurer:  PiVm  ie  Inf.  Abs.  (for  phi3,  in  order  to  make 

paronomasia  with  the  preceding  nwiH).    Thenius  and 

Olshausen  (Gr.  p.  600)  explain  n'l'7J13  as  error  of  copyist 

from  the  preceding  word. 


the  Heb.  "in  my  eyes"  into  the  Sept.  "in  thy 
eyes."  Certainly  David  did  not  lower  himself  in 
his  own  eyes,  that  is,  in  his  own  judgment,  by  his 
playing  and  dancing  fas  Thenius,  contrary  to  the 
text-reading,  remarks) — not  in  the  sense  of  Mi- 
chal's charge ;  yet  he  did  lower  or  humble  him- 
self in  his  own  eyes  in  the  sense  that  he  ex- 
presses in  ver.  21,  where  he  describes  his  conducf 
as  a  self-abasement  before  the  presence  of  the  Lord. 
"In  comparison  with  this"  (that  is,  with  this 
abasement  before  the  Lord)  he  continues:  And  I 
will  be  held  (=  become)  yet  more  vile 
(Niph.  =  Qal.  as  Gen.  xvi.  4)  in  my  eyes.— 
That  is,  in  my  own  judgment  will  humble  myself 
yet  more  than  to-day.  The -expression  "in  my 
eyes"  cannot  be  explained  as=I  will  suffer  still 
greater  contempt  from  men  than  what  I  have  just 
experienced."  And  with  the  maids,  of  whom 
thou  hast  spoken,  w^ith  them  will  I  be  held 
in  honor. — Ewald's  explanation:  "should  I 
seek  honor  from  them?  no,  that  is  not  at  all  ne- 
cessary" falls  to  the  ground,  since  Michal's  as- 
sertion that  he  had  gotten  himself  honor  was  not 
serious,  but  ironical.  Thenius:  "of  the  maids 
shall  I  be  held  in  honor"  [so  Eng.  A.  V.] — that 
is,  they,  the  simple  souls,  will  know  better  than 
thou  how  to  estimate  my  humility,  and  this  will 
compensate  me  for  thy  foolish  contempt.  But 
this  latter  is  an  interpolated  thought,  which  would 
be  farthest  from  David's  soul  at  this  moment  of 
extreme  humility  before  the  Lord,  and  would  sa- 
vor of  Michal's  ideas  about  human  honor.  The 
"honored"  here  (obviously  contrasted  with  Mi- 
chal's "honored,  made  glorious,"  ver.  20)  refers 
(as  is  clear  from  the  throughout  recurring  words, 
"before  the  Lord")  to  the  honor  miAe  sight  of  the 
Lord,  which  will  be  given  those  who  humble 
themselves  before  the  Lord.  David,  having  op- 
posed to  Michal's  "in  the  eyes  of  the  maids"  his 
"in  the  presence  of  the  Lord,"  places  himself  "be- 
fore the  Lord"  on  the  same  level  with  the  maids, 
expressing  by  the  repeated  "with"  his  fellowship 
and  equality  with  these  humble  folk,  and  point- 
ing to  the  honor  which  he  with  them  would  have 
before  the  Lord,  because  he  humbly  showed  due 
honor  to  the  Lord.  [The  objection  to  this  inter- 
pretation is  that  we  should  then  expect  David  to 
say  "I  will  (or  shall)  be  honored  by  Jehovah," 
that  is,  the  subject  or  agent  of  the  honoring  must 
be  expressed,  and  is  given  in  the  text  only  by  the 
word  "maids."  The  Hebrew  Prep,  may  mean 
"among"  or  ''before"  (apud),  and  thus  permits 
the  translation  of  Eng.  A.  V.,  Patr.,  Then.,  Phi- 
lippson.  Besides,  in  reply  to  Michal's  sneer  about 
the  maids,  it  is  a  natural  and  sharp  rejoinder  on 
David's  part  to  accept  this  honor  which  she  re- 
gards as  Ijeneath  contempt. — Te.] — Ver.  23.  Mi- 
chal's childlessness  is  specially  mentioned  as  a 
Eunishment  of  her  pride.  This  was  the  deepest 
umiliation  for  an  oriental  woman.  [For  a  vivid 
description  of  the  scenes  of  this  chapter  see  Stan- 
ley's Jetmsh  Church,  Second  Series,  p.  89-98,  Leot. 
23  (Am.  Ed.).— Te.] 

HISTOEICAL   AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  It  was  not  till  David  had  taken  Jerusalem 
from  the  Jebusites,  made  Zion  his  capital  and 
secured  it  by  his  victories  from  Philistine  attacks, 
and  thus  for  a  short  time  at  least  secured  peace, 


CHAP.  VI.  1-23. 


421 


that  he  could  proceed  to  the  holy  work  that  he 
completed  in  bringing  the  ark  to  Zion,  and  that 
was  of  great  importance  for  the  religious  life  of 
the  nation.  This  act  had  its  root  in  David's  truly 
pious  feeling,  was  the  living  expression  of  his  gra^ 
titude  to  the  Lord  for  His  favor,  and  aimed  at  the 
elevation  and  concentration  of  the  religious  life 
of  Israel.  It  needed  a  new  elevation,  since  under 
Saul  it  had  partly  at  least  sunk  down  from  the 
height  to  which  Samuel  had  brought  it,  and  fallen 
into  a  somewhat  brutalized  condition.  The  royal 
house  itself,  whose  influence  on  the  people  was  so 
great,  had  more  and  more  lost  living  piety  ;  the 
spirit  of  pride  reigned  in  it,  as  Michal  (who  was 
herein  very  like  her  father)  plainly  shows  here 
in  her  bearing  towards  David ;  it  is  a  significant 
fact  that  in  her  father's  house  she  has  an  idol- 
image.  The  religious-moral  life  of  the  nation  fell 
of  necessity  into  more  and  more  thorough  disso- 
lution, the  longer  Saul's  persecutions  of  David 
continued  and  the  external  unity  established  by 
Samuel  was  destroyed  by  the  wars  between  Saul 
and  David,  and  by  partisan  oppositions.  When, 
now,  David  by  establishing  his  theocratic  king- 
dom over  all  Israel  had  restored  the  external  {nar 
tional  and  governmental)  unity,  he  made  an  im- 
portant step  further,  by  the  act  recorded  in  this 
chapter,  towards  elevating  and  sanctifying  the 
inner  life  of  his  people ;  he  laid  the  deepest  foun- 
dation for  their  internal  unity  by  again  concen- 
trating their  religious  life  on  its  centre  and  source, 
namely,  the  d  welling  of  God  in  the  midst  of  His 
people,  symbolically  set  forth  in  the  ark.  "  In 
Saul's  time  it  [the  ark]  had  not  been  sought  af- 
ter" (1  Chr.  xiii.  3) ;  the  centre  of  divine  service 
that  it  indicated  had  been  lost.  Now  David 
gathers  the  representatives  of  the  whole  nation 
around  him,  in  order  at  the  head  of  the  nation 
solemnly  to  restore  to  the  centre  of  the  national 
life  the  long-vanished  sanctuary,  and  to  renew  the 
reUcjkms  unifying  of  the  people,  especially  in  re- 
gard to  divine  service,  about  the  kernel  and  star 
of  the  innermost  life.  By  the  transference  of  the 
ark  to  Zion  Jerusalem,  representing  the  national 
and  political  unity,  becomes  now  the  centre  of  reli- 
gion and  divine  service  for  the  national  life.  The 
account  in  Chron.  supplements  our  history  in  re- 
gard to  the  part  taken  by  the  priests,  the  divine 
service  and  the  ordination  of  the  sacred  service 
before  the  ark  (cha.  xiii.,  xv.,  xvi.).  With  this 
was  connected  the  restoration  of  the  unity  and 
arrangement  of  the  priestly  service  and  of  the  du- 
ties of  divine  service.  This  unity  indeed  does 
not  yet  reach  a  complete  external  representation. 
There  continue  to  be  two  holy  places  ;  the  ark  re- 
mains apart  from  the  old  tabernacle,  which  abode 
with  the  altar  of  burnt-offering  at  Oibeon,  where 
also  the  offerings  still  went  on  (1  Chr.  xvi.  39 ; 
comp.  1  Kings  iii.  4).  There  the  high-priest  Za- 
dok  officiates,  the  son  of  Ahitub,  of  the  family  of 
Eleazar,  who  performs  the  legal  regular  sacrifi- 
cial service  at  the  tabernacle  (Lev.  xvii.  3).  But 
beside  him  we  find  a  second  high-priest  in  that 
Abiathar  (of  the  family  of  Ithamar),  who  escaped 
from  Nob  to  David  (1  Sam.  xxii.  20),  had  re- 
mained with  him,  and  now  resided  with  the  sanc- 
tuary on  Zion  (comp.  1  Kings  ii.  26)  ;  so  the  two 
are  named  together  in  xx.  ^5  ;  1  Chr.  xviii.  16. 
This  double  high-priestship,  which  had  arisen  from 
the  separation  of  the  tabernacle  and  the  ark,  was 


the  reason  why  David  permitted  this  separation 
to  continue,  and  did  not  remove  the  Mosaic  ta- 
bernacle also  to  Mount  Zion,  since  he  could  re- 
move neither  the  one  high-priest  nor  the  other 
from  his  office.  We  see  also  two  sacred  tents,  be- 
sides the  old  one  at  Gibeon  a  new  one  pitched  by 
David  over  the  ark.  While  the  sacrificial  ser- 
vice is  still  continued  in  Gibeon  according  to  the 
Law  (1  Chr.  xvi.  40;  comp.  1  Kings  iii.  4),  a 
sacred  service  is  established  by  David  at  the  ark 
also ;  ibid.  ver.  37  sq. — But  in  spite  of  this  still 
continuing  external  dualism,  there  was  after  the 
institution  of  the  sacred  service  on  Zion  an  inter- 
ned unity  (through  the  establishment  of  regular 
divine  service)  such  as  did  not  exist  before.  The 
tent  which  is  pitched  on  Zion,  is  provisional,  and 
points  like  the  old  tent,  which  in  the  march 
through  the  wilderness  and  in  the  time  of  the 
Judges  was  the  symbol  of  a  provisional  arrange- 
ment, to  a  central  sanctuary  to  be  erected,  the  found- 
ing of  which  David  has  in  mind,  but  cannot  yet  exe- 
cute (ch.  vii.).  But  in  this  provisional,  personal 
state  of  the  religious  life  which  in  its  two  princi- 
pal seats  is  unified,  purified  and  arranged,  the 
sanctuary  in  Jerusalem  steps  into  the  central  point 
of  the  religious  consciousness  both  for  David  and 
for  the  whole  people,  while  the  sanctuary  in  Gi- 
beon retires  into  the  background,  as  is  especially 
evident  from  the  fact  that  the  tabernacle  is  never 
mentioned  in  the  Psalms.  Comp.  Hengst.  Gesch. 
d.  B.  Oottes  [Hist,  of  the  kingdom  of  God]  II., 
p.  122  sq. 

2.  The  significance  of  this  narrative  (of  the 
transference  of  the  ark  to  Jerusalem  and  David's 
conduct  therein)  for  the  apprehension  and  repre- 
sentation of  the  theoeratio  royal  office  in  his  person, 
is  first  to  be  considered  on  the  one  side  in  rela- 
tion to  Ood,  and  on  the  other  side  in  relation  to 
the  people.  The  content  of  his  consciousness  as 
king  is  simply  this  one  thought  of  the  dependence 
of  his  kingdom  for  its  dominion  on  the  royal  rule 
and  might  of  the  covenant-  Ood,  whose  choice  and 
command  has  appointed  him  king  over  Israel  (ver. 
21),  that  he  is  the  instrument  by  which  God  car- 
ries on  His  government  of  His  people.  From 
this  point  of  view  the  bringing  back  of  the  ark  is 
an  act  of  reverence  and  gratitude  to  the  Lord,  whose 
mame,  symbolically  set  forth  in  this  sanctuary,  is 
honored  and  praised  by  David  at  the  head  of  the 
whole  people  as  the  sum  of  all  his  revelations  to 
them.  But  also  by  the  establishment  of  this  token 
of  the  presence  of  the  Lord  in  the  midst  of  His 
people  and  of  His  royal  dwelling  and  enthronement 
in  HiB possession  on  Mount  Zion,  which  David  haa 
prepared  for  his  own  residence,  the  idea  of  the 
indivisible  rniity  of  the  human  kingship  and  the 
kingly  rule  of  God  in  His  people  is  brought  out. 
There  is  enthroned  the  king  of  glory,  Ps.  xxiv. 
7-10;  the  king's  throne  is  the  throne  of  God,  Ps. 
xlv.  7  [6]  ;  Jerusalem  is  the  city  ef  the  Great 
King,  Ps.  xlviii.  3  [2]  ;  Zion  is  Jehovah's  dwell- 
ing, Ps.  ix.  12  [11]  ;  Ixxiv.  2 ;  Ixxvi.  3  [2]  ; 
thence  proceed  all  manifestations  of  God's  royal 
might  and  glory,  Ps.  xx.  3  [2]  ;  ex.  2.— But  also 
in  relation  to  the  people  David  represents  the 
theocratic  kingship  m  the  light  of  its  ideal  signi- 
fication. He  assembles  the  whole  people  about  the 
sanctuary  as  the  throne  of  Jehovah ;  he  will  make 
them  a  people  truly  united  under  the  dominion 
of  God,  moving  with  their  whole  life  around  Je- 


422 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


hovah  as  centre,  showing  tlieir  king  God  the  high- 
est honor  and  serving  Him  alone  (Ps.  xxiv.  1-10). 
In  contrast  with  every  otlier  oriental  kingly  office 
David  shows  in  his  conduct  the  popular  eharacter 
of  the  theocratic  kingship.  He  does  not  soar  at 
an  unattainable  and  unapproachable  distance  and 
height  above  the  people,  but  "makes  himself 
one  "  with  them,  mingles  immediately  with  them, 
is  accessible  to  all,  and  does  not  scorn  fellowship 
with  the  lowest  and  meanest,  because  he  knows 
tliat  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord  he  is  not  am- 
necied  but  religious-morally  on  the  same  level  with 
the  whole  people  and  every  individual  one  of 
these  (vers.  21,  22).  David,  as  tlieocratic  king, 
whose  government  is  to  be  the  organ  and  repre- 
sentative of  Jehovah's  rule  over  His  people,  is 
conscious  that  he  is  mediator  between  the  Lord 
and  His  covenant- people,  and  acts  accordingly : 
on  the  one  hand  he  "represents  the  whole  people" 
before  the  Lord  and  leads  them  to  Him,  at  tlieir 
head  and  in  their  stead  brings  burnt-offerings  and 
thank-offerings,  and  appears  mith  them  "  before  the 
presence  of  the  Lord"  (ver.  21)  to  restore  at  the 
ark  the  legally  ordained  divine  service — on  the 
other  hand  he  represents  the  Lord  beforeSispeople, 
declaring  Plis  "  name  "  to  them,  and  praying  and 
obtaining  His  "blessing"  for  them. — Herein,  as 
appears  most  clearly  in  this  history,  David  not 
only  stands  in  closest  connection  with  the  bearers 
of  the  prophetic  office,  but  we  see  in  him  also  the 
kinqly  office  in  closest  association  with  the  priestly, 
while  Saul,  in  opposition  to  both  these  offices, 
allowed  his  kingly  rule  to  assume  more  and  more 
an  antitheoeratio  character.  But  still  farther :  as 
David,  as  representative  and  instrument  of  God's 
royal  rule  over  the  people  of  His  possession  [  pe- 
culiar people  =  his  private  property — Tb.],  pos- 
sesses the  prophetic  spirit,  whereby  Jehovah's  word 
designed  for  the  people  is  on  his  tongue  (xxiii. 
2),  so  also,  like  Samuel  representing  the  people 
before  God,  he  combines  in  his  person  the  priestly 
character  with  the  kingly  and  the  prophetic,  and  in 
this  festival  in  his  priestly  dress  and  procedure 
brings  out  and  represents  the  idea,  that  the  tlieo- 
cratic kingship,  as  a  representation  of  the  people 
before  the  Lord  is  to  be  a  priest-kingship.  [As 
David  is  never  said  to  have  performed  the  dis- 
tinctively priestly  work  of  sacrifice  (committing 
this,  as  Erdmann  himself  says  in  the  Exposition, 
to  the  priests),  and  as  the  representation  of  the 
people  before  God,  and  mediation  between  them 
and  Him  is  a  general  pious  work,  performed  often 
by  prophets  and  others  (Abraham,  Moses,  Joshua, 
Samuel,  Josiah,  Nehemiah),  it  is  not  easy  to  see 
why  on  this  ground  alone  a  priestly  character 
should  be  assigned  to  liim.  In  one  sense  the 
whole  people  were  priests  (Ex.  xix.  6),  a  great 
spiritual  idea  being  thus  guarded  against  the  per- 
verting tendencies  of  outward  ritual,  and  so  Da- 
vid was  in  the  high  spiritual  sense  a  priest,  as  every 
Christian  now  is ;  but  in  the  narrower  sense  an 
Israelitish  priest  made  atonement  for  sin  by  blood, 
and  none  but  sons  of  Aaron  could  perform  this 
service,  as  now  human  priesthood  is  abolished, 
and  the  priestly  work  is  done  by  Christ  alone. — 
Tr.].— But  also  the  religious-moraX  character  anA 
the  disposition  of  the  theocratic  king  is  here  set 
forth  typically  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  peo- 
ple ;  he  precedes  them  in  showing  the  Lord  His 
due  honor  in  word  and  deed ;  he  shows  himself 


to  be  the  faithful  and  conscientious  overseer, 
leader  and  arranger  of  the  divine  service ;  he 
shows  himself  to  be  deeply  penetrated  with  the 
feeling  that  he  owes  his  royal  office  solely  to  the 
free  undeserved  grace  of  the  Lord,  and  exhibits 
a  deep  humility,  wishing  to  be  nothing  but  the  ser- 
vant of  the  Lord  in  fellowship  with  his  servants 
and  maids.  [See  Translator's  note  to  Erdmann's 
exposition  of  ver.  22. — Tb.]. — This  hurrible  dispo- 
sition of  David  in  the  presence  of  his  God  forms 
the  sharpest  contrast  to  the  haughtiness  and  pride 
of  his  wife  Michal,  "  who  knew  nothing  of  the 
impulse  of  divine  love"  (Theodoret). 

3.  God's  blessing  is  an  outflow  of  His  name ;  it 
can  only  be  mediately  obtained  by  man  for  man, 
when  it  is  drawn  from  this  eternal,  inexhaustible 
source.  The  Lord  dispenses  His  blessing  to  house 
and  family,  people  and  State,  only  on  the  condi- 
tion that  His  gracious  presence  is  desired  and  pre- 
served (ver.  11),  and  honor  given  to  His  name  in 
mind,  word  and  deed,  as  here  by  David  and  all 
the  people.  When  men  devote  their  heart  and 
all  their  life  as  a  sacrifice  to  the  Lord,  and  conse- 
crate themselves  to  Him,  in  reward  therefor  He 
sends  on  them  streams  of  blessing. 

4.  The  following  are  the  references  in  the  Psalms 
to  the  important  event  of  the  transference  of  the 
Ark.  Ps.  xxiv.  was  no  doubt  composed  by  David 
to  celebrate  Jehovah's  entrance  into  the  sanctuary 
on  Mount  Zion,  with  direct  reference  to  the  inci- 
dents narrated  in  2  Sam.  vi-  Jehovah,  the  king 
of  glory,  comes  to  make  His  dwelling  on  Mount 
Zion  amid  His  people. 

He  is  celebrated  as  the  king  of  the  whole  world 
(vers.  1,  10) ;  on  this  foundation  of  the  majesty 
of  the  Creator  and  Lord  of  all  tilings  rests  the 
view  of  His  royal  glory,  the  revelation  of  which 
is  unfolded  in  and  for  Israel.  The  praise  of 
Jehovah  as  the  strong  hero  in  war,  the  Lord  of 
Sabaoth,  points  to  David's  Philistine  wars  (2 
Sam.  vi.  1,  15).  The  primeval  doors,  which  are 
to  lift  themselves  up  that  the  king  may  hold  his 
entry,  are  the  gates  of  the  old  fortress  of  Zion. 
The  exhortation  to  the  doors  to  raise  and  widen 
themselves  assumes  that  this  is  the  first  entrance 
of  the  ark,  and  excludes  the  view  that  the  Psalm 
was  composed  on  its  return  from  war.  While 
vers.  7-10  describe  the  arrival  and  solemn  entry 
of  ''  the  King  of  glory "  with  the  outward  pre- 
paration for  His  worthy  reception  and  for  His 
entrance  into  the  place  prepared  for  him,  vers. 
1-6  refer  to  the  ascension  of  the  people  to  Mount 
Zion  and  to  the  moral  requirements  made  of  those 
who  will  be  in  truth  the  people  of  Ood,  who  desire 
and  seek  after  Him.  Only  the  pure  in  thought, 
word  and  deed  are  His  people  and  may  approach 
Him.  With  unholy  mind  and  unclean  hand 
Uzza  seized  the  sacred  vessel ;  to  this  (2  Sam.  vi. 
6  sq.)  refer  the  words  of  the  Ps.  v.  3-6.  The 
blessing  of  "Jehovah  the  God  of  salvation" 
(ver.  5)  recalls  2  Sam.  vi.  11,  18.  The  words : 
"the  generation  of  them  that  inquire  after  Him 
and  seek  His  face,"  form  a  contrast  to  1  Chron. 
xiii.  3 :  "  Let  us  bring  up  the  ark  of  God ;  for  in 
Saul's  time  we  sought  it  not." — The  history  of 
the  entry  is  here  regarded  according  to  its  higher 
moral-religious  significance  for  the  people  of  the 
Lord.  "  It  was  needful  at  the  very  beginning  of 
the  new  relation  to  establish  its  essential  charac- 
ter and  fix  it  in  the  people's  consciousness,  to 


CHAP.  VI.  1-23. 


423 


famish  a  counter-weight  or  equipoise  to  the  ex- 
ternal pomp  with  wliich  the  ark  was  brought  in ; 
to  point  out  that  true  (not  simply  external)  fel- 
lowship with  a  God  like  this  one,  the  lord  of  the 
whole  earth,  and  a  share  in  His  blessings,  is  to 
be  obtained  only  in  the  one  way  of  true  righteous- 
ness; to  point  to  the  serious  nature  of  the  de- 
mands made  on  the  subjects,  that  results  from 
the  glory  of  the  entering  king"  (Hengstenb.  on 
Ps.  xxiv.). 

With  reference  to  the  establishment  of  the 
sanctuary  on  Mount  Zion,  and  in  essential  har- 
mony with  the  first  didactic-ethical  part  of  Ps. 
xxiv.,  David  sang  Ps.  xv.  also,  as  is  clear  from 
the  question  to  the  Lord  in  ver.  1 :  "  Who  may 
be  guest  in  thy  teant,  who  may  dwell  on  thy  holy 
maumtain  f"  and  from  the  portraiture  of  the  moral 
character  of  Ood^s  hmtse-companiona,  though  we 
cannot  establish  with  certainty  particular  refer- 
ences which  Hitzig  here  finds  to  the  history  in  2 
Sam.  vi.  12  aq.  (see  Moll  [Lange's  BMe-WorK] 
on  Ps.  XV.). 

Whether  Ps.  Ixviii.  (as  most  ancient  exposi- 
tors, Stier  and  v.  Hofim.  hold),  especially  vers. 
16,  17  (Ew.),  is  to  be  referred  to  2  Sam.  vi.,  is 
doubtful ;  more  probably  it  is  connected  with  the 
return  of  the  ark  from  the  wars  and  victories 
whose  termination  is  given  in  2  Sam.  xU.  31. 

Ps.  Ixxviii.  in  vers.  56-72  presents  the  histori- 
cal •pre-swppositiom  of  this  fixing  of  the  seat  of  the 
royal  glory,  which  lie  far  back  in  the  history  of 
Israel's  sin  and  defection  from  the  Lord  to  strange 
gods.  The  Lord  punished  Israel  for  their  apos- 
tasy by  forsaking  His  dwelling  in  Shiloh,  giving 
the  sanctuary  into  the  hands  of  enemies,  efc. 
But  the  Lord  again  had  mercy,  and  arose  in  His 
might  to  cast  down  the  enemy ;  He  chose  Judah 
that  He  might  in  it  on  Zion  establish  His 
dominion  and  build  high  His  sanctuary.  From 
hence  He  ruled  as  the  king  of  His  people  through 
His  servant  David  whom  he  had  chosen  to  feed 
His  people,  as  once  he  fed  the  flock,  whence  He 
called  him. 

Ps.  ci.,  "  the  Prince's  psalm  "  or  ruler's  mirror 
(Lnth.),  was  not  indeed  composed  by  David  on 
the  occasion  of  Uzza's  misfortune  and  the  deposi- 
tion of  the  ark  in  the  house  of  Obed-edom  (Ham- 
mond, Ven.,  Dathe,  Muntinghe,  De  W.,  Del.); 
for,  firom  the  connection  of  thought,  the  question  : 
"When  comest  thou  to  me"  (ver.  2)?  cannot  be 
referred  to  the  words  of  2  Sam.  vi.  8:  "how  shall 
the  ark  of  Jehovah  come  to  me?"  and  the  desig- 
nation of  Jerusalem  (ver  8)  as  ''the  city  of  the 
Lord "  does  not  suit,  since  Jerusalem  was  so 
called  in  consequence  of  the  establishment  of  the 
ark  on  Zion,  and  an  anticipation  of  this  designa- 
tion (Del.)  is  not  supposable.  But  this  appella- 
tion, the  "  qiy  of  the  Lord,"  taken  together  with 
the  repeated  expression  "within  the  house"  and 
with  the  prominent  mention  of  personal,  domes- 
tic, social  and  national  duties  and  virtues,  favors 
the  view  that  some  time  after  this  event,  which 
was  an  epoch-making  one  for  his  and  the  nation's 
religious-moral  life,  David  wrote  this  Psalm  with 
reference  to  the  blessings  that  he  therein  re- 
ceived from  God  and  the  obligations  therein 
imposed  on  him.  The  "city  of  Jehovah,"  which 
has  received  this  name  and  the  honor  involved 
in  it  through  the  Lord's  choice  of  it  as  a  dwell- 
ing-place, "is  to  set  forth  not  only  in  its  divine 


service  [rituaUy],  but  also  ethically  the  charac- 
ter of  holiness"  (Moll),  Isa.  xxxv.  8;  lii.  1; 
Nah.  ii.  1,  as  the  king  within  his  house"  which 
is  founded  and  built  on  Mount  Zion  as  the  seat 
of  the  theocratic  kingly  dominion,  himself  walks 
in  uprightness  of  heart,  Buffers  no  other  house- 
companions  but  those  who  with  him  serve  the 
Lord  in  righteousness  (ver.  3),  truth  (ver.  4) 
and  hvjmiliiy  (ver.  5),  and  so  conducts  his  govern- 
ment, that  in  the  nation  and  land  he  looks  on 
those  only  as  his  true  servants  and  his  compa- 
nions in  the  kingdom  of  God  who  walk  in  the 
ways  of  faithfulness  and  honesty.  Ewald :  "  We 
are  introduced  into  the  very  core  of  all  the  great 
king's  thought  and  eflfort  at  this  time  by  Ps.  ci., 
which  cannot  have  been  composed  till  at  least 
after  this  removal  of  the  sanctuary,  when  Jerusa- 
lem had  already  for  some  time  been  the  'city  of 
Jehovah,'  and  according  to  its  whole  content 
probably  falls  in  these  first  years.  Here  is  freely 
poured  forth  a  heaveuly-clear  stream  of  the 
purest  kingly  thoughts  and  purposes.  .  .  .  How 
David,  having  before  wislied  to  become  a  right- 
eous king,  faithful  to  the  true  God,  was  now  in 
tire  'city  of  Jehovah'  much  more  joyfully  and 
decidedly  resolved  to  become  one,  comes  out 
most  beautifully  from  the  words  of  this  Song." 

5.  The  establishment  of  the  ark  on  Zion  was 
the  beginning  of  the  reformation  and  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  divine  service,  which  was  raised  by 
David  from  the  disintegration  and  lawlessness 
into  which  it  had  fallen  under  Saul,  to  an  artisti- 
cally beautiful  form.  He  organized  the  priests 
and  Levites,  dividing  them  into  twenty-four 
classes  for  weekly  service.  With  his  own  musi- 
cal endowments  was  intimately  connected  his 
zealous  care  for  the  organization  of  the  sacred 
music,  to  which,  with  the  aid  of  the  three  great 
masters,  Asaph,  Heman  and  Jeduthun,  he  gave 
a  new  impulse,  and  for  the  culture  and  further 
development  of  which,  along  with  the  four  thou- 
sand Levites  who  were  charged  with  the  execu- 
tion of  the  sacred  music,  there  was  formed  a 
select  chorus  out  of  the  families  of  the  three  mas- 
ters. And  with  this  was  connected  the  develop- 
ment of  sacred  poetry  in  psalm-composition,  of 
which  David  himself  was  the  creator. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAI.. 

Ver.  2.  [Hall  :  The  tumults  of  war  afforded 
no  opportunity  of  this  service ;  only  peace  is  a 
friend  to  religion;  neither  is  peace  ever  our 
friend,  but  when  it  is  a  servant  of  piety.* — Tb.] 
Fb.  Aestdt  :  Truly  to  be  praised  and  felicitated 
is  every  land  that  is  ruled  by  a  pious  king ;  there 
mercy  and  truth  meet  together,  righteousness  and 
peace  kiss  each  other :  and  the  proverb  is  proven 

*  [The  following  npeoimen  of  allegorizing  on  ver.  1  is 
given  as  a  curiosity:  "The  thirty  thousand  choHen 
(elect)  are  shown  by  the  number  to  have  been  perfected 
in  faith,  works  and  hope.  For  three  refers  to  the 
Trinity,  and  thus  denotes  faith  ;  i^n  refers  to  the  Deca- 
logue, and  denotes  works;  thou8a}id,  the  greatest  of 
numbers,  the  perfect  number,  denotes  the  hope  of 
eternal  life,  than  which  there  is  nothing  higher. 
Therefore  multipls;  three  by  ten,  lest  faith  without 
works  be  dead.  Likewise  multiply  thirty  by  a  thou- 
sand, in  order  that  faith,  which  works  through  love, 
may  not  hope  for  reward  elsewhere  than  in  heaven." 
This  precious  morsel  is  found  in  Rabanus  Maurus  (ninth 
century),  and  also  in  an  anonymous  work  of  the  seventh 
century,  printed  with  the  works  of  Eueherms.—'is..'\ 


424 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


true :  As  the  king,  so  the  people !  But  also  to 
be  felicitated  is  every  king  himself,  who  does  not 
forget  that  over  him  there  reigns  a  yet  greater 
king,  the  King  of  all  kings,  to  whose  grace  he 
owes  his  royal  power,  who  alone  secures  him  his 
throne,  and  who  will  one  day  bring  him  to  ac- 
count for  what  he  does  and  what  he  leaves  un- 
done. 

Vers.  3-7.  Stabkb  :  He  who  wishes  to  rejoice 
let  him  rejoice  in  the  Lord. — [Hall  ;  O  happy 
Israel,  that  had  a  God  to  rejoice  in,  that  had  this 
occasion  of  rejoicing  in  their  God,  and  an  heart 
that  embraced  this  occasion ! — Tr.] — As  a  burn- 
ing coal  kindles  the  next,  so  may  the  good  ex- 
ample of  pious  rulers  attract  the  subjects  to  follow 
them,  2  Cor.  ix.  2. — Even  that  which  is  done 
with  a  good  intention  does  not  always  plea-se 
God,  vii.  5 ;  Lev.  x.  1 ;  Prov.  xiv.  12. — Osian- 
deb:  Even  pious  people  err  when  they  depart, 
though  it  be  but  a  little,  from  the  express  word 
of  God. — [Hall:  God's  businesses  must  be  done 
after  His  own  forms,  which  if  we  do  with  the 
best  intentions  alter,  we  presume. — Words- 
worth: All  religious  reformations  which  are 
wrought  by  men  are  blemished  with  human  in- 
firmities.—Tr.] — Schlier:  How  could  such  a 
festal  joy,  which  knew  nothing  of  holy  fear,  how- 
ever well-meant,  prove  acceptable  to  God  ?  It  is 
not  enough  that  we  mean  well,  and  have  pious 
thoughts ;  we  must  also,  in  what  we  do,  hold  fast 
to  God's  word  and  commandment,  and  in  all  our 
joy  in  the  Lord  must  not  allow  ourselves  to  for- 
get that  we  have  to  do  with  a  holy  God. — Dis- 
SELHOFP :  Where  God  sees  one  tliat  wishes  to 
flee  to  the  shelter  of  His  word.  He  so  trains  him 
up  that  he  learns  to  bow  unconditionally  to  the 
authority  of  that  word,  and  no  longer  mingles 
God's  word  and  man's  word. — F.  W.  Kbumma- 
CHEB:  This  interruption  of  the  bright  jubilee- 
festival  was  for  every  one  a  new  warning  that 
God's  kindn&ss  never  goes  alone,  but  always 
under  the  guidance  of  His  holiness,  .  .  .  that  we 
dangerously  overstep  the  limits  of  becoming  mo- 
desty whenever  we  mount  up  to  the  delusion  that 
it  depends  on  us  to  rescue  the  ark  as  soon  as  ever 
the  car  of  the  Church  whereby  it  is  borne  ap- 
pears, through  the  negligence  and  unfaithfulness 
of  those  who  are  appointed  for  its  direction,  to  be 
rolling  into  the  abyss.— O.  v.  Geblach  :  Uzzah 
is  a  type  of  all  those  who  with  humanly  good 
intentions,  but  in  an  unsanctified  spirit,  take  it 
upon  themselves  to  rescue  the  cause  of  God, 
which  they  think  is  in  peril. 

Ver.  9.  OsiANDEE:  When  many  have  sinned, 
God  commonly  punishes  one  or  two  of  the  lead- 
ers, in  order  that  the  others  may  remember  their 
sin  aijd  beg  forgiveness. —F.  W.  Kbummachee  : 
Though  the  Lord  may  for  a  time  change  His 
countenance,  yet  with  His  own  people  He  always 
means  faithfulness,  and  after  the  storm  always 
makes  the  sun  come  up  again  in  his  time. 
However  painfully  He  may  chastise,  His  word  of 
promise  always  stands :  Can  a  woman  foreet  her 
child?"  etc. 

Ver.  11.  Fr.  Abndt:  Where  the  sign  of  the 
Lord's  presence,  the  mean.s  of  grace,  is,  there  the 
Lord's  presence  and  gracious  working  is  not 
wanting,  and  where  this  enters  there  is  indeed 
blessing  upon  blessing,  as  in  Obed-edom's 
house.— SoHLiEB :  What  blessed  people  we  then 


first  become  when  we  receive  God's  word  into 
our  houses,  and  let  this  word  of  God  be  our 
heart's  joy  and  delight.  The  blessing  of  the 
Lord  dwells  where  God's  word  dwells. 

[Ver.  12.  Scott:  When  pious  men  who  have 
been  betrayed  into  unwarrantable  conduct  have 
had  time  for  self-examination,  searching  the 
Scriptures  and  prayer,  they  will  discover  and 
confess  their  mistakes,  and  be  reduced  to  a  better 
temper;  they  will  justify  God  in  His  corrections ; 
they  will  be  convinced  that  safety  and  comfort 
consist,  not  in  absenting  themselves  from  His 
ordinances,  or  in  declining  dangerous  services, 
but  in  attending  to  their  duty  in  a  proper  spirit 
and  manner ;  they  will  profit  by  their  own  errors. 
— Te.] 

Ver.  14.  DissELHOrr:  David  was  full  of  joy 
because  he  perceived  that  entire  submission  of 
heart  to  God's  revealed  will  makes  one  truly  free 
and  blessed. — Beel.  B.  :  The  joy  of  a  soul  is  un- 
speakably great,  which  finds  again  in  itself  the 
pure  and  holy  God,  whom  before  it  feared  to  re- 
ceive.— F.  W.  Ketjmmacheb  :  David  gave  ex- 
pression to  that  which  swelled  in  his  bosom,  even 
in  corresponding  gestures  and  a  rhythmical  move- 
ment.— The  idea  of  that  which  the  world  of  to- 
day is  wont  to  associate  with  the  word  dance,  is 
here  to  be  kept  quite  at  a  distance.  Dancing  was 
in  Israel  a  form  of  divine  service,  in  which  often 
— as  in  the  case  of  Miriam  and  her  companions 
after  the  passage  of  the  Red  Sea — the  highest  and 
holiest  inspiration  found  expression. — Staeke  : 
It  is  accordingly  a  shameful  misuse  to  justify 
voluptuous  dancing  by  David's  example.  —  S. 
ScHMiD :  What  is  undertaken  in  God's  service 
must  be  done  with  all  the  heart  and  with  all  the 
powers,  in  order  that  everybody  may  see  that 
one  is  in  real  eame-st. — Ver.  15.  Schlieb:  So 
we  have  here  a  popular  festival,  and  indeed  a 
right  joyous  popular  festival  full  of  festal  jubila- 
tion, and  the  occasion  of  the  festive  joy  is  nothing 
else  than  the  ark,  the  sanctuary  of  the  Lord. 
The  law  of  the  Lord  makes  a  whole  people,  with 
their  king  in  the  lead,  joyous  and  jubilant. — 
How  much  do  worldly  festivals  amount  to,  and 
how  little  do  Christian  festivals  1  what  a  jubDee 
in  the  one  case,  and  how  little  true  festal  joy  in 
the  other ! — Our  fairest  and  most  delightful  popu- 
lar festivals  ought  to  be  our  Christian  festivals. 

Ver.  1 6.  Starke  :  Divine  and  heavenly  things 
are  to  worldly  hearts  only  folly ;  they  cannot 
know  them,  for  they  are  spiritually  discerned,  1 
Cor.  ii.  14.— F.  W.  Krummachee:  Even  at  the 
present  day,  alas !  there  is  still  no  lack  of  people 
like  Michal.  In  the  pure  fire  of  the  Spirit  from 
on  high  these  persons  also  see  only  a  morbid 
fanaticism;  in  the  most  animated  and  vigorous 
expression  of  hallowed  exaltation  of  soul,  a 
hypocritical  display.  .  .  .  The  life  from  and  in 
God  remains  a  mystery  to  every  one  until  through 
the  Spirit  of  God  Himself  it  is  unsealed  to  his 
experieiice. 

Ver.  20.  [Henry:  We  have  no  reason  to 
think  that  this  of  which  Michal  accused  him  was 
true  in  fact ;  David  no  doubt  observed  decorum, 
and  governed  his  zeal  with  discretion ;  but  it  is 
common  for  those  that  reproach  religion  thus  to 
put  false  colors  upon  it,  and  lay  it  under  the 
most  odious  characters. — Tb.] — There  is  never 
wanting  to  pious  enthusiasm  the  moment  when 


CHAP.  VI.  1-23. 


425 


it  again  gives  place  to  the  accustomed  quieter 
and  more  equable  state  of  mind.  David  cud  not 
always  come  home  in  so  exalted  a  frame  as  on 
that  festal  day.  But  lamentable  is  the  case  of 
him  who  does'  not  at  all  understand  the  eagle- 
flight  by  which  souls  devoted  to  God,  in  times 
of  especial  visitations  of  grace,  are  carried  up 
above  all  the  enclosures  of  their  wonted  every- 
day life,  and  transported  into  a  condition  in 
which  in  feeling  and  word  they  ''  soar  above  the 
heights  of  earth." — Berl.  Bib.:  After  the  soul 
has  lost  all  its  own  greatness  and  all  the  joy 
drawn  from  itself,  it  has  no  other  joy  or  greatness 
than  the  joy  and  greatness  of  God.  Men  filled 
with  mere  carnal  prudence  cannot  bear  such  a 
condition.  They  condemn  it  and  depise  those 
who  are  so  happy  in  possessing  it,  yea  they  chide 
it  still,  as  here  Michal  reproaches  David  and 
passes  carnal  sentence  on  that  which  is  spiritual. 
Ver.  21  sqq.  Disselhoff  :  A  heart  that  with 
all  the  forces  of  its  being  clings  so  closely,  so 
joyously,  to  God's  revelation,  or  rather  grows 
into  it,  draws  fi-om  it  all  nourishment  and  re- 
ceives from  it  all  light,  such  a  heart  bears  as  a 
]irecious  fruit  that  unfeigned,  immovable  humi- 
lity, whose  heart-refreshing  image  this  history 
sets  before  our  eyes. — ^He  who  walks  in  such 
humility  before  God  and  men,  his  eye  is  not 
blinded  by  the  sunlight  of  good  days,  his  heart 
and  head  do  not  become  dizzy  on  the  heights  of 
prosperity.  He  stands  firm,  whether  God  leads 
hira  into  the  gloomy  valley,  or  a  step  higher,  or 
upon  the  summit.  But  such  humility  is  born 
only  of  absolute  submission  under  God's  law  and 
testimony.— [Soott:  We  should  esteem  such 
reproaches  honorable,  and  determine  to  become 
still  more  vile  in  the  eyes  of  ungodly  revilers,  by 
abounding  in  those  services  which  they  despise. 
— EoBiNSON :  We  are  warned  from  the  examples 
of  ancient  saints  to  expect  opposition  and  con- 
tampt,  as  far  as  we  discover  any  real  fervor  in 
the  service  of  God.  Nor  should  we  wonder  if  on 
such  an  occasion  "  a  man's  foes  be  they  of  his 
own  household." — Tr.] — S.  Schmid  :  It  is  better 
to  be  exalted  by  God  with  the  lowly  than  to  be 
humbled  by  God  with  the  proud.  Matt,  xxiii.  12. 
Cbamee:  Honor  with  God  should  be  more 
highly  esteemed  than  honor  with  men.  John 
xii.  43. 

Ver.  23.  Fr.  Arndt  :  If  we  look  back  once 
more,  we  see:  All  are  blessed  of  God,  David, 
Obed-edom,  the  rejoicing  people ;  Michal  alone 
has  remained  unblessed.  Her  lack  of  blessing 
was  the  penalty  and  the  curse  of  her  pride.— 
[Hall  :  David  came  to  bless  his  house  (ver.  20) ; 
Michal  brings  a  curse  upon  herself. — Tb.] 

[Chap.  vi.  EABANtrs  MATmrs :  In  this  history 
we  see  humility  approved,  pride  condemned  and 
rashness  punished. — Tr.] 

Chaps,  vi.  and  vii.  Disselhoff:  The  bleased 
secret  of  standing  firm  in  days  of  exaltation  and 
undisturbed  quiet.  Belonging  to  it  are :  1) 
Humble,  unconditional  subjection  to  the  testimony 
of  God;  2)  Faithful,  genuine,  zealous  wm-k  for 
the  honor  of  the  Lord  and  of  His  kingdom ;  3) 


Grateful  stillness  when  the  Lord  rejects  our  work 
for  Him,  and  wishes  to  work  in  our  own  hearts. 

[Vers.  6,  7.  The  fate  of  TJsmh:  1)  Its  occasion 
— neglect  of  a  known  commandment  of  God 
(Num.  vii.  9 ;  ver.  13).  2)  Its  immediate  cause 
— irreverence  (Num.  iv.  15).  3)  ItB  general  les- 
sons for  us ;  for  example,  even  an  apparently 
little  thing  may  be  a  great  sin ;  an  action  may 
seem  necessary,  and  yet  be  wrong;  good  inten- 
tions do  not  excuse  disobedience;  we  must  not 
expect  to  help  God's  work  by  measures  which 
God  forbids.— Tr.] 

[Ver.  8.  A  man  displeased  with  God;  thinking 
himself  wiser,  more  kind,  more  just  than  God. 
Eeally  perhaps  vexed  that  his  grand  solemnity 
was  interrupted,  his  rejoicing  people  disappointed, 
his  prestige  damaged,  his  enemies  encouraged. 
Often  when  men  complain  of  Providence  on 
"  high  moral "  grounds,  they  are  in  fact  mainly 
influenced  by  some  secret  personal  feeling. — 
Now  highly  elated  with  spiritual  pride,  at  once 
thankful  and  self-complacent,  and  presently  de- 
jected, irritated  and  disposed  to  give  up  altoge- 
ther (ver.  9).  When  any  promising  religious 
enterprise  of  which  we  have  had  the  lead  is  dis- 
astrously interrupted,  we  are  tempted  to  find  fault 
with  Providence. — Tk.] 

[Ver.  10.  Obed-edom  and  the  ark.  Israel  had 
long  slighted  the  ark ;  Uzzah  had  been  slain  for 
making  too  free  with  it ;  David  had  shrunk  from  it 
in  mere  superstitious  fear  and  resentment ;  Obed- 
edom  receives  it  gladly,  deals  with  it  in  the  pre- 
scribed way,  and  is  rewarded  by  a  rich  blessing. 
So  as  to  religion  in  general.  Some  neglect,  and 
greatly  lose ;  some  profane,  and  are  ruined ; 
some  misunderstand,  and  pervert  into  supersti- 
tious fear;  but  those  who  truly  welcome  and 
observe  it  according  to  its  real  nature  are  richly 
blessed  themselves,  and  may  by  their  example 
induce  others  to  seek  it  likewise  (ver.  12). 
— Tb.] 

[Ver.  12.  The  "  city  of  David  "  now  becoming 
the  "city  of  Jehovah"  (Ps.  ci.  8).  1)  How  it 
had  been  conquered ;  2)  How  it  was  consecrated ; 
3)  How  it  was  to  be  prospered. —  Worthy  purposes 
of  a  Ood-fearing  ruler.  King  David's  devout 
programme  when  now  established  as  theocratic 
sovereign  (Ps.  ci.).  1)  As  to  his  personal  char 
racter  and  conduct  (Ps.  ci.  2) ;  2)  As  to  punish- 
ment and  prevention  of  evil-doing  (lb.,  vers.  3-5, 
7,  8) ;  3)  As  to  encouragement  of  good  men  (lb., 
ver.  6).  (Comp.  above,  "Hist,  and  Theol.,"  No. 
4,  latter  part.) — Te.] 

[Vers.  12-18.  Sermon  on  Ps.  xxiv.,  as  written 
for  this  occasion.  Comp.  Ps.  xv.  (See  above, 
"Hist,  and  Theol.,"  No.  4.) -Ver.  20.  He  that 
had  "blessed  the  people"  (ver.  18)  returns  to 
"  bless  his  household."  Piety  in  public  and  in 
private — public  worship  and  family  worship. — A 
good  man,  after  public  religious  duties,  returns 
joyous,  thankful  and  loving  to  his  home — and 
meets  scolding  and  ridicule. — Vers.  16,  20-22. 
Religious  enthusiasm,  and  those  who  contemn 
and  ridicule  it. — Vers.  16-23.  Sermon  on  the 
history  of  Michal.  (Comp.  Henry  on  this  pas- 
sage.)—Te.] 


426  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


II.  The  dimne  conseeraUon  of  the  Davidic  kingdom  by  the  promise  of  the  imperishable  kingly 
dominion  of  the  Davidic  house. 

Chap.  VII.  1-29. 

1.  David's  purpose  to  build  the  Lord  a  house,  and  the  divine  promise  that  the  Lord  will 
build  him  a  house.    Vers.  1-16. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  the  king  sat  in  his  house,  and  the  Lord   [Jehovah] 

2  had  given  him  rest'  round  about  from  all  his  enemies,  That  the  king  said  unto  Na- 
than the  prophet,  See  now,  I  dwell  in  an  house  of  cedar,  but  [and]  the  ark  of  God 

3  dwelleth  within  curtains  [the  curtain].^     And  Nathan  said  to  the  king.  Go,'  do  all 

4  that  is  in  thine  heart  [All,  etc.,  go  do],  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  with  thee.  And 
it  came  to  pass  that  night,  that  the  word  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  came  untoNaihan,' 

5  saying,  Go  and  tell  [say  to]  my  servant,  [ins.  to]  David,  Thus  saith  the  Lord  [Je- 

6  hovah],  Shalt'  thou  build  me  a  house  for  me  to  dwell  in?  Whereas  [For]  I  have 
not  dwelt  in  any  [a]  house  since  the  time  that  I  brought  up°  the  children  of  Israel 

7  out  of  Egypt  t-ven  to  this  day,  but  have  walked'  in  a  tent  and  in  a  tabernacle.  In 
all  the  placed  wherein  I  have  walked  with  all  the  children  of  Israel,  spake  I  a  word 
with  any  of  the  tribes'  of  Israel,  whom  I  commanded  to  feed  my  people  Israel,  say- 

8  ing.  Why  build  ye  not  me  an  house  of  cedar?  Now,  therefore,  so  [And  now,  thus] 
shalt  thou  say  unto  my  servant,  [ins.  to]  David,  Thus  saith  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
of  hosts,  I  took'"  thee  from  the  sheepcote  [pasture],  from  following  the  sbeep,  to  be 

9  ruler  over  my  people,  over  Israel ;  And  I  was  with  thee  whithersoever  thou  went- 
est,  and  have  cut  off  all  thine  enemies  out  of  thy  sight  [from  before  thee],  and  have 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  1.  Sept.  KareieAiipoi'tj^Ticre  "caused  to  possess,"  reading  7nj  for  n^J. — Tr.] 

2  [Ver.  2.  Sept.  "  tent"  (7r1X)i  others  ^ep^eus  "  curtain  of  skins."  Vulg.  has  the  plural  here,  as  in  1  Chron. 
xvii.  1.    The  difference  is  not  important. — Tn.J 

8  [Ver.  3.  This  word  {T"})  is  wanting  in  a  few  MSS.  and  in  Syr.  and  Ar. ;  it  is  of  the  nature  of  an  expletive. — Ta.] 

*  [Ver.  4.  "  Nathan  the  prophet "  in  Syr.,  Ar.,  and  in  5  MSS.,  a  natural  scriptlo  plena. — Tb.] 
6  [Ver.  5.  Philippson :  wilt  thou  [wishest  thou  to]  build?;  Cahen:  is  it  thou  that  wishest?    Sept.  and  Syr.: 
thou  Shalt  not  build.    Chald.  has:  a  house  for  my  presence  [ShekinahJ  to  dwell  in.    We  may  render  either 
"  shall"  or  "will."— In  the  first  clause  some  MSS.  and  EDD.,  and  all  the  ancient  VSS.  except  Chald.  omit  the  se- 
cond "to,"  probably  to  ease  the  construction  (as  in  Eng.  A.  V.);  so  also  in  ver.  8. — Te.J 

»  [Ver.  6.  Thenius,  citing  the  ancient  VSS.  (especially  Sept.,  Syr.,  Chald.),  would  read  the  Perf.  TlSjjn  instead 

of  the  Inf.  ^rhyT\,  and  would  then  supply  1E/X ;  but  the  masoretic  pointing  is  at  least  as  suitable  as  that  of  the 

VSS.,  and  these  last  may  easily  be  a  free  translation  of  our  text.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  6.  Lit. :  "  have  been  walking,"  "  have  been  a  perambulator." — Te.1 

8  I  Ver.  7.  So  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Chald.,  Ew.,  Then.,  Philippson,  Cahen.  De  Wette  and  Erdmann  have  less  well  "  in 
the  whole  time." — Tr.] 

»  [Ver.  7.  This  reading  is  discussed  in  the  exposition. — Te.] 

10  [Ver.  8.  In  this  address  to  David  (vers.  8-16)  the  sequence  of  verb- forms  (in  respect  to  time)  presents  some 
difficulty.  The  passage  begins  with  a  Perf.  (past  time),  which  is  followed  in  regular  sequence  by  Waw  with 
Impfs.  till  we  roach  the  last  verb  in  ver.  9,  where  the  form  changes  to  Waw  with  Perf.,  followed  hy  similar  forms 
in  apparently  future  ."sequence  up  to  the  Athnaoh  in  ver.  11;  in  the  last  clause  of  this  verse  we  find  Waw  with 
Perf.,  where  the  time  is  present.  The  remaining  portion  (vers.  12-16)  is  clearly  future.  The  difficulty  concerns 
the  rendering  of  the  verbs  in  vers.  8-11.  Here  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  change  of  form  in  ver.  9  after  the  Ath- 
nach  is  somewhat  strange  if  the  past  time  is  to  be  maintained,  and  on  the  other  nand,  for  future  time  we  should 
expect  the  Impf. ;  it  seems  better,  therefore,  to  take  it  as  present  (as  in  ver.  11).  But  in  ver.  10, 11  a  the  lime  is 
more  naturally  fixed  as  future  by  the  Impts.  that  there  occur,  and  the  introductory  Waw  with  Perf.  CriDK/l) 
may  be  explained  by  supposing  that  the  preceding  T\^^J}  "  I  make,"  extends  into  the  future,  so  that  according 

to  the  law  of  ?iequence  it  would  be  followed  by  Perfs.  Thus,  then,  we  should  render  in  the  past  from  8 !)  to  9  o, 
make  9  6a  transitional  present,  10  and  11  a  future,  and  11  b  present.— This  is  nearly  the  order  of  the  Sept. ;  it  var 
ries  only  in  9  !>  where  the  Greek  has  the  Aorist  (so  Vulg.).  Philippson  and  £ib.-Com.  render  throughout  in  the 
past,  except  in  11  6  where  the  former  has,  and  the  latter  permits  the  present.  So  Battcher,  Then.,  Cahen.  The 
rendering  here  given  is  nearly  that  of  Eng.  A.  V.  and  Wellhausen.— According  to  the  one  view  God  has  given  His 
people  rest,  and  will  now  make  David  a  house  ;  according  to  the  other  He  has  cut  off  David's  enemies,  and  will 
give  him  rest  and  make  him  ahouse. — The  past  form  in  ver.l  "had  given  him  rest"  is  the  strongest  argument 
for  a  past  rendering  in  ver.  11,  and  therefore  throughout;  but  this  is  not  conclusive,  since  the  "  rest "  in  the  latter 
case  may  be  completer  than  in  the  former.— Tb.J 


CHAP.  VU.  1-29.  427 


made  thee  a  great'"  name  like  unto  the  name  of  the  great  men  that  are  in  the  earth. 

10  Moreover  [And]  I  will  appoint  a  place  for  my  people  Israel  and  will  plant  them, 
that  they  may  dvrell  in  a  place  of  their  own  [and  they  shall  dwell  in  their  own 
place],  and  move  no  more  [and  no  more  be  disturbed],  neither  shall  the  children 

11  of  wickedness  afflict  them  any  more,  as  beforetirae,  And  as  since  the  time  that  I 
commanded  judge.*  to  be  over  my  people  Israel,"  [.]  and  have  caused  [And  I  will 
cause]  thee  to  rest  from  all  thine  enemies,  also  [and]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  telleth 
thee  that  he  [Jehovah]"  will  make  thee  an  house. 

12  And'*  [om.  and]  when  [When]  thy  days  be  fulfilled,  and  thou  shalt  sleep  with 
thy  fathers,  I  will  set  up  thy  seed  after  thee,  which  shall  proceed  out  of  thy  bowels,'^ 

13  and  I  will  establish  his  kingdom.  He  shall  build  an  house  for  my  name,  and  I  will 
stablish  the  throne  of  his  kiugdom  forever.     I  will  be  his  father,  and  he  shall  be 

14  my  son.     If  he  commit  iniquity,  I  will  chasten  him  with  the  rod  of  meu  and  w  th 

15  the  stripes  of  the  children  of  men.     But  my  mercy  shall  not  depart'"  away  from 

16  him,  as  I  took  it  from  Saul  whom  I  put  away  [ins.  from]  before  thee.  And  thy 
house  and  thy  kingdom  shall  be  established  [stable]  forever  before  thee ;"  thy 
throne  shall  be  established  forever. 

2.  David's  prayer  as  answer  to  this  divine  promise.    Vers.  17-29. 

17  According  to  all  these  words  and  according  to  all  this  vision,  so  did  Nathan 

18  speak  unto  David.  Then  went  king  David  in  [And  king  David  went  in]  and  sat 
before  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  he  said,  Who  am  I,  O  Lord  God  [O  lord  Jeho- 

19  vah]"*,  and  what  is  my  house,  that  thou  hast  brought  me  hitherto?  And  this  was 
yet  a  small  thing  in  thy  sight,  O  Lord  God  [O  lord  Jehovah],  but  thou  hast  spoken 
also  of  thy  servant's  house  for  a  great  while  to  come.     And  is  this  the  manner  of 

20  man,  0  Lord  God  ?  [And  this  is  the  law  of  man,"  O  lord  Jehovah].  And  what 
can  [shall]  David  say  more  unto  thee?  for  thou,  Lord  God  \_om.  Lord  God],know- 

21  est  thy  servant  [ins.  lord  Jehovah].  For  thy  word's™  sake,  and  according  to  thine 
own  heart  hast  thou  done  all  these  great  things,  to  make  thy  servant  know  them. 

22  Wherefore  thou  art  great,  O  Lord  God  [Jehovah  God]  ;  for  there  is  none  like  thee, 
neither  is  there  any  [and  there  is  no]  God  beside  thee,  according  to^'  all   that  we 

23  have  heard  with  our  ears.  And^'  what  one  nation  in  the  earth  is  like  thy  people, 
even  [pm.  even]  like  Israel,  whom  God  went  to  redeem  for  a  people  to  himself,  and 
to  make  him  a  name,  and  to  do  for  you  [them]  great  things  and  terrible,  for  thy 
land  [om.  for  thy  land,  ins.  to  drive  out]  before  thy  people,  which  thou  redeemedst 

"  (Ver.  9.  The  adj.  is  omitted  in  1  Ohr.  xvii.  8,  and  in  Sept.,  which  is  better.— Te.] 

^  IVer.  11.  The  Brat  clause  of  ver.  11  is  now  (as  the  connection  requires)  generally  taken  as  the  conclusion 
of  ver.  10,  with  a  full  stop  after  "Israel  "(but  Philippson  connects  it  with  the  following:  "and  since  the  time  . . . 

I  have  caused  thee,  eic").   Instead  of  nS   'hrT'jril^  Ewald  (followed  by  Wellh.)  reads  iS   Til  "and  I  will  cause 

them  [Israel]  to  rest,"  on  the  ground  that  here  (from  ver.  10)  it  is  Israel  that  is  spoken  of.    This  reading  would 

remove  the  above-mentioned  objection  to  the  future  rendering,  but  cannot  be  regarded  as  more  than  a  conjec- 

tnre,  since  in  such  a  discourse  the  change  of  reference  (as  in  the  last  clause  of  ver.  11)  would  not  be  strange.— Te.J 

IS  [Ver.  11.  The  proper  name  "  Jehovah  "  is  here  inserted  probably  for  clearness.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  12.  There  is  no  connective  in  the  text,  but  1  Chr.  xvii.  11  and  Sept.,  prefix  nTIl  "  and  it  shall  come  to 

tt: 

pass,"  which,  according  to  Wellh.,  has  here  fallen  out  by  reason  of  the  preceding  nitT".- Tb.]  ,    .      , 

^  [Ver.  12.  The  divergences  of  the  text  of  Chron.  from  ours  are  obvious.  The  former  is  briefer  and  simpler, 
and  confines  itself  to  the  expression  of  the  divine  blessing,  omitting  (as  unessential)  the  minatory  clause  in 
ver.  U.— Tk.] 

"  [Ver.  16.  Instead  of  the  Qal  we  find  Hiph.  "  I  will  not  remove  "  in  1  Chr.  xvii.  13,  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Ar.,  which 
form  De  Rossi  thinks  is  supported  by  some  MSS.,  which  have  1  sing.  Qal  Impf.  (niON) ;,  it  is  scarce  y^possible  to 
decide  between  the  two  readings. — So  in  the  latter  clause  of  this  verxe  Sept.  has  naffiK  airitrTiia-a  a<J  (oi/  ajreajijira 
•It  irpotrcowov  yxoi/  "  as  I  removed  it  from  those  whom  I  removed  from  before  me,"  and  Chron. :  "  as  I  took  it  from 
him  that  was  before  thee."  Here  from  the  connection  the  "  thee  "  of  the  Heb.  seems  preferable  to  the  "me ;  of 
Sept. ;  as  between  "  Samuel "  and  "  Chron."  the  general  presumption  is  that  the  latter  condenses  and  abbreviates 
an  originally  longer  text.  The  "  Saul "  may  be  insertion  for  clearness  of  reference,  and  the  difference  in  the  two 
texts  may  be  connected  with  the  repetition  of  the  verb  'nVDn  (which  in  Bng.  A.  V.  is  here  given  by  the  two  words 

"  took  "  and  "  put  away  ").  It  is  perhaps  better  to  suppose  that  the  two  editors  (of  "  Samuel "  and  "  Chron.")  have 
wrought  the  original  material  each  in  his  own  way. — Te.]  ,     „    t.       ■     m    t 

'-'  [Ver.  16.  Some  MSS.  and  Sept.  and  Syr.  read  "before  me,"  which  is  preferred  by  De  Kossi.— 1e.) 

"  [Ver.  18.  In  Heb. :  Adonai  Jahveh.  Where  this  combination  occurs,  the  Masorites  call  the  second  name 
Elohim  (instead  of  the  ordinary  Adonai);  the  Chald.  has  Jahveh  Blohim,  Syr.  Lord  God,  Sept.  Kvpm  ixov  /tupios 
and  Vulg.  Dominw  Dms,  whence  Eng.  A.  V.  Lord  God. — Te.] 

»  [Ver.  19.  For  discussion  of  the  text  ofthis  clause  see  Exposition  and  Notes.— Tk.]  ..  ,„,  -t       •. 

»  [Ver.  21.  It  is  to  be  noted  that,  whereas  Sept.  here  has  "  for  thy  servant's  sake  "  (as  1  Chr.  xvii.  19),  it  omits 
this  clause  in  the  parallel  passage  in  Chron. ;  this  may  point  to  a  correction  of  the  text  by  the  Greek  translators 
(Wellh.  takes  a  similar  view,  holding  the  Sept.  "  according  to  thy  heart  thou  hast  done  "  to  be  taken  from  Ohr.). 
The  con  text  seems  to  favor  the  reading  in  cihron.— Tb.]  „    , 

«•  iVer  22.  In  some  good  MSS.  andBDD.  "in  all,"  which  is  preferred  by  De  Rossi.— Te.]  ,     .       ^,        . 

"  [Ver.  23.  The  text  of  this  verse  can  hardly  be  satisfactorily  restored,  even  after  introducing  the  changes 


428 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


24  to  thee  from  Egypt,  jrom  the  [pm.  from  the]  nations  and  their  gods  ?  For  [And] 
thou  hast  confirmed  to  thyself  thy  people  Israel  to  be  a  people  unto  thee  forever, 
and  thou,  Lord  [Jehovah],  art  become  their  God. 

25  And  now,  O  Lord  [Jehovah]  God,  the  word  that  thou  hast  spoken  concerning 
thy  servant  and  concerning  his  house,  establish  it  [om.  it]  forever,  and  do  as  thou 

26  hast  said.  And  let  thy  name  be  magnified  forever,  saying.  The  Lord  [Jehovah] 
of  hosts  is  the  [om.  the]  God  over  Israel ;  and  let  the  house  of  thy  servant  David 

27  be  established  before  thee.  For  thou,  O  Lord  [Jehovah]  of  hosts,  God  of  Israel, 
hast  revealed  to  thy  servant,  saying,  t  will  build  thee  an  house ;  therefore  hath  thy 

28  servant  found  in  his  heart  to  pray  this  prayer  unto  thee.  And  now,  O  Lord  God, 
[lord  Jehovah],  thou  art  that  [om.  that]  God,  and  thy  words  be  true  [are*^  truth], 

29  and  thou  hast  promised  [spoken]  this  goodness  unto  thy  servant ;  Therefore  [And] 
now,  let  it  please  thee  to  bless  the  house  of  thy  servant  that  it  may  continue  forever 
before  thee  ;  for  thou,  O  Lord  God  [lord  Jehovah],  hast  spoken  it,  and  with  thy 
blessing  let  [shall]  the  house  of  thy  servant  be  blessed  forever. 

suggested  by  the  Chronieles-text  Cas  given  in  the  brackets).  There  seems  to  be  a  mingling  of  two  forms  of  asser- 
tion, in  one  of  which  Israel  is  compared  with  a  heathen  nation  and  Jehovah  with  a  false  god,  while  in  the  other 
the  comparison  expresses  only  what  Jehovah  had  done  for  Israel.  To  the  first  form,  perhaps,  belongs  the  Sept, 
phrase  "  what  other  nation,"  and  the  Plu.  verb  "  went "  in  "  Samuel,"  and  to  the  second  belong  the  phrases  "  for 
you,"  "  for  thy  land,"  '•  redeemedst  from  Egypt.*  As  regards  the  testimony  of  the  ancient  versions,  the  Vulg, 
renders  our  Heb.  text  (as  Eng,  A,  V,),  except  that  it  has  at  the  end  "  nation  "  instead  of  "  nations  "  (because  elo- 
him  has  the  Sing,  suffix ) ;  the  Chald,  gives  the  Heb,  paraphr-astically :  and  who  is  as  thy  neople,  as  Israel,  a  peo- 
ple one,  chosen  . . ,  whom  men  sent  from  Jehovah  went  lo  redeem  ,  ,  .  till  they  came  to  tne  land  of  thy  presence 

which  thou  gavest  to  them,"  etc. ;  Syr.  "  on  the  earth  aforetime  "  (' J3p  H;; IN?) ;  Sept.  has  "  other  nation "  (in- 
stead of  "  one  nation  "),  "  aa  God  led  them  "  ("uSh  instead  of  O/H),  "  to  drive  out  (as  in  Chron.) . .  .  nations  and 

tents"  (D'Sns  for  DTiSx).    Instead  of  "for  you,"  Valg.  and  Chald.  have  "for  them  ;"  our  text  here  is  defended 

•  T  "  v: 

by  BSttcher  and  Erdmann,  but  even  if  such  change  of  conception  is  possible  for  D.avid,  it  is  harsh  and  is  perhaps 
bettor  omitted  in  a  translation, — See  further  in  the  Exposition. — Te,} 

2s  [Ver.  28,  The  fut.  rendering  is  given  by  Sept,,  Syr,,  Vulg,,  but  the  Pres,  is  better  (with  Then,  and  Erd- 
mann), because  the  whole  clause  is  a  declaration  of  what  God  is  essentially.  Philippson  has  less  well :  ''  and  thy 
words  will  be  {warden, '  become,')  truth,  since  thou  hast  spoken," — Ta,] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

1.  DavicHs  purpose  to  build  the  Lord  a  house, 
and  the  divine  prohibition  with  the  promise  th.tt 
the  Lord  will  build  him  a  house.  Vers.  1-16 
(1  Chron.  xvii). 

Vers,  1-3.  Damd^s  resolution  to  build  the  Lord 
a  house  is  approved  by  the  prophet  Nathan.  Comp. 
1  Chron.  xvii.  1,  2. 

Ver.  1.  And  when  the  king  dwelt  in  his 
house  (comp.  ver.  11).  What  follows  occurred 
not  only  after  David  had  built  his  royal  palace, 
but  also  after  he,  having  secured  external  quiet, 
had  taken  up  his  permanent  kbode  therein.  The 
starting-point  of  David's  words  in  ver.  2  (like 
tliat  of  the  narrative)  is  the  "  house "  in  which 
he  dwelt.  [Philippson:  Abarbauel  refers  to 
Deut.  xii.  9,  10  sq.,*  supposing  that  David 
thought  the  condition  there  laid  down  to  have 
now  reached  a  fulfilment. — Til.]  —  And  the 
Lord  had  given  him  rest  round  about 
from  all  his  enemies.— According  to  these 
words  the  following  narrative  cannot  be  put 
chronologically  immediately  after  the  Philistine 
war  related  in  ch.  v.,  which  view  the  position  of 
this  section  after  ch.  vi.  might  seem  to  favor. 
Decisive  against  this  is  the  phrase :  "  round  about 
from  all  his  enemies,"  and  ver. 9 :  "I  have  cut  off 
all  thy  enemies  before  thee."  The  temporary 
quiet  that  David  gained  by  that  double  victory 
over  the  Philistines  he  used  to  bring  the  ark  to 
Zion ;  but   he  soon  found  himself  involved  in 


*   [To  this  Josephus  perhaps  alludes  when  he  says 
A«t.  7,  4,4)  that  Moses  predicted  the  building  of  tiie 


(• 

temple. — Tb,] 


new  wars  begun  by  Israel's  enemies  round  ahmi, 
first  by  the  Philistines,  according  to  the  narra- 
tion in  ch.  viii.  Not  till  he  had  crushed  all 
Israel's  pressing  enemies  could  he  wish  to  carry 
out  his  determination  to  build  a  house  for  the 
Lord.  On  account  of  its  factual  connection  with 
the  account  of  the  ark  the  history  of  this  deter- 
mination is  attached  to  ch.  vi.,  the  narrative 
throughout,  indeed,  not  appearing  to  be  strictly 
chronological,  but  bearing  the  impress  of  a  group- 
ino;  of  the  several  sections  according  to  certain 
principal  points  of  view.  (In  chs.  viii.-xii.  the 
external  wars,  in  xiii.-xx.  the  internal  difficul- 
ties, and  in  xxi.  sq.  detached  occurrences  in 
David's  life  are  brought  together  without  chro- 
nological sequence.)  But  it  is  not  to  be  assumed 
that  "  our  narrative  is  to  be  put  in  the  last  part 
of  David's  life"  (Then.),  since,  according  to  ver. 
11,  he  had  still  other  wars  to  carry  on  against 
the  enemies  of  Israel,  for  which  reason  precisely, 
and  because  he  had  to  be  on  his  guard  without, 
the  peaceful  work  of  temple-building  could  not 
be  executed  (as  Solomon  also  expressly  affirm.s, 
1  Kings  V.  17) ;  and  since  the  promise  in  ver.  12 
refers  to  the  seed,  that  vnll  yet  proceed  from  his 
body.  The  time  of  the  words :  "  when  the  Lord 
had  given  him  rest"  (wanting  in  Chron.),  is  to 
be  put  after  that  of  the  wars  in  ch.  viii.,  whereby 
David  secured  his  throne  against  "  enemies  round 
about,"  without  being  able  thus  to  exclude  fur- 
ther wars ;  his  resolution  to  build  a  temple  can 
be  referred  only  to  a  temporary  rest  alter  his 
first  victorious  contests  against  all  his  enemies. — 
[Comp.  the  language  in  xxii.  1  and  Josh,  xxiii. 
1.— Tr.]— Ver.  2.    David  communicated  this 


CHAP.  VII.  1-29. 


429 


resolution  to  the  prophet  Nathan,  who,  according 
to  this,  stood  in  a,  confidential  relation  to  him  as 
counsellor,  and  this  is  confirmed  not  only  by 
Nathan's  reproof  after  the  sin  with  Bathsheba, 
but  also  by  the  fact  (xii.  25)  that  Solomon's  edu- 
cation was  committed  to  him,  and  he  with 
David's  approval  anointed  Solomon  as  successor 
to  his  father  while  the  latter  was  still  living  (1 
Kings  i.  34).  [On  Nathan  see  Erdmann's  Intro- 
duction and  the  Bible-Dictionaries.  —  Tk.]  — 
David  states  to  Nathan  as  the  ground  of  his  reso- 
lution the  contrast  that  he  dwelt  in  a  palace  of 
cedar,  while  the  ark  of  God  stood  viithin  the  cur- 
tama,  that  is,  simply  in  a  teni  (vi.  15).  The 
word  here  used  (ili""!10)  means  in  Ex.  xxvi.  2 
sq.  the  inner  cover  composed  of  several  curtains, 
that  was  spread  over  the  board-structure  of  the 
tabernacle.  The  Plu.  is  used  in  Isa.  liv.  2  as  = 
"  tent,"  and  in  Song  of  Songs  i.  5 ;  Jer.  iv.  20  as 
^  "  tents."  The  'within  "  refers  to  the  drapery 
formed  by  the  curtains ;  Chron.  has  "  under  cur- 
tains." David's  words  express  the  pious,  humble 
disposition  in  which  his  purpose  was  founded. 
The  utterance  of  the  purpose  itself  is  not  added  to 
this  statement  of  its  ground,  but  is  presupposed  in 
Nathan's  approval  [ver.  3].  All  that  is  in  thy 
heart,  that  is,  in  this  connection,  what  thou  hast 
resolved  on,  comp.  1  Sam.  xiv.  7 ;  2  Kings  x.  30. 
Fortheljordis  -with  thee,  where  thepreceding 
"  do  "  is  based  on  the  Lord's  leading,  under  which 
David,  as  theocratic  king,  stands.  Nathan  cha- 
racterizes David's  purpose  as  one  well-pleasing 
to  the  Lord.  J.  H.  Michaelis :  "  out  of  his  own 
mind,  not  by  divine  revelation." 

Vers.  4-16.  The  divine  revelation  to  Nathan  for 
David  and  his  house. 

a.  Vers.  4^7.  Not  David  is  to  build  the  Lord  a 
house. — Ver.  4.  la  that  night,  following  the 
day  on  which  David  held  the  above  conversation 
with  Nathan,  came  the  ■word  of  the  Lord  to 
Nathan.  Nothing  is  said  here  of  a  divine 
revelation  through  a  dream  (comp.  Num.  xii.  6  ; 
1  Kings  iii.  5),  or  through  a  vision  and  the  hear- 
ing of  a  voice  (comp.  1  Sam.  iii,  5,  10,  15),  but 
the  word  of  the  Lord  is  described  as  having  come 
to  Nathan  by  night;  that  is,  it  is  related  that  he 
received  a  divine  revelation  in  the  form  and 
through  the  medium  of  tlie  word,  he  receiving  its 
content  with  the  inner  ear  of  the  Spirit  as  a  di- 
vine decision  respecting  that  which  was  stirring 
his  heart.  Comp.  Isa.  xxi.  10.  By  the  conver- 
sation held  with  David  during  the  day  Nathan's 
soul  with  all  its  thoughts  and  feelings  was  con- 
centrated on  David's  great  and  holy  purpose; 
this  was  the  psychological  ba-sis  for  the  divine 
impiration  that  forms  the  content  of  the  following 
revelation,  and  not  in  inner  contradiction  with, 
but  in  distinction  from  his  answer  to  David, 
informs  him  that  the  purposed  temple-building 
is  to  be  executed  according  to  the  Lord's  will  not 
by_  David,  but  by  liis  seed.— Ver.  5.  Nathan  re- 
ceives the  divine  revelation  that  he  may  officially 
impart  it  to  David.  —  Shouldest  [or,  shalt] 
thou  build  me  a  house  to  dwell  in  ? — The 
question  has  a  negative  significance  =  thou 
shouldest  [shalt]  not.  Chron.,  interpreting  the 
meaning,  has:  "not  thou."  Certainly  Nathan's 
aasent  to  David's  thought  that  a  house  ought  to 
be  built  for  the  Lord  is  not  thereby  set  aside ; 


but  it  is  true  that  the  opinion  that  David  himself 
is  to  be  the  builder  is  corrected  into  this  other, 
that  this  resolution  is  to  be  first  carried  out  by 
his  seed.  Hengstenberg's  interpretation,  there- 
fore, that  David  is  to  build  the  house  not  person- 
ally, but  in  his  seed  Whristol.,  Eng.  ir.  1.  126], 
is  forced  and  in  contradiction  both  with  his  word 
and  with  Solomon's  interpretation  (1  Kings  viii. 
15-21). — Ver.  6.  The  reason  for  the  no.  It  is 
logically  obvious  that  this  reason  must  stand  in 
some  relation  to  the  sense  in  wliich  the  "  shalt 
thou?"  is  spoken.  Not  thou  shalt  build  me  a 
house,  for:  1)  "I  have  not  dwelt  in  a  house  from 
the  day  when  I  brought  up  the  children  of  Israel 
out  of  Egypt  to  this  day."  During  this  whole 
period,  while  the  people  had  yet  no  secure,  firm, 
unendangered  dwelling-place,  the  symbol  of  the 
Lord's  presence  and  dwelling  amid  His  people 
could  also  have  no  permanent  abode.  But  I 
■was  a  wanderer  iu  tent  and  dw^elling- 
place,  that  is,  as  the  people  was  in  constant 
movement  and  unquiet,  so  my  abode  was  of  ne- 
cessity a  movable  tent,  wandering  from  place  to 
place ;  the  allusion  is  to  the  necessary  frequent 
change  of  place  of  the  sanctuary,  first  in  the  wil- 
derness, and  then  during  the  unquiet  movements 
hither  and  thither  in  the  land  itself  (Gilgal,  Slii- 
loh.  Nob,  Gibeon).  Comp.  1  Chron.  xvii.  5: 
"  and  I  was  from  tent  to  tent  and  fi-om  dwelling 
to  dwelling."  There  is  no  sufficient  ground  for 
distinguishing  "tent"  and  "dwelling"  as  tent- 
frame  and  tent-COTer  (Then.) ;  rather  the  "  dwell- 
ing" is  to  be  taken  with  Keil  as  explicative:  in 
a  tent,  which  was  my  dwelling.— [The  word 
mishkan,  rendered  in  Eng.  A.  V.  "  tabernacle," 
sometimes  means  the  whole  structure  built  by 
Moses,  as  in  Ex.  xxxv.  11,  where  it  includes  the 
boards,  the  tent  {ohel,  the  goatskin-curtain)  and 
the  covering  (mikseh,  the  curtains  of  ram-skins 
and  seal-skins).  Elsewhere  (as  in  Ex.  xl.  18)  it 
denotes  the  board-structure  with  the  inner  cur- 
tains of  blue,  purple  and  scarlet ;  and  again  it  is 
used  (Ex.  xxvi.  6)  apparently  for  the  inner  cur- 
tains alone.  It  seems  clear  that  technically  the 
ohel  or  tent  signified  the  outer  cloth  of  goat-skin, 
and  the  mikseh  or  covering  the  two  protecting 
heavy  cloths  of  ram  skin  and  seal  skin,  the 
mishkan  proper  denoting  the  rest  of  the  structure ; 
but  it  is  not  so  probable  that  the  technical  dis- 
tinction is  introduced  here;  the  interpretation 
of  Keil  seems  better.  Still,  taking  the  somewhat 
different  reading  in  Chron.,  we  may  suppose  that 
each  of  the  terms  ohel  and  mishkan  is  put  for  the 
whole  structure  of  which  they  formed  a  part,  a 
variation  of  terms  for  the  sake  of  filling  out  the 
conception,  the  former  rather  suggesting  the 
wilderness,  the  latter  the  land  of  Canaan. — Tr.] 
— Ver.  7.  2.  To  the  statement  that  the  Lord  had 
hitherto  had  no  fixed  dwelling,  but  had  dwelt  only 
in  a  movaile  tent,  is  appended  a  second,  that  in  all 
thLs  time  He  had  never  given  command  to  build 
Him  a  fixed  abode.— In  all -wherein  I  walked, 
that  is,  in  my  whole  walk,  during  the  whole  time 
that  I  walked  among  all  the  children  of  Israel. 
These  words  are  to  be  taken  not  with  the  pre- 
ceding (ver.  6),  which  form  the  adversative  defi- 
nition of  the  immediately  preceding  declaration, 
but  with  the  following,  and  correspond  in  context 
with  the  statement  of  time  in  ver.  6 :  "  from  the 
day  ...  to  this  day."     The  "walking"  denotes 


430 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  self-witness  of  the  divine  presence,  might  and 
help  in  the  whole  historical  development  of  Israel 
up  to  this  time.  Spake  I  a  ^ord  i7ith  any 
one  of  the  tribes  of  Israel  ?— Instead  of 
"tribes;'  ('lO^ty)  Ohron.  has  "judges"  ('OSiS'), 
which  is  adopted  by  Ewald,  Bertheau,  Thenius, 
Bunsen,  after  ver.  11.  But  the  "judges"  are 
there  mentioned  in  a  totally  different  connection 
of  thought ;  and  if  this  were  the  original  word,  it 
would  be  impossible  to  explain  the  origination 
and  general  unquestioned  acceptance  of  the  diffi- 
cult "  tribes."  The  reading  of  the  text  "  tribes"  is 
to  be  retained  with  Maurer,  Bottcher,  Keil,  Heng- 
stenberg.  Maurer  correctly  remarks:  "those 
tribes  are  to  be  understood  that  before  the  time 
of  David  attained  the  supremacy,  as  Ephraim, 
Dan,  Benjamin.  Bottcher  gives  a  complete  Uat 
of  the  tribes  that  successively  attained  the  head- 
ship through  the  Judges  chosen  from  them. 
[Abarbanel  (quoted  by  Philipps.)  renders  "'scep- 
tres" =  "judges,"  but  this  is  not  admissible.  On 
the  text  see  "Text,  and  Gramm."— Tr.]  The 
"  feeding "  (a  figure  derived  from  the  shepherd, 
who  goes  before  the  flock,  leads  it  to  pasture  and 
protects  it)  denotes  the  guidance  and  defence  of 
the  whole  people,  to  which  one  tribe  was  called, 
and  which  it  accomplished  through  the  judge  that 
represented  it.  The  Chronicler  had  only  the  line 
of  judges  in  mind;  his  alteration  is  a  collateral 
text  that  serves  very  well  to  explain  the  main 
text.  Why  build  ye  not  me  a  house  of  ce- 
dar? * — That  is,  a  permanent  and  eo.'itly  sanctuary, 
worthy  of  my  glory.  Comp.  1  Kings  viii.  16, 
where  Solomon,  with  reference  to  these  words, 
cites  as  tlie  Lord's  word:  "I  chose  no  city  among 
all  the  tribes  of  Israel  to  build  me  a  house."  Ps. 
Ixxviii.  67  is  in  like  manner  elucidatory  of  this 
passage;  for  there  the  choice  of  David  as  prince, 
and  of  Zion  as  the  place  of  the  sanctuary,  is  rep- 
resented as  if  it  were  the  choice  of  the  tribe  of  Ju- 
dah  after  the  rejection  of  Ephraim.  [Synapsis 
Criticomm:  In  this  discourse  of  God  some  things 
are  omitted  that  are  afterwards  represented  as 
ha^-ing  been  said  here,  as  in  1  Kings  viii.  16,  18, 
25;  1  Chron.  xxii.  8,  9;  xxviii.  6;  it  is  Scriptural 
u?age  not  always  to  report  the  whole  of  a  dis- 
course, but  sometimes  to  give  a  brief  summary. — 
Tk.]  Thus  in  vers.  6,  7,  looking  at  the  whole 
past  of  the  people,  one  side  of  the  reason  for  the 
"  shalt  thou  ?"  in  ver.  5  is  given :  From  the  begin- 
ning of  the  history  till  now  a  permanent  dwelling 
for  the  Lord,  instead  of  the  moving  tent,  had 
neither  acluaUy  existed  (because  not  possible  under 
the  circumstances),  nor  been  divinely  commanded, 
[There  is  no  reproof  to  David  in  this. — Tb.] 

b.  Vera.  8-11.  The  other  side  of  the  reason  lies 
in  the  history  of  the  Lord's  dealings  with  David, 
which  point  to  the  fact  that  the  Lord  will  build 
David  a  house  before  a  house  can  be  built  to  the 
Lord. — Ver.  8.  The  Lord's  _/irsJ  manifestation  of 
favor  to  him  was  Ais  elevation  from  the  lowliness  of 
the  shcfherd-life  to  the  oflBce  and  dignity  of  prince 
over  Israel.  "From  the  sheepfold"  (HIJ)  see  Ps. 
Ixxviii.  70.  [Better:  "from  the  pasture.''  The 
word  means  "habitation,"  which  in  reference  to 


*  {Bib.  Comm.:  The  cedar  of  Lebanon  ia  a  totally  dif- 
ferent tree  from  what  we  improperly  call  Virginia  cedar 
{Junipcrus  Virgimana).  It  Is  a  close-grained,  light-co- 
lored, yellowish  wood,  with  darker  knots  and  veins. 
— Tb.J 


flock  means,  not  where  they  spend   the  night 
(which  is,  as  Thenius  says,  HniJ),  but  where  they 
feed  (see  Isa.  Ixv.  10,  where  Eng.  A.  V.  has  im- 
properly "fold"),  and  this  suits  the  context  of  our 
passage. — Tb.]     To  this  was  added  the  continuous 
revelation  of  His  gracious  presence:  Ver.  9. — 
I  was  with  thee  in  all  thy  going.— These 
two  facts,  the  elevation  of  David  to  be  king  and 
his  constant  attendance  [by  God]  in  all  his  walk, 
answer  to  the  elevation  of  Israel  to  be  his  people, 
and  the  Lord's  walking  with  them  (vers.  6,  7). 
The  wars  hitherto  waged  form  the  third  stadium : 
I  have  cut  oS  all  thy  enemies  before  thee. 
— These  wars,  however,  were  the  wars  of  the 
Lord,  waged  by  Him  as  king  of  his  people  (1  Sam. 
XXV.  28).    On  this  plane  of  the  Lord's  exhibition 
of  power  in  wars  and  victories  over  enemies  rises 
the  glory  of  the  great  name  that  the  Lord  has  made 
for  him  in  the  sight  of  the  nations  round  about 
(comp.  Psalm  cxxxii.  17,  18;  1  Chr.  xiv.  17). — 
Ver.  10.    These  gradually  advancing  manifesta- 
tions of  the  Lord's  favor  to  David  look  to  the 
well-being  of  the  people  of  Israel:  1)  He  thereby 
prepared  aplaceior  them  [Erdmann  renders:  "I 
prepared  a  place,"  etc.;  see  ''  Text,  and  Gram."  * 
— Tb.]  ;  that  ia,  by  subduing  their  enemies  made 
room  for  a  safe,  unendangered  expansion  in  the 
promised  land;    2)  Planted  them — that  is,  on  the 
soil  thus  cleansed  and  made  safe  He  established 
a  firm,  deep-rooted  national  life;  3)  TheydweUin 
their  [own']  place,  their  life-fiower  unfolds  itself 
within  the  limits  secured  them  by  the  Lord ;  4) 
They  sliali  no  longer  be  affrighted  by  restless  ene- 
mies.    In  these  words  the  discourse  turns  to  the 
future  of  the  people.     The  sense  ia :  after  all  these 
manifestations  of  favor  in  the  past  up  to  this  time, 
the  Lord  will  for  the  future  a.ssure  His  people  a 
position  and  an  existence,  wherein  they  shall  no 
more  experience  the  afiliction  and  oppression  that 
they  suffered  from  godless  nations.     The  "asbe- 
foretime"  refers  to  the  beginning  of  the  people's 
history  in  Egypt.     The  words  in  ver.  11  from 
"and  as  since"  to  "Israel"  belong  with  the  "he- 
foretime"  as  chronological  datum,  and  depend  on 
the   "as''   in  ver.  10.      And   from  the  time 
when  I  ordained  Judges  over  my  people 
Israel. — That  is,  not  merely  during  the  period 
of  the  Judges,  but  on  fi-om  the  time  when  the 
judges  began  to  lead  the  people,  since  the  Prep, 
"from"  [Eng.  A.  v.:  "since"]  gives  only  the  ter- 
mimis  a  quo,  and  consequently  the  period  of  the 
continuous  oppression  of  the  people  by  surround- 
ing nations  in  the  time  after  the  judges  till  now  is 
not  excluded.     This  glance  at  the  history  of  Is- 
rael's affliction  and  oppression  from  the  beginning 
on  answers  to  the  glance  at  the  Lord's  presence 
and  walk  with  them  during  their  long  period  of 
wandering.     All  this  the  Lord  has  done  to  the 
people  through  His  servant  David  (comp.  Psalm 
Ixxxix.  22-24).     The  usual  connection  of  these 
words  with  the  following:  "and  from  the  time 

that have  I  caused  thee  to  rest"   (so  still 

Hengst.  ubi  sup.  [p.  130])  is  untenable — because: 
1)  we  thus  have  the  impossible  statement  that 
God  gave  David  rest  from  the  beginning  of  the 
period  of  the  Judges  on,  and  2)  the  period  of  the 
Judges  was  any  thing  but  a  time  of  quiet.    And 

•  [The  general  sense  is  not  changed  by  this  elight 
difference  of  translation. — Te.J 


CHAP.  VII.  1-29. 


431 


I  give  thee  rest  from  all  thy  enemies. — 

The  verb  (Perf.  with  Waw  cousec.)  is  to  be  un- 
derstood of  the  fuiure,  as  is  usual  with  this  form 
when,  as  here,  a  future  precedes.  "  In  the  quiet 
progress  of  the  discourse  the  Future  here  passes 
over  into  quiet  description"  (Ges.  ?  126,  6).  It  is 
also  here  to  be  considered  that  the  Perf.  refers  to 
Future  in  asseeeratiims  and  assurances.  To  take 
the  verb  in  a  Perfect  sense  [  =  I  have  given  rest], 
the  narrative  concerning  the  past  in  ver.  9  being 
thereby  resumed  (De  Wette,  Thenius  [Bihle  Com- 
mentary, Philippson]),  is  inadmissible,  because 
the  discourse  has  already  in  the  preceding  words 
turned  to  the  future,  and  such  a  retrogressive  re- 
petition, considering  the  rapid  advance  elsewhere 
in  all  these  words,  would  be  intolerable.  David's 
present  rest  (ver.  1)  was  only  a  temporary  one — 
for  the  hostile  nations  were  ever  seeking  opportu- 
nity to  assault  Israel.  Although  David's  wars  and 
victories  hitherto  had  so  far  firmly  established 
Israel  that  the  former  times  of  "  terror  and  dis- 
tress" could  not  return,  yet  his  reign  was  a  con- 
stant war  with  the  hostile  nations  around,  in  or- 
der to  maintain  the  security  that  had  been  won, 
and  to  ward  off  the  freshly  inpressing  enemies. 
To  this  continuing  unquiet  refers  the  first  promise 
of  the  Lord  to  David :  "  I  will  give  thee  rest  from 
all  thy  enemies."  The  Chron.  has  (ver.  10): 
"and  I  subdue  all  thy  enemies,  and  tell  it  thee, 
and  a  house  will  the  Lord  build  thee."  *  The 
seeond  declaraiion  is  introduced  by  the  words:  "the 
Lord  announces  to  thee"  (not,  has  announced), 
"causes  to  be  announced."  Thereby  the  promise 
itself:  The  Lord  will  build  thee  a  house  is 
raised  to  its  supereminent  importance  above  all 
the  preceding  words.  In  it  culminates  the  gra- 
dually rising  line  of  the  Lord's  exhibitions  of  fa- 
vor to  David,  and  through  him  to  the  people. 
The  "house"  is  the  royal  authority  in  Israel, 
.  which  is  assured  and  established  for  his  femily. 
According  to  these  words  (vers.  5-7  and  8-11) 
there  are  two  principal  groundsforthe  Lord's 
negative  answer  to  David's  determination  to  build 
him  a  house:  1)  as  the  Lord  could  have  no  fixed 
dwelling-place  amid  His  people,  so  long  as  they 
were  wandering  out  of  Canaan,  and  in  Canaan 
were  constantly  disquieted  by  enemies  and  driven 
hither  and  thither,  so  also  David's  rule,  in  spite 
of  victories  over  enemies,  was  still  too  much  dis- 
quieted by  external  enemies  that  had  to  be 
fought,  he  being  especially  called  thereby^  to  se- 
cure to  the  people  a  settled  permanent  existence 
for  the  future.  Hence  now  also  the  dwelling- 
place  of  the  Lord  amid  His  people  can  have  no 
other  form  than  that  of  the  tent,  the  symbol  of  Is- 
rael's wandering,  which  was  to  be  ended  and 
quieted  first  by  David's  battles  and  victories. 
2)  David  had  indeed  declared  that  he  wished  to 
perform  something  for  the  Lord  in  the  building 
of  a  house,  but  this  human  plan  should  and  could 
not  reach  fulfilment  except  and  before  the  Lord 
had  completed  His  manifestations  of  favor  to  Da- 
vid and  carried  out  His  plan,  which  looked  to 
confirming  the  royal  authority  for  his  house  and 
family  forever,  and  thereby  assuring  the  well-be- 
ing of  the  people.  What  the  Lord  had  hitherto 
done  for  David,  and  through  him  for  Israel,  was 
only  the  beginning  of  this  confirmation  of  his 

*  [The  sense  is  the  same  as  in  Samuel.— Te.] 


kingdom ;  it  was  by  its  assured  connection  for  all 
the  future  with  David's  posterity  that  the  firm 
foundation  was  first  laid,  on  which  could  be  car- 
ried out  the  work  of  temple-building  as  the  sign 
of  the  immovably  founded  kingdom  of  peace  and 
of  the  theocracy  that  was  to  exhibit  itself  in  un- 
disturbed quiet  in  Israel.  The  meaning  of  the 
divine  prohibition,  therefore,  is  this:  Thou  canst 
not  build  me  a  house,  for  I  must  first  build  thee 
a  house,  before  the  building  of  a  house  for  me  is 
possible.  This  second  principal  ground  is  con- 
nected immediately  with  the  first ;  for  the  promise 
could  not  be  fulfilled,  unless  by  the  establishment 
of  external  peace  the  condition  for  the  confiima- 
tion  of  David's  house  was  given.  The  first  ground 
is  more  precisely  defined  in  1  Chron.  xxii.  7-13; 
xxviii.  3  sq.  by  the  statement  that  David  was  not 
permitted  to  build  the  temple  on  account  of  his 
wars :  "  because  thou  art  a  man  of  war  and  hast 
shed  blood."  With  this  agrees  Solomon's  word 
to  Hiram,  1  Kings  v.  3:  "My  father  could  not 
build  a  house  to  the  name  of  the  Lord  for  the  wars 
that  were  about  him."  * 

c.  Vers.  1 2-16.  The  wider  expansion  and  acacter 
definition  of  the  promise:  "1  will  build  thee  a 
house."  Ver.  12  starts  from  the  end  of  David's 
life ;  after  his  death  the  promise  will  be  fulfilled. 
I  -will   set  up   thy  seed   after  thee. — The 

"setup"  (D"pn)  denotes  not  the  "awakening" 
or  bringing  into  existence,  but  the  elevating  the 
seed  to  royal  rule  and  power.  The  "seed"  is  not 
the  whole  posterity,  as  is  clear  from  the  explana- 
tory words  in  1  Chron.  xvii.  11:  "thy  seed  that 
shall  be  of  thy  sons,"  nor  merely  a  single  indivi- 
dual, but  a  selection  from  the  posterity,  which 
will  be  appointed  by  God's  favor  to  succeed  Da- 
vid on  the  throne.  Which  shall  proceed 
(come)  out  of  thy  body. — The  seed  here  spoken 
of  was  still  in  the  future  when  this  promise  was 
made  to  David.  We  are  not,  with  Thenius,  to 
change  "will  proceed"  C.?.')  to  "has  proceeded" 
(XX^),  as  if  Solomon  were  then  already  born. 
And  I  vrill  establish  his  kingdom. — On  the 
setting  up  and  elevation  to  the  royal  dignity  follows 
its  confirmation  to  David's  posterity,  which  has 
been  called  to  be  bearer  of  the  theocratical  royal 
office.  This  promise  was  fulfilled  in  the  first  place 
in  Solomon,  who  also  expresses  his  consciousness 
of  this  fact  in  1  Kings  viii.  20  ;  comp.  1  Kings  ii. 
12.— Ver.  13.  He,  this  thy  seed,  will  build  a 
house  for  my  name. — The  name  stands  for  God 
Himself,  so  far  as  He  reveals  Himself  to  His  peo- 
ple as  covenant-God  and  makes  Himself  known 
in  His  loftiness  and  holiness.  "  To  build  a  house 
for  His  name"  signifies  therefore  not  simply  "in 
His  honor,  or  as  a  place  to  call  on  Him,"  but 
"to  establish  a  fixed  place,  which  should  be  the 
sign  and  pledge  of  His  abode  in  Israel."  To  the 
shorter  formula:  "To  the  (or,  for  the)  name  of 
the  Lord"  (comp.  1  Kings  viii.  17-20,  48 ;  iii. 
2 ;  V.  17,  19  ;  1  Chron.  xxii.  7,  19 ;  xxviii.  3)  an- 
swers the  longer :  "  that  my  name  may  be  there, 
my  name  shall  be  there"  (1  Kings  viii.  16,  29; 
comp.  2  Chron.  vi.  5;  2  Kings  xxiii.  27),  or, 
''that  my  name  may  dwell  there"  (Dent.  xii.  11; 
xiv.  23  ;  xvi.  II;  xxvi.  2;  Neh.  i.  9),  or,  "that 

*  [See  the  thought  here  well  brought  out  Id  Keil  on 
"  Samuel,"  Eng.  tr.  p.  344  aq.— Te.] 


432 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


I  may  put  my  name  there"  (1  Ki.  ix.  3;   2  Ki. 
xxi.  7).     And  I  V7ill  stablish  the  throne  of 
his  kingdom  forever. — The  royal  dominion 
will  not  only  be  one  established  in  David's  house, 
but  also  one  evduring  forever,  never  to  be  severed 
from  this  house.     It  is  not  here  the  everlasting 
dominion  of  one  king  that  is  spoken  of  but  it  is 
said :  with  the  seed  of  David  the  kingdom  shall 
remain  forever  (  =  everlastingly).     The  everlast- 
ing stay  of  the  kingdom  in  the  house  of  David  is 
promised.     Comp.  ver.  25,  where  David  so  under- 
stands this  divine  promise.     Comp.  Ps.  Ixxxix. 
30  ;  Ixxii.  5,  7,  17.— Ver.  14.  I  will  be  to  him 
a  father,  and  he  shall  be  td  me  a  son. — The 
relation  of  fatherhood  and  sonship  will  exist  between 
the  covenant-God  of  Israel  and  the  seed  of  David. 
This  denotes  in  the  first  place  the  relation  of  the 
most  cordial  mutual  love,  which  attests  its  endu- 
ring character  by  fidelity,  and  demonstrates  its  ex- 
istence towards  the  Lord  by  active  obedience.    But 
besides  this  ethical  significance  of  the  relation  of 
David's  seed  as   "son"   to  God  as  "its  father" 
(indicated  by  the  Prep,  "to"),  we  must,  from  the 
connection,  note  1)  the  origin  or  descent  of  the 
son  from  the  father ;  the  seed  of  David,  entrusted 
with  everlasting  kingly  dignity,  has  as  such  his 
origin  in  the  will  of  God,  owes  his  kingdom  to 
the  divine  choice  and  eaU,  comp.  Ps.  ii.  7 ;  Ixxxix. 
27,  28.     2)  In  the  designations  "father  and  son" 
is  indicated  community  of  possession ;  the  seed,  as 
son,  receives  the  dominion   from  the  father  as 
heir,  and,  as  this  dominion  is  an  everlasting  one, 
he  will,  as  son  and  heir,  reign /orCTer  in  possession 
of  the  kingdom.     The  father's  kingdom  is  an  un- 
limited one,  embracing  the  whole  world;  so  in 
the  idea  of  sonship  there  lies,  along  mth  everlast- 
ingnesSt  the  idea  of  all-embracing  world-dominion, 
on  which  the  son  lawfully  enters.     Comp.  Psalm 
Ixxxix.  26-30 ;  ii.  7-9.     Whom,  if  he  commits 
iniquity — that  is,  not  hypothetically,  "in  case 
he  sin,"  but  actually,  when  he  sins  (as  cannot  fail 
to   happen);    the  seed,   David's   po.sterity    here 
spoken  of  is  not  exempted  from  the  sin  that  clings 
to  all  men — I  will  chasten  -with  the  rod  of 
men  and  with  the  stripes  of  the  children 
of  men.* — That  is,  with  such  punishments   as 
men  suffer  for  their  sins.     David's  seed  will  be 
free  neither  from  sin  nor  from  its  human  puni=li- 
ment^    "  Grace  is  not  to  release  David  and  the 
Davidic  line  from  this  universal  human  lot,  is 
not  to  be  for  them  a  charter  lo  sin"  (Hengst.). 
Comp.  Baur:  Oesch.  d.  altt.  Wcissag.  [Hist,  of  O. 
T.  Prophecy]  I.  392  sq.     Such  chastisement  will 
not  be  set  aside  by  the  cordial  relation  of  David's 
seed  as  son  to  the  Lord  as  father,  but  will  rather 
follow  David :  The  father  will  punish  the  son  for 
his  sins.     The  elevation  of  the  latter  to  such  glory 
above  all  the  children  of  men  is  not  to  be  a  reason 
for  making  him  an  exception  in  respect  to  pun- 
ishableness,  but  in  this  regard  he  will  be  equalled 
with  all  men  before  God's  righteousness.     Cleri- 
cus,  against  the  connection,  explains  the  "rod  of 


*  The  Bel.  sentence  begun  with  lE^X  is  broken  off, 

the  Inf.  (713),  as  indioaKon  of  cause,  acting  as  protasis 
and  the  Perf.  with  Waw  cons,  as  apodosis  in  a  future 
sense,  giving  the  result  of  the  sinning.  Ges.  §126,  6d, 
Rem.  1.  Then,  strikes  out  the  second  1  (as  a  rals-copy 
of  the  fir.st),  and  connects  the  Kel.  with  the  sufBx  in 

vnnin. 


men  "  to  mean :  "  moderate  punishments,  such  as 
parents  usually  inflict."  Wholly  wrong  is  the 
rendering:  "whom  if  any  one  ofiend,  or,  against 
whom  if  any  one  sin,"  comp.  Pflfeiffer,  Dubia 
Vexata,  V.  2,  I.  84,  p.  390 ;  Ruas,  De  promissiane 
Davidica  soli  Messioe  vindicatu,  Jen.,  1713.  In 
Ps.  Ixxxix.  31-33  we  have  the  further  elucida- 
tion :  "  If  his  sons  forsake  my  law  and  walk  not 

in  my  judgments I  wiU'visit-them  with  the 

rod  of  their  sin  and  with  the  stripes  of  their  ini- 
quity." Chron.  omits  this  declaration  in  order  to 
bring  out  the  more  stronglythe  following  thought 
that  the  divine  favor  wiU,  in  spite  of  sin,  remain 
with  David's  seed  (Hengst.  ubi  sup.  [p.  135] ). — 
Ver.  15.  But  my  favor  shall  not  depart 
from  him. — It  is  presupposed  that  in  his  sinning 
he  remains  faithful  to  the  Lord,  not  departing 
from  Him,  and  that  the  chastLsement  leads  him 
to  repentance  (comp.  1  Chron.  xxviii.  9;  Psalm 
cxxxii.  12).  This  is  clear  from  the  following 
words:  as  I  took  it  from  Saul  whom  I  put 
away  before  thee.— Comp.  1  Sam.  xv.  23.  26 
28.  "  Before  thee,"  before  thy  face ;  Saul  and  his 
kingdom  had  to  disappear  before  David,  who, 
with  his  kingdom  took  their  place,  and  with 
whose  seed  the  kingdom  will  remain  forever  in 
spite  of  the  sins  that  shall  be  found  in  the  indivi- 
duals of  his  posterity,  "his  sons"  (Ps.  Ixxxix. 
31).  "The  contrast  is  that  between  the  punish- 
ment of  sin  in  individuals  and  the  favor  that  re- 
niains  permanently  with  the  family,  whereby  the 
divine  promise  becomes  an  unconditioned  one" 
(Hengst.). — Ver.  16.  And  thy  house  and  thy 
kingdom  shall  be  permanent,  as  the  result 
of  the  permanent  favor  and  grace  assured  to  Da- 
vid's seed  (comp.  Ps.  Ixxxix.  29,  38 ;  Isa.  Iv.  3 
["sure  mercies  of  David,"  same  word  as  is  here 
rendered  "established"  in  Eng.  A.  V. — Tr.]),  and 
as  the  lasting  fulfilment  of  the  promise  in  verse 
12:  "  I  will  raise  up,  lift  up  thy  seed."  The  word 
"  before  thee"  is  arbitrarily  changed  by  Sept.  and ' 
Syr.  into  "before  me."  Bottcher  explains:  "in 
thy  conception"  (comparing  vii.  26,  29 ;  1  Kings 
viii.  50),  and  adds:  "the  reference  is  to  the  out/ 
look  of  the  living,  not  to  a  conscious  participation 
still  granted  to  the  dead."  O.  v.  Gerlach:  "Da- 
vid, as  a,ncestor  and  beginner  of  the  line  of  kings, 
is  conceived  of  as  he  who  paases  all  his  successors 
before  him  in  vision."  Thy  throne  will  be 
firm  forever. — This  answers  to  the  words  in 
ver.  12:  "and  I  will  confirm  his  kingdom,"  as 
the  continuous  eflTect  of  this  promise.  In  the 
"forever"^  (here  twice  given  and  resumed  from 
ver.  13)  in  the  promise  of  the  everlasting  kingdom 
connected  with  the  house  of  David,  the  prophecy 
culminates.  On  the  "firm"  []'UJ,  Eng.  A.  V.: 
"  established,"  diflerent  from  the  word  so  rendered 
in  the  former  part  of  this  verse,  which  =  "  sure," 
"  faithftil."— Tr.],  comp.  Mic.  iv.  1,  and  on  the 
"forever"  comp.  Ps.  Ixxii.  17;  Ixxxix.  37;  xlv. 
7  ;  ex.  4;  cxxxii.  11,  12.     Comp.  Jno.  xii.  34. 

2.  David's  prayer. — Vers.  17-29. 

Ver.  17.  Conclusion  of  the  preceding  section 
and  introduction  to  the  following.  According 
to  all  these  words  and  according  to  all 
this  vision.— The  words,  as  the  content  of  God's 
revelation  to  Nathan,  are  distinguished  from  the 
vision  as  indication  of  its  form  and  mode.  To  .sup- 
pose a  dream  here  (Thenius)  because  the  revela- 


CHAP.  VII.  1-29. 


433 


tion  occurred  at  night  (ver.  4)  is  inadmiasible — 
since  nothing  is  said  of  a  dream ;  for  the  vision 
( I'Vtn  ^  j'lin  )  ia  every  where  distinguished  from 
the  revelation  by  dream  (Keil) ;  and  in  Isa.  xxix. 
7  the  word  "  dream  "  is  expressly  added  in  order 
to  indicate  a  "vision"  that  occurred  in  a  dream. 
Our  word  signifles  the  view,  vision,  as  the  result 
of  the  looking  or  gazing  of  the  prophets  (who  are 
called  D'th,  gazers,  seera)  with  the  inner  sense, 
whether  in  a  waking  state  or  in  a  dream.  In  the 
former  case  the  "vision"  may  denote  either  col- 
lectively a  number  of  divine  revelations,  taken  as 
a  whole  (so  Isa.  i.  1;  Obad.  1;  Nah.  i.  1),  or,  a 
single  revelation,  as  here  (so  Ezek.  vii.  26  ;  Dan. 
viii.  1,  2, 15, 17).  But  it  is  not  the  vision  or  view 
in  itself  that  forms  the  essence  and  substance  of 
the  prophetic  revelation,  but  rather  the  "word" 
or  the  "words"  of  the  Lord,  which  as  medium 
of  the  Spirit  of  God  come  to  the  prophetic  spirit ; 
the  vision  is  the  psychical  form  under  which  the 
revelation  takes  place.  David's  answer  to  the  Lord 
falls  into  three  parts:  Thanks  for  the  exceeding 
abundant  favor  shown  him  and  his  house  nom  in 
tUs  revelation  (vers.  18-21),  Praise  to  the  Lord 
for  the  great  things  He  has  done  for  His  people  in 
the  past  (vers.  22-24),  and  Prayer  for  the  fulfil- 
ment of  die  promise  in  ihs  future  (ver.s.  25-29). 

It.  Vers.  18-21.  David! s  thanksgiving  for  the 
LordJs  gracious  manifestation  in  the  great  promise 
now  received. — The  words  "  David  went  in  . . .  be- 
fore Jehovah"  indicate  the  powerful  impression 
that  Nathan'!^  communication  made  on  David's 
soul ;  the  divine  revelation  received  compels  him 
to  betake  himself  to  the  sanctuary  ''  into  the  pre- 
sence "  of  the  Lord,  where  he  "  remained  "  (3^.'.l 
tarried  [Eng.  A.  V.  sat])  sunk  in  contemplation 
and  prayer.  It  cannot  be  inferred  from  Ex.  xvii. 
12  that  David  is  to  be  thought  of  here  as  sitting; 
for  Moses  there  sat  from  weariness  after  long 
prayer.  The  verb  (32''  usually  "sit")  is  often 
used  in  the  general  sense:  "remain,  ta,rry." 
[Bib.  Cmnm.  correctly  points  out  that,  even  if  the 
verb  be  rendered  "  sat,"  it  is  not  necessary  to  sup- 
pose that  David  prayed  sitting.  He  may  have 
risen  to  pray  after  meditation.  Yet  sitting  under 
such  circumstances  would  be  a  respectful  attitude, 
and  elsewhere  we  have  no  proof  in  the  Scriptures 
of  a  customary  attitude  in  prayer ;  that  Solomon 
(1  Kings  viii.  22)  and  Ezra  and  the  Levites  (Neh. 
viii.  4 ;  ix.  4)  stood  was  due  to  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumstances. It  is  not  stated  in  what  place  David 
offered  his  prayer ;  it  may  have  been  in  his  own 
house  or  in  some  part  of  the  tabernacle.* — Te.] — 
The  content  of  this  thanksgiving-prayer  is  like  a 
clear  glass,  wherein  we  see  into  the  innermost 
depths  of  David's  heart.  His  soul,  wholly  taken 
up  with  the  divine  revelation  and  promise,  ex- 
presses itself  in  the  following  utterances,  which 
follow  one  another  quickly  in  accordance  with  the 
internal  excitement  of  feeling:  1)  The  humble  con- 
femnn  of  unworthiness  in  respect  to  all  manifes- 
tations of  favor  hitherto  made'  to  him  and  his 
house.  Who  am  I,  Lord  Jehovah,  and  ■what 
ia  my  house  ? — The  words  answer  exactly  to 
Jacob's  words  in  Gen.  xxxii.  10  as  the  expression 


*  [On  David's  posture  see  notes  of  Patrick  and  Gill  in 
icco.— Tb.] 

28 


of  the  deepest  humility  and  feeling  of  nothingness 
over  against  the  greatness  and  glory  of  God.  So 
in  Ps.  viii.  5 ;  cxliv.  8  there  is  the  contrast  be- 
tween the  divine  loftiness  and  human  lowliness 
and  nothingness.  That  thou  hast  brought 
me  hitherto. — David  reviews  all  the  past  lead- 
ings of  God's  grace,  in  respect  to  which,  as  mani- 
festations of  the  divine  favor  and  love,  he  so  feels 
his  unworthiness  and  nothingness,  and  at  the  same 
time  indirectly  declares  that  he  has  hitherto  sub- 
mitted himself  to  the  Lord's  guidance.  2)  David, 
with  like  Immility,  thanks  the  Lord  for  this  pre- 
sent svpereminent  manifestation  of  His  favor  in  the 
promise  relating  to  the  future  of  his  house. — Ver.  1 9. 
He  gives  the  liveliest  expression  to  his  humble 
and  joyfully  excited  feeling  of  the  greatness  and 
glory  of  God  in  the  repetition  of  the  preceding  ad- 
dress, "Lord  Jehovah"  (ver.  18),  and  [comparing 
the  abundant  fullness  of  grace  in  this  preaemt  reve- 
lation with  the /ormer  exhibitions  of  grace,  which 
culminate  in  it)  in  the  first  sentence  of  this  verse 
(from  the  beginning  to  "great  while  to  come"). 
Prom  the  far  future  [Eng.  A.  V. :  "for  a  great 
while  to  come"],  that  is,  of  my  house;  the  pro- 
mise refers  to  favors  in  the  far  future  for  his  house. 
The  sense  is :  if,  looking  at  former  undeserved  fa- 
vors, I  must  bow  low  wilh  the  feeling  of  unwor- 
thiness, much  more  in  view  of  the  promises  made 
out  of  free  grace  to  my  house  for  the  far  future. 

The  last  sentence  of  this  verse  (D'l^p  ^l''^  nNIl) 
is  as  enigmatic  as  the  parallel  passage,  1  Chron. 

xvii.  17  (nS;;ari  nisn  I'lns  'jn'xii).    At  the 

outset  it  must  be  assumed  as  certain  that  this  word 
Urrah  [Eng.  A.  V.:  mannerl  never ="  manner, 
custom,  mode  of  acting''  (DTI,  CJSE'p).  There- 
fore the  explanation  (in  itself  very  agreeable  and 
easy):  "and  this  (hast  thou  spoken)  after  the 
manner  of  men,  thou  actest  with  me,  that  stand 
-so  infinitely  below  thee,  in  humam,  manner, — that 
is,  in  such  friendly  manner  as  men  use  with  one 
another"  (Grotius,  Gesenius,  Winer,  Maurer, 
Thenius,  and  De  Wette:  "such  is  the  manner  of 
men")  is  as  untenable  as  Luther's  translation: 
"this  is  the  manner  of  a  man  who  is  God  the 
Lord,"  which  besides  rests  on  the  conception  of 
this  passage  as  directly  Messianic  (pointing  to  the 
incarnation  of  God  in  Christ),  and  incorrectly 
takes  "Lord  Jehovah,"  which  here  as  before  and 
after  is  an  address,  as  explanatory  apposition  to 
"man."  For  the  same  reason  the  explanation  of 
Clericus  and  others  is  to  be  rejected :  "  in  human 
fashion — that  is,  thou  hast  cared  for  me  and  my 
family  as  men  do  for  their  children  and  grand- 
children, looking  out  for  their  future,"  especially 
as  it  assigns  to  David's  words  the  very  trivial 
thought  of  caring  for  a  family  for  the  future. 
Ebrard  (Herz.  VI.  609)  characterizes  this  expres- 
sion, "the  law  of  man,  of  the  Lord  Jehovah,"  as 
a  word  of  "  presageful  bewilderment,"  and  finds 
the  explanation  in  1  Chron.  xvii.  17,  where  he 
renders:  "Thou  hast  looked  on  me  like  the  form 
of  man,  who  is  God,  Jehovah  above;"  David, 
says  Ebrard,  saw  that  he  himself  was  contem- 
plated, but  at  the  same  time  so  that  Jehovah  ap- 
peared to  him  here  as  a  man,  who  was  also  God 
and  enthroned  on  high,  recognizing  the  fact  that 
the  final  point  of  the  promised  posterity  was  Je- 
hovah Himself,  but  Jehovah  as  man  and  God. 


434 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


So  already  S.  Schmidt,  who  (after  Chron.)  inserts 
''a«"  before  torah,  talcing  this  last=" condition, 
state"  (Hin):  "OJeliovah  God,  Thou  hast  looked 

on  me Thou  who,  in  the  humble  condition 

and  infirm  state  of  wretched,  afflicted  man^  art  in 
all  things  made  like  man."  Apart  from  the  in- 
c-orrert,  direct  Messianic  interpretation,  all  these 
and  similar  expositions  take  torah  in  a  sense  that 
it  never  has.  It  means  regularly  law.  Hence 
Dathe  and  Sehultz  render:  "such  is  a  law  for 
men'' — that  is,  so  should  my  enemies  act  when 
they  think  to  burl  my  descendants  from  the  throne. 
SoBunsen:  "This  (Thy  promise)  is  an  indication 
(law)  for  men — that  is,  Thou  wilt  make  Thy  will 
authoritative  even  among  men."  But  this  expla- 
nation requires  too  much  to  be  supplied  in  order 
that  the  words  may  be  understood.  The  same 
thing  is  true  of  the  rendering  of  Hengstenberg — 
which  Keil  adopts:  "The  law  of  man,  the  law  that 
is  to  rcgidate  the  conduct  of  men  (oomp.  the  expres- 
sion Lev.  vi.  2  (9),  the  law  of  the  burnt-offering; 
xiv.  2,  the  law  of  the  leper;  xii.  7,  tUe  law  of  the 
woman  that  has  borne  a  child),  is  the  law  of  love 
to  one's  neighbor,  Levit.  xix.  18 ;  Mic.  vi.  8 ; 
'  thLs,'  namely,  the  Lord's  conduct  to  him  in  his 
love  and  faithfulness,  answers  to  the  law  by  which 
men  are  to  be  governed  in  their  conduct  to  one 
another ;  when  God  the  Lord  so  graciously  and 
lovingly  condescends  to  act  towards  poor  mortals 
according  to  this  law  that  holds  among  men,  it 
must  fill  us  with  adoring  wonder.  To  this  an- 
swers the  parallel  passage  in  Chron. :  and  thou 
sawest  rae  (visitedst  me,  dealedst  with  me)  after 
the  law  of  man  (1W  =  min),  that  is,  the  law  of 
love  to  one's  neighbor,  thou  height  (!)  Jehovah 
God."  Against  this  view  is  to  be  remarked  1) 
that  it  reqiiires  too  much  to  be  understood  in  con- 
nection with  "this"  and  "law,"  2)  that  God's 
acting  according  to  the  law  of  love  (given  by 
Himself )  cannot  be  thus  represented  as  in  contrast 
with  His  greatness  and  glory,  as  if  He  stood 
above  the  conduct  that  men  (according  to  this 
law)  are  to  follow,  and  should  therefore  be  worthy 
of  the  greater  admiration  if  He  condescended  to 
such  conduct. — As  torah  originally  signifies  teach- 
ing, instruction,  both  divine  (Job  xxii.  22;  Ps. 
xix.  8)  and  human  (Prov.  i.  8;  iii.  1 ;  iv.  2; 
vii.  2;  xxviii.  7,  9),  it  is  possible  to  render: 
"  and  this  is  a  (divine)  instruction  for  (poor,  ab- 
ject) man,  to  whom  Thou  so  condescendest,  O 
Lord  God,"  or,  to  paraphrase  with  Bunsen : 
"  Thou  instructest  me  (makest  disclosures  to  me) 
as  one  man  another ;  so  great  is  thy  condescen- 
sion." But  this  rendering,  contrary  to  David's 
tone  of  feeling  throughout  this  whole  section,  lays 
all  the  stress  on  a  formal  thing,  namely,  the  fact 
that  God  condescends  to  speak  to  him,  to  make 
disclosures  to  him,  while  it  must  be  the  content 
of  the  Lord's  words  about  the  future  of  his  house 
that  moves  him  to  humble  thanksgiving  and 
praise.  Not  the  fact  that  the  Lord  condescends 
to  him  with  His  word  of  revelation  (which  He 
has  often  done  before),  but  wAat  He  has  now  moJere 
to  him  is  the  cause  of  his  humble  thanksgiving. 
— For  the  explanation  of  this  obscure  passage  it 
is  further  to  be  considered  that  these  words,  ut- 
tered abruptly  and  in  lapidary  style,  are  from  the 
connection  evidently  to  be  taken  1)  as  the  ex- 
pression of  a  joyfully  excited  heart,  and  2)  as  the 
exclamation  of  humble  a.stonishment  at  the  great- 


ness and  glory  of  the  grace  of  God  in  the  promise 
given  to  his  house,  in  contrast  with  human  low- 
liness, as  is  indicated  by  the  word  "  man "  over 
against  the  address  "  Lord  Jehovah."  The  coji- 
tent  of  the  promise  to  David's  house  for  th?  future, 
to  which  David  has  just  referred  as  the  highest 
evidence  of  the  divine  favor,  and  to  which  the 
"  this  "  must  beyond  doubt  be  referred,  is  the  di- 
vine determination  that  the  kingdom  is  to  be  one 
proper  to  his  house  and  forever  connected  with  it, 
and  is  thus  to  have  an  everlasting  duration.  This 
is  the  divine  torah  or  prescription,  which  is  to 
hold  for  a  weak,  insignificant  man  and  his  seed, 
for  poor  human  creatures.  In  the  exclamation 
"this,"  David  looks  in  a.stonishment  and  adora- 
tion at  the  glory  and  the  everlastingness  (imperish- 
ableness)  that  is  promised  his  house.  This  king- 
dom is  indeed  the  kingdom  of  God  Himself,  and 
since  it  is  promised  his  house  forever,  divine  dig- 
nity and  divine  possession  is  thus  for  the  farth&st 
future  ascribed  to  this  house  by  that  "  word  oj  tlie 
Lord;"  the  "  Lord  Jehovah,'  towards  whom  Da- 
vid already  feels  so  humbled  and  lowly  by  reason 
of  His  former  manifestations  of  love  and  favor, 
now  condescends  to  attach  His  kingdom  in  Israel, 
His  everlasting  divine  dominion  forever  to  his 
house,  to  his  posterity,  that  is,  to  insignificant 
children  of  men,  by  such  a  law,  which  is  contained 
in  that  word  of  promise.  Similarly  O.  v.  Gerlach : 
"  This  is  an  expression  of  wondering  admiration 
of  the  gracious  condescension  of  God.  Such  a 
law  Thou  establishest  for  a  man  and  his  house, 
namely,  that  Thou  promisest  it  everlasting  dura- 
tion." Comp.  Bunsen  :  "  Of  so  grand  a  promise 
hast  Thou,  O  Eternal  One,  thought  a  mortal  man 
worthy."  [Erig.  A.  V.,  adopting  the  interroga- 
tive form  with  negative  force,  apparently  takes 
the  meaning  of  this  sentence  to  be:  "it  is  not 
thus  that  men  act  lowards  one  another,  but  Thy 
ways,  O  Lord,  are  above  men's  ways."  Against 
this  is  that  the  word  torah  does  not  mean  "  man- 
ner" (so  Erdmann  above),  and  that  the  sentence 
thus  stands  in  no  relation  as  to  sense  with  the 
parallel  passage,  1  Chr.  xvii.  17.— Other  inter- 
pretations (see  Poole's  Synopsis)  take  mx  as  the 

proper  name  Adam,  and  explain:  "as  Adam's 
posterity  rule  the  world,  so  shall  mine  rule  Is- 
rael," or :  "as  Thou  madest  a  covenant  with 
Adam  and  his  posterity,  so  with  me  and  mine ;" 
but  the  proper  name  Adam  occurs  nowhere  else 
in  the  Davidic  period,  and  this  interpretation 
does  not  suit  the  context,  especially  the  sense  of 
unworthiness  expressed  by  David. — This  word 
again  is  taken  a.s="a  great  man"  (so  Bib.- 
Oom.  and  Abarbanel),  or  as  =  "  a  mean  man," 
neither  of  which  senses  it  can  have  by  itself.  We 
cannot  therefore  explain :  "  Thou  dealest  with  me 
as  is  becoming  (to  deal  with)  a  great  man,"  or: 
"this  is  the  law  (or  prerogative)  of  a  great  man, 
to  found  dynasties  that  are  to  last  into  the  far 
future "  {Bib.  Gomm.),  which  interpretations 
(though  agreeing  somewhat  with  1  Chr.  xvii.  17) 
do  not  accord  with  the  humility  that  character- 
izes the  whole  passage.  Chandler's  rendering: 
"  this  is  according  to  the  constitution  of  men," 
namely,  that  the  crown  should  be  hereditary 
(God  graciously  making  it  hereditary  in  David's 
family),  is  somewhat  far-fetched  and  nnsuitableto 
David's  line  of  thought.     The  early  English  com- 


CHAP.  Vir.  1-29. 


435 


mentalors  generally  interpret  the  pas'age  as  di- 
rectly Messianic ;  but  the  context  does  not  permit 
this- — If  our  text  be  retained,  the  sentence  must 
be  rendered:  ''  and  this  is  the  law  of  man,"  that 
is,  the  promise  given  is  the  prescription  made  for 
the  government  of  man,  who,  in  comparison  with 
God,  is  so  low,  so  unworthy  of  such  honor ;  and 
Dr.  Erdmann's  explanation  is  the  most  satisfac- 
tory. But  regard  must  be  had  to  1  Chr.  xvii.  17, 
in  which  it  is  evidently  intended  to  give  the  same 
thought  a-s  is  given  here,  and  which,  as  it  now 
stands,  is  to  be  rendered :  "  Thou  regardest  me 
according  to  the  line  of  men  on  high."  It  is  dif- 
ficult to  bring  these  two  declarations  into  har- 
mony. Moreover,  the  two  texts  have  enough 
similarity  and  difference  to  suggest  that  one  has 
been  altered  from  the  other,  or  that  both  are  cor- 
ruptions of  the  original  text.  The  ancient  ver- 
sions give  little  or  no  aid  in  determining  text  or 
meaning ;  they  mostly  either  render  literally,  or 
give  paraphrases  that  cannot  be  gotten  from  the 
existing  Hebrew,  and  that  offer  no  fruitful  sug- 
gestion. It  is  noticeable,  however,  that  the  Chald. 
in  "  Samuel "  has :  "  and  this  is  a  vision  of  men," 
while  the  Sept.  in  ''Chronicles"  renders:  "Thou 
regardedst  me  as  a  vision  of  man,"  and  these 
translations  favor  the  causative  form  of  the  verb 
in  Chron.  (Hiph.  'JK'l'Jj);,  or  else  a  reading  'XT 
"  vision  "  instead  of  TTDn  or  tin. — Ewald  (after 
Chron.)   reads  the  Samuel  text:  11D3  ■'JJ^^t^^11 

'^ipj?'?'?  O'^^V'  "^^^  '^^°^  ^^'  ™^®  ™^  ^°°fc  °° 

the  line  of  men  upwards,"  that  is,  into  the  future ; 
and  Wellhauaen  changes  mW  (and  lir\)  into 
nn'n  "Thou  hast  made  me  see  generations." — 
Since  none  of  the  proposed  amendments  of  the 
text  are  quite  satisfactory  (for  it  is  not  clear  how 
oar  present  text  originated),  we  must  be  content 
to  know  the  general  idea  of  the  passage  (which 
does  not  essentially  vary  in  the  renderings  of 
Erdraann,  Ewald  and  Wellhausen),  namely,  that 
David  here  continues  his  humble  acknowledgment 
of  the  divine  favor. — Tb.] 

Ver.  20.  David  here  affirms  .3)  the  inexpressi- 
hhness  and  exceeding  abundance  of  the  divine  favor 
bestowed  on  him,  and  the  consequent  impossibiliiy 
of  setting  forth  in  words  the  thankfulness  that  he 
feels  in  his  heart.  And  what  shall  David 
say  more  to  thee  ? — Language  fails ;  silence 
is  here  the  most  eloquent  thanks.  And  thou 
knowest  thy  servant,  Lord  Jehovah. — As 
in  ver.  19  the  exclamation  "  Lord  Jehovah  1" 
formed  a  sharp  contrast  to  the  "  man,"  so  it  does 
here  to  "  thy  servant,"  answering  to  the  humble 
consciousness  of  the  endless  distance  between  him 
and  his  G-od,  with  which,  however,  is  connected 
the  childlike  consciousness  of  immediate  cordial 
community  with  God :  for,  as  he  often  elsewhere 
appeals  to  God,  who  knows  the  heart,  for  conso- 
lation and  justification  against  man,  so  he  does 
here  in  respect  to  his  thankful  heart,  since  he  is 
sure  of  having  the  testimony  of  the  Omniscient 
for  him  (see  Ps.  xl.  6,  10  [5,  9]).— Ver.  21.  For 
thy  word's  sake  and  after  thy  heart  hast 
thou  done  all  these  great  things  to  make 
them  known  to  thy  servant ;  the  concrete 
"  great  deeds  "*  is  here  meant,  not  the  abstract 

*  This  is  the  only  meaning  of  Hvinj  (nSlJ).  [Bat 
see  1  Chr.  xxix.  11 ;  Esfh.  1. 4.— Tb.]^ 


"  greatness,"  see  Ps.  Ixxi.  21 ;  cxlv.  3.  The  word 
"this"  [Eng.  A.  V.  "these"]  shows  that  the 
great  things  here  referred  to  are  the  splendid 
promises  that  the  Lord  announced  through  Na- 
than to  Him,  his  servant.  Looking,  now,  at  all 
the  great  things  that  the  Lord  has  done  for  him 
in  this  revelation,  David  declares  4)  the  mper- 
naturai,  superhuman  eternal  ground  and  origin  of 
these  new  great  manifestations  of  favor  (which 
exceed  all  preceding  ones)  in  "  the  word  "  and  in 
"  the  heart"  of  God,  that  is,  in  His  free  gracious 
will,  which  is  independent  of  all  human  merit. 
For  Thy  word's  sake.  Chron.  v.  19  :  "  for  thy 
servants  sake,"  that  is,  because  Thou  hast  chosen 
and  called  me  to  be  king  of  Israel.  "  For  David 
does  not  boast  before  God  that  his  own  merit  had 
gained  him  these  things"  (Cler.).  According  to 
this  point  of  view  "  the  word"  is  perhaps  that 
word  of  choice  and  destinalion  given  in  1  Sam. 
xvi.  12  ("the  Lord  said.  Arise,  anoint  him,  for 
this  is  he"),  as  Hengst.  supposes.  It  is  possibly, 
however,  the  old  prophecy  concerning  the  Tribe 
of  Judah  in  Gen.  xlix.  10;  "for  that  David  re- 
cognized the  connection  between  the  promise 
given  him  through  Nathan  and  the  prophecy  of 
Gen.  xlix.  10,  is  shown  by  1  Chr.  xxviii.  4,  where 
he  represents  his  choice  to  be  king  as  the  result 
of  the  choice  of  Judah  to  be  prince"  (Keil).  [It 
does  not  appear  from  this  passage  in  Chron.  that 
David  means  more  than  that  the  tribe  of  Judah 
had  been  now  selected  in  his  person  as  the  royal 
tribe. — Tr.].  "And  according  to  thy  heart,"  that 
is,  according  to  the  love  and  grace  by  which  thy 
heart  is  filled,  from  thy  loving  wUl.*  Clericus  : 
"  From  the  spontaneous  motion  of  thy  mind,  with- 
out external  incitement."  Comp.  Ex.  xxxiv.  6 ; 
Ps.  ciii.  8.  Over  against  "  Ood^s  heart "  as  the 
source  of  the  great  favor  received  David  sets  his 
heart  as  filled  with  humble  thanks  therefor ;  but 
his  word  of  thanks  must  stand  dumb  before  the 
clear  Yea  and  Amen  and  the  earlier  words  of  pro- 
mise of  God,  the  Yea  and  Amen  of  which  is  this 
exhibition  of  favor.  In  thus  deriving  it  from 
God's  feithfulness  to  His  promise,  and  from  His 
heart^love,  he  adds  the  positive  thought  to  the 
negative  "  who  am  I  ?"  of  ver.  1 8,  and  so  leads 
the  conclusion  of  this  thanksgiving  back  to  its 
beginning.  ["  To  make  thy  servant  know,"  or,  as 
in  Chron.  (v.  19)  "to  make  known  all  (these) 
great  things."  God  not  only  in  His  sovereign 
mercy  determined  great  things  for  David,  but 
further  for  his  consolation  and  strengthening  made 
them  known  to  him  through  His  prophet. — Tb.] 
b.  Vers.  22-24.  Praise  of  the  Lord's  greatness 
and  incomparable  glory  as  mamifesled  by  this  highest 
exhibition  of  f amor,  in  accord  with  the  great  deeds 
whereby  in  times  of  old  He  made  IRmsdf  known  to 
His  people  as  their  God— Ver.  22.  Therefore, 
because  Thou  hast  done  so  great  things  for  me,  on 
the  ground  of  this  experience  of  Thine  abounding 
favor,  thou  art  great,  Lord  God ;  comp.  ver. 
26  :  "  and  Thy  name  will  be  great,"  not:  "  consi- 
dered great"  (Luth.),  nor:  "6eThy  name  praised 
by  me"  (v.  Qerl.,  Then.),  but  it  is  an  assertion 
of  greatness  manifested  objectively  in  facts.  The 
factual  confession  "great  is  the  Lord"  (comp.  Ps. 
XXXV.  27  ;  xl.  17  (16)  is  precisely  praise  to  God. 


*  [Note  that  the  word  "  heart "  in  the  usage  of  the  O. 
T  means  the  whole  inner  nature,  including  intellect, 
affections  and  will.— Tb.] 


436 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


— Now  follows  the  ground  for  this  praise  of  the 
Lord's  greatness  :  For  there  is  none  like  thee 
— this  declares  OoSs  incompardbleneaa.  Comp. 
Ex.  XV.  11  "  who  Li  like  thee,  etc.  f"  Deut.  iii.  24. 
And  there  is  not  a  God  beside  thee,  decla- 
ration of  God's  aZo»icm€ss  and  exclusiveness,  comp. 
Deut.  iv.  35;  1  Sam.  ii.  2.  According  to  all 
that  we  have  heard  with  our  ears  ;*  David 
here  passes  from  the  contemplation  of  the  greatness, 
incomparableness  and  soleness,  wherein  the  Lord 
has  declared  Himself  to  him  in  the  present,  to  the 
praise  of  God  in  the  review  of  the  great  deeds 
whereby  in  the  past  He  has  revealed  Himself  to 
His  people  as  such  a  God.  "  In  Ps.  xl.  6  David 
rises,  just  as  here,  from  his  personal  experience 
to  the  whole  line  of  God's  glorious  manifestations 
in  the  history  of  His  people"  (Hengst.). — Ver. 
23.  And  what  nation  is  as  thy  people,  as 
Israel  any  [nation]  on  earth?  The  initial 
"  and,"  according  to  the  sense,  gives  the  factual 
ground  of  what  precedes.  We  cannot  render: 
"where  is,  as  Israel,  a  nation,  etc."  (De  W.  [and 
Luther])!,  nor  "for  whose  sake  God  went,  etc.", 
( Hengst.),  but  must  translate  :  "  what  nation  .  .  . 
whom  God,  etc."  Elohimf  here  stands  with  a 
plural  verb — as  often  elsewhere  where  heathen 
idolworship  is  referred  to,  as  in  Ex.  xxxii.  4,  8, 
where  Elohim  is  used  of  the  golden  calf  ("these 
are  thy  goda,  that  brought  thee  out  of  Egypt"), 
comp.  Deut.  iv.  7 ;  1  Kings  xii.  29,  while,  as  name 
of  the  God  of  Israel,  it  has  a  singular  verb  or 
other  complement — because  the  thought  is  here 
intended  to  be  expressed  that  there  is  no  nation 
but  Israel  that  haA  been  redeemed  by  its  deity  or 
its  idols  by  such  a  deed  as  that  by  which  the  true 
God  had  redeemed  Israel  to  be  His  people.  It  is 
therefore  unnecessary  to  change  the  verb  into  the 

singular,  reading  "brought"  (T'?''^)  ['^'7'''^]  in- 
stead of  "went"  (O/H).  In  consequence  of 
God's  great  deeds  Israel  is  a  people  sole  of  its  kind, 
to  be  compared  with  no  other,  comp.  Deut.  iv.  7  ; 
xxxiii.  29.  By  His  great  deed,  the  deliverance 
out  of  Egypt,  He  has  proved  Himself  to  His  peo- 
ple to  be  the  only  God,  besides  whom  there  is  no 
God,  and  with  whom  no  other  is  to  be  compared 
(Ex.  XV.  11-13 ;  Deut.  iv.  34).  'Whom  God 
■went  (put  Himself  in  motion)  to  purchase  to 
himself  (redeem)  for  a  people ;  the  deliver- 
ance from  Egypt  was  the  suigeneric,  incompa- 
rable deed  of  the  incomparable,  sole  God,  whereby 
He  made  Israel  an  independent  nation  and  gained 
them  out  of  all  nations  as  His  own  possession. 
And  to  make  himself  a  name  ;  that  deed  of 
redemption  is  the  factual  historical  proof  that  He 
is  the  true  God,  who  has  not  His  equal,  and  the 
God  of  Israel  in  the  fulness  of  His  might  and  of 
the  revelation  of  His  grace,  and  this  fulness  it  is 

*  [This  phrase  probably  refers  to  the  oral  tradition  by 
which  Israel's  history  was  handed  down  from  father  to 
son.— Tk.] 

t  'D  is  not  —  "  where  "  (De  W.),  but  is  to  be  connected 

withnnS  'I'J  (comp.  Judg.  xxi.  8;  Deut.  iii.  24).    See 

TV 

Ew.  g  325  a :  "  what  one  people,  what  people  ever  [what- 
ever people] . . .  ?"— IE/N  la  to  be  connected  with  n'l'lsS 

a.-"  acous.  of  the  object.  [On  the  text  see  "  Text,  and 
Grammat."— Te.] 

i  [The  Heb.  word  elohim  is  In  form  plural,  but  is  the 
usual  word  for  Goi.—TR.] 


that  makes  His  name.  In  this  His  name  (whereby 
Israel  only  knows  and  names  Him  as  the  God 
that  led  them  out  of  Egypt)  He  is  contrasted  with 
the  vain  idols  of  the  heathen  nations  as  the  one 
true  God  (Josh.  xxiv.  17;  Judg.  ii.  1,  12;  vi. 
13). — And  to  do  for  you  great  things  and 
terrible.  The  "for  you"  refers  not  to  "goda" 
(Elohim),  butto  "people;"  but  it  is  not  necessary 
to  change  the  text  to  "for  them"  (after  the  Vul- 
gate), because,  David's  soul  being  filled  and  ex- 
cited with  the  thought  of  his  people,  in  the  course 
of  his  prayer  his  words  turn  suddenly  in  increasing 
vividness  from  reference  to  the  people  naturally 
and  immediately  to  the  people  itself,  and  "  since 
also  1  Chr.  x  vii-  has  in  its  '  for  thee '  this  easily 
explicable  leap  to  an  address  to  the  thing  spoken 
of  (Bottch.).  [But  the  address  to  the  people  is 
much  harder  than  the  address  to  God,  and  it 
seems  better  to  read  "  for  them." — Tb.]. — On  the 
other  hand,  the  ''for  thy  land"  gives  no  good 
sense  without  forcing,  and  Chron.  has  instead  of 
this  "to  drive  out"  (ver.  21).  It  is  therefore 
better  (with  the  Sept.  row  t/t/Ja^tw  oe)  tosuppose 
a  clerical  error,  and  (taking  '"JE'IJ?  as  the  true 
text)  to  render :  (namely)  that  thou  drovest 
out  before  thy  people.— The  frightful,  ter- 
rible things  are  the  great  deeds  of  the  Lord  in 
connection  with  the  destruction  of  the  heathen 
nations.  On  this  idea  comp.  Ex.  xv.  11 ;  Deut. 
X.  21.  The  fundamental  passage  respecting  the 
expulsion  of  foreign  nations  is  Ex.  xxiii.  27-33, 
where  this  verb  "  drive  out"  (E'lil)  is  repeatedly 
used.  Which  thou  redeemedst  to  thee 
from  Egypt.— This  fundamental  deed  of  the 
God  of  Israel  is  expressly  mentioned  in  this  pa- 
renthetical sentence,  because  the  right  of  property 
that  He  thereby  had  in  His  people  chosen  out  of 
the  nations,  nece&aarily  led  to  His  maintaining 
and  defending  them  against  the  heathen  nations, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  Egyptians  in  this  deed 
was  the  prelude  to  God's  for  Israel  "  great "  but 
for  the  hostile  Canaanites  "  terrible  deeds," 
whereby  He  placed  Israel  in  position  to  drive 
their  enemies  out  of  the  land.  The  heathen 
and  their  gods ;  these  words  depend  on  the 
verb  "drovest  out."  Keil  (who  retains  the  "for 
thy  land,"  rejecting  the  alteration  according  to 
Chron. )  takes  these  words  as  apposition  to  ''  from 
Egypt"  and  supplies  the  prep,  "from"  before 
them  [so  Eng.  A.  V.  and  Philippaon. — Tr.]. — 
But  this  construction  is  inadmissible,  because  the 
Plur.  "nations"  does  not  accord  with  the  Sing. 
"  Egypt."  After  the  deliverance  from  Egypt 
David  will  celebrate  the  expulsion  of  the  heathen 
from  Canaan  as  a  great  deed  of  God.  The  Sing, 
suffix  [Heb.  "nations  and  its  gods"]  gives  no 
sense  after  the  Plu.  noun;  to  take  it  dislributively, 
as  Keil  does  ("  the  gods  of  each  of  these  heathen 
nations"),  is  too  hard;  we  must  therefore  read 
the  Plu.  suffix  "their  gods."— Ver.  24.  The  re- 
sult of  God's  mighty  deeds  stated  in  ver.  23. 
And  thou  hast  confirmed  to  thyself  thy 
people  Israel,  comp.  ver.  10;  it  is  God's  act 
whereby  in  the  conquered  land  the  people  were 
led  to  the  firm  establishment  of  their  dwellings, 
their  poeaessious,  and  their  whole  life.  The 
thought  does  not  go  back  to  the  time  of  Moses, 
but  advances  from  the  foregoing  fact  of  the  aub- 
jection  and  expulsion  of  "  the  heathen  nations 


CHAP.  VII.  1-29. 


437 


and  their  gods  "  to  the  establishment  of  the  people 
in  Canaan.  To  be  a  people  to  thee  forever. 
The  design  of  God's  gracious  benefits  was :  1)  Zs- 
roA  w<M  to  belong  to  Him  alone  as  His  property  ;* 
through  God's  mighty  deeds  the  long-since  exe- 
cuted choice  of  the  people  as  His  property  ia  ever 
anew  confirmed,  and  their  obligation,,  to  belong  to 
and  serve  Him  alone  as  people,  ever  repeated. 
2)  "  For  ever "  they  were  to  belong  to  Him  as 
His  people.  This  appointment  of  the  'people  to 
be  everlaating  is  remarkable ;  there  shall  never 
ceaae  to  be  such  a  people  of  possession  on  the 
ground  of  such  gracious  manifestations  and  saving 
acts  of  the  Lord.  To  this  idea  of  the  everlasting 
continuance  of  a  people  of  God,  ( — "all  nations 
are  finally  merged  in  this  people,  the  divine  Is- 
rael, the  congregation  of  Jesus  Christ,"  O.  v.  Ger- 
lach),  answers  the  promise  of  the  everlasting  con- 
tinuance of  the  throne  of  David,  which  gave  him 
occasion  thus  to  praise  God  for  His  deeds,  whereby 
He  has  established  and  prepared  Israel  for  Him- 
self as  His  people  forever.  And  thou,  Lord, 
art  become  their  God,  as  Israel  has  become 
Thy  people.  This  His  relation  to  His  people  as 
their  God  has  been  established  by  all  His  reve- 
lations and  deeds;  for  He  has  thereby  testified 
that  He  is  their  Ood  and  given  Himself  to  them 
as  their  own.  The  people  on  their  part  have 
contributed  nothing  thereto.  The  Lord's  free 
grace  in  its  great  and  glorious  manifestation  is 
the  source  and  origin  of  this  covenant-association, 
wherein  God  is  His  people's  God  and  the  people 
their  God's  people.  \^Bib.  Com.  here  refers  well 
to  Gen.  xvii.  7,  8 ;  Ex.  vi.  7.-Tb.] 

c.  Vers.  25-29.  Davidls  prayer  for  the  fulfilment 
of  the  promise,  attached  to  his  thanksgiving  for  the 
past,  his  glance  passing  from  the  splendor  of  the 
present  (to  which  the  promise  has  led  him)  to  the 
future. — Ver.  25.  David  here  distinguishes  be- 
tween the  two  applications  of  the  promise,  to  him 
personally  and  "to  his  house:  that  thou  hast 
spoken  concerning  thy  servant  and  con- 
cerning his  house  ;  "  establish  it  forever,"  as 
indeed  it  has  promised  the  everlasting  continuance 
of  the  house  and  of  the  kingdom.  Let  thy  word 
become  deed. — Ver.  26.  Design  or  consequence 
of  the  fulfilment:  that  thy  name  may  be- 
come great  forever. — David  has  in  eye,  as  the 
highest  end  of  the  fulfilment,  not  the  honor  of 
his  house,  not  the  glory  of  the  people,  but  solely 
the  honor  of  the  Lord.  Saying,  the  Lord  of 
Sabaoth  is  God  over  Israel,  that  is,  "  the 
almighty  God,  who  rules  heaven  and  earth,  is  the 
defender  and  protector  of  Israel,  His  people  ;  He 
attests  Himself  as  their  God  by  protecting  the 
royal  house  on  which  depends  Israel's  welfare " 
(Hengst.).  And  the  house  of  thy  servant 
David  will  be  established  before  thee. — 
The  petition  here  assumes  the  form  of  confident 
hope.  This  expression  of  definite  expectation  by 
reason  of  its  boldness  needs  basing  on  a  sure  foun- 

•  [This  is  the  phrase  found  in  Ex.  xix.  5  "ye  shall  be 
tome  a  possession  or  property  "  (Eng.  A.  V.  "peculiar 
treasure  "),  in  Dt.  vii.  6  "  a  people  of  possession  "  (Eng. 
A.  V.  "  Special  people  "),  and  in  Mai.  iii.  17  they  shall  be 
to  me,  in  the  day  that  I  malce,  "  a  possession."  The  He- 
brew word  (PI;  JO)  is  rendered  by  the  Sept.  77eptouVio! 
and  ^epiiroi'iio-is,  which  have  thus  passed  into  the  N.  T. 
in  this  sense  or  "  property,  possession,"  as  Tit.  ii.  14  "  a 
peculiar  people  "  =  "  a  people  that  is  God's  property," 
and  1  Pet.  ii.  9.— Tii.l 


dation,  as  is  done  in  ver.  27,  where  it  returns  to 
the  form  of  confident  petition.  For  this  reason 
the  initial  particle  in  ver.  27  ('3)  is  to  be  ren- 
dered "/or"  (with  Luth.,Buns.,  be  W.,  Hengst.) 
as  giving  the  ground  of  what  precedes,  and  not  to 
be  connected  with  the  following  "  therefore "  : 
"  because  thou  .  .  .  tliereforehas  "  (Bottch.,  Then.). 
The  former  rendering  accords  with  the  liveliness 
of  feeling  with  which  David  prays ;  the  latter 
gives  a  construction  too  sluggish  for  his  feeling. 
For  thou,  Lord  of  Sabaoth,  hast  unco- 
vered the  ear  of  thy  servant,  that  is,  hast 
revealed  to  him  through  thy  word  (comp.  1  Sam. 
ix.  15),  saying,  a  house  will  I  build  thee. — 
David  goes  back  to  this  fundamental  promise,  be- 
cause in  it  are  contained  all  the  manifestations  of 
favor  that  are  promised  to  his  family  for  the  fu- 
ture. It  is  on  the  firm  basis  of  this  word,  wherein 
the  Lord  acknowledged  him  and  condescended  to 
him,  that  David  founded  that  confident  petition : 
Therefore  has  thy  servant  found  his  heart, 
that  is,  found  courage  [Eng.  A.  V.  "found  in  his 
heart"].  Heart  =  courage.  Gen.  xlii.  28:  1 
Sam.  xvii.  32 ;  Ps.  xl.  13  [12]  and  often  else- 
where.— In  ver.  28  and  ver.  29  follows  the  con- 
clusion and  the  completion  of  the  petition;  its 
ground  on  the  subjective  side  of  confidence  and 
courage  (which  is  exhibited  in  vers.  25,  26)  having 
been  given  by  appeal  to  tlie  divine  promise  (ver. 
27),  the  content  {not  yet  expressed)  of  that  which 
completes  the  petition,  is  based  on  the  truth  of  the 
Lord's  word  [that  ia,  he  first  (ver.  28)  appeals  to 
God's  truth  and  then  (ver.  29)  sets  forth  his  pe- 
tition in  final  form. — Tr.].  And  now,  Lord 
Jehovah,  thou  art  God,*  and  thy  w^ords 
are  truth,  not:  "  moj/ thy  words  be  truth,"  [nor, 
"will  be  truth."— Te.].  The  following  words 
of  the  verse  are  to  betaken  as  protasis  (Thenius) : 
And  thou  spakest  this  goodness  to  thy 
servant,  wherein  the  content  of  the  promises  is 
briefly  condensed  and  recapitulated. — Ver.  29. 
The  "and  now  "  resumes  the  "  and  now"  of  ver. 
28:  And  now  begin  (not:  let  it  please  thee) 
to  bless  (Sept.,  Vulg.)  the  house  of  thy  ser- 
vant that  It  may  continue  forever  before 
thee  ;  the  everlasting  continuance  of  the  house 
depends  on  the  blessing  of  the  Lord  ;  the  begin- 
ning in  the  blessing  that  secures  the  everlasting 
continuance  is  related  to  the  "forever."  [Erd- 
mann  here  follows  Thenius  in  rendering  "  begin  " 
instead  of  "  let  it  please  thee  "  as  Eng.  A.  V. ; 
the  Hebrew  word  properly  means  "  to  set  one's 
self  to  do  a  thing  with  free  determination  of 
wiU,"  and  the  rendering  of  the  Septuagint  and 
Vulgate  "  begin  "  is  only  a  very  general  one 
and  not  very  correct.  We  cannot  easily  find 
a  better  rendering  than  that  of  Eng.  A.  V.,  which 
is  the  usual  one;  other  possible  translations  are: 
''  make  up  thy  mind,  set  thyself  to,  take  in  hand." 
— Tb.]  For  thou.  Lord  Jehovah,  hast 
spoken ;  these  words  represent  the  content  of 
ver.  28  as  the  divine  ground  of  the  desired  fulfil- 


*  Xin  here  stands  for  the  2d  person  (as  the  3d  pers. 
pron.  is  often  used  for  the  verb  "io  he"):  "Thou  art 
God,"  comp.  Ps.  xliv.  5[4| :  Zeph.  ii.  12;  Ew.  §297  6.  [The 
"  that  God "  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  incorrect,  and  Dr.  Erd- 
mann's  rendering  is  right ;  but  it  is  not  true  that  the 
:i  pers.  pron.  is  ever  used  for  the  2  pers.  or  for  the  sub- 
stantive verb ;  the  literal  translation  here  is  "  thou  art 
He  (namely)  God,"  the  copula  being  omitted  as  often 
in  Heb,— Tr.] 


438 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


meut  of  the  promise,  since  in  them  is  given  the 
security  for  the  confident  hope  that  is  expressed  in 
the  concluding  word:  And  from  [or,  with]  thy 
blessing  will  tbe  bouse  of  thy  servant  be 
blessed  forever.  Instead  of  "  thou  wilt  bless," 
it  reads:  "from  thy  blessing"  as  the  source  of  all 
blessings  "  will  the  house  of  thy  servant "  to  which 
thou  hast  promised  everlasting  existence  "  be 
blessed  forever,"  which  is  the  condition  of  ever- 
lasting continuance.  David's  prayer  is  completed 
by  Ibe  expression  of  confident  hope,  and  goes  over 
into  prophecy.  [This  future  rendering  of  the 
last  clause  gives  a  richer  sense  and  one  more  ap- 
propriate in  the  connection  (God  has  spoken  and 
it  will  be  so)  than  the  optative  form  of  Eng.  A.  V. 
So  substantially  1  Chr.  xvii.  27. — Tb.]. 

HI8T0RICAI.  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Historicodly  the  divine  revelation  and  promise 
that  came  to  David  through  Nathan,  concerning 
the  theocratic-messianic  kingdom  that  was  forever 
connected  with  his  seed,  presupposes  the  previous  de- 
velopment of  the  idea  of  the  theocratic  kingdom. 
Comp.  pp.  68sqq-,  186  sqq.  [Hist,  and  Theol.  to  1 
Sam.  viii.].  In  this  development  (which  advances 
from  the  general  to  the  particular,  from  the  promise 
of  salvation  for  all  nations  to  be  realized  through 
the  whole  ncttion  descended  from  Abraham)  the  pro- 
mise that  assigns  to  the  house  and  family  of  David 
the  position  of  bearer  and  mediator  of  the  Mes- 
sianic blessing  is  based  on  the  prophecy  which, 
out  of  the  seed  of  Abraham  as  represented  by  the 
twelve  sons  of  Jacob  and  the  corresponding  tribe.s, 
designates  the  tribe  of  Judah  as  the  bearer  of  a 
royal  dominion  tliat  embraces  and  brings  peace  to 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth  (Gen.  xlix.  10). 
"  While  up  to  this  time  the  tribe  only  had  been 
designated  in  which  an  imperishable  dominion 
was  to  be  established,  and  out  of  which  at  last  the 
Saviour  wa.s  to  come,  under  David  the  designation 
of  the  family  also  was  added"  (Hengst.  Christol. 
[Eng.  tr.,  p.  123]).  Tlte  really  existing  theocratic 
kingdom,,  as  exhibited  in  David's  government, 
approximated  very  nearly  to  the  ideal  significance 
of  the  kingdom  over  Israel ;  that  is,  to  being  God's 
dominion  over  His  people  through  the  human 
organ  chosen  by  Him,  who  was  in  humility  and 
obedience  unconditionally  to  subject  hi.s  own  will 
to  the  divine  will.  On  the  basis  of  this  fact  the 
prophecy  of  a  future  seed  of  David,  that  should, 
in  the  poasession  of  an  everla-sting  royal  dominion, 
stand  in  clo.sest  community  with  God  as  His  son, 
could  take  shape,  as  here  in  Nathan's  word.  In 
contrast  with  the  kingdom  of  Saul,  which  came 
into  sharp  opposition  to  the  idea  of  the  absolute 
divine  dominion  in  Israel,  and  consequently  into 
permanent  conflict  with  the  other  theocratic  in- 
stitutions (the  Prophetic  office  and  the  Priest- 
hood), there  appeared,  through  the  rule  of  David, 
the  man  after  God's  own  heart  (1  Sam.  xiii.  14), 
on  the  one  hand,  the  idea  of  the  theocracy,  in  such 
manner  that  David  regarded  himself  only  as  the 
"servant  of  the  Lord,"  and  wished  to  be  nothing 
but  the  humble,  obedient  instrument  of  the  divine 
government  over  the  people,  and  on  the  other  hand. 
the  royal  office  was  elevated  to  the  position  of 
being  the  controlling  and  centralizing  point  of  all 
the_  theocratic  main  elements  of  the  national  life. 
This,  then,  was  tlie  basis  of  the  further  develop- 
ment of  the  Messianic  idea,  the  way  for  which  was 


paved  by  Nathan's  word  to  David,  wherein  the 
idea  of  the  theocratic  kingdom,  which  reached  its 
highest  point  in  David,  was  most  intimately  con- 
nected with  David's  royal  house. 

2.  The  historical  character  of  Nathan's  prophecy 
shows  itself  in  the  first  place  in  ita  factual  occasion. 
This  lies  in  the  relative  contra.st  in  the  plans  of 
human  and  divine  wisdom.  DavuTs  plan,  after  sub- 
duing his  enemies,  to  build  a  temple  to  the  Lord's 
honor  in  the  midst  of  His  people,  together  with 
Nathan's  agreement  thereto,  corresponds  tho- 
roughly with  the  theocratic  disposition  of  the  two 
men,  and  with  their  recognition  of  the  Lord's  rela- 
tion to  His  people  as  the  people  of  His  possession, 
and  of  the  people's  character  as  a  priestly  king- 
dom. But  according  to  God's  thought,  the  right 
time  for  this  was  not  yet  come;  for  the  execution 
of  this  plan  (which  is  not  in  itself  rejected)  the 
divine  wisdom  demands  1)  that  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  people  should  cease,  for  (despite 
David's  victories)  they  were  still  surrounded  by 
threatening  heathen  nations,  had  not  found  sure 
and  permanent  rest,  and  so  God's  sanctuary  must 
still  be  a  wandering  tent;  2)  that  David's  house 
and  the  kingdom  therewith  connected  should  be 
completely,  forever  and  finally  establi,shed  as  basis 
for  the  unfolding  of  the  divine  dominion  [theocra- 
cy] over  the  people  of  Israel  and  the  other  na- 
tions, as  this  dominion  was  to  be  exhibited  in 
God's  enthroned  dwelling  in  the  permanent  house 
[temple] .  Nathan  is  made  acquainted  with  these 
thoughts  and  ways  of  God's  wisdom  through  a 
divine  revelation,  in  consequence  of  which  he 
now  in  liis  divine-prophetic  word  does  not  indeed 
principially  [fundamentally  or  essentially]  reject 
the  plan  to  build  a  temple  to  the  Lord,  but  still 
announces  the  Lord's  wiU  that  the  execution  of 
this  plan  is  to  be  reserved  for  the  seed  of  David. 
The  view  that  the  prophet's  restraining  word  de- 
clares that  Jehovah  needs  in  general  no  stately 
house  (Diestel.  Jahrb.  f.  deutsche  Theol,  1863,  p. 
559)  finds  no  support  in  the  text,  which  says 
nothing  more  in  ver.  5  than  that  David  should 
not  build ;  and  the  assertion  {ubi  sup.)  that  the 
prohibition  is  in  no  way  based  on  grounds  derived 
from  the  special  situation  is  obviously  opposed  to 
the  statement  of  reasons  in  vers.  6-11,  wherein 
Israel's  wanderings  are  connected  with  the  still 
continuing  unrest  and  insecurity  of  David's  time 
(the  enemies  being  yet  not  definitively  subdued), 
and  the  thought  is  clearly  enough  expressed  that 
the  temple  cannot  yet  be  built  because  quiet  is 
still  to  be  secured  against  enemies.  There  is, 
therefore,  no  ground  for  referring  (Diestel)  the 
prohibition  of  the  temple-building  to  an  ancient 
strict  opinion  [against  such  building] ;  nothing 
of  this  sort  can  be  meant  here,  .since  the  symboli- 
cal conception  of  God's  dwelling  in  space  amid 
His  people  in  a  permanent  temple  is  no  more  op- 
posed to  the  strict  conception  of  the  being  [es- 
sence] of  God  than  that  of  His  dwelling  in  a 
movable  tent.  And  so  also  there  is  no  sufficient 
ground  for  a.ssigning  this  prohibition  to  some  one 
else  than  Nathan,  to  Gad,  for  example.  Eather 
the  section  vers.  4-16  is  in  accord  both  with  the 
historical  situation  that  it  presupposes  and  to 
which  It  refers,  and  with  itself.— From  another 
side  the  concrete*  reference  to  Solomon's  birth 

ol^tl^edt'a'p'er'son':-?^]  '^^^^^''   *«  "^'^  ''^"'S 


CHAP.  VII.  1-29. 


439 


and  the  temple-building  to  be  completed  by  him 
has  been  adduced  against  the  purely  historical 
character  of  the  words  of  Nathan  and  David ;  it 
ie  affirmed  to  be  clear — from  this  reference,  and 
from  a  comparison  between  it  and  the  ideal  pic- 
ture of  the  kingdom  contained  in  the  words,  and 
by  comparing  tlie  brief  and  very  peculiar  "  last 
words  of  David,"  especially  2  Sam.  xxiii.  5 — that 
we  have  here  a  later  post-Solomonic  remodelling 
of  the  original  promise,  and  that  this  original  pro- 
mise, which  was  of  a  more  general  form,  was  at  a 
later  time  more  distinctly  stated  according  to 
events  that  had  meantime  occurred  (G.  Baur,  ubi 
swp.,  p.  394,  405).  Against  which,  however,  is  to 
be  remarked  1)  that  those  special  designations  are 
by  no  means  so  concretely  set  forth;  there  is 
nothing  but  a  general  statement  of  the  raising  up 
of  the  seed  after  David  and  of  a  building  of  the 
temple  by  this  seed;  2)  Solomon's  discour.se  in 
1  Kings  V.  5  presupposes  that  Nathan's  words 
contained  precisely  this  statement.  Thenius  also 
opposes  this  supposition  of  an  ex  post  faeto  remo- 
delling of  these  prophetic  words,  remarking  (p. 
176,  2d  ed.) :  "  For  the  rest  there  is  no  ground  to 
suppose  with  De  Wette  that  Nathan's  prophecy 
was  not  composed  till  after  Solomon ;  Ps.  Ixxxix. 
(vers.  4,  5,  20-38  [3,  4,  19-37],  especially  ver.  20 
[19]),  Ps.  cxxxii.  11,  12,  and  Isa.  Iv.  3  attest  its 
historical  truth,  and  rightly  understood  it  as  Mes- 
sianic also." — To  this  must  be  added  that  David's 
prayer  (vers.  18-29)  which  in  its  peculiar  indi- 
viduality bears  the  marks  of  genuineness  or  ori- 
ginality, presupposes  the  whole  content  of  Na- 
than's words  as  here  reported,  especially  the  re- 
ference to  the  future  and  to  the  everlasting  con- 
tinuance of  David's  house  (comp.  vers.  19,  25.  26, 
27,  29);  and  so  also  his  Ps.  xviii.  (ch.  xxii.\ 
especially  the  close,  and  his  last  word  (xxiii. 
1-7). 

3.  The  chief  points  in  the  content  of  this  pro- 
phecy, which  is  introduced  by  the  word :  "  Not 
thou,  shall  build  for  the  Lord  a  house,  but  the  Lord 
will  build  thee  a  house,"  are  the  following  (in  order 
of  mention):  1)  God  promises  David  a  seed 
destined  and  called  to  be  the  bearer  of  the  theocratical 
kingdom.  It  is  true,  the  promise  relates  to  David's 
house  in  general  (vers.  11,  16,  19,  25,  26,  27,  29). 
But  the  house  is  not  identical  with  the  seed,  to 
whom  refer  the  declarations  that  form  the  gist  of 
the  prophecy.  This  seed  is  not  the  whole  pos- 
terity, but  a  selection  from  it ;  comp.  ver.  12 :  "I 
will  raise  up  thy  seed  after  thee"  with  1  Chr. 
xvii.  n,  according  to  which  the  seed  is  to  be  of 
the  sons  of  David ;  nor  is  it  restricted  to  a  single 
person,  but  signifies  the  posterity  selected  and  ap- 
pointed by  God,  which  is  to  be  bearer  for  all  fu- 
ture time  of  the  theocratic  kingdom.  2)  For  this 
seed  chosen  by  God's  free  grace,  wherein  is  repre- 
sented the  house  that  the  Lord  builds  for  David, 
the  kingdom  is  firmly  established ;  the  securely  esta- 
blished royal  authority  will  be  attached  to  the  house  of 
David  (ver.  12).  3)  To  the  Davidic  kingdom,  the 
bearer  of  which  is  David's  seed,  an  everlasting  dw- 
ration  is  promised;  the  reference  is  not  to  the 
everlasting  rule  of  a  single  king,  but  to  the  end- 
less continuance  of  the  kingdom  of  David's  seed. 
Like  the  promised  kingdom,  the  house  of  David 
also  has  a  perpetual  duration  (vers.  13,  16).  4) 
God  promises  to  be  the  Father  of  David's  seed, 
and  pledges  it  such  an  intimate  relation  to  Him- 


self that  it  shall  be  JSis  son.  As  God  is  the  Father 
of  the  people  of  Israel  by  the  fact  that  He  has 
chosen  them  as  His  people  by  free  grace,  made 
them  His  people  by  redemption,  led  them  by  His 
paternal  love,  obligated  them  to  obedience,  and 
sanctified  them  to  be  the  people  of  His  possession, 
so  He  is  the  Father  of  the  everlasting  royal  seed  of 
David  by  the  fact  that  He  has  chosen  it  for  His  king- 
ly house  in  Israel,  and  made  and  formed  it  to  be 
bearer  of  His  everlasting  dominion  over  His  peo- 
ple, and  it  is  His  son  by  love  of  most  intimate  fel- 
lowship with  God,  and  by  the  humble  obedience 
wherein  it  thoroughly  subjects  its  will  to  the  di- 
vine will.  "  As  all  Israelites  are  sons  of  Jehovah 
(Deut.  xiv.  1))  so  must  the  king  be  in  special 
measure,  but  only  as  the  head  of  the  chosen  peo- 
ple of  God"  (Diestel,  ubi  sup.  559).  5)  On  the 
ground  of  this  relation  of  father  and  son  the  favor 
of  Ood  vrUl  abid-e  unchanged  with  the  seed  of  Da- 
vid, that  is,  the  theocratic  king.  He  will,  indeed, 
be  punished  for  the  sins  into  which  he  falls ;  but 
these  chastisements  will  never  reach  the  point  of 
rejection,  as  happened  in  Saul's  case;  the  sins  of 
David's  seed  will,  for  the  sake  of  the  promise  given 
to  David,  never  set  aside  the  divine  counsel. — 
"  The  word  of  the  prophet  Nathan  and  the  thanks- 
giving of  David  mark  the  culmination  of  the  Da- 
vidic history"  (Baumgarten). 

4.  The  significance  of  the  prophecy  for  the  Mes- 
sianic expectation  of  salvation.  The  direct  Messianic 
reference  to  Christ  (TertulLod  Marc.  iii.  20;  Lao- 
tant.  divin.  instit.  4,  13;  August,  de  dv.  Dei,  17,  8; 
Rupert  von  Deutz,  Beza,  S.  Schmid,  Calov,  Pfeif- 
fer,  Buddeus,  and  other  old  theologians  [Patrick 
(in  part),  A.  Clarke])  stands  (apart  from  the  un- 
historical  view  of  the  nature  of  Messianic  pro- 
phecy that  lies  at  its  foundation)  in  contradic- 
tion with  the  sinning  of  David's  seed  (vers.  14, 
15),  whereby  a  purely  human  and  sinful  posterity 
is  designated,  and  with  the  temple-building  (ver. 
13),  which  can  only  be  understood  of  earthly  work. 
[Some  attempt  to  set  aside  these  objections  to  a 
direct  Messianic  interpretation  by  suggesting  that 
the  sin  in  the  case  of  Christ  is  the  sin  He  bore  for 
men,  as  in  Isa.  liii.  (Gill),  or  by  rendering  ver.  14 
"  even  in  his  suffering  for  iniquity  I  shall  chasten 
him,"  etc.  (A.  Clarke),  and  by  regarding  the  house 
built  by  Christ  as  a  spiritual  one ;  but  this  transla- 
tion of  the  Heb.  is  not  admissible,  and  the  spi- 
ritualizing in  the  other  case  is  harsh  and  contrary 
to  the  plain  meaning  of  the  text.  Such  a  pro- 
phecy must  be  treated  as  that  of  the  "  Servant  of 
Jehovah  "  in  Isaiah  and  as  the  Parable  of  the  Pro- 
digal Son;  the  main  spiritual  idea  must  be  deter- 
mined, and  its  fulfilment  looked  for  in  the  Mes- 
siah, without  attempting  to  transfer  all  the  details 
into  the  sphere  of  permanent  spiritual  history. — 
Tb.] — The  limitation  of  the  prophecy  to  Solomon 
and  his  immediate  posterity  (Rabbinical  writers, 
Grotius)  is  opposed  to  the  "everlasting"  duration 
that  is  promised  the  Davidic  kingdom,  and  that 
cannot  be  weakened  into  a  designation  of  a  long 
period  of  time  (comp.  Ps.  Ixxxix.  30  [29] ).  [The 
phrase  ''forever"  (the  Eng.  rendering  of  several 
different  but  substantially  equivalent  phrases  in 
Heb.)  sometimes  indicates  a  limited  period  of 
time  (as  in  1  Sam.  i.  22),  where  the  limitation  is 
determined  by  the  nature  of  the  case  or  by  state- 
ments in  the  context;  here  the  absence  of  any 
special  limiting  statements,  taken  in  connection 


440 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


with  the  general  tone  of  the  promises  to  Israel  in 
the  Old  Test.,  leads  us  to  the  conclusion  that  an 
unlimited  duration  is  intended  to  be  expressed. — 
Tb.] — The  interpretation  that  refers  the  words  in 
■part  immediately  and  directly  to  Christ,  in  'part  to 
holomon  and  hia  nearest  posterity  is  found  already 
in  Theodoret  (2  JJ^'-.  qiwsst.  21),  who  explains  vers. 
12,  13  a,  14  b,  15  of  David's  immediate  bodily 
descendants,  but  vers  13  b,  14  a,  16  of  Christ.  So 
also  Brenz:  "he  does  not  wholly  exclude  Solo- 
mon, yet  refers  principally  to  Christ."  Similarly 
Sack  {Apologet.  243  sq.)  says  that  the  seed  of  vers. 
12  and  13  is  to  be  understood  of  the  Messiah,  but 
the  content  of  vers.  14,  15  of  the  earlier  scions  of 
the  Davidic  house,  from  whom,  notwithstanding 
their  sina,  the  kingdom  is  never  or  at  least  not 
soon  to  be  withdrawn.  But  this  supposition  of  a 
double  reference  is  as  much  opposed  by  the  unity 
and  continuity  of  the  prophet's  thoughts  and  views 
(as  traced  in  the  Exposition)  as  the  related  sup- 
position (based  on  the  presupposition  of  a  double 
sense  in  the  Scripture)  according  to  which  Na- 
than's word  refers  in  the  literal  sense  to  Solomon, 
in  the  my.stical  sense  to  Christ  (Glass,  philol. 
sacra,  p.  272).  [^We  must  distinguish  between 
this  mechanical  view  of  a  double  sense  in  Scrip- 
ture and  the  view  that  aaaigna  to  certain  persona 
and  things  a  typical-prophetical  position  in  the  de- 
velopment of  the  plan  of  salvation. — Tr.] 

In  the  first  place  it  must  be  determined  in  what 
respect  we  are  to  suppose  a  factual  fulfilment  of 
this  promise  in  David's  own  lifetime,  and  then  in 
his  posterity.  David  himself,  in  1  Chr.  xxii.  9  sq., 
refers  them  first  to  Solomon,  applying  to  him  the 
words :  "  he  will  be  to  me  a  son  and  I  will  be  to 
him  a  father,  and  I  will  establish  the  law  of  his 
kingdom  over  Israel  for  ever."  David  does  the 
same  in  1  Chr.  xxviii.  2  sq.,  both  times  with  the 
exhortation  faithfully  to  observe  the  command- 
ments and  judgments  of  God,  and  by  obedience  to 
the  Lord's  will  to  live  worthy  of  hia  high  calling 
in  order  that  the  promise  might  be  fulfilled.  So 
also  Solomon  applies  the  promise  to  himself,  1 
Kings  V.  5 ;  2  Chr.  vi.  7  aq. ;  1  Kings  viii.  17-20. 
In  1  Kings  ix.  4,  5  God  confirms  to  him  the 
power  given  to  David,  assuring  him  that  if  he 
would  walk  before  His  face  as  David  did,  and 
faithfully  keep  His  commandments.  He  would 
establish  the  throne  of  his  dominion  forever,  in 
accordance  with  His  promise  to  David :  "  there 
shalt  not  fail  thee  a  man  from  the  throne  of  Is- 
rael,"—Punishment  for  his  defection  from  the 
living  God  was  visited  on  Solomon  by  the  sepa- 
ration of  the  Ten  Tribes  under  Jeroboam;  but 
the  promise  that  His  favor  should  yet  not -be 
withdrawn  from  David's  house  is  also  fulfilled, 
the  kingdom  "for  David's  sake"  and  "that  Da- 
vid, the  servant  of  the  Lord,  might  always  have 
a  light  before  him  in  Jerusalem,  which  He  had 
chosen  to  put  His  name  there,"  remaining  to  the 
seed  of  David,  which  for  this  sin  "  is  to  be  afflicted, 
but  not  forever."  The  humbling  of  David's  seed 
was  to  be  only  temporary,  and  the  promise  of  the 
everlasting  kingdom  was  to  be  fulfilled  not  in 
Jeroboam's  house,  but  in  David's,  1  Kings  xi. 
31-39.  Abijah,  the  son  of  Rehoboara,  walked  in 
the  sins  of  his  father,  and  his  heart  was  not  wholly 
with  the  Lord;  but  for  David's  sake  the  Lord  hia 
God  gave  Rehoboam  a  light  in  Jerusalem,  in  that 
he  raised  up  his  son  after  him  and  let  Jerusalem 


stand,  because  David  had  done  what  was  right  in 
the  sight  of  the  Lord  (1  King:s  xv.  4,  5).  Jeho- 
ram  did  that  which  was  evil  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Lord ;  but  the  Lord  would  not  destroy  Judah  for 
David  his  servant's  sake,  as  He  had  promised  to 
give  him  a  light  in  his  sons  alway  ( 2  Kings  viii. 
18,  19).  "  While  prophecy  announces  the  down- 
fall of  one  dynasty  after  another  of  the  Ten  Tribes, 
it  also  indeed  threatens  individucd  apostate  kings 
in  Judah  with  the  divine  judgment,  but  never  ques- 
tions the  continuance  of  the  right  of  David's  family 
to  the  throne.  David's  crown  may  be  taken  away ; 
but  there  will  come  one  to  whom  it  belongs,  Ezek. 
xxi.  32  [27]"  (CEhler,  Herz.  IX.  412).  The 
promise  is  thus  referred  to  all  David's  descen- 
dants that  were  called  to  the  throne  from  Solo- 
mon on  (comp.  Ps.  Ixxxix.  20-50;  cxxxii.  10, 
11)  in  accordance  with  the  word  of  David  in  2 
Sam.  vii.  25,  wherein  he  speaks  of  the  promise 
of  an  everlasting  kingdom  as  one  that  is  given 
forever  to  his  hovse. — Nathan's  prophecy  has 
thus  in  the  first  place  a  fundamental  significance 
for  the  development  of  the  kingdom  of  God  and 
the  salvation  therein  unfolded,  in  so  far  as  from 
now  on  for  all  time  the  kingdom  of  Israel  with  its 
theocratic  calling  to  realize  God's  dominion  in 
the  life  of  His  people,  and  to  fulfil  the  ends  of 
His  kingdom,  towers  far  above  the  Prophetic 
Office  (aa  the  organ  of  the  revelation  and  an- 
nouncement of  God's  will  to  His  people),  and 
above  the  High-priesthood  (as  expiatory  media- 
tion between  the  sinful  people  and  the  holy  God). 
All  hopes  and  expectations  of  the  future  salvation 
under  the  'iheocracy  that  is  realizing  itself  in  the 
people  attach  themselves  to  the  idea  of  tlie  theoaa- 
tic  kingdom,  which  is  the  representative  and 
manifestation  of  the  kingdom  of  God  itself  and 
therefore  everlasting,  as  also  the  people  of  God 
themselves  have  received  the  promise  of  ever- 
lasting duration  (Deut.  xi.  21).  But  this  king- 
dom is  exclusively  the  Davidic;  with  the  seed 
of  David  (so  far  as  this  seed  is  chosen  and  ap- 
pointed for  it)  it  goes  forth  as  everlasting  bearer 
of  the  favors  and  blessings  of  God,  of  which  the 
people  partake  on  the  ground  of  the  covenant 
that  God  has  concluded  with  David  (Isa.  Iv.  3). 
"  Things  may  indeed  be  aflSrmed  of  every  king 
that  sita  on  David's  throne  that  are  true  in  the 
first  instance  not  of  him  personally,  but  of  the 
kingdom  that  he  represents  (comp.  passages  like 
Ps.  xxi.  5,  7;  Ixi.  7).  But,  impelled  by  tlie 
Spirit,  the  sacred  poesy  produces  a  kingly  form 
that  far  transcends  what  the  present  shows,  and 
exhibits  the  Davidic  and  Solomonic  kingdom  in 
its  archetypal  completeness"  (Oehler,  Herz.  IX. 
412).  The  idea  of  the  theocratic  Davidic  king- 
dom of  everlasting  duration,  and  with  the  stamp 
of  sonship  assumes  from  this  prophecy  a  concrete 
form  in  the  ideal  of  a  theocratic  king  who  pro- 
ceeds from  the  seed  of  David.  This  latter  is 
called  in  Ps.  ii.  7,  12,  "  the  son  of  God "  abso- 
lutely ;  in  Ps.  ex.  1  declared  to  be  the  ruler  that 
shares  with  God  His  unlimited  might  and  power 
over  heaven  and  earth,  and  even  David's  lord ; 
in  Ps.  Ixxii.  everlasting  dominion  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth  is  ascribed  to  him,  and  in  Ps.  xlv.  2 
the  name  "  Elohim,  God,"  itself  is  givenhimi 
In  David's  prophetic  word  in  2  Sam.  xxiii-  this 
ideal  takes  the  form  of  a  righteous  ruler,  who 
introduces  a  glorious  future,  in  Ps.  ii.,  ex.,  that 


CHAP.  VII.  1-29. 


441 


of  a  vietorioua  prince  who  as  son  and  heir  of  God 
in  unconquerable  power  extends  his  dominion  by 
vigorous  battles  over  the  whole  earth,  and  brings 
His  foes  to  his  feet,  and  in  Ps.  Ixxii.  that  of  a 
pcmerful  prince,  who  conducts  His  government 
in  divine  righteousness,  dispenses  weal  and  bless- 
ing to  the  wretched,  stretches  out  His  kingdom 
of  peace  and  its  blessinga  over  all  princes  and 
nations  of  the  earth  and  receives  their  liomage. — 
[More  correctly,  these  passages  refer  first  to  a 
present  earthly  monarch  looked  on  as  representing 
the  ideal  king,  and  their  assertions,  partially  true 
of  the  finite  earthly  king,  are  to  be  realized  in 
one  that  shall  be  identical  with  the  ideal. — Te.] 
Further  the  promise  given  to  David  is  the  foun- 
dation of  all  Messianic  prophecies  and  hopes  in 
the  prophets  concerning  the  completion  of  the 
kingdom  of  God,  its  revelations  of  grace  and  its 
blessings  of  salvation,  comp.  Oehler  ubi  sup.  413. 
The  idea  of  the  everlasting  victorious  and  peace- 
ful theocracy  that  embraces  not  only  Israel,  but 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  the  ideal  of  the 
theocratic  lung,  proceeding  from  David's  house 
and  seed,  and  standing  in  the  exclusive  relation 
to  God  of  son,  who  introduces  and  exercises  this 
dominion  [the  theocracy],  finds  its  full  reality  in 
the  Messiah,  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  Ood  and 
Son  of  David,  who  is  anointed  without  measure 
with  the  Holy  Ghost  and  by  the  complete  in- 
dwelling of  God  in  His  person  exhibits  Himself 
as  the  personal  principle  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 
The  view  that  the  descent  of  Christ  from  the 
Davidic  race  does  not  belong  to  the  essential  con- 
tent of  the  fulfilment  of  the  idea  of  the  Old  Tes- 
tament-kingdom (G.  Baur,  407)  is  refuted  by  the 
constant  declarations  of  the  prophets  concerning 
the  Davidic  descent  of  the  great  king,  as  well  as 
by  the  universal  Jewish  conception  of  the  Mes- 
siah as  the  son  of  David  (Matt.  xxii.  42  sq.), 
both  of  which  rest  on  this  fundamental  prophecy. 
Jeau.i  Himself  accepts  the  name  of  Son  of 
David"  without  protest;  Paul  (Eom.  i.  3),  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (vii.  14),  and  the  Apoca- 
lypse (v.  5;  xxii.  16)  declare  Him  to  be  a 
descendant  of  David.  "  How  deep  this  promise 
penetrated  David's  soul  is  shown  by  his  thanks- 
giving prayer  in  2  Sam.  vii-  18  sq.  The  Messiah 
is  not  therein  spoken  of  in  the  first  instance ;  it 
relates  to  the  ideal  person  of  the  Davidic  race ; 
but  its  final  fulfilment  in  the  Messiah  is  already 
contained  indirectly  in  its  own  content,  since  the 
everlastingness  of  a  merely  human  kingdom  is 
inconceivable ;  this  became  clearer  to  David  the 
more  he  compared  this  promise  with  the  Mes- 
sianic idea  that  had  come  down  from  the  fathers ; 
it  finally  reached  full  certainty  in  his  mind 
through  the  further  inward  disclosures  that  at- 
tached themselves  to  this  fundamental  promise 
which  occupied  David  day  and  night"  (Hengst, 
Gesch.  d.  Reich.  Oott.  unter  d.  Alt.  Bundes,  1871, 
II.  2,  124  [Hengstenberg's  Hist,  of  the  Kingdom 
of  Ood  under  the  Old  Covemmut]). 

5.  TAe  prayer  of  David  after  the  reception  of 
the  Lord's  promise  of  favor  (vers.  18-29)  bears 
testimony  to  the  unexpected,  joyfully  surprising 
revelation  that  was  made  to  him,  and  mirrors 
his  childlike  humility, fervid  devotion  and  unshako/- 
bk  confidence  towards  his  God.  To  this  prayer 
which  proceeds  from  a  joyfully  shocked  and 
deeply  moved  heart,  applies  (so  far  as  is  possible 


from  the  Old  Testament  stand-point)  what  Ber- 
nard of  Clairvaux  says  of  true  prayer :  "  If  the 
way  to  God's  throne  is  to  stand  free  and  open  to 
our  prayer,  and  it  is  there  to  find  ready  accept- 
ance and  hearing,  it  must  proceed  from  an  hwm- 
ble,  fervid  and  trusting  heart.  Humility  teaches 
us  the  necessity  of  prayer,  fervor  gives  it  flight 
and  endurance,  trust  provides  it  with  an  unmova- 
ble  foundation."  The  humility  of  the  praying 
servant  of  God  expresses  itself  in  the  declaration 
of  its  own  littleness  and  unworthiness :  1 )  in 
view  of  the  many  manifestations  of  favor,  through 
which  the  Lord  has  brought  him  in  the  past  up 
to  this  point  (ver.  18) ;  2)  In  view  of  the  great 
promises  for  the  future  that  He  has  given  him 
out  of  free  grace  (ver.  19) ;  and  3)  In  view  of 
the  paternal  kindness,  wherein  He  has  conde- 
scended to  him  in  this  present  revelation  of  love 
(vers.  20,  21).  "All  without  merit  or  worthi- 
ness of  mine"  (Luther).— A  farther  special  ex- 
hibition of  humility  is  the  occurrence  of  the 
word  "servant"  three  times  in  vers.  18-21  and 
SCTere  times  in  vers.  25-29.  "This  thanksgiving 
confirms  anew  the  fact  that  the  only  foundation 
on  which  the  true  godliness  and  everlastingness 
of  the  kingdom  can  rest  is  the  purity  and  holi- 
ness of  an  humble  heart,  and  therefore  the  hearty 
and  living  humility  of  David's  thanksgiving 
may  give  us  the  strongest  assurance  that  here  is 
really  enthroned  the  culmination  of  all  royal 
rule"  (Baumgarten). — In  the  prayer  humility 
is  combined  with  childlike  fervor  and  sincerity, 
wherewith :  1)  God's  power  and  glory,  as  revealed 
in  His  previous  gracious  deeds  for  His  people,  is 
praised  and  celebrated  (vers.  22,  23) ;  2)  God's 
love,  wherein  He  acknowledges  Himself  to  be 
His  people's  God  and  Lord,  is  declared  (ver.  24); 
and  3)  God's  name  is  invoked  from  the  depths  of 
a  heart  full  of  the  consciousness  of  His  gracious 
presence.  (''  The  name  Jehovah  occurs  twelve 
times,  and  is  ten  times  addressed.  In  the  address 
the  simple  Jehovah  occurs  once,  Adonai  Jehovah 
six  times,  Jehovah  Elohim  twice,  and  Jehovah 
Sabaoth  once.  The  address  Adonai  Jehovah  is 
found  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  end.  The 
third  division  first  takes  up  the  divine  names  of 
the  second,  and  then  returns  at  the  close  to  that 
of  the  first."  Hengst.,  vii  mp.,  158.)-[Compare 
the  use  of  divine  names  in  the  parallel  passage 
in  1  Chron.  xvii. — Tk.]).  With  humility  and 
fervor  is  combined  hearty  trust  1)  in  the  prayer 
for  the  fulfilment  of  the  gracious  promise;  2)  in 
the  appeal  to  the  truthfulness  of  God's  word;  and 
3)  in  the  confident  hope  of  God's  blessing  (vers. 
25-29). 

HOMILETICAL   AND  PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1-11.  "The  Lord  is  with  thee"  (ver.  3). 
I.  How  the  Lord  owns  Himself  as  thine :  1)  In 
battle  and  victory  over  all  thy  enemies ;  2)  In 
the  quietness  and  peace  of  thy  heart ;  3)  In  the 
blessing  of  thy  house ;  4)  In  the  instructions  of 
His  Word.  it.  How  thou  shouldst  consequently 
place  thyself  with  respect  to  the  Lord:  1)_  In 
joyful  willingness  to  prove  thy  gratitude  to  Him; 
2)  In  humble  obedience  of  faith  to  His  will 
when  it  rejects  thy  thoughts;  3)  In  humbly  let- 
ting thy  house  be  built  for  thee  by  Him,  and  let- 
ting Him  give  to  thee  before  thou  wilt  give  to 


442 


*THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Him;  and  4)  In  awaiting  with  childlike  confi- 
dence His  blessing  for  the  future. 

Owing  and  Taking  in  the  relation  of  man  to 
God :  1)  "  A  man  can  receive  nothing,  except  it 
be  given  him  from  heaven  j"  but  2)  A  man  can 
also  give  nothing  to  God  the  Lord,  except  it  be 
first  given  him  by  the  Lord. 

"/  VMS  with  thee  whithersoever  thou  wentest" 
(ver.  9):  1)  How  far  this  divine  testimony  has 
been  confirmed  in  the  guidance  of  thy  whole  course 
of  life;  2)  How  its  truth  should  qualify  thee  to 
know  His  ways  in  the  guidance  of  His  people, 
and  in  the  history  of  His  kingdom ;  3)  What  ob- 
ligation is  thereby  laid  on  thee  in  relation  to  thy 
God. 

Vers.  12-16.  The  fulfilment  of  the  great  and  gror 
eious  promise  of  Ood  to  David,  in  Christ  the  Son  of 
David:  1)  In  His  person.  He  is  not  merely  David's 
seed  =  seed  of  the  woman  =  Abraham's  seed,  but 
also  Ood's  Son;  2)  In  His  office,  He  is  King  over 
the  kingdom  of  God,  King  of  all  kings ;  3)  In  His 
possession  of  power.  He  has  an  everlasting  king- 
dom, to  Him  is  given  all  power  in  heaven  and 
on  earth ;  4)  In  His  work.  He  builds  for  the  name 
of  God  the  Father  a  house,  a  spiritual  temple  in 
humanity,  out  of  living  stones  (comp.  John  ii.  19). 
[Vers.  16,  17.  EobektHall:  The  advantages 
of  Civil  Government  contrasted  with  the  blessings  of 
the  Spiritual  Kingdom  of  Jesus  Christ  (Works,  Am. 
Ed.,  III.,  444) :  1)  As  to  security,  and  the  sense  of 
security.  2)  Liberty.  3)  Plenty.  4)  A  tendency 
to  improvement  in  social  institutions.  5)  Stability. 
— Tk.] 

Vers.  18-24.  The  greatness  of  the  manifestations 
of  God's  grace:  1)  They  infinitely  surpass  the 
desert  and  worthiness  of  sinful  men  (Who  am  I  ? 
etc.),  ver.  18 ;  2)  They  fill  all  times,  from  the  re- 
motest past  into  the  farthest  future  (vers,  18, 
19);  3)  They  are  high-exalted  above  all  human 
thoughts  and  words,  which  cannot  comprehend 
and  express  them  (ver.  20) ;  4)  They  are  deep- 
grounded  in  God's  word  and  heart  (ver.  21). 

Vers.  22-24.  The  right  praise  of  Ood  on  the  part 
of  Sis  people :  1 )  Looking  to  that  which  He  is  to 
them,  as  their  incomparably  gracious  God,  and 
exclusively  their  own;  2)  Looking  to  that  which 
He  as  their  God  has  done  in  them  in  the  wonders 
of  His  redeeming  might  and  love;  and  3)  Look- 
ing to  that  for  which  He  has  made  them  Sis 
people,  and  prepared  them  for  Himself. 

Vers.  25-29.  The  right  prayer  and  supplication 
of  living  faith:  1)  It  grounds  itself  firmly  in  the 
word  of  God's  promise  (ver.  25);  2)  It  aims  at 
nothing  but  the  honor  of  God's  name  (ver.  26) ; 
3)  It  springs  from  a  heart  which  is  moved  by 
God's  promise  (ver.  27);  4)  It  appeals  to  God's 
faithfulness  and  truth;  5)  It  receives  the  fulness 
of  God's  promised  blessing. 

[Vers.  18-29.  Heney:  David's  Prayer:  1) 
He  speaks  very  humbly  of  himself,  and  his  own 
merits  (ver.  18).  2)  He  speaks  very  highly  and 
honorably  of  God's  favors  to  him  (vers.  18-20). 
3)  He  ascribes  all  to  the  free  grace  of  God  (ver. 
21).  4)  He  adores  the  greatness  and  glory  of 
God  (ver.  22).  5)  He  expresses  a  great  esteem 
for  the  Israel  of  God  (vers.  23,  24).  5)  He  con- 
cludes with  humble  petitions  to  God  (vers.  27- 
29).— Tb.] 

Vers.  1^.  [Henry  :  When  God  in  His  provi- 
dence gives  us  rest,  and  finds  us  little  to  do  of 


worldly  business,  we  must  do  so  much  the  more  for 
God  and  our  souls.  How  difierent  were  the  thoughts 
of  David,  when  he  sat  in  his  palace,  from  Nebu- 
chadnezzar's, when  he  walked  in  his,  Dan.  iv.  29, 30. 
— Tr.] — J.  Lanqb:  It  is  not  enough  to  have  agood 
design  in  a  matter,  but  one  must  also  have  a  particu- 
lar assurance  as  to  whether  this  or  that  is  according 
to  God's  gracious  will. — Schliek  :  Alas  for  us,  if 
the  Scriptures  were  nothing  more  than  human, 
well-meant  thoughts  of  holy  men  of  God;  who 
could  then  rely  on  them  ?  who  could  live  and  die 
on  them  ?  But  well  for  us  that  we  have  a  word 
of  God,  a  word  out  of  God's  own  mouth,  which 
God's  Spirit  has  given  us. — Vers.  4,  5.  Wueet. 
Bible  :  God  is  much  more  desirous  of  giving  to 
us  than  of  receiving  from  us. — S.  Schmid  :  God 
demands  not  so  much  splendid  outward  service, 
but  rather  an  inner  and  honest  service  of  the 
heart,  Isa.  iv.  24. — Schlieb:  The  true  house  of 
God  is  His  people ;  there  would  He  make  His 
abode  in  the  hearts  of  His  own.  A  human  heart 
that  opens  itself  to  God  is  a  temple  more  pleasing 
to  Him  than  the  stateliest  structure  of  gold  and 
marble,  and  a  church  that  really  has  the  Lord 
dwelling  in  its  midst  is  in  the  sight  of  God  more 
precious  than  the  noblest  showy  building  which 
sets  all  the  world  a  wondering. 

Vers.  8-11.  We  always  indeed  imagine  that  we 
must  first  give  something  to  the  Lord,  and  that 
if  we  have  not  been  beforehand  with  Him,  the 
Lord  will  not  bless  us ;  and  yet  what  is  all  that  we 
do,  if  the  Lord  has  not  first  taken  hold  of  us? — 
We  must  first  experience  the  Lord's  blessings  in 
ourselves,  and  then  first  can  we  do  any  thing  for 
Him  in  return. — Vers.  12-16.  Starke:  Christ's 
kingdom  is  a  firmly  established  kingdom ;  even 
the  gates  of  hell  cannot  prevaU  against  it  (Matt. 
xvi.  18). — Christ  is  the  right  architect  of  the  spi- 
ritual house  of  God;  and  through  Him  alone  can 
we  become  temples  and  abodes  of  the  living  God 
(ICor.  vi.  16;  1  Pet.  ii.  5).  — Schliee:  The 
true  and  living  house  of  God,  which  He  has  built, 
is  the  church  of  the  Lord  which  He  has  bought 
with  His  blood  and  gathered  by  His  Spirit. 

Ver.  17.  S.  Schmid:  A  faithful  servant  of  God 
speaks  according  to  the  direction  of  God's  word- 
takes  nothing  therefrom,  and  adds  nothing  there- 
to (Dent.  xii.  32).  —  Ver.  18.  Cbamee:  That  is 
the  true  complexion  of  the  saints:  the  more  they 
are  exalted  by  God  and  favored  with  gifts  anS 
goods,  the  more  they  humble  themselves  and 
count  themselves  unworthy  thereof  (Gen.  xviii. 
27;  xxxii.  10;  Luke  i.  48).— Vers.  20,  21.  Osi- 
andeb:  When  a  devout  man's  heart  is  stirred  up 
by  the  Holy  Spirit  to  gratitude  towards  God,  it 
can  often  not  find  words  enough  to  utter  its  hearty 
love,  and  to  exalt  God  high  enough  over  aU 
(Luke  i.  46sq.). — Staeke:  In  praying  we  must 
not  merely  recognize  and  acknowledge  our  un- 
worthiness,  but  also  praise  God's  grace  and  oomr 
passion  (Luke  i.  48-50). — Vers.  17-21.  Schmeb: 
God's  goodness  should  awaken  us  to  a  recognition 
of  our  sins,  it  should  bring  us  down  on  our  knees, 
it  should  make  us  little  and  worthless.  The  more 
God  the  Lord  does  us  good,  so  much  the  more 
should  we  humble  ourselves ;  and  the  higher  He 
places  us,  so  much  the  more  should  we  recognize 
our  unworthinesB ;  and  when  He  lifts  us  up  from 
the  dust  to  the  height  and  blesses  us  with  the  Ml- 
ness  of  His  blessing,  then  first  should  we  be- 


CHAP.  YUI.  1-14. 


443 


come  thoroughly  little  and  worthless  in  our  own 
eyes. 

Ver..  22.  Cbameu  :  God  demands  of  us  not  only 
the  faith  of  the  heart,  but  also  the  confus.sion  of 
our  lips  (Eom.  x.  lOj.— Ver.  23.  S.  Sohmid:  Not 
their  own  deeds  make  a  people  groat,  but  the 
works  of  God  which  He  does  among  such  a  peo- 
ple. Blessed  is  that  people  whose  God  is  the 
Lord ;  but  this  blessedness  comes  from  the  mere 
compassion  of  God. — Vers.  22-24.  Schlieb:  It 
is  a  great  gain  when,  through  God's  benefits,  we 
learn  to  recognize  the  benefactor,  and  let  ourselves 
be  drawn  by  God's  goodness  to  the  Lord  Himself. 
God's  goodness  should  make  us  little  and  worth- 
less, and  bow  us  down  on  our  knees,  but  God's 
goodness  should  also  make  the  Lord  in  our  esti- 
mation ever  greater,  worthier  and  nobler. — Vers. 
25,26.  Crameb:  Although  we  have  God's  fair 
and  rich  promises  before  us,  and  have  once  found 
grace,  yet  we  should  always  continue  to  seek 
confirmation  and  increase  thereof  (1  Kings  viii. 
25,26). 

Ver.  28  sqq.  Bebl.  Bible  :  The  greatest  act  in 
praying  is  the  persevering  supplication  of  faith 
for  the  performance  of  God's  blessed  purpose;  to 
hold  fast  the  everlasting  truth  made  known  to  us, 
and  as  if  seeking  payment  of  a  debt  to  remind, 
urge,  press,  knock,  beat  the  door.  —  Stabke  : 
Every  blessing  in  heavenly  good  things  is  de- 
rived from  the  gracious  pleasure  of  God  (Eph. 
i.3). 

[Ver.  2.  It  seems  natural  and  appropriate  that 
our  houses  of  worship  should  be  not  less  substan- 
tial and  elegant  than  our  dwelling-houses. — Ver. 
3.  The  Lord's  having  evidently  "been  with  us" 
does  not  prove  that  He  approves  all  we  have 
done ;  still  less  thjit  He  will  approve  all  we  feel 
inclined  to  do. — It  may  be  perfectly  proper  that 
a  thing  should  be  done,  and  yet  not  proper  that 


we  should  undertake  to  do  it. — Our  wisest  friends 
may  give  us  wrong  counsel,  in  hastily  taking  for 
granted  that  what  seems  to  them  good  will  seem 
good  to  the  Lord. — In  denying  us  the  gratification 
of  some  pious  wish,  God  may  design  accomplish- 
ing it  in  a  way  that  He  sees  to  be  better ;  and  He 
may  commend  and  reward  the  wish  He  does  not 
gratify.  (*' Thou  didst  well  that  it  was  in  thine 
heart,"  1  Kings  viii.  18). — A  sermon  on  Natlian, 
chap.  vii.  1-17  and  xii.  1-14. 

[Ver.  9.  Fame. — "And  have  made  thee  a  great 
name,"  etc.  I.  Fame  is  a  gift  of  God's  Provi- 
dence— hence  to  be  enjoyed  with  humility.  II. 
Fame  is  one  of  God's  noblest  gifts — hence  may  be 
desired  and  earnestly  sought,  if  righteously.  III. 
Fame,  like  all  other  gifts,  has  weighty  responsi- 
bilities— hence  to  be  used  for  the  good  of  men  and 
the  glory  of  God. — Ver.  14.  "I will  be  hisfather,  and 
he  shall  be  my  son."  This  true — 1)  of  Solomon 
and  other  descendants  of  David  who  were  kings 
of  Judah;  2)  of  Christ,  "the  son  of  David,"  Ileb. 
i.  5 ;  3)  Of  every  one  who  is  a  believer  in  Christ, 
and  thus  a  child  of  God,  1  John  iU.  1;  v.  1. 
— Tb.] 

[Vers.  18-21.  A  model  of  devout  thanhsffiAng : 

I.  Over  what  he  rejoices.  1)  Over  great  bless- 
ings received  in  the  past,  ver.  18.  2)  Over  yet 
greater  blessings  promised  in  the  future,  ver.  19. 

II.  In  what  spirit  he  regards  these  favors.  1)  As 
utterly  undeserved  by  himself,  vers.  18,  20.  2) 
As  the  gift  of  God's  sovereign  grace,  ver.  21 ;  Matt. 
xi.  26. — Ver.  22.  The  greatness  of  Is>-aePs  God 
argued  from  the  wonders  of  Israelis  history.  Comp. 
vers.  23,  24.— Tb.] 

[Ver.  27.  Promise  and  Prayer.  1)  The  pro- 
mise does  not  prevent  prayer.  2)  The  promise 
authorizes  prayer  that  would  otherwise  be  pre- 
sumptuous. 3)  The  promise  gives  assurance  of 
success  in  prayer.    Comp.  vers.  28,  29. — Tb.] 


I II,  The  splendid  development  of  David's  royal  rule  without  and  within. 

Chaptees  VIII.— X. 

1.  Without  by  wars  and  victories  over  Israel's  external  enemies.     Chap.  VIII.  1-14. 

1  And  after  this  it  came  to  pass  that  David  smote  the  Philistines  and  subdued 
[humbled]  them  ;  and  David  took  Metheg-Ammah^  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Phi- 
listines. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

•  rVer.  1.  We  leave  this  obscure  word  untranslated.    Erdmann  renders  it  "  the  bridle  of  the  mother,"  but  the 
Heb.  nSX  never  means  mother;  so  Philippson :  "  the  bridle  of  the  metropolis  (capital  city)."    The  ancient  VSS. 

are  discordant  and  unsatisfactory:  Ohald.  has  "  the  fastening  of  the  Ammah,"  Vulg.  "the  bridle  of  tribute,"  Syr. 
and  Arab,  render  a  proper  name  Eamath-Garaah  (which  some  translate  "the  height  of  the  rush  "),  Aquila  gives 
"  the  bridle  of  the  aqueduct  "or  (according  to  another  edition)  "  the  bridle  of  the  ell,"  Symmachus  "  the  autho- 
rity of  tribute,"  while  the  Sept.  reading  tijv  a<l>iai>i.iTuivriv  suggests  that  their  text  contained  the  stem  E'lJ  or 
Efln.  These  renderings  show  the  perplexity  of  the  translators;  the  Babbinioal  translation  "stream  or  aque- 
daot "  (so  perhaps  Ohald.)  is  improbably  and  the  rendering  "  tribute  "  equally  without  authority  (—  DBrW,  while 

the  reading  in  Chron.  "  Gath  and  her  daughters  "  is  an  explanation,  not  a  translation,  if  it  be  not  a  different  form 
of  the' same  original  text.  In  this  uncertainty  it  seems  better  to  leave  the  words  untranslated,  as  in  Eng.  A.  V. 
Perhaps  we  have  here  a  proper  name,  possibly  a  corruption  of  the  text  of  Chronicles. — Ta.] 


441  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

2  And  lie  smote  Moab  and  measured  them  with  a  line,  casting  them  down  to 
[making  them  lie  down  on]  the  ground;  even  with  two  lines  measured  he  [and 
he  measured  two  lines]  tu  put  to  deaih  and  with  lorn,  with]  one'  full  line  to  keep 
alive.  And  so  [pm.  so]  the  Moabites  became  David's  servants  and  brought  [bring- 
ing] gifts. 

3  David  smote  also  [And  David  smote]  Hadadezer*  the  son  of  Rehob,  king  of  Zo- 
bah,  as  he  went  to  recover  his  border  at  [to  make  an  attack  at*]  the  river  Euph- 

4  rcttes.*  And  David  took  from  him  a  thousand  charioW  and  seven  hundred  horse- 
men and  twenty  thousand  footmen  ;  and  David  houghed  all  the  chariot  horses,  but 
reserved  of  them  for  an  hundred  chariots. 

5  And  when  the  Syrians'  of  Damascus  came  to  succour  Hadadezer  king  nf  Zobah, 

6  David  slew  of  the  Syrians  two  and  twenty  thousand  men.  Then  [And]  David 
put  garrisons  in  Syria  of  Damascus,  and  the  Syrians  became  sei  vants  to  David  and 
brought  [bringing]  gifts.     And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  preserved  David  whitherso- 

7  ever  he  went.     And  David  took  the  shields*  of  gold  that  were  on  the  servants  of 

8  Hadadezer,  and  brought  them  to  Jerusalem.  And  from  Bitah*  and  from  Berothai, 
cities  of  Hadadezer,  king  David  took  exceeding  much  brass  [copper]. 

9  When  [And]  Toi  king  of  Hamath  heard  that  David  had  smitten  all  the  host  of 

10  Hadadezer,  Then  [And]  Toi  sent  Joram'"  his  son  unto  king  David,  to  salute  him 
and  to  bless  [congratulate]  him,  because  he  had  fought  against  Hadadezer  and 
smitten  him  ;  tor  Hadadezer  had  wars  with  Toi ;  and  Joram  brought  with  him  [and 
in  his  hand  were]  vessels  of  silver  and  vessels  of  gold  and  vessels  of  brass  [copper]. 

11  Which  [These]  also  king  David  did  dedicate  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  with  the 
silver  and  gold  that  he  had  dedicated  of  all  [ins.   the]  nations  «hich  he  subdued, 

12  Of  Syria"  and  of  Moab  and  of  the  children  of  Ammon  and  of  the  Philistines  and 
of  Amalek  and  of  the  spoil  of  Hadadezer  son  of  Rehob,  king  of  Zobah. 

13  And  David  gat  him  a  name  when  he  returned  from  smiting  of  [om.  of]  the  Sy- 

14  rians'^  in  the  valley  of  salt,  being  [om.  being]  eighteen  thousand  men.  And  he  put 
garrisons  in  Edom ;  throughout  all  Edom  put  he  garrisons,  and  all  they  of  [om. 
they  of]  Edom  became  David's  servants.  And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  preserved 
David  whithersoever  he  went. 

2  [Ver.  2.  Sept.  has  "  two  lines  to  kill  and  two  to  save,"  and  Vulg.  gives  one  line  to  each  division  (and  so  the 
Syr.  in  Walton's  Polyglot,  followed  by  .Arab.,  but  Lee  s  Syr.  text  agrees  with  the  Heb.);  these  are  changes  from 
desire  for  symmctry.^TE.] 

*  [Ver.  3.  Erdmann  and  many  others  prefer  this  form  Hadadezer  to  the  form  in  Chron.,  Sadarezer  (which  is 
found  in  all  the  ancient  VSS.  except  Chald.,  and  in  many  good  Heb.  MSS.  and  EDD.)  on  the  ground  that  Hadad 
i.s  the  name  of  a  Syrian  sim-god  and  occurs  in  many  other  proper  names  ;  but  Schrader  {Die  Keilinschriften  und 
das  A.  T.,  p.  101)  says  that  the  name  of  the  Syrian  king  in  1  Kings  xx.  1  is  not  Benhadad,  but  Ben-hadar,  which 
the  A-isyrian  writes  Binhidri ;  Schrader  translates  the  name  ("  the  god)  Bin  is  exalted."  If  this  be  correct,  the 
reading  here  is  probably  Hadarezer,  as  in  Chron. — Tfi.] 

<  [ver.  3.  Our  text  is  here  to  be  preferred  to  that  of  Chron.  (xviii.  3).  Erdmann  renders  "  to  re-establish  his 
power,"  nearly  as  Eng.  A.  V.    But  the  phrase  here  used  always  means  "  to  turn  one's  hand  "  either  literally  (as  1 

Sam.  xiv.  27)  or  figuratively,  and  either  from  (p)  a  thing  (Ez.  xviii.  17)  or  to  or  against  a  thing  OV,  in  Ex.  iv.  7 

7j;  in  Am.  i.  8);  here,  as  not  the  enemy  against  whom,  but  the  place  in  which  the  effort  is  made  is  meant  the 

prep.  "  in  "  (3)  is  used ;  he  went  to  "  put  his  hand,  direct  his  attack  "  in  or  at  the  river.— T».] 

s  [Ver.  3.'  The  word  "  Euphrates,"  not  in  the  text,  is  supplied  by  the  Masorites  in  the  margin,  and  is  found  in 
many  MSS.  and  EDD.;  its  insertion  in  the  Heb.  is  unnecessary,  since  "the  river"  means  the  Euphrates. — Ta-l 

«  [Ver.  4.  The  Heb.  here  reads :  "  1700  horsemen  and  20.000  footmen ;"  Eng.  A.  V.  divides  the  first  number  aod 
introduces  "  chariots  "  in  order  to  account  for  their  mention  at  the  end  of  the  verse  (after  1  Chr.  xviii.  4);  Erd- 
mann adopts  the  whole  of  the  reading  of  Chron.  "  lOUO  chariots,  7000  horsemen,  and  20,000  footmen  "  (so  also  Sept. 
and  Then.).  But  Wellhausen  objects  to  this  that  the  OJI  at  the  end  is  used  in  a  general  sense,  including  the 
horses  of  the  "  horsemen,"— inasmuch  as  after  all  the  33T  only  are  houghed,  there  remain  only  100  331  ."cl'"- 
rio(>horses  "  and  not  also  the  "  riding-horses."  Still,  as  the  author  may  here  have  chosen  to  leave  out  the  riding- 
horses  altogether,  this  objection  would  not  loe  decisive ;  but  it  is  in  favor  of  our  text  that,  while  not  impossible,  il 
is  not  so  easy  as  that  of  Chron. — Tn.l 

'  [Ver.  5.  Syr.  and  Arab,  road  badly  "  Edom  and  Damascus."— Ta.] 

8  [Ver.  7.  The  versions  render  this  word  (hSk?)  variously,  apparently  guessing  at  its  meaning  from  the  con- 
nection. As  Thenius  points  out,  the  etymology  (from  a  verb  meaning  "  to  be  hard  or  strong  ")  and  some  of  the 
passages  where  it  occurs  (as  Jer.  li.  11)  favor  the  meaning  "  armour  j'"^  the  rendering  "  shield  "  is  now  more  com- 
monly adopted.— Tr.] 

•  [Ver.  8.  The  probability  seems  to  be  in  favor  of  the  reading  "  Tebah."— Tb.] 

">  [Ver.  10.  The  better  reading  is  probably  Hadoram  (as  in  Chron.),  with  which  compare  the  Hadar-ezer 
above.— Tb.] 

"  (Ver.  12.  Some  MSS.  and  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab,  read  "Edom,"  a  change  of  one  letter  only  in  the  Hebrew,  and 
this  better  suits  the  connection,  where  this  name  is  followed  by  Moab,  etc.,  Zobah  appearing  at  the  end.— Te.J 

12  [Ver.  13.  As  Syria  was  not  near  the  vallev  of  salt,  this  text  is  manifest.ly  corrupt.  We  may  either  read 
"  Edom"  for  "Syria"  (so  Sept.  and  Chron.)  or  insert  the  clause  "and  smote  Edom  "  after  "Syrians"  (so  Erd- 
mann). The  former  course  is  the  simpler,  and  avoids  the  difBculty  of  accounting  for  the  omission  of  any  refer- 
ence to  Syria  in  Chronicles.    The  Heb.  words  for  Syria  (DIN)  and  Edom  (DIN)  differ  very  slightly.— Te.] 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-14. 


445 


EXEGETIOAL   AND   C'EITICAI/. 

A  general  survey  is  here  given  of  David's  vmrs 
and  vietoriea  with  the  aid  of  the  Lord  (vers.  6,  14), 
without  its  being  indicated,  liowever  (as  is  above 
observed),  by  the  word  ''  after  this  "  that  the  wars 
here  detailed  were  chronologically  attached  to  the 
events  of  chap,  vii.,  or  that  these  wars  were  chro- 
nologically related  to  one  another  as  the  sequence 
of  mention  might  seem  to  show.  The  phrase 
"  after  this  "  is  the  general  formula  of  transition 
and  connection,  which  introduces  David's  wars 
grouped  according  to  the  factual  point  of  view, 
and  works  them  into  the  broad  frame  of  the  theo- 
cratic history.  See  a  similar  loose,  not  strictly 
chronological  connection  by  this  formula  in  x.  1 ; 
xiii.  1.  The  parallel  .section  in  1  Chron.  is  chap, 
iviii. 

Ver.  1 .  The  subjeetion  of  the  Philistines.  David 
not  only  defeated  them  in  a  battle,  but  also  sub- 
jected them  to  his  authority.  He  took  out  of  their 
hand  "the  bridle  of  the  mother"*  (HDNn  ir\0 
mfiheg  ha  ammah).  The  Chronicler  has  for  this 
"Gatli  and  her  daughters,"  which  words  are  to 
be  accepted  in  explanation  of  our  expression  in- 
stead of  giving  place  to  vague  conjectures.  Am- 
mah (HHN,  feminine  formation  from  DX)^"mo- 
ther-cit  V ;"  so  the  capital  city  of  a  country  is  often 
called  in  Arabic  and  Phoenician,  comp.  Ge.'scn. 
Thesaurus,  p.  112,  and  our  word  "metropolis;" 
and  the  cities  dependent  on  the  capital  city  are 
called  "daughters,"  comp.  Jo.sh.  xv.  4-5,  47. 
Among  the  five  chief  cities  of  the  Philistines  (1 
Sam.  vi.  16,  17),  Oath  in  Saul's  time  already,  as 
seat  of  a  king  who  appears  at  the  head  of  the  Phi- 
listine princes  (1  Sam.  xxvii.  2 ;  xxix.  2  sq.),  had 
attained  the  rank  of  a  capital  of  Philistia,  whence 
the  bridle  of  dominion  was  extended  over  the  other 
cities  and  the  whole  people.  [These  notices  do 
not  seem  sufficient  in  themselves  to  show  a  hege- 
monyforGath. — Te.]  The  "bridle  of  the  mother" 
— that  is,  according  to  Chron.,  the  power  and  au- 
thority over  Philistia  concentrated  in  the  metro- 
polis, Qath,  the  mother  with  the  "daughters,"  or 
Philistine  cities  over  which  Gath  exercised  au- 
thority— David  took  possession  of,  he  subjugated 
Philistia,  and  made  it  tributary,  as  the  nations 
afterwards  mentioned.  The  king  of  Gath  men- 
tioned in  1  Kings  ii.  39  belonged  also  to  the  tri- 
butary kings,  subject  to  Solomon,  this  side  of  the 
Euphrates,  as  far  as  Gaza  (1  Kings  v.  1,  4).  So 
Gesenius,  De  Wette,  Keil.  Of  other  explanations 
of  our  phrase  some  do  not  accord  with  the  mean- 
ing of  the  words,  e.  g.,  Schultens,  Mich.,  Ewald 
render  ''arm-bridle,"  but  ammah  doea  not  mean 
"  arm,"  and  Grotius  gives  claitstra  montis  Ammce 
— "the  fortress  of  Mount  Ammah," — but  metheg 
cannot  mean  "fortress."  Some  do  not  agree  with 
the_ actual  condition  of  things,  e.g.,  Bertheau  ex- 
plains, "he  wrested  from  the  Philistines  the  Co- 
mmon that  they  had  hitherto  exercised  over  Is- 
rael," but  this  does  not  agree  with  David's  do- 
minion over  Israel;  and  Bottcher  takes  ammah 
— (^?)— as  meaning  one  that  goes  before  and  leads, 


*  [On  this  phrase  see  "Text,  and  Gramm."  For  va- 
rious explanations  see  Poole's  Synopsis  and  Boohart's 
Bieroz.  II.  p.  2a5.— Ta.J 


and  then  in  the  abstract  sense  of  leading,  guidance, 
"the  bridle  ai_  guidance," —hut  "this  would  suit 
only  if  the  setting  aside  of  a  hegemony  were  here 
spoken  of"  (Then.).  Looking  at  the  words  of 
Chron.,  the  Sept.  {rfiv  a.ipuf)taiMemii'i=:"t\\s  sepa- 
rated, marked  off")  and  1  Sara.  vii.  13,  14,  The- 
nius  conjectures  that  the  text  has  arisen  by  error 
of  copyists  from  an  original  text,  which  contained 
a  description  (that  cannot  now  be  made  out)  of  the 
boundary-district,  which  David  then  forever 
wrested  from  the  Philistines.  In  the  essence  of 
the  thing,  this  explanation  agrees  with  tliat  above 
given. 

Ver.  2.  The  subjugalhnof  the  Moabiies.— On  the 
former  friendly  relation  between  the  king  of  Moab 
and  David,  see  1  Sara.  xxii.  3,  4.  The  cause  of 
Moab's  enmity  against  hira  is  unknown.  Perhaps 
raeantime_  another  king  had  come  to  the  throne 
than  he  with  whom  David  sought  refuge  and  with 
his  parents  found  hospitality.  Probably  in  this 
war  occurred  what  is  mentioned  in  1  Chron.  xi. 
22  of  Benaiah,  one  of  David's  heroes,  that  he  slew 
two  of  the  king  of  Moab's  sons.  The  severe  pun- 
ishment inflicted  on  the  arm.s-bearing  Moabites 
(they  were  compelled  to  lie  in  a  row  on  the 
ground,  two  thirds  were  measured  with  a  line  for 
death,  and  one-third  for  life)  points  to  some  very 
grave  offence  on  their  part.  They  thenceforward 
became  David's  servants,  that  is,  were  subject  to 
him  and  paid  him  tribute.  [Patrick :  Now  was 
fulfilled  the  prophecy  of  Balaam,  Numb.  xxiv. 
17.— Tb.] 

Vers.  3,  4.  /Subjugation  of  Sadadezer,  king  of 
Zobah. — And  David  smote  Hadadezer. — In- 
stead of  this  name  we  have  ''Hadarezer"  in  x. 
16,  19,  and  in  Chron.;  so  also  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr., 
Arab.,  Josephus.  But  as  Hadad  was  the  name 
of  the  sun-god  of  the  Syrians,  and  frequent^'  oc- 
curs in  Syrian  proper  names  (see  Movers,  Phcm. 
I.  196  sq.),  Hadadezer,  =  "  whose  help  God  is," 
must  be  taken  as  the  original  reading.  [For  a 
different  view  see  "Text,  and  Gramm." — Tb.] 
The  district  of  Zobah  was  a  part  of  Syria  (x.  6,  16 
and  Psalm  Ix.  2,  where  it  is  called  AraTn-Zoha.h), 
bordering  on  Syria,  beyond  the  Euphrates  in  Me- 
sopotamia, whence  Haidadezer  brought  Arameans 
to  his  help  across  the  Euphrates.  Its  position  is 
more  exactly  described  in  ver.  5  (it  was  near  the 
territory  of  the  Damascus  Syrians)  and  ver.  9  and 
2  Chron.  viii.  3  (it  touched  Hamath  on  the  north, 
at  the  Orontes).  It  must  therefore  be  put  north- 
east of  Damascus  and  south  of  Hamath,  between 
the  Orontes  and  the  Euphrates.  Comp.  Winer, 
R.-B.  II,  738.  It  seems  to  have  reached  so  far 
south  that  the  Ammonites  could  get  help  from  it 
against  Israel,  x.  6;  1  Chron.  xix.  6.  As  Zobah 
was  doubtless  the  capital  city  of  the  country,  it  is 
probably  (Grot.,  Ew.)  to  be  identified  with  the 
city  Sahe  (Ptol.  v.  19)  which  lay  on  the  same  pa- 
rallel with  Damascus  and  eastward  towards  the 
Euphrates.*  "  We  must  therefore  look  for  Zobah 
to  the  east  of  the  tran.ijordanic  Israelitish  territory 
and  beyond  its  northern  border,  and  its  king  must 
have  ruled  over  a  great  part  of  the  desert  between 
Palestine  and  the  Euphrates,  and  consequently 
over  the  southern  part  of  Syria"  (Stahelin,  Lehean, 
Davids,  p.  51).  But  on  what  occasion  and  under 
what  circumstances  was  David  involved  in  a  war 


•  [See  Art.  Zobah  in  Smitli's  Bib.  iJicf.— Ta.] 


446 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


with  this  distant  kingdom?    The  answer  to  this 
question  will  appear  in  the  course  of  the  follow- 
ing exposition.     As  he  ■went  to  re-establish 
his  power  at  the  river  (Euphrates).      [Lit. 
"as  lie  went  to  put  forth  his  hand"  =  to  make  an 
effort  or  attack.     See  "  Text,  and  Gramm."  against 
Erdraann's  rendering. — Te.]      The  question   is 
whether  Hadadezer  or  David  is  subject  here. 
The  Heb.  T   [hand]  =  power,  dominion.     The 
Iniin.  (D'K'ri)  means  not  io  stretch  out,  extend  (De 
Wette),  but  to  draw  back,  re-establish  a  dominion, 
which  consequently  existed  before.     Taking  Ha- 
dadezer as  subject,  and  looking  to  1  Sam.  xiv.  47, 
where  it  is  said  that  Saul  fought  successfully 
against  Zobah,  it  has  been  explained  to  mean  that 
Hadadezer  now  attempted  to  regain  the  territory 
then  lost  (Maurer,  Bunsen,  Ewald,  Keil).     But 
can  we  suppose  that  Hadadezer  waited  so  long  af- 
ter Saul's  death?    Rather  it  is  to  be  presumed 
that  he  had  long  ago  re-established  his  power. 
In  favor  of  taking  David  as  subject,  it  may  be  said 
that  the  whole  sentence  would  then  have  the  same 
subject,  which  is  most  natural  according  to  the 
tenor  of  the  narrative,  and  that  David  must  have 
felt  called  on  to  r&store  Israel's  power  up  to  the 
Euphrates  which  had  been  lost  since  Saul's  time. 
But  against  this  undoubtedly  is  the  word  "his 
power"  (11' ) ;  for  David  had  not  yet  occupied  the 
land  on  th'?  Euphrates.     We  are  therefore  obliged 
to  take  Hadadezer  as  subject,  who  had  attempted 
to  restore  his  shattered  power  on  the  Euphrates 
when  David  conquered  him  in  this  war  and  made 
him    his  vassal.     How  his  power  was  shattered 
will  appear  hereafter.     Chron.  has  "  to  establish  " 
(^'■^l'))  which  agrees  with  the  above  explanation 
— and  so  the  Sept.  eTTiaTT/aai.  [:=establish].    "Which 
was  the  original  reading  cannot  be  determined. 
[The  phrase  in  Sam.  is  a  common  one;  that  in 
Chron.  (in  the  Heb.)  is  difficult  and  improbable. 
— Tk.]     Against  the  rendering  of  Grot,  and  Cler.: 
"as  he  (David)  went  to  force  back  his  (Hadade- 
zer's)  power  towards  the  Euphrates"  is  the  prep, 
"in,  at"  (3)  before  "river,"  and  the  change  of 
persons  in  this  subordinate  sentence  (Thenius). 
[Adopting  the  rendering  suggested  above,  the  re- 
ference may  very  well  be  to  David  as  the  subject: 
David  going  to  make  an  attack  at  the  Euphrates, 
was  naturally  opposed  by  the  powerful  Hadade- 
zer ;  otherwise  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  Hadade- 
zer's  attack  in  this  region  could  have  brought  him 
in  contact  with  David.— Tr.]     The  Masora  adds 
"Euphrates"  after  "river"  [so  Eng.  A.  V.],— 
which,  however,  is  not  necessarv,  since  the  word 
"the  river"    (in^ri)   of   itself  "means  the   Eu- 
phrates.*   How  important  it  must  have  been  for 
David  to  rest  his  power  on  this  side  on  the  Eu- 
phrates is  obvious.     Ver.  4.  And  David  took 
(prisoners)   from   him   1700  horsemen  and 
20,000  footmen.— Chron.  has  7000  horsemen 
and   1000  chariots.      Here,  therefore,  the  word 
"chariot"  has  fallen  out,  and  the  sign  for  seven 
thousand  ('j)  been  changed  to  that  for  seven  hun- 
dred ([).     The  text  of  Chron.  is  the  correct  one; 
"  for  to  20,000  footmen  in  the  plains  of  Syria  7000 
horsemen  is  evidently  better  proportioned  than 

*  [As  in  Pa.  Ixxii.  8:  "from  the  river  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth"  (south  of  Egypt),  and  so  1  Mao.  vii.  8.  As  the 
Nahar  is  the  Euphrates,  so  the  Yeor  is  the  Nile.— Tb  ] 


1700"(Thenius).  The  1000  chariots  also  accon 
with  the  connection,  "  because  afterward  David  : 
said  to  have  houghed  the  chariot-horses  "  (Cler. 
And  David  lamed  all  the  riding-animali 
— The  word  (^^7.)  means  riding-animals  in  g( 
neral,  not  merely  chariot-horses  (so  Isa.  xxi.  7 
'These  David  made  useless  and  harmless  by  cui 
ting  the  sinews  of  their  hind  feet  (ipjt^' — comj 
Jnd^.  xi.  6,  9).  It  was  a  matter  of  importance  t 
David  to  render  useless  not  the  chariots,  but  thi 
horses.  [He  reserved  a  hundred  horsas  not  fo 
war,  but  for  a  triumph  or  a  guard ;  whether  o, 
not  this  reservation  was  illegal  and  ungodly  is  no 
said.— Tk.] 

Vers.  5-8.  The  conquest  of  Aram-DamaseuM  (th 
Syrians  of  Damaseusj.  Ver.  5.  Aram-Damas 
cus — that  is,  the  Aramaeans  whose  capital  waf 
Damascus  (Chron.  Darmesek,  Sam.  Dammeset)— 
east  of  the  Antilibanon  range,  on  the  Chrysorrhoaf 
(Pharpar)  river,  and  on  the  great  caravan-ronte 
from  Central  Asia  to  Western  Asia.  These  Sy- 
rians of  Damascus  came  as  allies  to  the  help  of 
Hadadezer,  attacking  David  from  the  north,  but 
suffered  a  severe  defeat,  as  appears  from  the  fact 
that  they  lo.st  22,000  men.  [See  Josephus*  refer- 
ence here  to  the  account  of  Nicolaus  of  Damascus 
(Ant.  7,  5,  2),  who  mentions  a  Syrian  king  Hadad 
beaten  at  the  Euphrates  by  David  (Then.).— Tb.] 
— Ver.  6.  To  hold  them  in  subjection  he  placed 
posts,  garrisons  in  their  territory',  comp.  1  Sam.x. 
5 ;  xiii.  3.  "He  made  them  mbject  and  trihviary 
to  him."  [Some  render  "officers"  instead  of 
"garrisons,"  but  hardly  so  well.— Tb.]— Ver.  7. 
"Shields"  {Vh2}),not  "armour,"  comp.  2  Kings 
xi.  10,  Gesen.,  'Thes.  and  Lex.  by  Dietrich.  The 
golden  shields  of  Hadadezer's  servants  (that  is,  his 
immediate  guard)  David  sent  as  booty  to  Jenmir 
lem.  The  Sept.  here  has  the  additional  statement: 
"And  Susakim  [Shishak]  king  of  Egypt  took 
them  away  when  he  went  up  against  Jernsalem  in 
the  days  of  Roboam,  son  of  Solomon,"  of  which 
there  is  no  trace  in  any  other  version  or  in  Chron., 
and  which  there  is  no  good  reason  for  introducing 
into  our  text  (against  Thenius),  since,  iy  com- 
paring 1  Chron.  xviii.  8  (where  the  use  made  of 
the  copper  is  mentioned),  and  1  Kings  xiv.  25- 
27,  it  is  clear  how  a  translator  or  copyist  from  in- 
exact observation  of  these  passages  might  have 
been  led  to  make  such  an  addition  to  the  text  as 
marginal  note  or  explanation.  [Keil  also  points 
out  that  the  shields  carried  off  by  Shishak  were 
not  these  captured  by  David,  but  those  made  by 
Solomon.— Tb.]— Ver.  8.  And  from  Hadade- 
zer's cities  Betah  and  Berothai  took  king 
David  very  much  copper.— It  is  not  possible 
to  determine  certainly  the  position  of  these  cities. 
But  it  may  be  conjectured  that  Berothai  (comp. 
Ezek.  xlvii.  16),  for  which  Chron.  has  Kun,  is 
identical  either  with  Barathma,  near  Sabe  (Ptol. 
Oeog.  5,  19,  5;  so  Ewald),  or  with  the  present 
Berah  south-east  of  Damascus  (Thenius),  or  with 
Birtka  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Euphrates  ( = 
Birtha,  Ptol.  Oeog.  5,  19,  3),  not  to  be  confounded 
with  Birtha,  on  the  Tigris  (Ptol.  Oeog.  5,  18,  9). 
The  old  Phoenician  Berytus  on  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  (=  Beirut)  is  out  of  the  question,  since  the 
territory  of  the  king  of  Zobah  could  certainly  not 
have  reached  so  far.  "The  name  may  be  derived 
as  well  from  berosh  [cypress],  in  Syrian  beroth,  88 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-14. 


447 


from  beer  [a  well]  "  (Thenias).  See  Winer  «.  v. 
[Bib.  Comm.:  Can  the  Wady  Barada  be  the  mo- 
dern representative  of  the  name? — Tk.]  Instead 
of  Betah  Chron.  has  Tibhath,  to  which  answer  the 
Metebak  of  the  Sept.  and  the  Tebah  of  the  Syriac 
— so  that  we  may  suppose  "from  Tebah"  (nJBD'N 
to  be  the  original  reading  (Then.,  Keil).  This  is 
favored  by  the  Tebah  of  Gen.  xxii.  24  (which 
points  to  this  region),  the  name  of  a  son  of  Na- 
lior,  and  also  of  a  place  that  now  stands  north  of 
Damascus  and  Tadmor,  between  Tadmor  and 
Aleppo  (Biisching,  Erdbeaehreib.  XI.,  I.,  544). 
The  booty  of  these  cities  consisted  of  a  large  quan- 
tity of  copper.  Chronicles  (either,  as  Movers 
supposes,  taking  it  from  another  source,  or  using 
more  completely  the  same  source  as  the  author 
of  Samuel)  adds  in  respect  to  the  use  of  the  booty: 
"  Therefrom  Solomon  made  the  copper  sea  and  the 
pillars  and  the  coppern  vessels."  The  Sept.  adds 
these  words  here  after  "very  much  brass"  with 
the  insertion  "  and  the  wash-basins."  But  there 
is  no  reason  with  Thenius  to  alter  our  text  ac- 
cordingly, since  the  effort  of  the  Sept.  to  explain 
and  fill  out  from  other  material  is  evident  here, 
as  in  ver.  7.  [On  copper  in  Canaan  see  Deut. 
viii.  9.  Some  centuries  before  this  copper  was 
carried  in  quantities  from  Syria  to  Egypt  [Bi6. 
Com.). — Tb.] — The  loss  of  the  Syrians  in  these 
battles  was  forty-two  thousand  men  (comp.  vers. 
4  and  5).  This  number  agrees  with  the  state- 
ment of  the  loss  in  x.  18  =  forty  thousand  men. 
From  this  alone  it  is  clear  that  the  Aramaean 
war  that  is  minutely  related  in  ch.  x.  is  the  same 
as  that  here  spoken  of.  It  is  to  be  further  noted 
that  the  war  against  the  Aramseans  here  related 
ends  with  their  complete  subjection  (vers.  6  and 
9).  Against  the  view  that  ch.  x.  narrates  a 
second  Aramaean  war,  wherein  the  subjugated 
Aramaeans  revolt  when  David  becomes  involved 
in  war  with  the  Ammonites,  and  help  them 
against  him,  is  the  fact  that  in  cli.  x.  nothing  is 
said  of  such  a  revolt,  the  Syrians  appearing  as 
wholly  independent  of  David  and  hiring  their 
aid  to  the  Ammonites  (x.  6).  Before  the  Ara- 
maeans could  unite  with  these  latter,  Joab  de- 
feated them  under  Hadadezer ;  the  latter  called 
the  Aramaeans  from  beyond  the  Euphrates  to  his 
help  in  order  to  regain  his  power  on  the  Euphra- 
tes, which  was  lost  by  that  defeat,  and  they  were 
now  also  defeated  by  David  (x.  13-18).  This 
explains  our  ver.  3:  "as  he  (Hadadezer)  went  to 
re-establish  his  power  at  the  river  Phrath" 
(Luther).  In  the  general  view  of  David's  wars 
in  ch.  viii.  this  Aramaean  war  is  briefly  related 
according  to  its  issue  under  David's  lead.  In 
ch.  X.  the  Ammonitish  war  (here  merely  alluded 
to,  ver.  12)  is  minutely  related  on  account  of  the 
history  of  Uriah  therewith  connected;  and  as 
this  war  led  to  that  with  the  Aramaeans,  the  lat- 
teralso,  after  the  summary  statement  of  it  in  ch. 
viii.,  is  fully  narrated  in  ch.  x.  "  The  war  with 
Ammon,  whose  development  could  not  be  under- 
stood without  the  Syrian,  is  more  elaborately 
narrated  (in  ch.  x.)  for  a  special  reason  only, 
namely,  for  the  sake  of  Uriah's  history,  and  is 
for  this  reason  no  doubt  merely  mentioned  in  the 
genera]  view  of  all  the  great  wars  (viii.  12),  since 
otherwise  its  issue  at  least  would  necessarily  have 
been  described  as  fully  as  that  of  the  Moabite 
war"  (Ewald,  Qesch.  [Hist,  of  IsraeQ  III.  205). 


Comp.  Keil's  Comm.,[Eng.  Tr.,  p.  358  sq.]— Ac- 
cording to  1  Chron.  xviii.  3  David's  decisive  vic- 
tory over  the  Aramaeans  was  gained  at  Hamath, 
that  is,  Epiphania  on  the  Orontes,  a  colony  of 
the  Canaanites  (Gen.  x.  18),  at  the  foot  of  Her- 
mon,  therefore  on  the  western  boundary  of  the 
district  of  Zobah,  and  on  the  northernmost  border 
of  Palestine,  still  one  of  the  greatest  cities  of 
Turkish  Asia,  retaining  its  old  name ;  according 
to  2  Sam.  x.  17  the  victory  was  gained  at  Helam, 
an  unknown  place ;  but  this  difference  is  insigni- 
ficant, and  may  be  removed  by  supposing  either 
that  flelam  was  near  Hamath  (Keil),  or  that  the 
decisive  couibats  occurred  at  both  places  at  the 
same  time.* 

Vers.  9,  10.  King  Toi  of  Hamath  seeks  a  friendly 
alliance  with  David  in  consequence  of  the  tatter's 
victory  over  the  king  of  Zobah  and  his  allies. — For 
Toi  Chron.  has  Toil.  When  Toi  heard  that 
David  had  smitten  all  the  host  of  Hada- 
dezer (David's  victory  was  therefore  a  decisive 
one),  he  sent  his  son  Joram  (better  Hado- 
ram)  to  David.  Chron.,  instead  of  Joram, 
has  Hadoram,  Joseph.  Adoram,  and  Sept.  Jedr- 
douram ;  Hadoram  (according  to  Mich.,  from 
Hador,  the  name  of  a  Syrian  deity,  but  see  also 
Gen.  X.  27  ;  1  Chron.  i.  21,  where  it  is  the  name 
of  an  Arabian  tribe)  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  ori- 
ginal reading,  instead  of  the  Heb.  name  Joram, 
which  doubtless  got  into  the  text  from  similarity 
of  sound  by  error  of  copying  or  of  hearing  [or,  it 
is  a  Hebraization  of  a  foreign  name,  iis  often  hap- 
pens.— Te.].  The  embassy  was  1)  to  greet  David 
in  Toi's  name,  properly,  to  ask  after  his  welfare, 
comp.  Gen.  xliii.  27,  and  2)  to  bless  him,  that  is, 
to  congratulate  him  on  his  victory  over  Hadade- 
zer. The  reason  for  this  congratulation  is  given 
in  the  words :  "  for  a  man  of  wars  of  Toi  was 
Hadadezer,"  that  is,  Hadadezer  carried  on  con- 
stant wars  with  Toi ;  Aq.  and  Sym.  have  "  ^a- 
ging  war"  (iro^f^ov).  Onthephra.se:  "man  of 
wars"  =  one  whose  call  and  business  is  warring, 
comp.  1  Chron.  xxviii.  3  ;  Isa.  xlii.  13.  Since 
Hamath  and  Zobah  bordered  on  one  another,  Toi 
wais  in  constant  danger  of  being  entirely  despoiled 
of  his  authority  by  Hadadezer,  on  whom  he  was 
perhaps  in  some  degree  dependent.  Hence  his 
congratulation  of  David  as  the  expression  of  joy 
over  the  victory  that  freed  him  from  a  dangerous 
enemy,  and  of  the  wish  to  enter  into  a  relation  of 
friendship  and  alliance  with  the  powerful  victor, 
to  which  end  he  sent  rich  presents  consisting  of 
vessels  of  silver,  of  gold,  and  of  copper.  [For  the 
forms  of  ancient  Chaldean  and  Assyrian  vessels 
see  Eawlinson,  Ancient  Monarchies  I.  91,  386. 
— Tb.] 

Vers.  11,  12.  David  consecrates  to  the  Lord  all 
the  booty  of  gold  and  silver  taken  from  the  conquered 
nations.  David's  wars  were  wars  of  the  Lord, 
in  whose  name  he  fought  against  the  enemies  of 
the  chosen  people,  and  led  the  people  to  victory. 
Therefore  the  booty  belonged  actually  to  the 
Lord.  David  affirmed  this  by  separating  it  from 
profane  use  (this  is  the  primary  meaning  of 
"  dedicated,"  I2''^pn),  and  setting  it  apart  for  the 
Lord,  that  is,  either  in  general  he  put  itinto  the 
treasury  of  the  sanctuary,  or  he  determined  that 
it  should  be  used  in  making  sacred  vessels  for  the 


*  [See  notes  on  2  Sam.  jl.  16.— Tb.] 


448 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


temple  that  was  to  be  built.  Instead  of  the  second 
"dedicated"  (tJ^'^pH)  Chron.  has  "took"  (NiJ'J), 
which  gives  the  same  sense. — Ver.  12.  Prom 
Aram  [-Syria]  and  from  Moab  and  from 
the  children  of  Ammon  and  from  the  Phi- 
listines and  from  Amalek  and  from  the 
spoil  of  Hadadezer.  Instead  of  Aram  Chron. 
has  Edom,  and  omits  the  words  referring  to  Ha- 
dadezer, that  is,  makes  no  mention  at  all  of  the 
wars  against  Aram.  But  as  in  this  enumeration 
of  all  David's  wars  (as  it  obviously  is)  Aram 
could  not,  as  it  seems,  be  properly  omitted,  it 
might  appear  probable  that  we  should  read  Aram 
in  Chron.  instead  of  Edom,  especially  as  the  vic- 
tory over  Edom  is  not  mentioned  till  afterwards. 
It  might,  however,  be  also  supposed  that  "Aram" 
was  omitted  [in  Chron.]  because  the  booty  taken 
from  the  Aramaeans  has  just  been  spoken  of,  and 
the  further  mention  of  booty  from  other  nations 
was  attached  immediately  to  that  statement.  On 
the  other  hand  it  is  not  necessary  (with  Keil)  to 
suppose  a  gap  in  our  text  after  "Aram,"  that  is 
to  be  filled  with  "from  Edom."  It  may  be  sup- 
posed that,  as  the  Chronicler  did  not  mention 
Aram  because  he  had  spoken  of  it  just  before,  so 
our  narrator  did  not  include  Edom  because  he 
intended  to  speak  of  the  victory  over  the  Edomites 
immediately  afterwards.  [On  this  reading  see 
"  Text,  and  Gram."  As  Edom  is  geographically 
connected  with  Moab  and  Ammon,  and  as  the 
spoil  of  the  Syrian  Hadadezer  is  mentioned  at  the 
end  of  the  verse,  it  seems  better  (with  Bib.  Com.) 
to  read  Edomior  Aram;  though  the  Aram  of  our 
text  might  refer  to  the  Syrians  of  Dama.'icus  (so 
Gill).— Tk.] 

Vers.  13,  14.  Conquest  of  Edom.  Comp.  1  Chr. 
xviii.  12,  13,  where  it  is  said  that  Abishai,  the 
son  of  Zeruiah,  smote  the  Edomites  in  the  valley  of 
salt,  eighteen  thousand  men,  and  the  statements  in 
Ps.  Ix.  2  [superscription]  and  1  Kings  xi.  15, 
which  v.ary  from  this  in  minor  points. — Ver.  13. 
And  David  made  himself  a  name.  Against 
the  rendering  "  he  set  up  a  moniiment"  is  the  fact 
that  such  a  statement  could  not  have  been  made 
here  without  reference  to  the  Lord  and  indication 
of  the  place,  and  that  it  is  wholly  irreconcilable 
with  David's  disposition  that  he  should  here  set 
up  a  monument  to  himself.  The  proper  transla- 
tion is :  "  made  himself  a  name"  (comp.  Gen.  xi. 
4,  xxi.  1)  gained  renown  (so  the  Vulg.),  Chap.vii. 
9,  "  1  have  made  thee  a  great  name,"  etc.,  is  not  in 
contradiction  with  this,  for  it  points  out  the  divine 
causality  in  David's  glorious  military  career  as 
contrasted  with  its  human  side. — Tlie  glory  of  his 
name  was  exalted  still  more  by  another  splendid 
achievement.  As  he  returned  from  the  bat- 
tle against  Aram,  literally,  from  smiting  Aram. 
The  connection  alone  naturally  suggests  that  the 
Aramaean  wars  related  above  are  here  meant. 
But  our  text  affirms  David  made  himself  a  name 
by  a  new  victory  over  Aram  in  the  valley  of  salt. 
The  text  is  here  obviously  incomplete.  The 
words  "  in  the  valley  of  salt"  cannot  be  connected 
with  what  here  precedes,  since  a  battle  with  the 
Aramaeans  in  tins  valley,  which  lay  on  the  an- 
cient border  of  Jndah  and  Edom  in  the  Edomite 
territory  south  of  the  Dead  Sea,  is  out  of  the  ques- 
tion.   Before  these  words  we  must  insert  "  amd  he 


smote  Edom,"  which  may  easily  have  fallen  onl 
in  copying  through  the  similarity  of  Edom  and 
Aram  {Din  and  OIK).  Sept:  "he  smote  Idu- 
mea."  [Or,  we  may  read  Edom  instead  of  Aram 
(Syria),  comp.  1  Chr.  xviii.  12,  and  see  "Text. 
and  Gram."— Tb.]  David's  wars  in  the  north 
against  the  Aramaeans  and  Ammonites  had  led 
the  Edomites  to  fancy  that  they  might  easily  get 
possession  of  the  southern  part  of  the  Israelitieh 
territory.  When  David  had  ended  those  wars, 
he  returned  (the  word  "returned"  does  not  refer 
to  Joab  (Ew.) — see  below).  Whether  he  re- 
turned on  the  east  or  west  of  the  Jordan  and  the 
Dead  Sea  is  uncertain.  The  battle  with  the 
Edomites  was  then  fought  in  the  salt  valley,  the 
same  place  where  Amaziah  afterwards  conquered 
the  Edomites  (2  Kings  xiv.  7).  The  Edomites 
lost  eighteen  tliousand  men;  so  also  Chron.  But 
in  Chron.  the  battle  is  fought  not  by  David  him- 
self, but  by  Abishai,  the  son  of  Zeruiah,  and  in  1 
Kings  xi.  15  and  in  Ps.  Ix.  2  [superscription]  by 
Joal).  There  are  here  no  real  contradictions, 
since  in  different  reports  (for  ex.,  in  the  last  Ger- 
man-French war)  the  same  battles  are  referred  to 
different  leaders,  in  one  to  the  Fieldmarshal,  in 
another  to  his  subordinate  Generals,  in  still  ano- 
ther to  the  Generalissimo  himself.  Abishai,  who 
in  the  Syrian- Ammonitish  war  commanded  a  di- 
vision of  David's  army  under  Joab,  was  the  con- 
queror of  the  Edomites,  while  Joab  was  General- 
in-chief,  and  David  had  control  of  the  whole 
military  operation.  Miohaelis ;  "  David  as  king, 
Joab  as  chief  commander,  and  Abishai,  who  was 
sent  forward  by  his  brother,  and  overthrew  the 
enemy."  Only  incapacity  to  conceive  such  affaire 
in  their  reality  and  manifoldness  can  find  a  dis- 
crepancy here.  For  the  rest  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
the  Chronicler,  though  he  names  Abishai  as  leader 
in  this  victory,  was  at  the  same  time  thinking  of 
David  as  the  conqueror  (in  accord  with  our  pas- 
sage), since  he  adds:  "And  the  Lord  helped  David 
in  all  his  undertakings."  The  difference  in  num- 
bers also  (here  and  in  Chron.  eighteen  thousand, 
in  Ps.  Ix.  twelve  thousand)  is  unimportant;  there 
is  no  need  to  suppose  an  error  of  copyist  in  the  last 
passage  (Ew.)  to  explain  it.  It  receives  a  sim- 
ple explanation  from  the  various  statements  about 
the  battle  in  different  autliorities.  In  the  last 
German  French  war  the  reports  of  the  numbers 
of  killed  or  prisoners  often  differed  by  thousands. 
How  much  more  might  such  differences  arise  at 
a  time  when  so  exact  countings  were  not  provided 
for.  [Bp.  Patrick  suggests  that  Abishai  began 
the  fight  and  slew  six  thousand,  and  then  Joab, 
advancing  with  his  reserve,  slew  twelve  thousiand 
more  (so  Ps.  Ix).  It  is  impossible  to  give  a  cer- 
tain explanation  of  the  difference. — Tk?]  David 
put  garrisons  in  all  Edom  (not  in  Chron). 
TheniuB  supposes  the  reason  of  the  special  em- 
phatic statement  here  (comp.  ver.  6),  that  no  part 
of  Edom  was  left  without  a  garrison,  to  be  that 
this  was  not  the  ca.se  in  former  campaigns  against 
Edom_(see_for  ex.  1  Sam.  xiv.  47).  But  the  ex- 
planation lies  rather  in  the  numerous  mountains, 
caves  and  gorges  of  the  country,  which  made  a 
complete  garrisoning  necessary. — Thus  had  David 
overthrown  the  huge  column  of  nations  that  were 
dangerous  to  Israel  from  north  to  soutlr,  and  on 
its  ruins  founded  his  dominion. 


CHAP.  VIII.  1-14. 


449 


HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  In  all  his  wwri  and  vietories  over  Israel's  ene- 
mies David,  as  theocratic  king,  was  only  the  in- 
ttrument  of  the  Lord,  who  Himself  wagedj  these 
wars  for  His  people.  "Therefore  in  his  royal  mili- 
tary calling  David  knows  himself  also  only  as  ser- 
vant of  the  Lord,  to  whom,  as  the  true  Commander, 
he  consecrates  and  dedicates  the  booty  gained. 
And  the  prophetical  narrative  can  say  nothing 
higher  of  David  than  that  he  performed  these 
splendid  deeds  of  arms  through  the  help  of  the  Lord 
(vers.  6, 14).  But  in  these  victories  over  the  ene- 
mies of  God's  people  was  fulfilled  the  Lord^s  pro- 
mise (vii.  10,  11),  trusting  in  which  David  could 
advance  to  battle  prepared  for  war  and  certain  of 
victory. 

2.  David's  royal  calling  was  to  he  fulfilled 
chiefly  in  wars  and  victories  over  Israel's  ene- 
mies, in  order  that  the  kingdom  of  God  in  Israel 
might  attain  its  unhindered,  theocratic-national 
full  development  of  form.  But  from  this  histori- 
cal basis  is  subsequently  developed  the  idea  of  the 
theocratic  kingdom  as  a  mighty  and  powerful  one 
that  victoriously  combats  the  enemies  of  the 
theocracy,  and  makes  them  subservient  to  the 
divine  might  and  power.  On  tliis  is  then  built 
np  the  Messianic  prophecy  of  the  future  king, 
who  in  divine  might  and  glory  will  complete  the 
kingdom  of  God  hy  the  thorough  conquest  of  all 
its  enemies,  establish  God's  universal  dominion 
in  the  people  of  God  redeemed  from  the  world- 
powers,  and  dispense  God's  blessing  under  His 
protection  and  pastoral  fidelity.  Compare  espe- 
cially Ps.  ii.,  Ixxii.,  ex.,  which  in  their  historical 
foundation  and  fundamental  ideas  are  unintelli- 
gible without  the  history  of  David's  wars  and  vic- 
tories (ch.  viii.)  that  lays  the  foundation  both  for 
the  Messianic  prophecy  and  for  the  promise  in 
ch.  vii. 

3.  Under  the  guidance  of  Ps.  Ix. — which  refers 
to  the  impending  new  war  with  the  Edomite  (af- 
ter the  glorious  conclusion  of  the  Syrian- Ammo- 
nite war)  and  to  Israel's  new  danger  from  their 
inroad  (Delitzsch,  Moll),  not  to  the  situation  af- 
ter the  victory  over  Edom  in  the  Salt-valley 
(Hengst.) — it  is  possible  to  follow  the  ups  and 
downs  of  David's  thoughts  under  the  experiences 
of  this  time  and  afterwards  in  his  recollection  of 
its  trials  and  God's  gracious  manifestations,  and 
to  exhibit  the  truths  therein  contained  that  hold 
good  for  God's  kingdom  in  all  times.  After  the 
days  of  mighty  manifestations  of  divine  help  there 
have  come  for  God's  people  times  of  great  distress 
within  and  without,  not,  however,  by  chance,  by 
a  necessary  natural  process  or  bv  unavertable  fate, 
but  immediately  from  the  Lori.  The  deep  pow- 
erful feeling  of  the  absolute  dependence  of  all  hu- 
man life  on  the  Lord  permits  no  lament  over  ca- 
lamity, without  accompanying  declaration  that 
the  Lord  has  sent  it  according  to  His  unsearch- 
able counsel,  and  without  giving  Him  the  glory 
by  the  confession :  "  This  hath  the  Lord  done  !" 
So  David's  lament  in  vers.  3-5  [1-3]  is  .such  a 
declaration  and  confession  of  the  Lord's  omnipo- 
tent power  in  the  infliction  of  severe  sufferings 
and  great  dangers  on  His  people.  "O  God,  thou 
hast  cast  us  off,  thou  hast  scattered  us,  made  the 
land  tremble  and  broken  it,  hast  made  thy  people 

29 


see  hard  things,  efc." — But  with  such  lament  and 
confession  is  connected  in  the  pious  heart  the 
living  remembrance  of  God's  former  manifestations 
of  favor  in  His  promises,  as  the  banner  that  is 
raised  by  the  Lord  for  them  that  fear  Him. 
Thereby  has  the  Lord  Himself  given  His  assailed 
ones  the  right  to  remind  Him  of  His  promises,  and 
so  the  lament  changes  into  the  prayer:  Help,  an- 
swer us  I  (vers.  6,  7  [4,  5]).  Praying  faith  hears 
the  divine  answer  in  the  might-displaying  word 
of  the  living  Ood  ("  God  hath  spoken  in  His  hc- 
liness")  wherein  He  announces  Himself  as  the 
unlimited  Owner  and  Lord  of  His  land  and  peo  ■ 
pie,  and  as  the  victorious  opponent  and  sovereign 
of  their  enemies.  These  are  the  two  fundamental 
truths  that  the  history  of  God's  kingdom  every, 
where  affirms  and  confirms:  the  Lord  acknow 
ledges  His  people  (as  His  possession)  with  His 
promises  and  their  fulfilment ;  and  the  enemies 
of  God's  kingdom  and  people  will  not  be  able  to 
elude  His  power,  but  must  submit  to  it  (vers.  8- 
10  [6-8]).  But  in  how  sharp  contradiction  of 
such  divine  promises  is  the  actual  condition  of 
God's  people  in  the  world  ?  "  Ha.st  thou  not  cast 
us  off?"  Dost  thou  not  go  forth  with  our  hosts  ? 
(vers.  11,  12  [9,  10]).  [The  translation  of  the 
Eng.  A.  V.  is  also  possible,  and  gives  the  same 
general  sense. — Tr.].  The  above  lament  is  re- 
peated in  such  a  question,  which  arises  from  the 
involuntary  comparison  of  the  present  straitened 
condition  of  God's  kingdom  and  people  with  the 
ma,jestic  declaration  of  God  that  promises  victory 
and  dominion  over  all  enemies.  This  sharp  dis- 
sonance must  penetrate  deep  into  the  heart  of 
God's  servant  when  he  sees  with  equal  vividness 
and  clearness  both  the  rich  promises  of  God  and 
the  needs  and  straits  of  God's  kingdom.  But  it 
is  resolved  into  all  the  more  pressing  entreaty  and 
prayer  for  the  divine  help  and  into  the  twofold 
confident  avowal  and  confession  :  1)  In  God  we 
shall  show  our  power,  that  is,  carry  off  the  vic- 
tory, and  2)  God  the  Lord,  who  is  in  His  people, 
will  through  them  destroy  the  power  of  the  enemy 
(vers.  1.3,  14  [11,  12]).  The  Psalm  cea-ses  with 
the  same  twofold  ground-tone  that  sounds  through 
2  Sam.  viii.  David  made  himself  a  name  by  his 
victories  over  his  enemies,  and  the  Lord  helped 
him  whithersoever  he  went. 

Nearly  related  to  Ps.  Ix.  is  Ps.  xliv.,*  which 
similarly  presupposes  the  afiliction  of  God's  peo- 
ple and  the  danger  of  their  conquest  and  disper- 
sion by  the  hostile  neighboring  nations.  Through 
the  Lord's  help  to  the  fathers  when  the  land  was 
taken  possession  of  (vers.  2-4  [1-3])  is  awakened 
and  sustained /oitA  that  the  same  God,  as  king  of 
His  people,  will  now  also  grant  His  people  vic- 
tory over  their  enemies  (vers.  5-8  [4^7]),so  that 
they  shall  forever  thank  Him  as  they  have  hith- 
erto boasted  of  Him  (ver.  9  [8]).  But  in  contra- 
diction of  this  tradition  of  divine  help  in  the 
olden  time  and  of  this  confidence  is  the  present 
overthrow  and  distress  of  the  people  (vers.  10-17 
[9-16])  which  is  felt  all  the  more  deeply  in  view 
of  the  people's  faithfulness  to  the  covenant,  as  the 


*  [The  permanent  and  deep  cal.imity  portrayed  m  this 
Psalm  makes  it  extremely  difficult,  if  not  quite  impos- 
sible to  refer  it  to  the  time  of  David.  There  is  great 
room  for  doubt  also  as  to  the  Davidio  origin  of  Ps.  Ix. 
Seethe  Comms.  of  Delitzsch  and  Perowne  on  Psalms 
for  discussions  of  this  point.— Te.] 


450 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


omniscient  God  knows  (vers.  18-22  [17-21] ).  But 
the  consciousness  of  undeserved  sufferings  and  af- 
flictions leads  to  the  profounder  conviction  that 
such  sufferings,  inflicted  by  the  Lord,  must  be 
endured  for  the  Lord's  sake,  fince  the  enmity 
towards  the  Lord's  people  is  directed  against  the 
Lord  Himself  (ver.  23  [22]).  Therewith,  how- 
ever, is  connected  also  the  hope  of  God's  people, 
as  expressed  in  their  prayer  that  the  Lord  would 
arise  from  His  inactivity  and  espouse  His  peo- 
ple's cause.  The  ground  of  this  hope  and  prayer 
lies  in  their  need  of  help  and  in  the  free  grace  of 
Ood.  Ps.  xliv.,  being  thus  similar  to  Ps.  Ix.  in 
its  course  of  thought  and  its  historical  presuppo- 
sitions, most  probably  belongs  to  the  time  of  af- 
fliction expressly  designated  in  Ps.  Ix.,  when  the 
Edomites  sorely  pressed  Israel ;  comp.  Am.  i.  6. 
The  frightful  castigation  that  joab  inflicted  on 
them  (1  Kings  xi.  15)  intimates  the  greatness  of 
the  suffering  that  they  had  prepared  for  Israel, 
and  thus  serves  indirectly  to  confirm  the  histori- 
cal circumstances  presupposed  in  these  two 
Psalms. — In  Ps.  cviii.  we  find  a  repetition  of  Ps. 
Ix.  7-14  [5-12] )  loosely  combined  with  another 
Psalm-fragment  Ivii.  8-12  [7-11]). 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

War  is  right  and  a  duty  before  Ood,  when  the 
object  is  1)  To  guard  God's  law  and  order  against 
hostile  power;  2)  To  preserve  gifts  and  goods 
granted  by  God ;  3)  To  fulfil  tasks  assigned  by 
God;  4)  To  carry  out  the  clearly  recognized 
plans  of  God's  wisdom. 

Ver.  1.  Sohlieb:  We  see  here  .  .  .  how  it 
still  is  at  the  present  day  with  wars  in  the  world, 
what  righteous  and  unrighteous  wars  properly 
are,  but  also  what  wars  always  ought  to  be. — 
Ver.  2.  TuEB.  Bible  :  To  pious  kings  God  gives 
victorjr  and  glory.  Prov.  xx.  28. — OsiANDER: 
That  IS  the  most  glorious  victory  and  the  most 
fortunate  government,  when  the  conquered  ene- 
mies do  not  hate  the  conqueror,  but  hold  him  in 
honor  and  render  him  willing  obedience. — Vers. 
3,  4.  Osiandeb:  If  the  mightiest  foes  could  not 
subdue  David,  so  too  no  human  power  will  ex- 
tirpate the  kingdom  of  Christ. — S.  Schmid: 
Against  God  and  those  who  trust  in  God  no 
human  might  avails  (Prov.  xxix.  25).  When 
the  kingdom  of  God  is  the  object  of  attack,  the 
ungodly  are  somewhat  united  and  help  each 
other,  while  at  other  times  they  are  against  each 
other  (Luke  xxiii.  12;  Acts  iv.  27). — Ver.  6. 
Cramer:  The  heathen  also  must  bring  gold  and 
gifts  (Isa.  Ix.  6),  and  willingly  ofler  to  him  in 
holy  attire. 

Vers.  9-14.  A  beautiful  emblem  of  the  fact 
that  many  among  the  heathen  also  shall  willingly 
turn  to  Christ.— Starke  :  God's  promises,  though 
it  be  late,  are  yet  trul;^  and  surely  fulfilled  (Gen. 
XXV.  23).*    If  God  gives  to  us,  we  should  also 

•  ["The  mills  of  God  griad  lat«  the  fine  floor,"  say 


give  to  Him  again.  But  we  give  to  Him  agaii 
when  we  do  good  to  His  children  and  servants.- 
Schlieb:  How  well  it  would  be  if  all  rulen 
and  warlike  heroes  never  had  their  eye  on  them 
selves,  but  always  and  only  on  the  honor  of  the 
Lord,  if  all  happened  to  the  Lord's  honor  alone 
if  all  honor  were  given  only  to  the  Lord,  if  all 
booty  were  spent  only  for  the  service  of  the  Lord 
and  never  for  display  and  pride. 

[Ver.  2.  David  is  at  the  present  day  often 
charged  with  great  cruelty  for  slaying  so  many 
of  the  Moabites ;  but  to  most  of  his  contempora- 
ries, friend  and  foe,  it  probably  seemed  a  hazard- 
ous leniency  to  spare  a  full  third.  The  Asiatic 
rulers  have  always  inclined  to  what  we  should 
regard  as  extreme  severity  in  punishment;  but 
no  man  has  ever  been  able  to  rule  long  in  Asia 
without  such  punishments,  at  least  to  the  extent 
of  making  examples,  a*  David  did  here  and  in 
xii.  31.  Is  there  not  danger  in  the  Christendom 
of  to-day  that  we  shall  go  to  the  opposite  ex- 
treme, that  mercy  to  criminals  will  be  carried  so 
far  as  to  become  cruelty  to  society  ? — Ver.  3. 
Only  once,  and  for  a  brief  season,  did  the  chil- 
dren of  Abraham  possess  the  whole  region  pro- 
mised to  him.  Gen.  xv.  18.  During  all  the  cen- 
turies it  was  theirs  by  right  through  God's  gift; 
but  it  was  not  theirs  by  possession  through  their 
own  fanlt.  In  like  manner,  how  seldom  does 
national  or  individual  life  and  character  reach 
up  to  the  height  of  its  heaven-permitted  possibi- 
lities.—Tb.] 

[Vers.  6,  14.  I.  How  trying  a  life  David  was 
leading,  in  its  exertions,  hardships,  perils.  11. 
How  bles.sed  a  life  amid  it  all,  since  the  Lord 
preserved  him  whithersoever  he  went! — Vera. 
10,  11.  It  is  the  lot  of  many  who  wish  to  be 
greatly  useful  that  they  can  but  gather  materials 
and  devise  plans,  leaving  it  for  others  to  build 
and  rejoice.  Men  forget  the  former  class,  but 
God  does  not.  We  speak  only  of  Solomon's 
Temple ;  but  in  the  eye  of  God  it  was  David's 
Temple  too.  Does  one  long  for  a  different  task, 
and  feel  tempted  to  repine?  That  whicli  God 
assigns  will  be  best  for  us,  if  we  waste  not  life  in 
dreaming  of  some  other  lot,  but  faithfully  stand 
where  He  puts  us. — Tr.] 

[Vers.  1-14.  Lessons  from  David!)  years  of  mar- 
fare.  1)  A  pious  man  may  have  many  enemies. 
2)  A  pious  man  may  be  required  to  spend  much 
of  his  life  in  war.  3)  A  pious  man  may  be  com- 
pelled to  inflict  severe  punishments  (ver.  2). 
4)  A  pious  man,  even  though  not  always  pros- 
pered or  preserved  (vers.  6,  14)  is  always  guided 
and  blessed.  5)  A  pious  man  will  rejoice  to 
consecrate  the  richest  results  of  his  struggles  and 
toils  unto  God  (vers.  10,  11).— Tr.] 


the  Jewish  Sibylline  Oracles ;  or  as  a  late  Greek  writer 
has  it,  "  The  mills  of  the  gods  grind  late,  but  grind 
fine."— Tb.] 


CHAPS.  VIII.  15— IX.  13.  451 


2.  David's  Internal  Government :  Organization  of  the  Administration  of  the  Kingdom  (VIII.  IS- 
IS) and  Magnanimous  Exhibition  of  Royal  Favor  to  the  Sunken  House  of  Saul.— Mephibo- 
sheth.    Chapter  IX.  1-13. 

a.  The  Administration  of  the  Kingdom  and  DavixTs  Officers.     Chap.  VIII.  15-18. 

15  And  David  reigned  over  all  Israel,  and  David  executed  judgment  and  justice 

16  unto  all  his  people.     And  Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah  was  over  the  host ;  and  Jeho- 

17  shaphat  the  son  of  Ahilud  was  recorder;  And  Zadok  the  son  of  Ahitub  and  Ahi- 
melech  the  son  of  Abiathar  [Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelech]'  were  the  priests ; 

18  and  Seraiah'  was  the  [om.  the]  scribe ;  And  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada  was  over^ 
both  [om.  both]  the  Cherethites  and  the  Pelethites ;  and  David's  sons  were  chief 
rulers.* 

6.  Divides  Magnanimity  toward  Mephibosheth,  Jonathan's  Son.    Chap.  IX.  1-13. 

1  And  David  said,  Is  there  yet  any  that  is  left  of  the  house  of  Saul,  that  I  may 

2  show  him  kindness  for  Jonathan's  sake  ?  And  there  was  of  the  house  of  Saul  a 
servant  whose  name  was  Ziba.  And  when  they  had  called  [And  they  called]  him 
unto  David  [ins.  and]  the  king  said  unto  him.  Art  thou  Ziba  ?    And  he  said,  Thy 

3  servant  is  he.  And  the  king  said,  Is  there  not  yet  any  of  the  house  of  Saul  that  I 
may  show  the  kindness  of  God  unto  him  ?  And  Ziba  said  unto  the  king,  Jonathan 
hath  yet  a  son  [There  is  yet  a  son  of  Jonathan]  which  is  [om.  which  is]  lame  on 

4  [in]  his  feet.  And  the  king  said  unto  him.  Where  is  he?  And  Ziba  said  unto 
the  king.  Behold  he  is  in  the  house  of  Machir,  the  son  of  Ammiel  in  Lodebar. 

5  Then  [And]  king  David  sent  and  fetched  him  out  of  the  house  of  Machir,  the 

6  son  of  Ammiel,  from  Lodebar.  Now  when  [And]  Mephibosheth"  the  son  of  Jona- 
than the  son  of  Saul  was  come  [came]  unto  David  he  fell  [and  fell]  on  his  face 
and  did  reverence.     And  David  said,  Mephibosheth.    And  he  answered   [said], 

7  Behold  thy  servant  I  And  David  said  unto  him,  Fear  not,  for  I  will  surely  shew 
[show]  thee  kindness  for  Jonathan  thy  father's  sake,  and  will  restore  thee  all  the 

8  land  of  Saul  thy  father,  and  thou  shalt  eat  bread  at  my  table  continually.  And 
he  bowed  himself  and  said,  What  is  thy  servant,  that  thou  shouldest  look  upon 
such  a  dead  dog  as  I  am  f 

9  Then  [And]  the  king  called  to  Ziba  Saul's  servant  and  said  unto  him,  I  have 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

'  [Ver.  17.  The  supposition  that  our  text  has  here  inverted  the  names  seems  to  be  justified  by  the  whole 
history,  which  shows  no  other  priest  in  David's  time  by  the  side  of  Zadok  but  Abiathar,  the  son  of  Ahimelech. 
Some,  however  (Bp.  Patrick,  Wordsworth),  suppose  that  the  chief-priest  Abiathar  is  not  here  named,  but  the 
two  subordinate  priests  are  given.  This  is  possible,  but  not  probable,  because  we  have  here  a  list  of  the  chief 
oifioers  of  David.  With  ourBeb.  text  are  1  Chron.  xviii.  16;  1  Chron.  xxiv.  S,  6.  Sept.,  Vulg.,  ChWd.,  while  Syr. 
and  Arab,  have  the  inversion  here  proposed.  Erdmann  unnecessarily  supposes  a  historical  error  in  the  text. — 
Lit. :  "  were  priests,"  the  Art.  being  omitted  because  they  were  the  only  priests  (high-priests),  as  above  "  record- 
er" and  below  "  seribe."^TE.] 

'  [Ver.  17.  It  seems  impossible  to  decide  certainly  between  this  form  of  the  name  and  those  of  Chron.  (Shav- 
sha),  2  Sam.  xx.  25  (Sheya  and  Sheva)  and  1  Kings  iv.  3  ^Shi^ha).— Te.] 

»  [Ver.  18.  The  Prep.  "  over"  (Sj?)  is  here  properly  supplied  by  Eng.  A.  V.,  which,  however,  incorrectly  ren- 
ders the  following  1  (which  is  to  be  rejected)  by  "  both."— Te.] 

«  [Ver.  18.  So  Chron. ;  others  render :  "  counsellors."    For  the  renderings  of  the  verb  ( JHO)  in  the  ancient 

versions  and  lexicons,  see  Gesen.,  Thea.  s.  v.  Gesenius  himself  holds  that  all  other  meanings  of  the  word  are 
derived  from  the  notion  of  "priest;"  but  while  the  radical  meaning  must  be  held  to  be  obscure,  the  connection 
of  the  use  of  the  noun  undoubtedly  favors  the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  here,  and  in  2  Sam.  xx.  23-1^6  and  i  Kings 
IV.  2-6.  The  verb  in  Isa.  Ixi.  10  also  presents  difficulty. — Te.] 

'  [Ver.  6.  On  the  form  of  this  name,  in  which  the  last  element  was  originally  Baal,  and  the  reason  for  the 
change  see  on  2  Sam.  iv.  4.— Te.] 


452 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


10  given  unto  thy  master's  son  all  that  pertained  to  Saul  and  to  all  his  house.  Thou 
therefore  [And  thou]  and  thy  sons  and  thy  servants  shall  till  the  land  for  him, 
and  thou  shalt  bring  in  the  fruits  that  thy  master's  son  may  have  food  [bring  thy 
master's  son  food]"  to  eat ;  but  [and]  Mephibosh'^th  thy  ma^^ter's  son  shall  eat 
bread  alrray  at  ray  table.     Now  [And]  Ziba  had  fifteen  sons  and  twenty  servants. 

11  Then  said  Ziba  [And  Ziba  said]  unto  the  king,  According  to  all  that  my  lord  the 
king  hath  commanded  his  servant  so  shall  thy  servant  do.     As  for  Mephibosheth, 

12  said  the  king,''  he  shall  eat  at  my  table  as  one  of  the  king's  sons.  And  Mephibo- 
sheth had  a  young  son  whose  name  was  Micha.     And  all  that  dwelt  in  the  house 

13  of  Ziba  were  servants  unto  Mephibosheth.  So  [And]  Mephibosheth  dwelt  in  Jeru- 
salem ;  fjr  he  did  eat  continually  at  the  king's  table;  and  [ins.  he]  was  lame  on 
[in]  both  his  feet. 


«  [Ver.  10.  So  all  the  ancient  VS8.  except  Chald. ;  the  DTI  of  the  Heb.  is  therefore  to  be  omitted  as  destroy- 

TT 

ing  the  syntax,  since  there  is  now  no  object  for  the  verb  "bring"  (Eng.  A.  V.  inserts  "the  frnits").  Further, 
some  Greelc  VSS.  cited  in  Montfaucon's  ed.  of  Origen's  Hexapla  read  :  "and  thou  shalt  bring  bread  to  the  hovse 
(n^3  instead  of  |3)  of  thy  lord,*'  and  this  reading  has  also  been  proposed  by  Bottcher  (independently,  it  would 

seem,  as  he  does  not  mention  the  Greek)  and  approved  by  Thonius.  The  externa]  evidence  is  distinctly  against 
this- reading  (it  is  found  only  in  some  anonymous  Greeic  versions),  but  the  internal  evidence  strongly  favors  it; 
for,  as  Bottcher  remarks,  the  following  clause,  affirming  that  Mephibosheth  will  eat  at  the  royal  table,  would 
naturally  contrast  him  with  some  other  person  or  persons  in  tins  clause.  The  passage  would  then  read  thus: 
"thou  and  thy  sons  and  thy  servants  shall  till  the  land  for  him,  and  thou  shalt  bring  food  to  the  household  of 

thy  master,  and  they  shall  eat;  and  Mephibosheth  [himself  J  shall  eat  at  my  table."  We  might  then  put  ^73N 
for  njs,  but  it  is  not  necessary,  since  n'3  (house)  may  take  a  verb  in  the  Sing.  The  change  of  jT3  to  p  in 
copying  would  be  easy,  especially  as  the  phrase :  "son  of  thy  master,"  is  found  near,  and  the  error,  if  it  be  an 
error,  must  have  come  in  very  early. — On  the  other  hand  our  present  Heb.  text  (p)  ia  favored  by  the  similar 

phrase  elsewhere  used  in  this  narrative,  and  the  contrast  above  referred  to,  while  natural,  cannot  be  said  to  be 
absolutely  necessary.  Bdttcher's  emendaiion  may  therefore  be  said  to  be  highly  probable,  but  not  absolutely 
certain. — Te.] 

'  [Ver.  11.  This  phrase  is  supplied  by  Eng.  A.  V.  on  the  supposition  that  these  are  the  words  of  David,  and  so 
Bp.  Patrick.  Brdmann  and  others  refer  the  words  to  Ziba.  But  it  is  not  probable  that  David  would  here  repeat 
his  former  declaration  after  Ziba  had  assented  to  everything;  and  in  Ziba's  mouth  the  words  are  inappropriate, 
whether  he  means  his  own  table  (Philippson),  or  quotes  the  king's  phrase :  "  my  table"  (Erdmann).  It  is  better 
to  regard  the  phrase  as  the  statement  of  the  narrator.  Bib.  Com.,  taking  it  so,  retains  the  present  text  and  ren- 
ders :  "  so  Mephibosheth  ate  at  my  table,"  etc.,  regarding  David  himselt  as  the  narrator,  which,  however,  is  hard 
and  unexampled.    Following  Sept.  and  Syr.  we  might  read .  "  and  Mephibosheth  ate  (— .  was  eating)  at  the  king's 

table,"  etc.    The  word  king  ("^7071)  may  have  fallen  out  through  error  of  eye  on  account  of  its  occurrence  at 

the  end  of  the  verse,  or  the  "  my  table  "  may  have  been  repeated  from  ver.  U.  To  this  emendation  it  is  not  a 
sufficient  objection  that  the  same  phrase  would  thus  be  employed  by  the  narrator  in  ver.  13;  for  in  ver.  II  it 
describes  the  conclusion  of  the  immediate  arrangement  made  by  the  king,  while  in  ver.  13  it  concludes  the 
whole  account  of  Mephibosheth'a  position  and  circumstances,  as  for  a  similar  reason  the  statement  about  his 
lameness  is  repeated  in  ver.  13. — Tb.] 


exegeticaij  and  critical. 

a.  Chap.  viii.  15-18.  The  internal  administra- 
tion of  thejcinffdom.  Alongside  of  David's  mili- 
tary activity  without  is  here  placed  the  new  sum- 
mary view  of  the  offices  and  their  ino.umhents, 
whereby  a  unitary  administration,  embracing  all 
the  internal  affairs  of  the  kingdom  was  car- 
ried on. 

Ver.  15.  To  David's  wars,  which  gained  him 
safety  from  enemies  and  dominion  over  Israel  is 
here  attached  a  general  characterization  of  his 
government  in  its  inward  nature.  He  ■was  ex- 
ecuting, that  is,  striving  in  all  things  thoroughly 
to  establish  judgment  and  justice  in  the 
whole  nation.  —  According  to  this  point  of 
view  he  ordered  and  administered  the  aflairs 
of  the  kingdom  through  the  following  offices,  the 
names  of  the  incumbents  of  which  are  given. — 
Ver.  16.  1)  Joab  was  over  the  host,  had  the 
supreme  command  of  the  army,  was  Minister  of 
war  and  Chief  Marshal  in  one.  See  ii.  18.  2) 
Jeboshaphat  son  of  Ahilud  (Ahilud  was  a 
well-known  man)  was  Maskvr  (I'lJ^),  that  is,  not 
the  recorder  and  preserver  of  the  most  important 


events  of  the  kingdom,  as  Vulg.  (a  commejitoriis) 
and  Sept.  (eTi  tuv  v-o/jivriiidTuv  [keeper  of  the 
records] )  understand  it,  but  the  referee  in  all  in- 
ternal affaii-s  and  highest  representative  counsel- 
lor, the  Chancellor,  who  at  the  same  time  sug- 
gested and  drew  up  the  royal  decrees  and  saw  to 
their  proper  publication  and  registration  in  the 
State-archives,  Comp.  CEhler  in  Hersog.  VIII. 
15.  [For  further  mention  of  this  office  see  1  Ki. 
iv.  3;  2  Ki.  xviii.  18,  37  ;  2  Chr.xxxiv.  8.  It  is 
evident  that  the  office  was  a  very  important  one; 
and  from  the  etymology  (the  word  =  one  who 
calls  to  remembrance)  it  seems  not  unlikely  that 
it  included  the  recording  of  important  events.  It 
would  thus  sufficiently  differ  from  that  of  Sopher 
(Scribe  or  Secretary),  which  would  be  more  pei^ 
sonal  and  political.  Gesenius  aj«l  others  refer  to 
the  Eoman  Ifagister  memorm  and  the  Persian 
Waica  Nwwis  (imperial  historiographer).  In  the 
absence  of  any  English  term  exactly  representing 
the  Hebrew,  the  "  recorder"  of  Eng.  A.  V.  may 
be  retained. — Tr.]. — Ver.  17.  Zadok  the  son 
of  Ahitub  and  Ahimeleoh  the  son  of  Abi- 
athar  were  priests  (=high-pries!ts).  Zadok 
here  appears  for  the  first  time  ;  he  therefore  did 
not  become  high-priest  till  after  David's  accession 


CHAP.  VIII.  15-18. 


453 


to  the  throne.  Through  his  fether,  Ahitub,  he 
was  a  descendant  of  Aaron's  son  Eleasar  (1  Chr. 
T.  29  compared  with  34  and  1  Chr.  vi.  35-37) ; 
Ahimelech  on  the  contrary  descended  through 
Abiathar  from  Ithamar,  Aaron's  younger  son,  1 
Chr.  xxiv.  3,  6.  The  "  Abimelech  "  in  1  Chron. 
xviii.  16  ia  an  error  of  copyist,  since  we  have 
"  Ahimelech  "  also  in  1  Chron.  xxiv.  3, 6.  Else- 
where, however,  the  two  high-priests  in  David's 
time  are  given  as  Zadok  and  AHathar  (xv.  24, 
35;  xvii.  15;  xix.  12;  xx.  25),  and  according  to 
1  Sam.  xxii.  20,  Abiathar  was  a  son  of  Ahime- 
lech. Movers,  Thenius,  Ewald,  hence  suppose  an 
inversion  of  names  here,  so  that  we  should  read : 
Abiathar,  son  of  Ahimelech.  But  in  that  case 
we  should  have  to  suppose  a  similar  inversion,  so 
far  as  regards  the  change  of  Ahimelech  to  Abi- 
athar in  1  Chron.  xxiv.  3,  6,  31,  passages  quite 
independent  of  ours,  where  Ahimelech,  as  son  of 
Abiathar  appears  as  high-priest  of  Ithamar's  line 
alongside  of  Zadok,  who  is  of  Eleazar's  Mne.  In- 
ateattof  this  violent  procedure  Bertheau  (on  1 
Chron.  xviii.  16),  Qihler,  Keil,  and  others,  sug- 
gest that  Abiathar,  son  of  Ahimelech,  had  a  son 
of  the  same  name  as  his  grandfather,  and  that  he, 
for  some  reason  unknown  to  us,  acted  as  high- 
priest  along  with  his  father  who  was  still  living 
at  the  beginning  of  Solomon's  reign  (1  Kings  ii. 
27).  That  he  might  liave  had  such  a  son  of  pro- 
per age  is  to  be  presumed  from  1  Sam.  xiv.  3. 
According  to  xv.  27 ;  xvii.  17,  20,  Abiathar  had 
a  younger  son  Jonathan,  who  afterwards  joined 
Adonijah  against  Solomon  [1  Kings  i.  42],  while 
Ahimelech  is  mentioned  neither  there  nor  here, 
perhaps  because  he  was  no  longer  alive.  But  this 
suggestion  is  open  to  grave  doubts,  not  merely 
because  an  Ahimelech  son  of  Abiathar  appears 
nowhere  but  here  and  in  the  passages  cited  from 
Chron.,  but  especially  because  elsewhere  Zadok 
and  Abiathar  appear  as  the  acting  priests  [=high- 
priftsts]  under  David.  There  remains  the  sup- 
position of  a  historical  error  (instead  of  an  error 
of  copyist)  in  the  authority  used  here  and  in  1  Chr. 
xxiv.  3,  6,  31,  the  author  of  the  original  account 
having  reversed  the  order  of  the  names.  [This 
supposition  of  Erdmann's  seems  the  most  impro- 
bable of  all  here  cited  ;  error  in  such  a  point  can 
hardly  be  supposed  in  the  author  of  "  Samuel," 
with  1  Sam.  xxii.  and  the  rest  of  the  history  be- 
fore him.  An  error  in  copying  easily  perpetu- 
ates itself,  though  we  cannot  always  explain  how 
it  arose,  and  how  it  comes  to  reappear  in  certain 
places  and  not  in  others. — Still  less  probable  ia 
the  opinion  of  Geiger  ( Urachrift,  p.  21)  and  Well- 
hausen  that  there  are  here  traces  of  a  systematic 
attempt  to  exalt  the  line  of  Eleazar  (Zadokites) 
at  the  expense  of  the  house  of  Ithamar  ;  that  an 
''Ahitub"  should  occur  several  timea  ia  not 
strange  or  suspicious,  and  the  whole  tone  of  the 
history  is  quiet  and  natural,  showing  no  signs  of 
distortion  and  tendentious  manipulation.  There 
seems  to  be  no  sound  objection  to  supposing  an 
inversion  of  these  names  here  by  a  scribe's  error. 
See  "  Text,  and  Gram." — Te..]. — Zadok  acted  as 
high-priest  in  Gibeon  (1  Chron.  xvi.  39 ;  comp. 
1  Kings  iii.  4)  at  the  Sanctuary,  the  other  in  Je- 
rnaalem.  —  4)  Seraiah  was  scribe  (Sopher), 
State  Secretary,  not  a  military  muster-officer,  for 
this  is  designated  by  another  word  Cp.S),  see 
xxiv.  2,  4, 9.    Comp.  CEhler  (Sere.  VIII.  15)  and 


Keil.  [So  in  2  Kings  xxv.  19  a  certain  military 
officer  is  termed  "the  scribe  (sopher),  the  cap- 
tain of  the  army,  who  levied  the  people,"  or,  per- 
haps (as  in  margin  of  Eng.  A.  V.)  ''the  scribe 
of  the  captain  of  the  army."  It  is  possible  that 
the  Sopher  combined  civil  and  military  duties ; 
it  has  also  been  supposed  (though  there  is  no 
proof  of  it)  that  there  were  two  officers  called  So- 
pher, one  civil  and  military  (as  here),  the  other 
ecclesiastical. — Tr.]. — The  name  of  this  man  in 
1  Chron.  xviii.  16  is  Shm-sha,  in  2  Sam.  xx.  25 
Sheya  [Eng.  A.  V.  has  the  marginal  (Qeri)  Sheva] 
and  in  1  Kings  iv.  3  (where  the  same  person  is 
meant)  Shisha.  According  to  this,  Sheya*  seems 
to  be  a  shortened  form  of  Shisha  =  Shavsha,  and 
the  latter,  along  with  Seraiah,  a  second  name  of 
the  same  person.  Possibly,  however,  the  differ- 
ence came  from  scribal  error  or  indistinctness  of 
letters,  whichever  was  the  original  form. — Ver. 
18.  5)  Beuaiah  the  son  of  Jetioiada  (a 
mighty  warrior  orKabzeel,  xxiii.  20-23)  was 
over  the  Cherethites  and  the  Pelethites 
(we  are  to  read  ''  over"  instead  of  the  unintelli- 
gible masoretic  "  and,"  as  in  the  parallel  passage 
in  Chron.).  These  two  names  designate  the  roj/oi 
body-guard  attached  to  the  king's  court  and  per- 
son (Jos.  Ant.  7,  5,  4  ca/iarmpiWaKcg).  The  name 
Clierethite  is  to  be  derived  from  a  verb  (n^3'\ 
meaning  "to  cut  down,  destroy,"  it  having  been 
the  duty  of  royal  guarda  in  the  Eaat  to  execute 
the  death-sentence ;  so  did  Benaiah  in  1  Kings 

ii.  25.  Pelethites,  from  a  verb  (^23),  "to  hasten, 
flee,"  means  "runners,"  the  men  of  the  body- 
guard having  had  to  carry  the  royal  orders 
Bwiftly  to  distant  places.  Comp.  2  Chron.  xxx. 
6.  In  the  parallel  passage  2  Sam.  xx.  28  instead 
of  Kerethi  [Cherethi]  stands  Kari  (from  "lO,  "to 
dig"),  and  in  2  Kings  xi.  4,  19,  for  the  whole 
phrase  stands :  "  the  Kari  and  the  runners;"  that 
is,  Pelethites  =  runners.  So  Gesen.  (Thes.  s.  v.), 
Then,  (here  and  on  1  Kings  i.  38;  2  Kings  xi. 
12)  and  Keil  (here  and  on  Chron.).  The  words 
are  adjectives  (formed  by  ')  with  substantival 
meaning,  designating  offices,  properly  "execu- 
tioners and  runners "  (as  the  W^IW  in  xxiii.  8 
[Eng.  A.  V.  "captains"]).  Comp.  Ew.,  I  177, 
164. — Opposed  to  this  explanation  is  another, 
first  advanced  by  Lakenmacher  (observ.  philolog. 
II.  11  seq.),  and  then  defended  by  Ew.,  Berth., 
Mov.,  Hitzig,  Starke,  Eiitschi  and  others,  namely, 
that  the  Kerethi  =  Cretes  or  Carians  C"*^),  and 
the  Pelethi  =  Philistines,  since  the  latter  are 
called  Kerethi  in  1  Sam.  xxx.  14;  Zeph.  ii.  5; 
Ezek.  xxv.  16.  But  in  the  first  passage  the 
name  designates  not  the  Philistinea  in  general, 
but  a  branch  of  the  Philistine  people  settled  in 
the  southwest  of  Philistia,  and  in  the  two  pro- 
phetic pasaagea  the  name  "Phikatines"  stands 
along  with  this  name  (Kerethi),  which  charac- 
terizes them  as  murderers,  exterminators.  Fur- 
ther, the  view  that  Pelethi  is  corrupted  from  Phi- 
listines C^y,^  from  D'OK'Ss)  is  to  be  rejected  as 
"  wholly    without    foundation "    (so    Keil  after 


*   X'E'  shortened  from  Njy'ttf  =  HWW,  the  latter, 
along  with  S'll?,  a  second  name  of  the  same  person. 


454 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Gesen. :  "  who  can  endure  such  a  contraction  in 
a  Shemitic  language?").  If  Kerethi  and  Pelethi 
botli  mean  Pliiiistines,  the  application  of  two 
synonymous  words  to  the  royal  body-guard  is  as 
strange  as  if  one  should  combine  "  Englishmen 
and  Britons,  Italians  and  Welshmen"*  (Gesen.). 
Against  this  view,  moreover,  is  the  later  desig- 
nation "  Kari  and  runners,"  whence  Pelethi  = 
runners.  Besides,  the  conjecture  that  the  Philis- 
tines immigrated  from  Crete  rests  on  the  indefi- 
nite statements  of  Tacitus  (Hist.  5,  1,  2) :  "  they 
say  that  the  Jews  fled  from  the  island  of  Crete, 
and  settled  in  the  extreme  parts  of  Libya,"  and 
of  Stephanus  of  Byzantium  (s.  v.  Ta^d)  that  this 
city  [Gaza]  wa'?  once  called  Minoa  after  Minos 
king  of  Crete,  to  which  are  opposed  Dent.  ii.  23 ; 
Am.  ix.  7,  which  state  that  the  Philistines  came 
from  Caphtor.  See  Keil,  Comm.  266  A.  1  [Eng. 
transl.,  p.  368  Note].  Further,  as  Thenius  re- 
marks, "  it  is  altogther  improbable  that  the  pa- 
triotic David,  so  faithful  to  the  service  of  the  one 
true  God,  should  have  surrounded  himself  with  a 
foreign  and  heathen  body  guard,"  to  which  Keil 
(ubi  supra)  admirably  adds  against  Hitzig : 
"  Least  of  all  would  David  have  chosen  his  body- 
guard out  of  the  Philistines,  the  hereditary  ene- 
mies of  Israel." — [The  ancient  versions  throw 
little  light  on  these  words.  Sept.  and  Vulg. 
transfer  them ;  Syriac  has  "  nobles  and  rustics 
( Lond.  Polyg.  soldiers),"  Chald.  ''  archers  and 
slingers." — There  are  strong  reasons  for  holding 
them  to  be  not  appellatives  (as  Ges.  and  Erdm.) 
but  gentile  nouns:  1)  the  grammatical  form  of 
the  words  (Krethi,  Plethi)  points  to  this;  the  ter- 
mination i  is  used  in  Heb.  to  form  patronymics 
and  gentilics,  and  besides  to  form  nouns  only  from 
other  nouns  (sub.  or  adj.)  or  adverbs,  that  is,  in 
general  it  forms  denominative  nouns;  it  cannot, 
then,  be  here  well  referred  to  verbal  roots,  as  Ge- 
senius  and  others  wish,  but  must  form  a  denomi- 
native, which  here  cannot  well  be  anything  but  a 
gentilic  noun ;  the  shalishi  of  2  Sam.  xxiii.  8,  cited 
by  Erdmann,  being  a  denominative,  does  not  favor 
his  view;  2)  in  1  Sam.  xxx.  14  one  of  these  words, 
Krethi,  actually  denotes  a  Philistine  tribe,  or  a 
tribe  dwelling  near  Philistia;  this  establishes  the 
fact  that  it  was  the  name  of  a  tribe,  while  of  any 
other  use  there  is  no  established  trace  in  the  Bible ; 
for  so  also  it  is  used  in  Ezek.  xxv.  16  and  Zeph.  ii. 
5,  where  there  is  no  reason  to  hold  that  anything 
else  than  the  gentilic  sense  is  meant,  Ezekiel 
simply  making  a  play  on  the  name,  as  is  very 
common  in  the  prophetic  writings;  3)  add  to  this 
that  if  these  words  were  appellatives  signifying 
"  executioners  and  runners,"  it  is  not  easy  to  see 
why  the  common  Heb.  words  for  these  offices 
were  not  employed,  and  why  our  words  appear 
only  in  David's  time  (Riietsohi). — These  reasons 
seem  almost  decisive  for  regarding  these  as  pro- 
per names  (without  saying  anything  of  their  ori- 
gin and  signification). — The  objections  urged 
against  this  view  by  Keil  and  Erdmann  seem  in- 
sufiicient  to  set  it  aside:  o)  the  objection  from 
synonymous  names  rests  on  the  assumption  that 
both  words  must  be  taken  as  =  Philistines ;  but, 
as  Erdmann  himself  remarks,  the  Krethi  are  only 
a  tribe  living  in  or  near  the  Philistine  territory. 


*  [Tho  word  welsh  means  "  foreicn,"  and  the  Germans 
applied  the  name  to  Italians,  as  the  Saxons  did  to  the 
Oymry.— Tb.] 


and  the  Plethi  may  be  another  different  tribe  or 
family  possibly  not  Philistines  at  all;_  6)  it  is 
thought  that  the  later  phrase  "  the  kari  and  the 
runnere"  (2  Kings  xi.  4,  19)  establishes  the  fact 
that  plethi  =  "runners,"  and  that  one  of  our 
words  being  an  appellative,  the  other  also  must 
be  appellative ;  but  that  the  common  Heb.  word 
for  "runners  or  footmen"  should  be  used  in  Atha- 
liah's  time  (as  in  Saul's,  1  Sam.  xxii.  17,  and  of 
Absalom  and  Adonijah)  cannot  prove  that  David 
did  not  have  a  special  body  of  guards  with  a  spe- 
cial gentilic  name,  even  supposing  the  phrase  in 
1  Kings  xi.  to  be  parallel  with  ours,  which  is  by 
no  means  certain;  if  the  Plethi  were  runners,  it 
does  not  follow  that  the  word  itself  means  "  run- 
ners;" nor  is  it  clear  whether  the  Kari  (Eng. 
A.  V.  incorrectly  "captains")  are  the  same  with 
the  Krethi  (in  2  Sam.  xx.  23  the  text  has  Kari, 
the  margin  Krethi),  rather  the  word  is  another 
proper  name  (Carians  or  some  other) ;  c)  David's 
patriotism  and  piety  would  be  no  bar  to  his  taking 
a  body-guard  from  neighboring  tribes,  among 
whom  he  had  probably  pa.ssed  a  part  of  his  time 
of  exile,  and  had  many  friends  (compare  Uriah, 
Ittai,  and  other  foreigners),  nor  were  such  men 
necessarily  heathen  because  they  were  foreigners, 
many  foreigners  having  attached  themselves  to 
the  religion  of  Israel. — As  to  the  origin  of  the 
names  Krethi  and  Plethi  there  is  much  uncer- 
tainty. The  first  is  identified  with  Cretan  bv 
those  that  think  Caphtor  (Gen.  x.  14,  Deut.  ii. 
23)  to  be  Crete,  but  against  this  Ebers  has  brought 
strong  reasons  [JEgypt.  I.  130  sq.);  however,  in- 
dependently of  any  reference  to  Caphtor,  a  tribe 
may  have  come  from  Crete  and  settled  on  the 
Mediterranean  shore.  The  connection  of  Kari 
with  Carian,  while  not  improbable  in  itself,  is  yet 
unproved.  The  identification  of  the  second  name 
Plethi  with  Plishti  or  Philistine  (by  the  falling 
out  of  the  s  letter)  is  hard  and  improbable ;  Bp. 
Patrick  thinks  it  likely  that  the  name  designated 
an  Israelitish  family,  and  refers  to  the  Eeubenite 
Peleth,  Num.  xvi.  1,  and  the  Judahite  of  the  same 
name,  1  Chr.  ii.  33;  Abarbanel  (cited  and  ap- 
proved by  Philippson)  regards  both  words  as 
names  of  Israelitish  families.  At  present  we 
must  be  content  to  remain  in  ignorance  of  the  ori- 
gin of  the  names. — Tr.]*  6)  And  David's 
sons  ^trere  confidential  counEellors.  As 
Movers  (Bibl.  Chron.  302  sq.)  has  shown,  the  word 
cohen  [usually  =  priest]  does  not  hore  mean 
"domestic  chaplains,  palace  priests,  unlevitical 
spiritual  advisers"  (Gesen.,  De  Wette,  Winer, 
Maurer,  and  others),  but  "confidential  counsel- 
lor," according  to  1  Kings  iv.  5,  where  the  same 
term  applied  to  Sabud,  son  of  Nathan  [Eng.  A.  V. 
"principal  oflBcer"]  is  explained  by  the  phrase 
"  the  king's  friend."  [This  phrase  is  not  neces- 
sarily an  explanation  of  the  term  cohen,  but  may 
be  simply  another  descriptive  epithet. — Tk.]. 
The  periphrastic  expression  in  1  Chr.  xviii.  17 
"the  first  [chief]  at  the  hand  (side)  of  the  king" 
points  to  the  same  signification.  According  to 
Kimchi  the  verb  {]\!^)  means  "to  serve  in  an 
ofiSce  of  dignity;"  according  to  Grotius,  "to  rfo 

*  [Bfittcher  omits  these  two  words,  and  (after  tho 
Sept.),  renders  "  Benaiah  was  counsellor,"  introducing 
V_j; V  instead  of  "  Krethi  and  Pelethi  j"  but  this  view 

has  little  in  its  favor. — Tb.) 


CHAP.  IX.  1-13. 


451 


service,  whence  the  participle  in  reference  to  God 
means  a  'priest,  in  reference  to  the  king  a  minis- 
ter." [Thia  seems  to  be  the  most  probable  state- 
ment from  the  examples  in  the  Old  Test.,  the  ren- 
dering of  Sept.,  Syr.  and  Chald.  here,  and  the 
opinion  of  the  Talmud  (Bab.,  Nedarim  62  a)  and 
the  rabbinical  writers.  The  fullest  discussions 
are  by  J.  D.  Michaelis,  Supphm.  in  Lex.  Heb., 
and  G-esenius,  Tkes.  s.  v.  Our  data  are  hardly 
sufficient  to  enable  us  to  speak  with  certainty  of 
the  original  meaning  of  the  word. — Tb.] 

The  list  of  officers  (vers.  16-18)  is  here  ap- 
pended to  the  statistical-historical  account  of  Da- 
vid's wars  in  order  to  conclude  the  history  of 
David's  royal  rule  at  its  culmination  with  a  glance 
at  the  internal  administration  of  the  kingdom. 
It  can  no  more  be  conclusively  decided  from  this 
that  the  Editor  here  incorporates  into  his  account 
a  [different]  history  of  David  (Thenius)  than  in 
the  similar  passage,  1  Sam.  xiv.  It  is  a  list  of 
the  high  officers  of  state  that  stood  by  him  in  the 
internal  administration  of  the  kingdom  at  the 
moment  when  he  had  secured  it  against  "  the  ene- 
mies roundabout,"  and  extended  it  by  victories 
over  them,  and  could  now  undisturbed  give  atten- 
tion to  its  internal  strengthening  and  organiza- 
tion. The  lis(;  in  xx.  23-26,  on  the  contrary, 
gives  the  list  of  officers  as  it  stood  in  his  last  days 
after  the  internal  shocks  that  his  government  had 
sustained. 

b.  Ch.  ix.  DaviaCs  magnanimous  conduct  towards 
Mephibosheth.  As  Mephibosheth  was  five  years 
old  at  Saul's  death  (iv.  4),  and  now  had  a  young 
sou  (v.  12),  what  is  here  related  cannot  be  put 
immediately  after  David's  removal  to  Jerusalem 
or  lahbosheth's  murder  (ch.  iv.)  (as  Then,  would 
do  on  account  of  David's  words,  "is  there  left  any 
of  Saul's  house?"  which  might  indeed  have  been 
spoken  with  reference  to  that  murder),  but  be- 
longs to  a  later  period,  when  David  had  secured 
his  kingdom  within  and  raised  it  to  its  zenith  by 
external  wars.  These  words  indicate  that  David 
after  long  wars  was  had  now  found  a  time  of  quiet 
to  attend  to  internal  affairs,  among  the  most  im- 
portant of  which  must  have  been  the  fulfilment 
of  his  covenant  of  friendship  with  Jonathan.  The 
narrative  shows  how  he  fulfilled  Jonathan's  re- 
quest (1  Sam.  XX.  15),  and  his  own  answering 
promise  with  royal  grace  and  magnanimity. 

Ver.  1.  David's  question :  Is  it  so  that  there 
is  yet  any  one  left  to*  Saul's  house  ?  pre- 
supposes that  he  had  made  inquiry  and  gotten 
information  thereof,  and  now  wished  to  assure 
himself  of  what  he  had  heard.  He  had  perhaps 
some  time  before  accidentally  heard  of  the  con- 
cealed abode  of  the  unfortunate  last  scion  of  Saul's 
house  in  a  remote  place  (ver.  5).  The  words: 
That  I  may  show  him  kindness  for  Jona- 
than's sake  refer  to  Jonathan's  words,  1  Sam. 
XX.  14, 15  ("show  me  the  mercy  of  the  Lord," 
etc.).j — Ver.  2.  A  former  servant  of  Saul,  2^a, 
gives  exacter  information  of  the  person  and 
the  place,  [Kitto  in  Daily  Bib.  III.  thinks  it  im- 
probable that  David  knew  any  thing  of  the  exist- 
ence of  a  son  of  Jonathan,  or  that  he  would  recog- 

*  The  Dat.  is  not  periphrasis  of  the  Gen.  (Kail),  nor 
to  be  changed  into  "from  (JO),  the  house"  (Then.),  but 

indicates  "  appertainment  to." 

t  [On  this  speech  of  Jonathan  see  the  corrected  Bng. 
translation  and  translator's  notes.— Ta.] 


nize  him  under  his  altered  name  (Mephibosheth 
instead  of  Meribbaal) ;  Ziba  was  probably  known 
to  some  of  David's  officers  and  hunted  up  by  them. 
— Tr.]  In  David's  question  to  him  (ver.  3) :  Is 
there  no  one,  etc.,  that  I  may  show  him 
the  mercy  of  God  ?  the  term  mercy  or  kmdnesa 
(ver.  1)  is  more  exactly  defined  as  a  kindness  such 
as  God  Himself  shows ;  and  this  agrees  again  with 
Jonathan's,  mention  (1  Sam.  xx.  14)  of  the 
"  kindness  of  God,"  which  he  begs  David  to  show 
to  him  and  his  house.  [Others  understand  it  of 
kindness  in  God,  out  of  reverence  for  God,  for 
God's  sake  (Keil),  or  take  the  expression  as 
merely  a  superlative  one  =  very  great  kindness 
(Patrick),  others  combine  these  three  views,  and 
this  is  better ;  kindness  shown  from  an  indwelling 
in  God  will  be  pure  and  great  kindness  such  as 
God  shows. — Tr.]  According  to  Ziba's  informa- 
tion [vers.  3,  4]  Jonathan's  lame  son  is  in 
IiodebEir  in  the  house  of  Machir  the  son 

of  Ammiel.  —  Lodebar  (131.  V7,  in  xvii.  27 
13T  S?)  was  therefore  across  the  Jordan  near 
Mahanaim  and  Babbath-Ammon,  perhaps  Lid- 
bir,*  Josh.  xiii.  26.  According  to  this  account 
Machir  was  a  respected  and  propertied  man,  who 
had  taken  charge  of  Mephibosheth  after  Jona- 
than's death.     [See  chap.  xvii.  27-29.— Tr.] 

Vers.  6-8.  Meeting  of  David  and  Mephibosheth. 
— Mephibosheth  does  reverence  to  David  as  his 
king  with  such  tokens  of  fear  that  David  is  obliged 
to  encourage  him:  Pear  not. —  It  was  oriental 
custom  that  rulers,  and  especially  those  of  a 
new  dynasty,  should  slay  all  the  relations  of 
a  predecessor.  David  relieves  him  of  this  fear 
by  declaring:  1)  that  he  would  show  him  kind- 
ness for  his  father  Jonathan's  sake;  2)  would  re- 
store to  him  all  Saul's  land — that  is,  his  private 
estate  at  Gibeah  (comp.  1  Sam.  ix.),  which  had 
passed  into  the  possession  either  of  David  or  of 
remote  kinsmen  of  Saul  (Mephibosheth  had 
therefore  hitherto  been  a  poor  man,  dependent  on 
others),  and  3)  would  take  him  during  his  life 
into  his  house  and  to  his  table.  Thou  shalt  eat 
bread  at  my  table  continually. — Mephibo- 
sheth, overwhelmed  by  this  exhibition  of  royal 
grace,  testifies  his  gratitude  by  gestures  ("bowed 
liimself")  and  by  words  wherein  he  confesses 
himself  unworthy  of  such  great  goodness.  The 
comparison  of  the  dead  dog  indicates  what  is  low- 
est and  most  despicable,  comp.  1  Sam.  xxiv.  15. 
[Grove  (Art.  "Mephibosheth"  in  Smith's  Bible 
Dictionary) :  These  early  misfortunes  [loss  of  pa- 
rents, lameness,  poverty]  threw  a  shade  over  his 
whole  life,  and  his  personal  deformity  seems  to 
have  exercised  a  depressing  and  depreciatory  in- 
fluence on  his  character. — Te.] 

Vers.  9-13.  Mephibosheth  put  in  possession  of 
SavVs  estate  and  admitted  to  David's  house  amd  tor 
ble. — David's  transaction  with  Ziba  suggests  that 
the  latter  resided  at  Gibeah,  on  the  land  of  Saul's 
family,  and  stood  in  some  relation  to  the  family, 
perhaps  that  of  steward.  David  1)  informs  him 
that  he  has  restored  to  Mephibosheth  all  the  pro- 
perty of  Saul  and  of  his  house.  I  have  given 
them  to  thy  master's  son — son  heTe=grand- 
son,  as  above  (ver.  7)  father=grandfa,ther ;  2)  com- 
missions him  (ver.  10)  to  cultivate  the  land  for 

*  [This  word  "laiS  is  variously  read  and  understood-. 
Eng.  A.V.  Debir.— Ta.] 


456 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


him,  entrusts  him  with  tlie  management  and  con- 
trol of  the  property.  The  "  bring  "  is  to  be  under- 
stood of  "storiivj  into  the  barns  or  also  oi  delivery 
at  Jerusalem  "  (Thenius),  the  latter  according  to 
Josephus  and  Ewald,  'i  303  e.  That  the  son  of 
thy  master  may  have  bread  and  eat  it  refers 
not  to  Mepliibosheth's  son  (Micha  ver.  12),  as  has 
been  supposed  in  order  to  avoid  the  apparent  con- 
tradiction of  David's  statement  that  Mephibosheth 
is  to  eat  at  his  table ;  there  is  really  no  contradic- 
tion, since  this  last  statement  merely  means  that 
Mephibosheth  himself  is  to  have  ths  honor  of  daily 
eating  at  David's  table,  while  these  words  relate 
to  the  general  support  of  the  house  and  family  of 
the  so  higlily  honored  son  of  David's  friend.  [On 
the  text  see  "Text,  and  Gramm."— Tb.]  The 
statement :  Zlba  had  15  sons  and  20  servants 
serves  to  explain  the  commission :  Cultivate  the 
land  thou  and  thy  sons  and  thy  servants 
and  to  show  that  Ziba  wa-i  in  condition  with  his 
family  and  servants  to  m-anage  so  large  an  estate. 
"  Something  considerable  could  therefore  be  made 
for  Mephibosheth"  (Thenius).  Ver.  11  in  its 
two  parts — Ziba's  declaration  that  he  would  per- 
form David's  command,  and  the  statement  of  Me- 
phibosheth eating  at  David's  table — corresponds 
to  the  two  parts  of  ver.  10.  The  words :  And 
Mephibosheth  eats  at  my  table  as  one  of 
the  king's  sons  cannot  be  taken  as  David's 
(Clericus,  De  Wette  [Eng.  A.  V.]),  since  David 
would  then  have  said  the  same  thing  three  times, 
and  there  would  in  general  be  no  reason  for  such 
a  reply  to  Ziba's  words.  They  are  rather  to  be 
regarded  as  spoken  by  Ziba — not,  however,  as  a 
rejoinder  in  the  sense:  "If  he  will  live  with  me, 
he  will  be  treated  as  a  king's  son"  (Grotius),  but 
as  a  rejietitUm  of  David's  word,  attached  to  the 
"as  my  lord  has  eommanded"  (ver.  10)  with  the 
expression  of  joyful  astonishment  and  the  conse- 
quent addition:  ''as  one  of  the  king's  sons!" 
Ziba,  in  affirming  that  all  that  the  king  has  or- 
dered shall  be  done,  repeats  in  reference  to  Me- 
phibosheth his  verba  ipsissima.  This  explanation 
may  be  preferred  to  the  assumption  of  a  wrong 
reading  here,  namely,  "my  table,"  for  "David's 
table,"  Sept.  (Thenius,  Keil),  or  "thy  tables" 
(  =  thy  table,  Bottcher),  partly  because  the  text 
is  not  to  be  altered  without  pressing  necessity, 
partly  because  in  that  case  the  statement  that  Me- 
phisbosheth  ate  at  David's  table  would  be  repeated 
immediately  afterwards  (in  ver.  13).  [For  ano- 
ther view  of  the  text  see  "Text,  and  Gramm." 
— Tb.] 

Ver.  12.  [Mephibosheth  was  about  13  years  old 
when  David  fixed  hia  abode  in  Jerusalem ;  how 
old  he  wa-s  now  would  depend  on  the  chronologi- 
cal position  of  chap,  ix.,  which  cannot  be  fixed 
with  certainty.  The  Heb.  word  (Ii3p)  here  ren- 
dered "young"  is  indefinite  as  to  age ;  for  Micha's 
descendants  see  1  Chron.  viii.  34  sq.;  ix.  40  sq. — 
Tb.]  "The  house  of  Ziba  were  servants;  Vulg. 
"served."      Thenius,  in  view  of  ver.  10,  would 

read  the  Particp.  serving  (D"l3i?).  In  any  case, 
the  constant  servitude  of  Ziba's  whole  household 
to  Mephibosheth  is  indicated,  while  the  latter  as 
lord  of  the  land  dwelt  at  Jerusalem  as  companion 
of  David's  family  in  the  house  and  at  the  table. 


HISTORICAL   AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  picture  of  David's  royal  power  and  glory 
in  contrast  with  the  poor,  crippled  son  of  Jona- 
than, the  last  scion  of  Saul's  fallen  house,  comes 
out  in  greater  splendor,  the  deeper  the  latter  hum- 
bles himself  before  him  and  trusts  himself  to  his 
favor.  In  his  noble  conduct  to  Mephibosheth 
David  demonstrates  the  friendship  that  he  had 
sworn  to  Jonathan. 

2.  The  truly  pious  and  God-fearing  man  not 
only  shows  "  kindness  of  God  "  in  so  far  as  God's 
kindness  impels  him  to  show  such  merciful  love 
as  God  does,  whereby  he  proves  himself  in  truth 
a  child  of  God,  but  it  is  the  merciful  love  of  God 
Himself  that  dwells  in  his  heart  and  works  there- 
from; for  he  that  lives  in  fellowship  with  God 
receives  into  his  heart  through  the  Holy  Ghost 
the  love  that  is  in  God,  and  lives  and  moves  in 
this  love. 


HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

[Chap.  viii.  15-18.  Taylok:  In  the  minds  of 
most  reader.!  of  the  Bible  the  name  of  David,  king 
of  Israel,  is  associated  mainly  with  military  prow- 
ess, poetic  genius,  and  personal  piety ;  and  only 
on  the  rarest  occasions  do  we  hear  any  reference 
made  to  his  administrative  ability.  Yet  in  this 
last  quality  he  was  at  least  as  remarkable  as  in 
any  one  of  the  others ;  and  great  injustice  is  done  to 
him  if  we  leave  out  of  view  the  eminent  services 
which  he  rendered  to  his  country  by  the  exercise 
of  his  governmental  and  organizing  faculties.  . . . 
More  than  Charlemagne  did  for  Europe,  or  Alfred 
for  England,  David  accomplished  for  the  tribes 
of  Israel.— Te.] 

Chap.  ix.  How  true,  compassionate  love  of  one's 
neighbor  should  he  exhibited,  is  shown  by  Da- 
vid's conduct  towards  Mephibosheth.  1)  Tliis 
love  does  not  suffer  the  neighbor's  need  to  come 
to  it,  but  searches  out  and  goes  after  the  need ;  2) 
It  does  not  suffer  itself  to  be  determined  by  selfish 
aims,  but  does  its  duty  in  faithfulness  and  im- 
pelled by  God's  mercy  for  God's  sake;  3)  It  brings 
to  the  neighbor's  heart,  when  filled  with  trembling 
anxiety  and  fear,  consolation  and  peace  by  the 
words,  "Fear  not;"  4)  It  lifts  up  the  neighbor 
from  his  wretchedness  and  want,  by  restoring  to 
him  what  he  had  lost  without  fault,  and  by  making 
him  share  in  the  enjoyment  of  its  own  bles-sings, 
assigned  it  by  God. 

How  a  man  after  God's  heart,  amid  experiences 
of  divine  goodness  and  faithfulness,  should  show 
the  mercy  of  God  towards  his  fellow-man :  11  By 
faithfully  discharging  the  duties  of  fiimdship;  2) 
In  case  there  has  been  enmity,  by  requiting  evil 
with  good ;  3)  By  rendering  to  one'on  whom  God's 
counsel  has  inflicted  misfortune,  the  words  and 
deeds  of  humble  and  helpful  love. 

The  exercise  of  merciful  love  is  an  evidence 
that  one  has  himself  experienced  the  divine 
mercy;  for  this  mercy  is,  1)  Its  source,  2)  Its  mo- 
tive, 3)  Its  example.— "The  mercy  of  God  is  that 
which  is  shown  in  God  and  for  God's  sake,  Luke 
vi.  30."  (Berl.  Bible.) 

Ver.  1.  Starke:  To  poor  children  whose  pa- 
rents have  deserved  well  of  us  we  should  do  good 
in  return.    Wuert.  Bib.  :  When  harm  has  been 


CHAP.  X.  1-19. 


457 


done  one,  and  hie  enemy  is  no  longer  present,  he 
should  not  avenge  himself  on  his  posterity,  but 
should  forget  the  wrong,  and,  if  possible,  should 
do  good  to  the  uhildren  and  posterity  of  the  man 
who  wronged  him  (Matt.  v.  44). — [Henby:  Da- 
vid had  too  long  forgotten  his  obligations  to  Jona- 
than, but  now,  at  length,  they  are  brought  to  his 
mind.  It  is  good  sometimes  to  bethink  ourselves 
whether  there  be  any  promises  or  engagements 
that  we  have  neglected  to  make  good;  better  do 
it  late  than  never.  ScoTT :  Those  who  have  much 
in  their  power  should  sedulously  inquire  after  op- 
portunities of  doing  good ;  for  frequently  the  most 
deserving  objects  of  our  compa-ssion  are  concealed 
by  modesty  and  patient  resignation. — Ts.] — ^Vers. 
2, 3.  S.  Schmid:  All  our  good  works,  even  works 
of  mercy,  must  be  done  for  God's  sake. — Starke: 
Our  mercy  should  be  ordered  according  to  God's 
mercy. 

Ver.  5.  StAEKE:  A  Christian  should  not  only 
love  in  word,  but  also  in  deed  and  in  truth  (1 
Johniii.  18). — Ver.  6,7.  Cramer:  Treat  orphans 
aa  a  father,  and  thou  shalt  be  as  a  son  of  the  Most 
High  (Ecclus.  iv.  10). — Wuert.  Bible:  When 


parents  are  pious,  their  children  after  their  death 
enjoy  the  fruit  of  it  (Exod.  xx.  6 ;  Ps.  cxii.  1,  2). 
—  Ver.  7.  Bekl.  Bible:  Believers  should  ear- 
nestly take  care  to  show  all  possible  loving  service 
to  the  children  of  those  whom  they  have  loved  in 
the  Lord,  since  we  can  then  do  nothing  better 
than  to  remind  such  children  of  their  parents' 
grace,  that  they  may  follow  them  in  faith  and 
piety.— ScHLiBR :  Still  is  it  a  good  thing  for  chil- 
dren if  they  have  God-fearing  parents,  and  still 
for  long  years  may  children  enjoy  the  good  their 
parents  have  done.  The  piety  of  parents  is  worth 
more  than  much  money  and  goods. — [Cowpeb: 

My  boast  is  not  that  I  deduce  my  birth 
Prom  loins  enthroned,  and  rulers  of  the  earth; 
But  higher  far  my  proud  pretensions  rise— 
The  son  of  parents  passed  into  the  skies.— Ta.] 

Ver.  9.  Hall  :  There  is  no  more  certain  way 
to  glory  and  advancement  than  a  lowly  dejection 
of  ourselves.  Vers.  11, 12.  Osiajtdee:  Stewards 
should  serve  their  lord  not  with  eye-service,  but 
with  all  fidelity  (Eph.  vi.  6 ;  Col.  lii.  22). 


IV.  The  Ammonite-Syrian  War. 
Chapter  X.  1-19. 


1  And  it  came  to  pass  after  this  that  the  king*  of  the  children  of  Ammon  died, 

2  and  Hanun  his  son  reigned  in  his  stead.  Then  said  David  [And  David  said],  I 
will  show  kindness  unto  Hanun  the  son  of  Nahash,  as  his  father  showed  kindness 
unto  me.  And  David  sent  to  comfort  him  by  the  hand  of  his  servants  for  his 
father.     And  David's  servants  came  into  the  land  of  the  children  of  Ammon. 

3  And  the  princes  of  the  children  of  Ammon  said  unto  Hanun  their  lord,  Thinkest" 
thou  that  David  doth  honour  thy  father  that  he  hath  sent  comforters  unto  thee? 
hath  not  David  rather  \om.  rather]  sent  his  servants  unto  thee  to  search  the  city^ 

4  and  to  spy  it  out  and  to  overthrow  it  1  Wherefore  [And]  Hanun  took  David's 
servants,  and  shaved  off  the  one  half  of  their  beards,  and  cut  off  their  garments  in 

5  the  middle  even  [om.  even]  to  their  buttocks  and  sent  them  away.  When  [And] 
they  told  it  unto  David*  \ins.  and]  he  sent  to  meet  them,  because  [for]  the  men 
were  greatly  ashamed ;  and  the  king  said,  Tarry  at  Jericho  until  your  beards  be 
grown,  and  then  return. 

6  And  when  [om.  when]  the  children  of  Ammon  saw  that  they  stank  [that  they 
had  made  themselves  loathsome"]  before  David  \ins.  and],  the  children  of  Ammon 
sent  and  hired  the  Syrians  of  Beth-rehob  and  the  Syrians  of  Zobah,  twenty  thou- 


TEXTTJAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

'  [Ver.l.  The  reason  for  the  omission  of  the  king's  name  here  (in  the  Heb.  and  all  the  VSS.)  is  not  obvious ; 
yet  there  is  no  good  ground  for  supplying  it.    The  Arab.  vers,  omits  the  name  of  the  son  also  in  this  verse. 

^  [Ver.  3.  Lit,:  "is  David  an  honorer  of  thy  father  in  thy  eyes,  that?"  etc. 

'  >Ver.  3,  Some  MSS.  and  edd.  of  the  Heb,,  and  the  Arab,  have '"  land  "  instead  of  "  city,"  which,  as  being  the 
easier  rendering,  is  here  less  probable. 

*  [Vcr.  5.  Chron,  has :  "  and  they  went  and  told  David  concerning  the  men,"  which  is  an  expansion  for  the 
sake  of  clearness 

'  (Ver.  6  Syr.  Arab.,  Vulg.,  Sym.  and  Ohald.  render :  "  that  they  had  iniured  David,"  which  does  not  point  to 
a  different  text,  but  i<i  an  explanation.  Instead  of  1113  Sept,  read  (as  in  the  Heb,  of  Chron.)  in  DU,  which  is 
rendered  by  them  "  the  people  of  David  "  (D^'). 


458 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


sand  footmen,  and  of  king  Maacah  [and  the  king  of  Maacah]  a  thousand  men,  and 

7  of  Ish-tob  [and  the  men  of  Tob],  twelve  thousand  men.  And  when  [om.  when] 
David  heard  of  it,  he  [and]  sent  Joab  and  all  the  host  of  lorn,  of],  the  mighty  men. 

8  And  the  children  of  Ammou  came  out  and  putthe  battle  in  array  at  the  entering 
in  [the  doorway]  of  the  gate ;  and  the  Syrians  of  Zoba  and  of  Rehob  and  Ish-tob 

9  [the  men  of  Tob]  and  Maacah  were  by  themselves  in  the  field.  When  [And]  Joab 
saw  that  the  front  of  the  battle  was  against  him  before  and  behind  [ins.  and],  he 
chose  of  all  the  choice  men  of  Israel,  and  put  them^  in  array  against  the  Syrians ; 

10  And  the  rest  of  the  people  he  delivered  into  the  hand  of  Abishai  his  brother  that 

11  he  might  put  [and  put]  them  in  array  against  the  children  of  Ammou.  And  he 
said.  If  the  Syrians  be  too  strong  for  me,  then  thou  shalt  help  me,  but  [and]  if  the 
chUdreu  of  Ammon  be  too  strong  for  thee,  then  I  will  come  and  [to]  help  thee. 

12  Be  of  good  courage,  and  let  us  play  the  men  [Be  strong,  and  let  us  show  ourselves 
strong']  for  our  people  and  for  the  cities  of  our  God ;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah  wLl] 

13  do"  that  which  seemeth  him  good.    And  Joab  drew  nigh,  and  the  people  that  were 

14  with  him,  unto  the  battle  against  the  Syrians,  and  they  fled  before  him.  And  when 
[pm.  when]  the  children  of  Ammon  saw  that  the  Syrians  were  fled,  then  fled  they 
also  [and  they  fled]  before  Abishai,  and  entered  into  the  city.  So  [And]  Joab 
returned  from  the  children  of  Ammon  and  came  to  Jerusalem. 

15  And  when  [pm.  when]  the  Syrians  saw  that  they  were  smitten  before  Israel  [ins. 

16  and],  they  gathered  themselves  together.  And  Hadarezer"  sent  and  brought  out 
the  Syrians  that  were  beyond  the  river;  and  they  came  to  Helam,""  and  Shobaeh 

17  the  captain  of  the  host  of  Hadarezer  went  before  them  [was  at  their  head].  And 
when  [om.  when]  it  was  told  David  [ins.  and],  he  gathered  all  Israel  together  and 
passed  over  [ins.  the]  Jordan  and  came  to  Helam.     And  the  Syrians  set  them- 

18  selves  in  array  against  David  and  fought  with  him.  And  the  Syrians  fled 
before  Israel,  and  David  slew  the  men  of  seven  hundred  chariots  of  the  Syrians  and 
forty  thousand  horsemen  [of  the  S.  seven  hundred  chariot-men  and  four  thousand 
horsemen],  and  smote  Shobaeh  the  captain  of  their  host  who  [so  that  he]  died  there. 

19  And  when  [om.  when]  all  the  kings  that  were  servants  to  Hadarezer  saw  that  they 
were  smitten  before  Israel  [ins.  and],  they  made  peace"  with  Israel  and  served  them. 
So  [And]  the  Syrians  feared  to  help  the  children  of  Ammon  any  more. 

•  [Ver.  9.  Philippson  renders  :  "put  himself,"  and  so  below  (ver.  10)  "he  put  himself,"  but  thia  seems  less 
natural  than  the  usual  translation. — Te.] 

'  [Ver.  12.  It  is  better  here  to  preaerve  the  identity  of  the  Heb.  word  rendered  "  strong,"  which  is  used  in 
several  places  in  the  context. — Ta/] 

8  [Ver.l2.  The  form  here  is  future,  notoptatiye  (Vulg.),  though  it  is  possible  that  the  final  n  is  repeated  from 
the  following  word. — Tb.] 

•  [Ter.  16.  Here  also  there  is  wavering  in  the  Heb.  MSS.  as  to  the  spelling  of  this  name,  some  MSS.  and  edd. 
having  "  Hadadezer ;"  see  on  x,  3.— Tr.1 

>i>TVer.  16.  For  the  discussion  of  this  reading  see  the  Exposition.    So  on  ver.  18.— Te.] 

11  [Ver.  19.  Sept.  renders  '*  fled  to  "  (rivTofioXriaav)^  el  free  translation ;  so  probably  Vulg.  As  to  the  addition  in 
the  Vulg.  (see  Exposition)  BOttcher  would  put  it  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  18.  It  is  perhaps  better  to  regard  it  as  a 
marginal  remark  made  on  some  copy  of  the  Vulg.,  though  it  is  not  easy  to  account  for  the  number  given,  fifty- 
eight  thousand.    Its  absence  from  the  other  versions  justifies  us  in  excluding  it  from  the  text.— Tb.J 


EXEOETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Compare  the  parallel  narrative  in  1  Chron.  xix. 
— Vers.  1-5.  The  caiise  of  the  war  with  the  Am- 
monites. This  war,  having  been  only  mentioned 
in  viii.  12,  is  here,  together  with  the  Syrian 
wars  occasioned  by  it  (given  fully  in  eh.  viii.), 
described  in  its  whole  course,  because  of  its  close 
connection  with  the  history  of  Uriah  and  his 
wife,  which  became  for  David  the  fatal  point  at 
which  his  kingdom  turned  from  glory  to  down- 
fall.— Ver.  1.  And  it  came  to  pass  after  this. 
On  this  loose,  general  formula  of  connection  see 
viii.  1.  The  king  of  the  children  of  Am- 
mon died. — His  name  (which  is  inserted  in 
Chron.*  by  way  of  explanation)  is  not  mentioned 


till  ver.  2 ;  this  NaJiash  is  the  same  as  he  of  1 
Sam.  xi.  1.  [As  this  was  probably  about  forty 
years  after  the  events  narrated  in  1  Sam.  xi.,  it 
18  possible,  certainly,  that  the  two  kings  Nahash 
may  be  the  same ;  but  it  is  neither  certain  nor 
very  probable,  considering  the  usual  length  of 
royal  reigns. — Te.]  —  Ver.  2.  What  kindness 
Nahash  had  shown  David  is  unknown.  Perhaps 
he  had  sent  congratulations  on  his  acce.ssion  to 
the  throne.  At  all  events  his  relations  with 
David  were  friendly,  while  with  Saul  his  rela- 
tions were  hostile.*  For  his  defeat  at  Jabesh  see 
1  Sam.  xi. — [Some  refer  to  2  Sam.  xvii.  25  as 

S)ssibly  indicating  a  family-alliance  between 
avid  and  Nahash. — Te.]  David  accordingly 
sent  an  embassy  of  condolence  to  Hanun  the  son 
of  Nahash.— Ver.  3.  After  the  death  of  Nahash, 


*  [The  German  here  has  incorrectly  "the  Septuar        •  [Bp.  Patrick  suggests  that  he  was  friendly  to  David 
ginl,"  instead  of  "  Chronicles."- Ta.]  because  hostile  to  Saul.— Te.J 


CHAP.  X.  1-19. 


459 


who  was  in  friendly  connection  with  David,  the 
Ammonite  princea,  jealous  no  doubt  of  the  mighty 
growth  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  introduce  a  new 
era  by  counselling  his  successor  to  adopt  a  hostile 
policy  that  would  be  a  challenge  to  war. — la 
bavid  in  thine  eyes  an  bonorer  of  thy 
father  (which  question  involves  a  negation)  ? 
The  question  itself  contains  a  slight  reproach 
against  the  king,  that  he  allowed  himself  to  be 
deceived  by  David's  conduct.  They  express  to 
him  the  suspicion  that  David  sent  this  ostensibly 
consolatory  embassy  merely  for  the  purpose  of 
spying  out  and  then  destroying  the  city,"  that 
is,  Babbah  (1  Sam.  xi.  1),  the  capital-city  of  the 
country.  Babbah  was  a  strongly  fortified  place 
(cpmp.  ver.  14),  the  internal  examination  of 
which  was  certainly  important  for  an  enemy 
purposing  to  besiege  it. — Ver.  4.  The  king, 
treating  the  ambassadors  as  spies,  subjected  them 
to  the  indignity  of  shaving  off  the  hcdf  (that  is, 
one  side)  of  their  beards.  This  is  the  grossest 
insult  that  can  be  offered  an  Oriental ;  for  the 
beard  is  the  sign  of  the  free  man's  digni^  and 
his  finest  adornment.  Isa.  vii.  20;  1.  6.*  See 
Lakemacher,  Observ.  X.  145  sq.,  Arvieux,  Nach- 
rkht.  III.  173,  Mebuhr,  Besehreib.  v.  Arah.,  317, 
and  farther  in  Winer,  8.  v.  Bart. — [Keil,  Phi- 
lippson  and  others  quote  modem  instances. 
Many  Orientals  would  rather  die  than  lose  their 
beards,  and  the  Turks  used  to  regard  beardless 
Europeans  as  runaway  slaves.  A  war  like  this 
occurred  in  Persia  in  1764. — Tk.]  Hanun  be- 
sides cut  off  the  long  outer  garments  of  the  am- 
bassadors to  the  buttocka.f  The  Israelites, 
except  the  priests,  wore  no  breeches.  So  much 
the  grosser,  therefore,  was  the  insult. — Ver.  5. 
Ailer  hearing  of  the  double  insult  offered  his 
ambassadors,  David  directs  them  not  to  return, 
but  to  stay  at  Jericho  and  wait  for  their  beards 
to  grow.  ^ 

Vers.  6-14.  IsraeVs  successful  war  against  the 
Syrians,  whom  the  Ammonites  had  hired  (vers. 
6-13),  and  against  the  Ammonites,  who  after  the 
flight  of  their  allies,  likewise  took  to  flight  (ver. 
14). — Ver.  6.  The  Ammonites  desired  war  with 
Israel.  They  knew  that  by  their  treatment  of 
the  ambassadors  of  David  they  had  made  them- 
selves stinking,  that  is,  hateful  to  him  (1  Sam. 
xiii.  4),  and  hired  as  aUies:  1)  the  Syrians  of 
BethrBehob ;  comp.  ver.  8,|  where  we  have  sim- 
ply the  name  Behob.  This  Eehob  is  the  name 
of  the  Syrian  district,  whose  capital-city  was 
Beth-Eehob.  This  is  hardly  to  be  sought  \5here 
Edbinson  {Netie  bibl.  Forsehung.,  p.  488  [Am.  ed. 
III.  371,  372])  conjecturally  locates  it,  namely, 
in  the  ruins  of  the  fortress  Hunin,  southwest  of 
the  Tell  el  Kadi  (the  old  Laish-Dan),  the  north- 
ern boundary  of  Palestine,  since  in  that  case  the 
capital-city  of  this  Aramaean  region  would  have 
lain  within  the  land  of  Israel  (Keil)  ;  it  is  better 
located   [twenty-five  Eng.  miles]   north-east  of 

*  [Lev.  xix.  27;  Deut.  xiv.  1  are  not  in  point  here; 
they  refer  not  to  ordinary  shaving,  but  to  idolatrous 
clipping  of  the  hair.    Comp.  the  Nazarite-vow. — Tr.] 

t  For  nnitf  =  nates  Chron.  has  the  euphemistic 
nWEfSD  =  step,  that  is,  the  part  of  the  body  where 

TT  :   • 

stepping  is  made  possible,  since  the  legs  there  begin. 

t  [The  Germ,  has  oh.  viii.,  where  the  name  Eehob  is 
osod  of  a  king  (vers.  3, 12),  but  not  of  a  district.— Tb.] 


Damascus,  on  the  site  of  the  present  Buhaibeh 
(Kremer,  Dam.,  p.  192,  Bitter  XVII.  1472,  Sta- 
helin,  56),  unless,  following  the  reading  in  Chron. 
(Naharaim  for  Beth-Eehob),  we  prefer  the  Beho- 
both  of  the  river,  that  is,  of  the  Euphrates  (Gen. 
xxxvi.  37),  where  there  is  now  (near  the  junction 
of  the  Chaboras  and  the  Euphrates)  a  place 
called  Er-rahabeh  or  Bahabeh  (Bosenm.,  Alterth. 
II.  2,  270  sq. ;  Bitter  XV.  128),  where  this  city 
may  have  been  situated.  Keil's  argument  against 
this  view,  namely,  that  the  sway  of  the  king  of 
Zobah  (ver.  16)  extended  beyond  the  Euphrates 
into  Mesopotamia,  and  hence  this  "Behoboth  on 
the  river"  cannot  well  have  been  the  capital-city 
of  a  particular  Aramaean  kingdom,  is  not  of  force, 
partly  because  this  sway  is  by  no  means  certainly 
proved,  partly  because  it  is  not  made  out  that  it 
embraced  the  whole  territory  between  the  two 
rivers.  [See  Arts.  Behob  and  Behoboth  in  Smith's 
Bib.  Diet.—TB..'\—2)  The  Syrians  of  Zobah,  see 
viii.  3.  3)  The  king  of  Maachah  (in  Chron. 
Aram-Maachah),  bordering  on  Geshur,  according 
to  Josh.  xii.  5  on  the  northern  border  of  Bashan, 
on  the  south-western  declivity  of  Hermon  (comp. 
Onom.  'Hi.axr.-di),  on  the  border  of  the  Israelilish 
trans-jordanic  territory  (Deut.  iii.  14),  especially 
of  Eeubeu  and  Gad  (Josh.  xiii.  11).  4)  Not 
Istob  (as  in  the  VSS.,  Joseph.,  Ew.,  ?  273  6),  but 
the  men  of  Tob,  since  there  was  a  region  of  this 
name  near  the  Ammonite  territory,  to  which 
Jephthah  fled  (Judg.  xi.  5).  Its  location  cannot 
be  fixed  with  certainty.  Ewald:  the  Thavha 
(QavPa)  of  Ptol.  5,  19,  which,  however,  must  be 
sought  for  in  desert  Arabia-  Knobel :  the  pre- 
sent Tubneh,  about  twenty-four  Eng.  miles  soutli 
of  Damascus,  comp.  Tubion  {Toiipiov,*  'lovjBiv), 
1  Mace.  V.  13;  2  Mace.  xii.  17.  Stahelin:  the 
present  village  Taibeh,  mentioned  by  Bitter  XV. 
891,  922,  and  placed  north  of  Tibneh  in  "Wetz- 
stein's  map  of  Hauran.  Chron.  gives  exacter 
information:  Hanun  sent  one  thousand  talents 
of  silver  to  hire  from  Aram-Naharaim,  Aram- 
Maachah  and  Zubah  chariots  and  horsemen. 
For  this  large  sum  (over  two  million  dollars) 
the  Ammonites,  according  to  Chron.,  hired  him 
thirty-two  thousand  chariots  and  horsemenf 
(33^,  comp.  viii.  4)  and  the  king  of  Maachah 
with  his  people.  Chron.  states  that  the  hired 
auxiliaries  encamped  at  Medeba  (comp.  Josh, 
xiii.  9,  16,  with  Num.  xxi.  30),  the  present  Me- 
daba,  four  Eng.  miles  south-east  of  Heshbon, 
between  the  Amon  and  the  Jabbok  opposite 
Jericho,  in  the  territory  of  Beuben  ;  it  afterwards 
came  into  the  possession  of  Moab,  Isa.  xv.  2. — 
[It  is  mentioned  in  the  inscription  of  the  Moabite 
king  Mesha  as  having  been  captured  by  Omri, 
and  recaptured  by  Mesha.— Tb.]  The  ruins, 
situated  on  a  hill,  are  a  mile  in  circuit.  See 
Baumer,  264.  As  it  was  in  a  plain  (Josh.  xiii. 
16),  not  more  than  eight  miles  southwest  of  Bab- 
bah, the  strong  Ammoniti.sh  capital-city,  it  was  a 
suitable  rendezvous  for  the  hired  auxiliaries  and 
a  good  position  for  the  defence  of  Babbah  against 
a  siege.  The  auxiliaries  of  Tob  are  not  men- 
tioned in  Chron.  The  two  accounts  [Sam.  and 
Chron.J  agree  in  the  number  of  the  auxiliaries. 


*  [In  1  Mace.  v.  13  Tischendorf  writes  Tm^Io^,  Tobion. 
— TeJ 

t  [The  word  in  Chron.  means  "chariots"  only,  and 
does  not  include  horsemen. — Ts.J 


460 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


According  to  Chron.  the  Ammonites  hired  thirty- 
two  thousand  men  [Chron.  says  "chariots." — 
Tr.]  and  the  troops  of  Maachah;  Sam.  gives 
one  thousand  from  Maachah,  two  thousand  from 
Zobah,  and  twelve  thousand  from  Tob.  But  as 
to  the  composition  of  the  auxiliary  troops,  the 
two  accounts  differ ;  according  to  the  Chronicler 
there  were  "  chariots  and  horsemen,"  according 
to  our  passage  "footmen,"  while  yet  according  to 
viii.  4  and  1  Chron.  xviii.  4  the  king  of  Zobah 
fought  against  David  with  "  chariots  and  horse- 
men." Keil:  "Here,  then,  there  are  copyists' 
errors  in  both  texts.  For  the  Syrian  troops  con- 
sisted neither  of  infantry  alone,  nor  of  chariots 
and  horsemen  alone,  but  of  infantry,  cavalry  and 
war-chariots,  as  is  evident  not  only  from  viii.  4 ; 
1  Chron.  xviii.  4,  but  also  from  the  close  of  our 
narrative. — The  Syrians  fought  in  both  battles 
with  all  three  arms,  so  that  David  twice  defeated 
chariots,  cavalry  and  infantry." 

Ver.  7.  Against  these  hostile  troops  David 
sends  his  general  Joab  and  the  "  whole  host,  the 
mighty  men."  Not  "the  whole  host  of  the  war- 
riors" (De  Wette),  but  "Gibborim"  [mighty 
men]  is  in  apposition  with  "the  whole  host." 
The  mention  of  the  whole  army  excludes  the  sup- 
position of  a  select  body,  "a  foundation  of  the 
Israelitish  army "  (Bunsen),  especially  as  the 
Gibborim  are  never  distinguished  from  the 
whole  army  (Bertheau  on  1  Chron.  xix.  8). 
There  is  therefore  no  ground  for  supplying 
"and"  before  "the  mighty  men"  (Thenius). 
[Eng.  A.  V.  incorrectly  inserts  "  of." — Te.] 

Yer.  8.  And  the  Ammonites  came  out, 
that  is,  from  their  capital  city,  where  they  had 
gathered  within  the  protecting  fcwtifications.  This 
appears  from  the  following  words:  and  put 
themselves  in  battle-array  before  the 
gate  of  the  city,  that  is,  Eabbah  (so  in  Chron. 
''before  the  city  ").  The  position  of  the  Syrian 
auxiliaries  "in  the  fidd,"  that  is,  on  (he  broad 
plain  of  Medeba,  is  clearly  distinguished  from 
that  of  the  Ammonites  before  the  city  (for  de- 
fence or  attack),  so  that  the  statement  of  the  po- 
sition of  Joab's  army  (ver.  9 1  is  clear.  It  is  not 
said:  "And  when  Joab  saw  that  the  battle  wan 
against  him"  (De  Wette),  but:  "that  the  face 
(front)  of  the  battle  was  against  him,  in  front  and 
in  rear."  He  could  be  attacked  on  both  sides,  by 
the  Ammonites  in  rear,  by  the  Syrians  in  front. 
He  therefore  so  makes  his  dispositions  as  to  select 
some  from  all  the  elwsen*  men  in  Israel.  This  cho- 
sen body  Joab  sets  against  the  Syrians,  their  po- 
sition in  the  open  field  making  their  attack 
sharper  (perhaps,  also,  they  were  the  more  nu- 
merous), while  the  Ammonites  stood  in  reserve 
to  cover  their  stronghold  Eabbah. — The  rest  of 
the  army  (ver.  10)  he  placed  under  the  command 
of  his  brother  Abishai  against  the  Ammonites,  in 
order  that  he  might  be  covered  in  rear  in  his  at- 
tack on  the  Syrians,  and  might  have  support,  if 
he  needed  it. — To  this  refers  his  agreement  with 
Abishai  in  ver.  11.  Either  was  to  come  to  the 
help  of  the  other,  if  there  was  danger  of  being 
overpowered  by  the  enemy.     It  hence   appears 

*  Chron.  has  the  Sing.  Clina),  which  is  a  more  oom- 

T 

mon  designation  of  the  army  than  the  Plu.    The  3 

("in")  before  "Israel"  is  to  be  retained  (against  the 
VSS.  and  some  MSS.). 


that  the  Israelites  were  not  to  make  an  assault  on 
both  sides  at  the  same  time,  but  Joab  intended 
first  to  attack  and  defeat  the  Syrians,  while  Abi- 
shai was  to  cover  his  rear.  A  simultaneous 
attack  might,  however,  be  made  by  the  two  ar- 
mies between  which  Joab  and  Abishai  stood.  The 
point  here,  therefore,  was  quickly  and  stoutly  to 
carry  through  a  bold  stroke. — This  is  the  refer- 
ence in  Joab's  words  ^o  Abishai  in  yer.  12,  of 
which  Thenius  finely  remarks :  "  This  is  a  war- 
like exhortation,  the  briefest  indeed,  but  the  full- 
est of  meaning."  Be  stout,  strong— this  applies 
to  Abishai  personally  and  indicates  stout  temper 
of  mind — and  let  us  shoiw  ourselves  stout — 
this  refers  to  warlike  action;  for  our  people 
and  the  cities  of  our  God — with  these  words 
he  points  out  the  prize  for  which  they  were  con- 
tending. The  weal  and  freedom  of  the  whole 
Israelitish  people  was  at  stake.  "  The  cities  of  our 
God,-"  these  words  mean  either  the  cities  of  Is- 
rael in  general,  which  as  representatives  of  the 
whole  land  are  called  the  cities  of  God,  because 
they  are  with  the  whole  land  God's  property  and 
possession  (Keil),  or  those  cities  in  which  the  wor- 
ship of  the  living  God  was  established  for  the 
whole  people,  whose  conquest  by  the  enemy  would 
have  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  the  worship  of 
Jehovah  and  the  establishment  of  the  heathen 
worship  of  idols.  [Others  suppose,  not  so  well, 
that  the  reference  here  is  to  Medeba  and  other 
cities  now  threatened  by  the  enemy,  though  stiU 
in  the  hands  of  the  Israelites. — Te.].  The  Lord 
■will  do  what  is  good  in  his  eyes;  these 
words  express  trust  in  God  combined  with  uncon- 
ditional submission.  Alongside  of  the  faithfutnesi 
(to  be  shown  by  bravery  and  firmness),  that  was 
to  do  its  duty  in  this  situation  so  dangerous  for 
the  people  and  for  Jehovah,  is  put  the  hidden 
will  of  God  in  respect  to  what  will  happen,  and 
unconditional  submission  to  His  counsel  and  aeed. 
The  sense  is  well  expressed  by  Clericus :  "  If  it 
should  seem  good  to  God  to  give  our  enemies  the 
victory,  we  must  acquiesce  in  His  wiU ;  meantime 
let  us  go  bravely  into  battle." — Ver.  13.  Quickly 
and  vigorously  the  attack  is  made  on  the  Syriam 
— they  flee.  Grotius:  "as  often  happens  with 
those  that  fight  for  pay  alone  without  respect  to 
the  cause."  [So  Bp.  Patrick. — Te.].  "  Inasmuch 
as  for  them,  casually  assembled,  there  would  be 
neither  glory  in  victory  nor  shame  in  flight," 
Tacit.  Hist.  II.  12.  [Perhaps  Joab  first  attacked 
the  Syrians  not  solely  because  they  were  merce- 
naries and  in  the  open  field,  but  also  because  they 
were  better  disciplined  and  therefore  more  to  be 
feared  than  the  Ammonites. — Te.].^ — Ver.  14. 
ThLs  rout  of  the  allied  force  occasioned  the  flight 
of  the  Ammonites  also,  who  threw  themselves  into 
their  capital  city.  4.fter  this  brilli  ant  exploit  Joab 
brought  the  campaign  to  an  end  and  returned  to 
Jerusalem,  probably  because  (see  xi.  1)  the  ad- 
vanced season  was  unfavorable  to  carrying  through 
the  siege  of  Kabbah  [or  also,  because  the  Syrians 
were  not  sufficiently  broken,  or  because  he  had 
not  the  materials  for  a  siege  [Bib.  Com.). — Te.] 

Vers.  15-19.  Second  battle  with  the  Syrians  and 
their  complete  defeat  under  Hadarezer. — Ver.  15. 
The  ground  of  the  Syrians  for  again  collectmg 
their  forces  was  shame  at  having  been  defeated  by 
the  Israelites,  and  care  for  their  safety  against  a 
presumable  campaign  of  David.     Among  the  Sy- 


CHAP.  X.  1-19. 


461 


rians  king  Hadarezer  of  Zobah  (viii.  3)  appears 
aa  the  most  powerful  prince  and  David's  most 
hostile  opponent.  Here  and  in  Chron.  he  is  al- 
ways called  Hadarezer,  in  chap.  viii.  Hadadezer. 
The  Syrians  (reassembled  after  their  rout)  are 
reinforced  by  the  Syrian  troops  that  Hadarezer 
(ver.  16)  called  to  his  help  ''  from  beyond  the 
river,"  that  is,  from  Mesopotamia.  These  Meso- 
potamians  leviei  by  him  were,  therefore,  under 
his  jurisdiction  (comp.  ver.  19).  Shobach,  Hada- 
rezer's  field-marshal,  led  these  troops,  but  was 
also  general-in-chief  of  the  whole  Syrian  army 
(ver.  18).  And  came  to  Helam. — The  He- 
brew might  also  be  translated :  "  and  their  army 
came  "  (Then.,  Bottoher).  But  the  remark  would 
be  somewhat  superfluous  and  excessively  dragging 
in  this  militarily  lively  and  curt  account.  As 
there  is  no  such  remark  in  Chron.,  and  as  in  ver. 
17  the  phrase  "  he  came  to  Helamah,"  designates 
the  place  where  David  met  the  Syrians,  the  word 
is  to  be  taken  (with  the  ancient  VSS.)  as  the  name 
of  a  place,  our  word  here  being  merely  a  shorter 

form  of  that  in  ver.  17  (oVn  ==  DxSn).  The 
place  has  not  yet  been  identified.  [Instead  of  the 
second  Helam  Chron.  has  "  to  them."  If  we 
adopt  this  text  and  render  "their  army"  in  ver. 
16,  the  account  will  read :'  Hadarezer  brought  the 
Syrians,  and  their  army  came  and  Shobach  before 
them  .  .  .  and  David  passed  over  Jordan  and 
came  to  them,  and  the  Syrians,  etc.  It  is  not  easy 
to  decide  between  the  texts  of  Sam.  and  Chron.  ; 
the  difficulty  of  identifying  Helam  may  be  an  ar- 
gument for  both. — Tr.]. — ^Ver.  17.  Helam  is  de- 
signated as  the  place  across  the  Jordan  whither 
David  brought  his  army  and  fought  the  Syrians. 
Chron.  has  "  he  came  on  them  "  (the  Aramseans) 
— either  a  scribal  error,  or  an  intentional  omis- 
bIoji  of  the  name  of  the  place  because  it  was  too 
little  known.  The  name  Helam*  is  thought  by  Ew., 
Bott.  and  Then,  to  point  to  the  Alamata  on  the  Eu- 
phrates (Ptol.  5,  15,  25).  But  the  Syrians  would 
hardly  have  fallen  back  before  David  as  far  as  the 
Euphrates  to  receive  his  attack  there  with  the  river 
in  their  rear.  As  this  is  the  same  battle  that. (ac- 
cording to  1  Chron.  xviii.  3)  was  fought  at  Hamath 
(comp.  viii.  4),  and  the  st.itement  "came  to  He- 
lam" here  follows  immediately  after  the  remark 
that  David  crossed  the  Jordan,  Helam  must  be  lo- 
cated across  the  Jordan,  not  on  the  Euphrates,  but 
farther  west  near  Hamath.  Here  the  whole  Israel- 
itiah  and  Syrian  armies  stood  opposed  to  one  ano- 
ther in  battle.  [Why  David  took  command  in  per- 
son is  not  stated;  probably  on  account  of  the  im- 
portance of  the  campaign,  hardly  from  any  dissatis- 
faction with  Joab.  Some  account  must  be  taken 
of  David's  military  spirit. — Tb.] — Ver.  18.  J)a- 
md's  &pleiidid  victory.  The  Syrians  partly  took  to 
jiight,  partly  were  cut  to  •pieces  by  the  Israelites. 
The  completeness  of  the  victory  is  farther  espe- 
cially brought  out  by  mentioning  first  (ver.  18) 
the  large  number  of  the  slain :  seven  hundred 
chariot-soldiers  and  forty  thousand  horsemen 
(Chron.  gives  seven  thousandf  chariot-men  and 

*  nnN7n,  "  Heb.  name  of  a  Syrian  eity,  dual-form 
from  7'n  (two  armies),  wi  li  tlie  H-  local "  (Battcher). 

■   —  T 

t  [This  number  is  almost  incredibly  large,  and  the 
text  of  Sam.  is  to  be  preferred.— Tk.] 


forty  thousand  footmen).  With  this  the  state- 
ments in  viii.  4  and  1  Chron.  xviii.  4,  5  (one 
thousand  seven  hundred  horsemen,  or  one  thou- 
sand chariot-men  and  seven  thousand  horsemen, 
and  twenty  thousand  footmen  of  Aram-Zobah, 
and  twenty-two  thousand  men  of  Aram-Damas- 
cus) agree  "as  well  as  can  be  expected  in  the 
well  known  corruption  of  numbers,  so  that  there 
is  scarcely  a  doubt  that  the  number  of  fallen  Ara- 
mseans  is  the  same  in  both  accounts  (chaps,  viii. 
and  X.),  and  that  our  chapter  relates  circumstan- 
tially the  same  war,  the  result  only  of  which  is 
given  in  ch.  viii.  and  1  Chr.  xviii."  (Keil).  It  is 
then  further  stated  that  David  so  smote  the  general 
that  he  died;  that  is,  he  died  on  the  field  of 
wounds  received  in  battle. — Ver.  19.  The  result 
of  this  defeat:  1)  "all  the  vassal-princes"  that 
had  followed  Hadarezer's  summons  to  war  against 
David,  made  peace  with  Israel  when  they  saw 
that  they  were  beaten.  The  addition  (after  the 
first  "Israel")  in  theVulg. :  "they  feared,  and 
there  fled  fifty-eight  thousand  in  the  presence 
of  Israel,"  does  not  warrant  us  in  introducing  it 
into  the  text  (with  Thenius),  and  finding  therein 
the  statement  of  the  number  of  those  that  were 
"slain  in  flight;"  for  such  a  numerical  statement 
does  not  suit  the  tenor  of  the  narrative,  which 
here  intends  only  a  general  remark  on  the  recog- 
nition of  their  complete  defeat  by  the  Syrians,  so 
that  we  should  least  expect  such  a  statement  here 
about  merely  a  part  of  the  defeated  army — apart 
from  the  fact  that  the  word  "smitten"  (ver.  19) 
includes  all  the  slain,  not  merely  those  that  fell 
in  flight;  2)  the  Syrian  princes  and  peoples  be- 
came tributary  to  Israel,  and  rendered  the  Am- 
monites no  more  aid  against  the  Israelites. — 
Nothing  is  here  said  of  the  wars  with  Damaseut 
and  Edam,  to  which  Joab  turned  in  the  south 
(ch.  viii.),  while  David  was  gaining  his  victories 
in  the  north,  because  the  narrative  is  here  occu- 
pied with  the  fortunes  of  Kabbah  only  because 
of  their  connection  with  those  of  Uriah  (Ewald). 

HISTOEICAL    AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  One  injustice  produces  another,  and  drags 
men  on  irretardably  to  destruction  by  the  result- 
ing chain  of  sins  and  injustices.  The  king  of 
Ammon  with  sinful  levity  lends  his  ear  to  the 
liars  and  calumniators  that  surround  him ;  thence 
comes  the  most  outrageous  insolence  towards  Da- 
vid's ambassadors,  and  the  most  abusive  insult  to 
the  whole  people  of  Israel ;  on  this  follows  the 
hasty  preparation  and  provocation  of  a  wholly 
unjust,  wicked  war;  therein  the  princes  are  forced 
to  take  part,  and  so  to  stake  their  land  and  peo- 
ple.    The  end  is  complete  destruction. 

2.  This  great  danger,  prepared  for  David  by 
his  enemies,  was  made  through  the  divine  control 
to  conduce  to  the  magnifying  of  his  name,  and  to 
his  ascent  to  the  highest  point  of  royal  glory, 
The  bold  insolence  of  the  enemies  of  God's  people 
and  kingdom  must  serve  not  only  to  bring  about 
more  wonderfully  the  revelation  of  the  Lord's 
power  in  subduing  enemies  and  helping  friends, 
but  also  to  manifest  more  splendidly  the  glorr 
and  might  of  His  kingdom  in  the  battles  into 
which  it  is  forced  by  enemies. 

3.  Joab's  word  to  Abishai  is  a  prelude  to  the 
Lord's  word  to  Peter :  "  Strengthen  thy  brethren. 


462 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Heroic  bravery  in  the  war  (it  exhorts)  is  to  be 
combined  1)  with  the  recognition  of  those  most 
sacred  possessions  and  ends  for  which  the  struggle 
is  to  be  made, — thereby  it  is  consecrated, — and 
2)  with  humble,  trustful  submissitm  to  the  will  of 
the  Lord— thereby  it  is  preserved  from  temerity 
and  presumptuousness.  The  war  is  a  just  and 
holy  one,  undertaken  for  the  defence  of  the  pos- 
sessions received  from  God,  to  guard  the  honor 
of  God,  and  in  the  name  of  God. 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  12.  Bravery  in  battling  for  the  highest  ob- 
jects :  1)  It  is  rooted  in  jidelity  to  God  and  to  our 
brethren  the  peopl-e  of  God;  2)  It  is  proven  by  de- 
votion of  body  and  soul  and  the  whole  life  to  the 
aims  of  the  kingdom  of  God ;  3)  It  is  sanctified  by 
unconditional  submission  to  the  purposes  and 
doings  of  the  will  of  God. 

"  Ttie  Lord  do  that  which  secmeth  him  good:"  1) 
A  confession  of  humble  sxibmission  to  God's  will, 
in  presence  of  the  greatest  perils  referring  every- 
thing to  Him;  2)  A  testimony  borne  by  childlike 
and  strong  reliance  on  the  Lord's  help,  which  is 
confidently  expected  in  the  cause  of  His  people 
and  His  kingdom;  3)  The  expression  of  a  devout 
frame  of  mind,  which  is  the  basis  of  all  genuine 
fidelity  in  fulfilling  the  duties  of  one's  calling,  and 
especially  of  all  true  bravery  in  fighting  against 
the  enemies  of  God's  kingdom. 

Vers.  1  sqq.  Cramer  :  Nothing  worthier  can 
be  devised  than  to  requite  thanks  with  thanks. 
Prov.  xvii.  13. — Seb.  Schmtd  :  When  God  will 
chastise  a  people,  He  withdraws  from  them  good 
and  sensible  rulers ;  and  woe  to  the  land  whose 
king  is  a  child  (Eccl.  x.  16). — Ver.  3.  Seb. 
Schmid:  Calumny  is  a  diabolical  vice,  since 
under  appearance  of  prudence  and  truth  it  calls 
forth  the  greatest  misfortunes. — Starke:  To  put 
an  evil  construction  upon  good  is  the  best  art  of 
the  ungodly. — [Hall  :  Carnal  men  are  wont  to 
measure  another's  foot  by  their  own  last;  their 
own  falsehood  makes  them  unjustly  suspicious  of 

others It  is  hard  for  a  wicked  heart  to 

think  well  of  any  other;  because  it  can  think 
none  better  than  itself,  and  knows  itself  evil.  The 
freer  a  man  is  from  vice  himself,  the  more  cha- 
ritable he  uses  to  be  unto  others. — Tb.] 

Ver.  6.  Cramer  :  That  is  the  way  with  an  evil 
conscience ;  it  flees  before  it  is  hunted  (Job  xv. 
20). — J.  Lange  :  When  a  man  knows  that  he  has 
deserved  punishment,  and  yet  is  unwilling  to  ac- 
knowledge his  guilt,  he  is  sure  to  heap  upon  him- 
self more  and  more  guilt. — [Hall  :  It  is  one  of 
the  mad  principles  of  wickedness,  that  it  is  a 
weakness  to  relent,  and  rather  to  die  than  yield. 
Even  ill  causes,  once  undertaken,  must  be  upheld, 


although  with  blood ;  whereas  the  gracious  heart, 
finding  his  own  mistaking,  doth  not  only  remit 
of  an  ungrounded  displeasure,  but  studies  to  be 
revenged  of  itself,  and  to  give  satisfaction  to  the 
ofiended.— Tb.] 

Ver.  12.  Starke:  A  Christian  must  indeed 
show  all  diligence  in  his  calling  and  station,  but 
must  look  to  God  for  whatever  progress  he  wishes 
to  make  (1  Cor.  iii.  6).— [Hall:  The  tongue  of 
a  commander  fights  more  than  his  hand.  A  good 
leader  must,  out  of  his  own  abundance,  put  life 
and  spirits  into  all  others :  if  a  lion  lead  sheep 
into  the  field,  there  is  hope  of  victory.  .  .  .  All 
valor  is  cowardice  to  that  which  is  built  upon  re- 
ligion.— Henry:  "God  and  our  country"  was 
the  word.  .  .  .  When  we  make  conscience  of  do- 
ing our  duty,  we  may  with  the  greatest  satisfac- 
tion leave  the  event  with  God  ;  not  thinking  that 
our  valor  bids  Him  to  prosper  us,  but  that  stiU 
He  may  do  as  He  pleases,  yet  hoping  for  His  salva- 
tion in  His  own  way  and  time. — "ftt.].  Vers.  IS 
sq.  OsiANDEB :  Those  who  rely  on  man  and  do 
not  trust  God,  come  to  shame  (Psa.  xxv.  3).— 
[Henry  :  Joab  provided  for  the  worst,  and  put 
the  case  that  the  Syrians  or  Ammonites  might 
prove  too  strong  for  him  (ver.  11) ;  but  he  proved 
too  strong  for  them  botli.  We  do  not  hinder  our 
successes  by  preparing  for  disappointment.— Tb.] 

Vers.  15-19.  Schlieb:  He  who  does  evil  will 
also  reap  a  harvest  of  evil ;  and  he  who  helps  in 
evil  will  certainly  also  get  a  poor  reward  from  it. 
As  the  seed,  so  the  harvest. — The  Lord  has  every- 
thing in  His  hand,  then  He  has  the  insolence  of 
enemies  in  His  hand  and  makes  all  work  well. 
He  can  check  and  subdue  even  the  greatest  inso- 
lence, and  convert  it  into  a  blessing  for  His 
people. 

[Vers.  3,  i.  They  who  are  tempted  to  ofier 
gross  insults  had  always  better  look  before  they 
leap. — Ver.  5.  "  Tarry  at  Jericho,"  etc.  1)  We 
must  beware  of  casting  pearls  before  swine  (ver. 
2.  The  Ammonites  must  have  been  known  to 
David  as  a  cruel  and  barbarous  people).  2)  No- 
thing is  so  offensive  as  a  wanton  insult,  in  return 
for  rfeispeet  and  kindness.  3)  The  gravest  men 
are  sensitive  to  ridicule  of  their  personal  appear- 
ance. 4)  All  persons  of  noble  nature  are  con- 
siderate of  the  feelings  of  others.  5)  Time  heals 
many  ills. — Ver.  12.  Joab  was  a  selfish,  unscru- 
pulous, unprincipled  man ;  yet  in  entering  upon 
a  perilous  battle  he  talks  piously.  So  do  almost 
all  generals  and  civil  rulers  in  any  great  emer- 
gency ;  not  only  because  they  know  that  the  peo- 
ple feel  their  dependence  on  God,  but  because  in 
the  hour  of  trial  they  feel  it  themselves.  Such 
language  under  such  circumstances  does  not  clearly 
prove  one  to  be  devout,  or  to  be  hypocritical ;  it 
expresses  a  feeling  which  may  be  genuine,  though 
transient  and  superficial. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  XI.  1-27.  463 


SECOND  SECTION. 

The  beglooming  of  David's  royal  rule  by  the  sins  of  himself  and  his  house,  and 
the  thence  resalting  misfortunes. 

Chaps.  XL— XVIII. 
I.  Internal  shattering  of  David! a  rvXe  by  the  grievous  sins  of  himself  and  his  house. 

Chaps.  XI.— XIV. 
1.  David's  deep  fall  during  the  war  against  Rabbath-Ammon.     Chap.  xi.  1-27. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass,  after  the  year  was  expired,  at  the  time  when  kings'  go  forth 
to  battle,  that  David  sent  Joab  and  his  servants  with  him,  and  all  Israel ;  and  they 
destroyed  the  children  of  Ammon,  and  besieged  Babbah.    But  [And]  David  tar- 

2  ried  still  at  [abode  in]  Jerusalem.  And  it  came  to  pass  in  an  eveningtide,  that 
David  arose  from  off  his  bed  and  walked  upon  the  roof  of  the  king's  house ;  and 
from  the  roof  he  saw  a  woman  washing  herself,  and  the  woman  was  very  beautiful 

3  to  look  upon.     And  David  sent  and  enquired  after  the  woman.    And  one  said.  Is 

4  not  this  Bath-sheba,  the  daughter  of  Eliam,  the  wife  of  Uriah  the  Hittite?  And 
David  sent  messengers  and  took  her,  and  she  came  in  unto  him,  and  he  lay  with 
her ;'  for  [and]  she  was  purified  from  her  uncleanness,  and  she  returned  unto  her 

5  house.  And  the  woman  conceived,  and  sent  and  told  David,  and  said,  I  am  with 
child. 

6  And  David  sent  to  Joab,  saying,  Send  me  Uriah  the  Hittite.     And  Joab  sent 

7  Uriah'  to  David.  And  when  Uriah  was  come  [And  Uriah  came]  unto  him,^  [ms. 
and]  David  demanded  [asked]  of  him  [om.  of  him]  how  Joab  did,  and  how  the  peo- 

8  pie  did,  and  how  the  war  prospered.  And  David  said  to  Uriah,  Go  down  to  thy 
house,  and  wash  thy  feet.     And  Uriah  departed  [went]  out  of  the  king's  house, 

9  and  there  followed  him  a  mess'  of  meat  [^food]  from  the  king.     But  [And]  Uriah 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

I  [Ver  1.  So  the  Qeri  (margin).  Bettnher  and  Hlteig  retain  the  Kethib  "messengers,"  the  former  under- 
standmg  it  of  ambassadors,  the  latter  of  watchers  to  observe  the  new  moon  (eomp.  Jer.  xxxi.  6) ;  but  these  views 
are  not  probable ;  it  is  not  lilcely  that  a  time  of  the  year  would  be  defined  by  an  act  that  was  performed  twelve 
times  a  year,  and  it  is  unlikely  that  ambassadors  were  sent  oat  at  a  special  time  of  the  year.    Though  the  Ke- 

thibh  (DOsSo)  may  be  the  harder,  and  so  far  the  preferable  form,  general  considerations  strongly  favor  the 
Qen.— Bottcher's  theory  is  that  there  existed  two  recensions  of  the  history,  one  made  by  priests  (which  he 
marks  PR.),  the  other  by  laymen  (LR),  of  which  the  former  is  iiere  followed  by  "  Chronicles  "  (making  Joib  act 
independently,  and  softening  the  "Ammonites"  into  the  "  land  of  Ammon  "),  and  the  latter  by  "Samuel"  (em- 
phasizing the  king's  activity,  etc.).  Rather  we  should  say  that  the  author  of ''  Samuel "  selected  his  material  from 
a  prophetical  point  of  view,  the  author  of  •'  Chronicles  "  from  a  Levitiml  point  of  view.— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  4.  Wellhausen  rightly  observes  that  the  Athnaoh  should  be  under  T\T3}},  and  the  purification  will  then 
be  subsequent  and  not  previous  (as  in  the  following  "  for  "  of  Eng.  A.  V.)  to  the  time  of  332^^1.— Ta.] 

»  [Ver.  6.  After  "  Uriah  "  one  MS.  of  De  Rossi,  Syr.,  Chald.,  insert  "  the  Hittite,"  an  instance  of  the  tendency 

to  assimilation.— The  omission  of  the  "IDuS  ("  saying")  makes  no  difficulty  here  (so  also  in  xix.  15) ;  it  is  easily 

supplied  in  thought,  and  is  inserted  by  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Arab,  (as  In  Eng.  A.  V.).  Bflttcher  thinks  that  the  omission 
belongs  to  the  curt  priest-text,  the  insertion  to  the  lay-text.— Te.] 

*  [Ver.  T.  Some  MSS.  of  Kennicott  and  De  Rossi,  and  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.,  read  "to  David,"  an  illustration  of  the 
disposition  of  eopvists  and  translators  to  make  the  text  clearer  by  stating  the  person  or  thing  explicitly  rather 
than  trust  to  the  frequently  indefinite  Pronoun.  In  general,  the  preference  is  in  such  cases  to  be  given  to  the 
less  explicit.- Te.J 

»  [Ver.  8.  "Or,  a  portion,  gift,"  literally  "something  lifted  up"  (Sept.  iorit).  Vulg.  and  Chald. render /ood and 
meal,  Syr.  and  Arab.  gift.  Some  anonymous  Greek  VSS.  (in  Montfaucon's  Hex.)  have  a  strange  rendering :  on-nroi 
out5i»  TrapttrniKOTiav  tu  0a<riAti  "  after  those  that  stood  by  the  king  "  (reading  riov  for  ivrStv),  as  if  Uriah  were  pre- 
ceded by  royal  officers,  from  whom  David  may  have  learned  (ver.  10)  that  Uriah  did  not  go  home.  Schleusnep 
suggests  that  they  read  rCWTi  (minister)  instead  of  flKk^D.— Te.] 


464  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

slept  at  the  door  of  the  king's  house  with  all'  the  servants  of  his  lord,  and  went  not 

10  down  to  his  house.  And  when  they  had  told  [And  they  told]  David,  saying,  Uriah 
went  not  down  to  his  house,  [ins.  and]  David  said  unto  Uriah,  Camest  thou  not  from 
/%  journey  ?  [Art  thou  not  come  from  a  journey?]  why  then  lorn,  then]  didst  thou 

11  not  go  down  unto  thine  house?  And  Uriah  said  unto  David,  The  ark,  and  Israel, 
and  Judah  abide  in  tents  [booths]  ;  and  my  lord  Joab  and  the  servants  of  my  lord 
are  encamped  in  the  open  fields  [field]  ;  shall  I  then  [and  shall  I]  go  into  mine 
house  to  eat  and  to  drink  and  to  lie  with  my  wife?  as  thou  livest'  and  as  thy  soul 

12  liveth,  I  will  not  do  this  thing.  And  David  said  to  Uriah,  Tarry  here  to-day  also, 
and  to-morrow  I  will  let  thee  depart.     So  [And]  Uriah  abode  in  Jerusalem  that 

13  day  and  the  morrow.  And  when  David  had  [And  David]  called  him  [ins.  and] 
he  did  eat  and  drink  before  him,  and  he  made  him  drunk ;  and  at  even  he  went 
out  to  lie  on  his  bed  with  the  servants  of  his  lord,  but  [and]  went  not  down  to  his 
house. 

14  And  it  came  to  pass  in  the  morning  that  David  wrote  a  letter  to  Joab,  and  sent 

15  it  by  the  hand  of  Uriah.  And  he  wrote  in  the  letter,  saying.  Set*  ye  Uriah  in  the 
forefront  of  the  hottest  battle,  and  retire  ye  from  him,  that  he  may  be  smitten  and 

16  die.     And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Joab  observed  the  city,  that  he  assigned  Uriah 

17  unto  a  place  where  he  knew  that  valiant  men  were.  And  the  men  of  the  city  went 
out  and  fought  with  Joab ;  and  there  fell  some  of  the  people  of  the  servants  of  Da- 

18  vid  ;  and  Uriah  the  Hittite  died  also.     Then  [And]  Joab  sent  and  told  David  all 

19  the  things  concerning  the  war  ;  And  charged  the  messenger,  saying,  When  thou 
hast  made  an  end  of  telling  the  matters  of  [all  the  things  concerning]  the  war  unto 

20  the  king,  And'  if  so  be  that  the  king's  wrath  arise,  and  he  say  unto  thee.  Wherefore 
approached  ye  so  nigh  unto  the  city  when  ye  did  fight  [to  fight]  ?     Knew  ye  not 

21  that  they  would  shoot  from  the  wall?  Who  smote  Abimelech  the  son  of  Jerubbe- 
sheth'"?  did  not  a  woman  cast  a  piece  of  a  millstone  upon  him  from  the  wall,  that 
he  died  in  Thebez?  why  went  ye  nigh  the  wall  ?  then  say  thou.  Thy  servant  Uriah 
the  Hittite  is  dead  also. 

22  So  [And]  the  messenger  went,  and  came  and  showed  David  all  that  Joab  had 
2-3  sent  him  for.     And  the  messenger  said  unto  David,  Surely  [om.  surely]   the  men 

prevailed  against  us,  and  came  out  unto  us  into  the  field,  and  we  were  upon  them 

«  [Ver.  0.  The  omisBion  of  tliG  word  "all  "  in  Sept.  and  Arab.  (Vulg.  has  cum  aliisservis)  has  simplicity  in  iU 
favor ;  it  would  be  natural  to  insert  here  a  descriptive  word. — Te.] 

T  [Ver.  11.  The  Heb.  text  is  here  supported  by  all  the  versions  except  Sept.,  which  has:  ttSs;  ^rj  ij  tfivx^  trov^ 
"how?  as  thy  soul  liveth,"  that  is,  it  read  Vn  "how?"  (see  Dan.  x.  17)  instead  of  nTl-  On  account  of  the  seem- 
ing tautology  of  the  Heb.,  Theniua  and  BSttcher  adopt  the  reading  of  the  Sept.  (in  which,  however,  the  how  J  is 
intolerable ,  while  Wellhausen  would  read  Ty\TV  ^T}  "by  the  life  of  Jahven,"  or  strike  out  the  second  clause: 
"  by  the  life  of  thy  soul."  But  this  double  asseveration  may  easily  be  understood  as  the  repetition  of  an  excited 
soldier.— Te.] 

«  [Vcr.  15.  ;3n ;  Sept.  htrayaye  "bring  itt"^S3n,  but  the  Sing,  here  does  not  agree  with  the  foUovrlng  PIu. 

DME'  (so  Wellhausen).— Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  20.  The  Sept.  repeats  in  ver.  22  the  whole  of  the  speech  (with  one  or  two  verbal  alterations)  that  Joab 
puts  into  David's  mouth  in  vers.  20,  21.  On  the  other  hand  the  Heb.  text  says  nothing  of  David's  anger,  nor  of 
any  such  speech,  when  the  messenger  reports  to  him  (ver.  23  sq.).  EGttcher,  therefore,  rejectingthe  " monstrous 
repetition  "  of  the  Sept.,  holds  that  the  speech  in  question  belongs  (with  an  introductory  "  and  David  was  wroth 
with  Joab")  at  the  end  of  ver.  22,  that  it  was  afterwards  inserted  after  ver.  19,  because  it  seemed  necessary  there, 
the  Sept.  translating  from  a  text  that  contained  the  repetition,  while  the  masoretic  text  dropped  the  second 
speech  as  cumbersome.  So  also  (as  to  the  form  of  the  text)  substantially  Thenius,  who  omits  ver.  21  as  far  as  the 
second  "  wall."  The  latter,  however,  thinks  the  alleged  omission  in  the  Heb.  (at  the  end  of  ver.  22)  to  have  been 
purposely  made  by  the  transcriber,  in  order  to  conceal  his  recognized  error  of  insertion  in  vers.  21.  22;  Wellh., 
on  the  contrary,  holds  that  the  omission  was  for  brevity's  sake  simply. — Joab's  speech,  as  it  stands  in  the  Heb., 
certainly  shows  a  very  lively  anticipation  of  David's  view  of  the  case  ;  but  Bottcher  is  wrong  in  saying  that  such 
anticipation  is  Impossible,  for  Joab  of  course  puts  it  only  as  a  supposition,  and  Abimelech's  case  would  naturally 
occur  to  him.  There  Is  no  need  on  this  account  merely  to  suppose  that  David  actually  got  angry,  or  cited  Abi- 
melech's  history;  Joab'a  lively  anticipation  does  not  logically  involve  David's  conformity  to  It.  But,  if  David  did 
show  anper,  there  is  still  no  necessity  for  supposing  that  he  mentioned  Abimelech,  and  his  objection  to  approach- 
ing the  wall  might  easily  have  been  taken  for  granted  and  omitted. — Then,  it  is  after  all  more  probable  that  the 
Sept.  should  make  so  natural  an  insertion  than  that  the  Heb.  text  should  omit  It.  We,  therefore,  with  Erdmann, 
retain  the  masoretic  text. — Tn.] 

i»  fVer.  21.  Sept.  Jembbaal,  the  original  form  of  the  name ;  but  probably  Jentbbesheth  (so  Bdttcher)  is  the  cor- 
rect text-reading  here,  this  form  having  become  common  in  the  time  of  the  author  of  our  Book.  The  Sept- 
translator  went  back  to  the  original  form.  This  does  not  offer  support  to  BSttcher's  hypothesis  of  the  two  reoen- 
ptons  of  our  text  (priestly  and  laic). — The  Sept.  also  calls  Jerubbaal,  the  son  of  Ner^  wnich  Theniua  thinks  U  for 
^er,  the  last  syllable  of  Abiezer  (see  Judg.  vi.  11).  It  may,  however,  be  worthy  of  notice  that  the  Syriac  has 
"  Abimelech  the  son  of  Nedubbeel  "  (for  iWubbeel),  substituting  the  Syr.  n  of  the  3  sing.-maso.  Impf.  for  ths 
Heb.  Yod ;  and  there  may  be  some  connection  between  this  and  the  Sept.-form. — T».] 


CHAP.  XI.  1-27. 


465 


24  even  [om.  even]  unto  the  entering  [doorway]  of  the  gate.  And  the  shooters  shot 
from  off  the  wall  upon  thy  servants  ;  and  some  of  the  king's  servants  be  dead  [died], 

25  and  thy  servant  Uriah  the  Hittite  is  dead  also.  Then  [And]  David  said  unto  the 
messenger,  Thus  shalt  thou  say  unto  Joab,  Let  not  this  thing  displease  thee,  for  the 
sword  devoureth  one  as  well  as  another  ;  make  thy  battle  more  [pm.  more]  strong 

26  against  the  city  and  overthrow  it.  And  encourage  thou  him.  And  when  [om. 
when]  the  wife  of  Uriah  heard  that  Uriah  her  husband  was  dead,  [ins.  and]  she 

27  mourned  for  her  husband.  And  when  [pm.  when]  the  mourning  was  past  [over], 
[im.  and]  David  sent  and  fetched  her  to  his  house,  and  she  became  his  wife,  and 
bare  him  a  son.  -But  [And]  the  thing  that  David  had  done  displeased  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]. 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

Ver.  1.  The  siege  of  Eabbali.  Comp.  1  Chron. 
XX.  1.  And  it  came  to  pass  at  the  return 
of  the  year — that  is,  at  the  setting  in  of  spring* 
in  the  month  of  Abib  (Nisanj,  with  which  the 
new  year  began.  Josephus :  as  the  Spring  set 
in."  [Comp.  our  March  from  the  god  of  war,  Mara, 
the  beginning  of  the  old  Roman  year. — Tb.]  The 
term,  a  qv/>  referred  to  in  this  chronological  state- 
ment is  the  time  (x.  13,  14)  when  Joab,  having 
driven  the  Araraseans  off,  and  the  Ammonites 
haying  retired  before  Abishai  into  their  capital 
city,  had  returned  to  Jerusalem  on  account  of  the 
rain  in  winter,  which  made  it  unwise  to  begin  a 
siege.  At  the  time  when  kings  go  forth. — 
Instead  of  the  "  messengers  "  of  the  Heb.  text,  read 
"kings"  (Qeri),  as  in  all  the  versions  and  in 
Chronicles.  A  reference  to  the  embassy  of  chap. 
X.  2,  after  all  the  intervening  evente,  would  here 
be  completely  out  of  place.  The  "kings"  here, 
however,  are  not  the  hostile  kings  (chap,  x.)  that 
came  out  against  David  (Maurer) — against  which 
is  the  preceding  chronological  statement,  and  the 
absence  of  any  reference  to  the  past  events  re- 
corded in  chap.  x. — but  the  Israelitish  kings.  On 
the  return  of  the  season  favorable  to  military  ope- 
rations, when  the  kings  of  Israel  were  accustomed 
to  go  forth  to  their  wars,  David  advanced  to  the 
siege  of  Eabbah,  which  he  had  deferred  the  year 
before  on  account  of  the  unfavorable  season. 
[Joab  had  no  doubt  taken  precautions  to  guard 
against  hostile  movements  of  the  enemy. — Tb.] 
And  David  sent  Joab  and  his  servants 
■with  him  and  all  Israel — that  is,  the  military 
chieftains  from  about  his  person  and  his  court 
(comp.  ver.  9)  and  the  whole  army,  including 
soldiers  and  officers.  The  "servants"  are  not  the 
war-servants  proper  in  distinction  from  a  militia 
serving  only  in  time  of  war  (Mich.) — an  entirely 
arbitrary  distinction — nor  the  "officers"  in  dis- 
tinction from  "all  Israel"  as  the  army  (Thenius). 
And  they  destroyed  the  children  of  Am- 
nion.— Chron. :  "the  land  of  the  children  of  Am- 
mon."  But  the  verb  is  elsewhere  used  (as  in  1 
Sam.  xxvi.  15)  of  persons  in  reference  to  the  land 
inhabited  by  them.  It  is  unnecessary  to  regard 
"land"  as  more  correctly  used  here  in  contrast 
with  the  capital  city  (Thenius),  because  it  was 
usual,  while  some  strong  point  was  attacked  to 

*  [Some  interpret:  "  when  tho  summer  set  in."  Abar- 
banel;  "when  the  sun  returned  to  the  same  point." 
Perhaps  the  phrase  is  a  general  one :  "  when  the  year 
had  rolled  round,  and  the  time  came  for  kings  to  go 
forth."-Ta.] 

30 


ravage  the  land  far  and  near  by  incursion-parties ; 
so  1  Sam.  xiii.  16,  17.  [Our  text,  as  the  harder, 
is  to  be  preferred ;  Chron.  has  introduced  a  natu- 
ral explanation.— Tb.]  And  they  besieged 
Rabbah  =: "  Eabbath  of  the  children  of  Am- 
mon," — that  is,  the  great  city  of  the  Ammonites. 
See  Josh.  xiii.  25 ;  Deut.  iii.  11;  the  present  ruins 
of  Eabbat-Araman  on  the  Nahr- Amman  (the  up- 
per Jabbok),  perfectly  desert  and  uninhabited. 
Polybius;  Eabbathamana.  But  David  re- 
mained in  Jerusalem  [the  impending  war  with 
the  Ammonites  alone  not  being  of  sufficient  im- 
portance to  require  his  presence — Tb.] — expla- 
natory transition  to  the  episode  of  David's  adul- 
tery. 

Vers.  2-5.  Davids  adultery  with  JBathsheba. — 
This  section  and  the  following  one  are  wanting  in 
Chronicles.  Towards  the  evening  [Heb. :  in 
the  evening — Tb.] — when  the  noon-rest  was  over, 
and  the  cooler  part  of  the  day  had  come.  [In 
later  times  the  evening  {^'2i!.)  began  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon ;  it  was  the  time  when 
it  was  getting  darker,  when  the  sun  was  declining, 
and  after  sunset  till  dark.— Tb.]  David  was 
V7alking  (for  pleasure)  on  the  roof  of  the 
king's  house,  which  was  built  on  the  edge  of 
Mount  Zion,  so  that  one  could  thence  look  imme- 
diately down  into  the  courts  of  the  Lower  City, 
where  Uriah's  house  was,*  comp.  ver.  8.  The 
woman  that  David  saw  was  in  the  act  of  bathing 
(the  Heb.  uses  the  participle)  in  the  uncovered 
court  of  her  house,  wliere,  in  accordance  with  ge- 
neral Eastern  custom,  there  was  a  well.  [Or,  in 
her  chamber,  the  casements  being  open  (Patrick). 
In  either  case,  the  place  was  private,  visible  only 
from  a  neighboring  roof;  and  in  the  East  people 
refrain  from  looking  down  from  a  roof  into  neigh- 
bors' courts  (Philippson) ;  so  that  it  is  on  this 
ground  an  unfounded  suggestion  that  Bathsheba 
was  purposely  bathing  in  an  exposed  place  in  or- 
der to  attract  the  king'sgaze.— Tb.]— Ver.  3.  In- 
flamed with  sensual  desire,  David  makes  inquiry 
about  the  woman  whose  beauty  had  attracted  him. 
"And  one  said  ( Vulg. :  nuntiatwm  ei  est),  Is  it  not, 
etc.f"  That  is,  "It  is,  etc."  (the  negative  question 
is  often  used  in  lively  discourse).  This  form  of 
expression  supposes  that  the  object  or  person  men- 
tioned was  somehow  already  otherwise  known.— 
Instead  of  "Bathsheba,  daughter  of  Eliam,"  1 
Chron.  iii.  5  has  "Bathsheba,  daughter  of  Am- 
miel."     The  form  Bathsheba  ( =  "daughter  of  the 

*  [It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  David's  siesta 
and  evening-walk  show  that  he  had  become  Inert  and 
luxurious.  It  was  the  habit  of  the  times,  and  he  seems 
to  have  begun  his  walk  with  no  evil  desiign.— Te.1 


460 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


oath,"  not  "daughter  of  Sheba")  is,  according  to 
1  Ki.  i.  11,  15  and  other  places,  to  be  regarded  as 
the  usual,  and  so  as  the  original  and  correct,  one. 
The  difficulty  of  explaining  it  makes  it  impossi- 
ble to  adduce  the  meaning  in  favor  of  the  origi- 
nality and  correctness  of  the  form  Bathshua 
(Thenius),  which  inay  easily  have  come  from  the 
other  by  a  copyist's  cliange  of  a  single  letter  (  3 
into  1  ).  According  to  Ewald  (|  273  d },  Eliam  and 
Ammiel  are  different  forms  of  the  same  name  by 
an  arbitrary  inversion  of  the  component  parts.* 
[From  2  Sam.  xxiii.  34,  where  Eliam  is  called  the 
son  of  Ahithophel,  it  is  supposed  by  some  that 
Bathsheba  was  the  grand-daughter  of  Ahithophel, 
and  that  this  explains  the  Tatter's  adherence  to 
Absalom.  So  Jerome,  Chandler,  p.  407,  Note,  and 
Blunt,  Undesigned  Coincidences,  p.  143Bq.  (Am. 
ed.).  The  supposition  seems  not  improbable. — 
Tr.]  Uriah  was  a  Hittite.  He  belonged  (xxiii. 
39)  to  David's  Gibborira  [Heroes].  TheHittites 
already  in  Pale'itine  in  Abraham's  time  (Gen.  xv. 
20)  dwelt  near  Hebron  (Gen.  xxiii.  7  sqq.),  after- 
wards near  Bethel  (Judg.  i.  24 sqq.);  Solomon 
reduced  the  remnant  of  them  to  servitude  ( 1  Ki. 
ix.  20). — Ver.  4.  Short  but  very  vivid  narrative 
of  the  sinful  deed  committed  by  David  in  spite 
of  his  learning  that  Bathsheba  was  a  n)arried  wo- 
man. That  David  used  force  or  artifice  to  get 
possession  of  the  "innocent"  wom.an  (Mich.)  is 
not  indicated  in  the  expression:  "and  he  took 
her."  The  narrative  leads  us  to  infer  that  Bath- 
sheba came  and  submitted  herself  to  David  with- 
out opposition.  This  undoubtedly  proves  her 
participation  in  the  guilt,  though  we  are  not  to 
assume  that  her  bathing  there  was  "purposed,"  in 
order  to  be  seen  (Thenius).  She  was  moved 
doubtless  by  vanity  and  ambition  in  not  venturing 
to  refuse  the  demand  of  David  the  king.  Her 
purification  (which  was  according  to  the  Law,  Lev. 
XV.  18)  was  performed  while  she  was  yet  in  the 
king's  palace.  [Eng.  A.  V.,  Phiiippson  and  others 
not  so  well  make  the  purification  precede  her 
coming  to  the  palace,  putting  a  full  stop  after  the 
word  "  unci eann ess."  —  Tr.] — ^Vcr.  5.  .Adultery 
was,  according  to  Lev.  xx.  10,  pimishable  with 
death.  Her  message  to  David  had  in  view  the 
avoidance  of  the  consequences  of  this  sin  (Keil). 
Vers.  6-13.  David's  efforts  to  conceal  the  adul- 
tery frustrated  by  Uriah. — Ver.  6.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  t/ruiAwas  the  armor-bearer  of  Joab 
(Josephus).  He  had  a  command  in  the  army,  as 
is  clear  from  what  follows,  especially  from  the 
questions  in  ver.  7,  which  could  be  answered  only 
by  one  whose  position  gave  him  a  wide  and  exact 
knowledge  of  the  condition  of  the  war.  David 
brought  him  to  Jerusalem  in  order  that,  as  Bath- 
sheba's  husband,  he  might  hereafter  pass  for  the 
father  of  the  child  begotten  in  adultery.  The 
qiiesiiona  addressed  to  him  were  intended  to  con- 
ceal from  him  as  far  as  possible  the  purpose  for 
which  he  was  called,  and  to  make  the  impression 
that  he  was  summoned  to  render  a  military  re- 
port. Wa.shing  the  feet  is  the  symbol  at  the  same 
time  of  rest  and  refreshment.  After  David  has 
dismissed  him  to  his  home,  he  sends  him  literally 
" something  taken  up"  what  the  man  of  rank  sets 

*  [That  is,  the  nftme.s  are  composed  of  om  =  people, 
and  el  =  God.  Eliam  =  God  of  the  people;  Ammiel  = 
people  of  God.  For  other  views  see  the  lexicons  of  Ge- 
Heniua  and  Flirst. — Tiu] 


before  his  guest  from  his  own  table  (Gten.  xliii 
34),  and  then  any  present  (Am.  v.  11 ;  Esth.  ii.  18) 
Here  it  was  probably  a  dish  of  honor,  whicl 
Uriah  was  to  enjoy  at  home. — Ver.  9.  Uriah 
however,  did  not  act  according  to  David's  will  anc 
expectation,  but  remained  in  the  king's  palara 
"at  or  in  the  door,"  and  spent  the  night  there 
in  the  guard-room  (1  Kings  xiv.  27,  28),  with  th< 
royal  court-officials  or  the  Dody-guard.  It  is  pes 
si&le  that  he  did  this  merely  out  of  zeal  of  servio* 
(comp.  ver.  11) ;  but  also  his  suspicions  may  hav( 
been  already  aroused,  and  he  may  have  heard 
something  of  the  affair  with  Bathsheba. — Ver 
10  sq.  [Perhaps  David  had  sent  to  find  out  whe- 
ther Uriah  went  home,  or  the  servants  that  car- 
ried the  present  may  have  informed  him. — Tb.] 
There  is  a  certain  tone  of  displeasure  in  David'e 
words  already,  though  his  question  was  a  natural 
one,  since  Uriah's  conduct  (as  indicated  in  the 
question)  must  have  been  strange.  Uriah's  answer 
[ver.  11]  is  an  explanation  and  justification  of  hL« 
not  going  home,  together  w  ith  a  solemn  assevera- 
tion ;  whereby  he  conceals  his  real  ground  of  ac- 
tion, his  unwillingness  to  meet  the  king's  wLsh. 
According  to  his  statement,  the  Ark  had  been 
carried  along  into  the  field,* — for  the  war  was  a 
war  of  the  Lord.  When  it,  the  eign  of  God's  pre- 
sence, and  all  Israel,  God's  host,  were  in  tents,  and 
Joab  and  the  king-'s  officers  were  lying  on  the  bare 
ground,  how  could  he  take  his  pleasure  in  hi: 
house?  By  thy  life  and  by  the  life  of  thy 
soul  is  not  a  tautology,  but  a  strengthening  of  the 
oath  by  repetition  of  the  thought,  the  expression 
combining  the  general  and  the  special.  [See  the 
text  examined  in  "  Text,  and  Gram."  The  plu:ase 
"Israel  and  Judah"  probably  indicates  an  autho^ 
ship  for  our  Book  after  the  division  of  the  king- 
dom ;  yet  not  certainly,  since  there  was  foundation 
for  the  distinction  of  the  two  parts  in  the  tact  that 
Judah  alone  at  first  adhered  to  David.  See  Erd- 
ma.w[i' a  Introduction,  ^6. — Tr.] — Ver.  12sqq.  Thip 
attempt  failing,  David  tries  to  gain  his  end  by 
keeping  Uriah  a  day  longer.  He  invited  him  to 
his  table,  and  made  him  drunk,  in  order  thus 
more  certainly  to  secure  his  pas.sing  the  following 
night  with  his  wife.  That  night,  however,  Uriah 
again  slept  at  the  palace-door.  A  factual  irony  1 
David  sees  his  plan  wholly  frustrated,  and  Ls  now 
driven  by  his  sin-entangled,  sin-darkened  heart  tc 
add  murder  to  adultery.  [A  chronological  diffi- 
culty is  made  here  unnecessarily  by  some  critics ; 
it  is  said  that  the  invitation  of  ver.  13  was  given 
on  the  "morrow,"  and  this  la-st  word  is  joined  tc 
ver.  1 3  so  as  to  read :  "  Uriah  abode  in  Jerusalem 
that  day.  And  on  the  morrow  David  called  him,' 
efc.  In  that  case  Uriah  did  not  depart  on  th( 
morrow,  as  David  promised  (ver.  12),  since  hi 
slept  in  Jerusalem  that  night  (ver.  13),  but  th( 
day  after  the  morrow  (ver.  14).  The  difficulty  i 
removed  by  supposing  (as  is  quite  possible)  thi 
invitation  of  ver.  13  to  have  been  given  on  thi 


*  [Comp.  1  Sam.  iv.  4.  The  ark  wa.s  taken  along  as  ai 
enoouragmg  sign  of  the  divine  presence  and  favor— pro 
bably  not  to  inquire  of  God  (against  Patrick  and  BM 
Comm.).  Such  inquiry  was  made  through  the  high 
priest's  ephod.  In  Josh.  vii.  6  (the  only  case  of  inquir; 
at  the  ark  mentioned)  Joshua  had  a  special  divine  reve 
lation,  as  Moses  used  to  have.  On  1  Sam.  xiv.  18  see  th 
discussion  of  the  text  in  loco.  On  a  rabbinical  view  tha 
there  were  two  arks,  one  containing  the  ephod,  see  Phi 
hppson  in  loco. — Tb.) 


CHAP.  XI.  1-27. 


467 


"thatday"  of  ver.  12;  then  the  "morrow"  of  ver. 
12  will  be  identical  with  the  "morning"  of  ver. 
14.  The  "calling"  in  ver.  13  does  not  necessarily 
recjuire  a  more  definite  statement  of  time  than  is 
BUMeisted  in  ver.  12. — Tr.] 

Vers.  14-27.  The  letter  concerning  Uriah. 
Uriah's  death.  Bathsheba  David's  wife. — Ver. 
143qq.  Uriah  himself  must  bear  the  letter  that 
decrees  his  death.  A  new  artifice  of  David's  that 
makes  murder  its  minister.  Uriah  was  to  be 
placed  in  the  hottest,  most  dangerous  part  of  the 
battle,  where  a  retreat  would  not  be  strange,  and 
he,  David  well  knew,  as  a  brave  soldier  (one  of 
the  Gibborim  or  Heroes)  would  not  so  easily  re- 
treat. No  reason  is  assigned  [in  the  letter]  for 
this  command,  which  Joab  could  not  misunder- 
stand. He  had  simply  to  carry  out  the  royal  in- 
structions, and  so  he  did  (ver.  16sqq.).  And  it 
came  to  pass  when  Joab  'watched  the  city 
(such  is  the  literal  rendering  of  the  Heb.  I^Dt?). 
"  We  must  understand  by  this  a  procedure  differ- 
ent from  the  usual  siege,  a  nearer  approach,  which 
challenged  the  warriors  in  the  city  to  a  sally" 
(Bnnsen)  [comp.  Judg.  i.  24,  where  the  participle 
of  the  same  Hebrew  verb  is  rendered  "  spies  "  in 
Eng.  A.  v.,  properly  "  the  observing  (i.  e.,  be- 
sieging) force." — Te.].  Joab  knew  the  place 
where  the  enemy's  best  warriors  would  fight  in 
the  sally.  There  he  put  Uriah,  whose  bravery  he 
knew,  without  needing  to  say  to  the  soldiers: 
"  leave  him  in  the  lurch  "  (Michaelia,  Bunsen), 
since  he  could  foresee  that  this  would  happen  from 
the  dangerousness  of  the  post.  In  becoming  the 
instrument  of  David's  murderous  artifice,  Joab 
needed  notto  know  the  ground  of  the  order.  As 
obedient  servant  of  the  king  he  carried  it  out  the 
more  unhesitatingly,  inasmuch  as  it  was  an  order 
of  the  commander  of  the  army  in  relation  to  a  sol- 
dier, who  might  have  committed  some  grave  of- 
fence against  him,  and  whose  seemingly  accidental 
death  might  be  desired  by  him  for  special  reasons. 
— Ver.  18  sq.  Jodb's  message. — From  the  account 
of  the  message  it  is  obvious  that  the  messenger 
knew  nothing  of  the  crafty  plot  against  Uriah's 
life.  It  is  an  elaborate  report  by  Joab  of  the  near 
approach  of  a  part  of  the  besieging  force  to  the 
wall  of  the  city,  leading  to  a  sally  by  the  enemy, 
wherein  a  number  of  the  Israelites  fell.  To  this 
circumstantial  account  the  report  of  Uriah's  fall 
(the  only  part  of  it  now  interesting  to  David)  was 
to  be  added  in  a  supplementary  way  at  the  end. 
Joab  takes  it  for  granted  that  the  king  will  exhi- 
bit anger  (pretended  or  real)  at  this  usele.ss  spill- 
ing of  blood.  Abimelech  the  son  of  JTerub- 
besheth— i.  c,  Gideon,  Judg.  vi.  32.*  His  death 
by  a  mill-stone  is  related  Judg.  ix.  53.  [Bible 
Commentary  here  remarks  that  "  this  reference  to 
Judg.  ix.  53  indicates  the  existence  in  David's 
time  of  the  national  annals  of  that  period  in  an 
accessible  form,  and  the  king's  habit  of  reading  or 
having  read  to  him  the  history  of  his  country." 
But  Joab's  reference  to  Abimelech  shows  merely 
that  the  facts  were  known  (possibly  by  tradition), 
not  certainly  that  national  annals  existed  (though 
it  13  not  improbable  that  there  were  written  ac- 
counts of  such  events).     It  is  hardly  probable 


*  [There  written  Jerubhaal.    On  the  change  of  name 
fi^rS  °"  ^  ^*™-  "■  *  i  i^-  6— and  on  the  Sept.  reading  see 
Text,  and  Gramm."  on  this  verse. — Te.] 


that  our  Book  of  Judges  existed  at  this  time. — 
Tb.]— Say,  Thy  servant  Uriah  the  Hittite 
is  dead  also. — This  the  messenger  was  in  any 
case  to  say  last,  as  an  appendix  to  his  report,  "as 
if  Uriah,  of  his  own  accord,  or  even  against  Joab's 
will,  had  pressed  forward  with  his  men,  and  so 
was  chargeable  with  his  own  death  and  that  of  the 
others  that  had  fallen"  (Keil).  Joab  is  evidently 
concerned  to  conceal  the  wicked  deed  from  the 
messenger,  and  at  the  same  time  to  let  David 
know  that  it  is  accomplished. 

Ver.  22  sq.  Davids  reception  of  the  messenger. — 
The  message  is  delivered  exactly  in  accordance 
with  Joab's  instructions.*  Between  vers.  22  and 
23  the  Sept.  has  an  insertion  [Sept.  reads :  and 
David's  anger  was  kindled  against  Joab,  and  he 
said  to  the  messenger,  Why  did  ye  approach  to 
the  city,  etc.,  inserting  nearly  through  ver.  21. — 
Tb.]  This  Thenius  adopts  on  the  ground  that 
neither  David's  presumed  displeasure,  nor  any 
expression  of  it  on  the  report  of  the  messenger  is 
mentioned.  But  this  is  unnecessary.  Either  the 
''kindling"  of  David's  anger,  supposed  possible 
by  Joab,  did  not  take  place — or,  if  it  did,  there 
was  no  need  to  relate  it  at  length  •  it  was  taken 
for  granted,  and  the  narration  gives  only  the 
words  of  the  messenger  in  reply  to  David's' com- 
ment on  ihp  rash  affair,  in  order  to  explain  and 
justify  it.  [The  text  here  is  discussed  in  "Text, 
and  Gramm."  and  the  present  Heb.  reading  de- 
fended.—Te.] 

Ver.  23.t  The  enemy  supposed  that  with  their 
superiority  of  numbers  here  they  could  make  a 
successful  sally.  This  sally  led  to  a  hot  fight, 
wherein  the  Israelites  pressed  near  to  the  wall 
within  shot  of  the  archers,  and  thus  many  were 
killed.  The  messenger  therefore  reports  a  sally 
of  the  besieged,  which  occasioned  this  dangerous 
approach  to  the  wall.J — Ver.  25.  David's  answer 
is,  as  it  were,  an  extenuation  of  the  matter,  and 
of  such  nature  that  the  messenger  cannot  suppose 
a  reference  to  any  thing  more  than  this  bloody 
military  affair.  Let  not  this  thing  be  evil  in 
thy  eyes;  so  and  so  devours  the  sword.g 
— David's  words  seemingly  express  the  quiet  and 
equanimity  of  a  commander  who  does  not  permit 


*  n /K'  with  two  Accus.;  to  send  a  person  with  a  thing 

-T 

— commission  him,  1  Ki.  xiv.  6 ;  Isa.  Iv.  11. 

•j-  ^3  =  at  the  time  that,  when,  frequently  so  used  in 
Ex.  xxi.  (in  distinction  from  the  conditional  DN),  or  co 
quod  —  beamse,  fully  '3  tj;'  "  for  this  reason  because," 
oomp.  Isa.  i.  29,  30 ;  Job  xxxviii.  20.  [Or  ■=  on,  that,  in- 
troducing substantive  clause  (as  frequently  in  N.  T.). 
Thenius  unnecessarily  objects  to  this  ^3  as  "  referring 

to  nothing." — Tb.J 

t  The  K  in  IXi'  and  D'Xl'lD  [ver.  24J  is  an  Aramaic 
form. 

g  The  intrans.  J^T  with  the  sign  of  the  Acb.  HK  (as 

elsewhere  the  Pass.  Verbis  found  with  the  Aoc.)  accord- 
ing to  the  sense,  the  Mtioe  meaning  coming  forward 
against  the  intrans.  and  pass.     Ew,  J277d.    [The  HN 

here  introduces  the  Ace.  of  general  limitation.— Tk.] 
The  sense  Is :  Look  not  evilly  on  this  thing.    Comp.  1 

Sam.  XX.  13:  Josh.  xxii.  17 ;  Neh.  ix.  32.    On  71131  nT3 

V  T  !  T 

see  Ew.  6 105  h.  The  first  time  o  is  put  for  e,  a  slight  pho- 
netic change  easily  occurring  in  such  correlative 
phrases  (Judg.  xviii.  4;  1  Kings  xiv.  6). 


463 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


himself  to  be  disturbed  by  such  bad  news.  Thus 
he  conceals  hia  excitement  over  the  success  of  his 
plot.  He  orders  the  siege  of  Rabbah  to  be  pressed 
and  the  city  to  be  destroyed.  The  messenger  is 
dismissed  with  this  answer  to  Joab,  with  the  fur- 
ther instruction:  strengthen  him,  encourage  him. 
Neither  the  isolated  position  of  these  words,  nor 
David's  encouraging  the  field-commander  by  a 
messenger,  makes  this  expression  a  strange  one 
(Thenius) ;  for  we  need  not  suppose  the  "messen- 
ger" so  far  below  "hie  genei:al"  in  rank  as  to 
make  such  an  exhortation  in  the  kirig's  message 
necessarily  unbecoming.  The  "messenger"  was 
certainly  not  a  common  soldier,  but  doubtless  a 
high  officer  who,  as  hia  words  show,  had  know- 
ledge of  the  whole  conduct  of  the  war  before  Eab- 
bah.  The  Sept.,  Syriac  and  Arabictranslate:  get 
possession  of  it,  namely,  the  city,  comp.  1  Kings 
xvi.  22.  These  words  would  then  form  the  con- 
clusion of  the  message.  [Comp.  also  Jer.  xx.  7. 
But  this  sense  of  the  verb  cannot  be  established 
from  the  biblical  usage.  It  means  to  press  on  one 
(Jerem.  xx.  7),  to  prevail  against  (of  persons,  1 
Kings  xvi.  22),  but  apparently  not  to  conquer  a 
city.  Another  objection  to  this  rendering  is  that 
it  would  introduce  an  anti-climax:  "destroy  it 
and  prevail  against  it."  On  the  other  hand,  the 
signification  encouraqe  is  well  established,  Deut.  i. 
38  ;  Isa.  xli.  7.— Tk'.] 

Vers.  26,  27.  Bathsheba  David's  wife.  The 
usual  mourning  lasted  seven  days  (comp.  1  Sam. 
xxxi.  13).  Bath.sheba  was  probably  taken  to 
wife  by  David  immediately  after  the  expiration 
of  this  time  of  mourning.  If  the  mouming-time 
of  widows  was  no  longer  than  the  ordinary  mourn- 
ing, then  the  interval  between  the  adultery  and 
the  marriage  was  doubtless  short  enough  to  allow 
Bathsheba'a  child  (begotten  in  that  adultery)  to 
appear  to  be  begotten  in  wedlock.  The  concluding 
words  of  the  narration:  But  the  thing  that 
David  had  done  displeased  the  Lord*  con- 
tain the  moral  deciaion  from  the  theocratical  point 
of  view,  and  are,  as  it  were,  the  superscription  to 
the  following  history  of  the  divine  judgments 
that  fell  on  David  and  his  house  on  account  of 
this  sin. 

[For  mention  of  other  times  of  mourning,  see 
Gen.  1.  10;  Deut.  xxxiv.  8;  1  Sam.  xxxi.  13;  2 
Sam.  xiv.  2.  In  particular  cases  special  feeling 
would  lead  to  an  extension  of  the  ordinary  mourn- 
ing-period.— Tk.] 

HISTOEICAL  AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  history  of  David's  fall  from  the  height 
of  his  communion  with  God  as  "a  man  after 
God's  own  heart"  into  the  deepest  depth  of  sin 
and  crime  contains  a  serious  and  warning  lesson 
concerning  the  pmuer  of  siu  even  over  those  who 
are  under  the  guidance  of  God's  will  and  word, 
when  they  give  place  in  a  single  point  of  their 
inner  life  to  the  yet  unoccupied  sinful  lust  therein 
hidden,  and  fail  in  faithfulness  in  the  struggle 
against  their  own  evil  hearts,  and  in  self-denial. 


*  [A.  Clarke  refers  to  the  similar  incident  in  Bellero- 
phon's  life : 

iripei/  5*  6ye  trrtfiara  \vypd, 
Vpiipat  av  trlvoKt  iTTVKTtf  9vflo<tt96pa  iroMa. 

(II.  VI.  168, 169).— T».] 


[It  is  obvious,  and  yet  often  overlooked  by  assail- 
ants of  the  morality  of  the  Old  Testament,  that 
the  history,  in  chronicling  this  sin  of  the  "  man 
after  God's  own  heart,"  does  not  endorse,  but  dis- 
tinctly condemns  it.  It  admits  that  such  a  man 
could  commit  such  a  sin,  and  afterwards  enjoy  the 
favor  of  God;  but  only  on  the  condition  that  the 
real  bent  of  his  soul,  turned  aside  for  awhile  under 
temptation,  was  towards  God  and  holiness. — Te.] 

2.  The  inscrutable  development  of  many  indi- 
vidual sins  from  one  hidden  root  proceeds  accord- 
ing to  an  inner  natural  law :  the  human  will,  by 
detaching  the  heart  from  the  living  God,  surren- 
ders itself  to  the  power  of  sinful  lust,  and  the  lat- 
ter through  the  removal  of  the  moral  forces  that 
had  hitherto  held  it  down  and  controlled  the  outer 
and  inner  life,  gets  unrestrained  dominion.  When 
the  life  is  at  the  highest  point  of  communion  with 
the  living  God,  pride  slips  in  and  leads  to  an  all 
the  deeper  fall.  The  enjoyment  of  experiences 
of  divine  favor  and  of  the  fruits  of  struggle  for 
the  kingdom  of  God,  leaves  the  door  of  the  heart 
open  to  fleshly  security.  Temporary  rest  from 
work  and  fight,  though  not  in  itself  insidious, 
leads  to  moral  indolence,  to  spiritual  sloth,  to 
carelessness  and  unfaithfulness  in  office  and  call- 
ing. Wicked  lust,  excited  from  without  at  a  hid- 
den point  of  the  inner  life,  no  longer  finds  limi- 
tations in  thoughts  on  the  solemn  divine  command 
and  prohibition :  Thou  shalt  and  thou  shalt  not, 
in  the  warning  and  exhorting  voice  of  conscience, 
in  the  restraints  and  hindrances  of  divine  provi- 
dence, in  faithful  performance  of  duty  and  labor 
in  one's  calling,  whereby  the  kindled  fire  might 
again  be  smothered.  The  "  evil  conscience  "  that 
follows  the  satisfaction  of  evil  lust  leads  on  the 
beaten,  slippery  and  precipitous  path  to  lying 
and  deception,  in  order  to  conceal  the  sin  from 
men.  From  the  soil  of  the  heart  poisoned  by  one 
sin,  from  perversion  from  God  of  feeling  and  will 
in  on«  hidden  point  of  the  heart,  comes  one  sin 
after  another ;  and  not  only  does  the  fruitfulnees 
and  frightfulness  of  sinful  lust  show  itself  in  its 
production  of  an  unbroken  series  of  wicked 
thoughts  and  desires,  but  "  the  curse  of  the  evil 
deed  "  is  made  complete  in  that  "  it  must  continue 
to  produce  evil." 

3.  It  is  a  sign  of  the  irresistible  power  of  (Jon- 
science,  and  an  involuntary  self-condemnation, 
when  a  man  seeks  in  every  way  to  conceal  his  sin 
from  men,  but  to  extenuate  and  justify  it  before 
God;  and  on  the  other  hand  unwillingness  to 
make  confession  has  its  deepest  ground  in  tlie 
pride  of  the  human  heart,  which  increases  in  pro- 
portion as  the  man  becomes  involved  in  sin,  and 
the  evil  in  him  develops  itself  from  the  slightest 
beginnings  into  a  power  that  exercises  dominion 
over  the  whole  inner  life.  "  Whosoever  com- 
mits sin,  he  is  the  servant  of  sin"  [John  viii.  14, 
comp.  Bom.  vi. — Te.] 

HOMILETICAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

[Hall  :  With  what  unwillingness,  with  what 
fear,  do  I  still  look  upon  the  miscarriage  of  the 
man  after  God's  own  heart!  O  holy  prophet, 
who  can  promise  himself  always  to  stand,  when 
he  sees  thee  fallen,  and  maimed  with  the  falll 
Let  profane  eyes  behold  thee  contentedly,  as  a 
pattern,  as  an  excuse  for  sinning ;  I  shall  never 


CHAP.  Xr.  1-27. 


469 


look  upon  thee  but  through  tears,  as  a  woful  spec- 
tacle of  human  infirmity. — Tb.] 

Ver.  1.  ScHllEE :  If  God  has  granted  us  some 
special  good  fortune  we  will  never  be  puflfed  up, 
but  will  rather  become  little  and  lowly,  and  the 
higher  we  rise  the  more  will  we  humble  ourselves. 
An  humble  man  always  finds  grace  and  blessing, 
but  pride  always  goes  before  a  fall. 

Ver.  2.  DissBLHOPF :  Idle  hours  bring  forth 
idle  thoughts,  and  idle  thoughts  are  nothing  but 
dry  kindling  wood,  that  waits  only  for  a  spark  to  be 
suddenly  ablaze. — All  have  had  the  painful  expe- 
rience that  our  sins  often  have  their  roots  in  indo- 
lence and  unfaithfulness  in  our  calling  As  long 
as  we  walk  and  work  in  our  office,  we  are  encom- 
passed with  a  wall.  As  soon  as  we  fall  out  of  our 
office,  we  fall  away  from  our  fortunes  and  become 
a  prey  to  the  enemy.— [Hall:  There  can  be  no 
safety  to  that  soul,  where  the  senses  are  let  loose. 
He  can  never  keep  his  covenant  with  God,  that 
makes  not  a  covenant  with  his  eyes.  It  is  an  idle 
presumption  to  tliink  the  outward  man  may  be 
free,  while  the  inward  is  safe. — Tatlob  :  Here, 
then,  in  the  moral  weakness  which  constant  pros- 
perity had  created,  in  the  opportunity  which  idle- 
ness afforded  to  temptation,  and  in  the  blunted 
sensibility  which  polygamy  had  superinduced, 
we  see  how  David  was  so  easily  overcome. — 
Cheysostom  :  Youth  is  sometimes  wiser  and  bet- 
ter than  age.  David  the  youth  smote  down  the 
barbarian,  and  showed  all  philosophy  (wisdom 
and  piety),  and  when  he  grew  older,  then  he 
sinned. — Tr.] 

Vers.  2-4.  Schhek  :  Let  us  watch  and  pray ; 
we  may  well  need  it.  What  shall  become  of  us 
if  a  feeling  of  security  arises  in  us  ?  How  shall 
we  get  through  with  a  pure  body  and  heart  if  we 
are  filled  with  self-conceit  ?  Let  us  also  carefully 
avoid  idleness ;  labor  is  a  medicine  against  sin. — 
J.  Lange:  One  sin  brings  forth  another,  and  one 
act  of  unfaithfulness  to  conscience  draws  another 
after  it.  James  i.  15. — Stabkb:  Loneliness  affords 
the  most  convenient  time  for  the  temptations  of 
Satan  (Matt.  iv.  1  sq.).— S.  Schmid:  The  quieter 
and  securer  men  are  in  things  bodily,  the  more 
perilous  is  it  for  them  in  things  spiritual. — Dis- 
SELHOPF :  If  the  not  fully  slain  ungodly  impulses 
in  the  man  after  God's  own  heart  grew  up  so 
quickly  and  to  such  strength  when  he  deviated  a 
finger's  breadth  from  the  way  of  the  Lord — and 
the  Lord  allowed  him  to  go — how  will  it  be  with 
the  untamed  lusts  in  our  hearts?  If  such  a  story 
does  not  give  one  a  view  of  the  unfathomable 
depths  of  sin  and  of  its  power,  he  will  never  learn 
what  sin  is. — Staeke  :  Kulers  sin  in  leading  their 
subjects  into  sin,  for  they  are  not  lords  over  God's 
command  (Acts  v.  29;  Matt.  xxii.  21). — [Hall: 
Had  Bathsheba  been  mindful  of  her  matrimonial 
fidelity,  perhaps  David  had  been  soon  checked 
in  his  inordinate  desire ;  her  facility  furthers  the 
sin.  It  is  no  excuse  to  say,  I  was  tempted,  though 
by  the  great,  though  by  the  holy  and  learned. 
Let  the  mover  be  never  so  glorious,  if  he  stir 
us  to  evil,  he  must  be  entertained  with  de- 
fiance.— Te.] — Sohliee:  Human  customs  are 
carefully  observed,  and  God's  command  is  trodden 
under  loot.  People  attend  to  outward  forms  and 
usages,  and  live  on  consoled  thereby  in  their 
sins.— [Hbney:  The  aggravations  of  David's  sin. 
(1)  His  age,  -at  least  fifty  years.     (2)   He  had 


many  wives  and  concubines — this  is  insisted  on, 
chap.  xii.  8.  (3)  Uriah  was  one  of  his  "wor- 
thies," a  man  of  honor  and  virtue,  now  jeoparding 
life  in  his  service.  (4)  David  was  a  king,  whom 
God  had  intrusted  with  the  sword  of  justice,  and 
he  made  himself  a  pattern,  when  he  should  have 
been  a  terror,  to  evil-doers. — Te.] 

Vers.  6-9.  Ceamee  :  When  sin  has  once  lodged 
itself  it  becomes  fruitful,  and  bears  other  sins 
(James  ii.  10).— [Hall:  It  is  rare  and  hard  to 
commit  a  single  sin. — Te.] — Seb.  Schmid:  The 
most  cunning  devices  are  often,  through  the  spe- 
cial Providence  of  God,  made  a  laughing-stock 
by  the  simplest  simplicity.  —  Osiander:  Al- 
though the  ungodly  seek  out  all  manner  of  cun- 
ning inventions  to  cloak  their  sins,  yet  it  does  not 
succeed;  for  God  knows  how,  in  a  wonderful 
manner,  to  bring  even  secret  sins  to  light  (Matt. 
x.  26). — Schliee:  When  we  have  sinned,  how 
often  we  trouble  ourselves  to  hide  our  sins  from 
the  world,  but  how  little  do  we  think  of  God's 
eye  and  God's  judgment !  How  contented  we  are 
if  only  we  stand  free  from  censure  before  men, 
and  can  throw  the  blame  upon  others ! 

Vers.  14  sqq.  Osiandee  :  So  great  is  the  devil's 
cunning  and  wickedness  that  when  once  he  has 
brought  a  man  to  fall,  he  drives  him  on  to  more  and 
greater  sins. — Disselhopp:  As  the  poisonous 
seed,  laid  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth,  comes  up  and 
brings  fruit  a  hundredfold,  as  one  root  branches 
into  a  hundred  new  one.s,  spreads  with  rapid 
growth  through  the  whole  field  and  sends  up 
everywhere  the  wild  shoots,  not  otherwise  is  it 
with  the  sin  which  a  man  hides  in  his  heart.  In- 
wardly it  strikes  its  roots  deeper,  broader,  might- 
ier; outwardly  it  brings  superabundant  fruit.  It 
blinds  the  eyes,  stops  the  ears,  petrifies  the  feeling, 
deadens  the  conscience.  It  bursts  all  tender  bonds, 
it  dulls  and  benumbs  to  all  else  that  one  held  dear 
and  holy  on  earth.  Holy  fear  vanishes,  the  reins 
are  east  off  from  the  heart,  and  mean,  hateful, 
foul  traits  of  character,  which  one  had  reckoned 
impossible,  reveal  themselves  in  mournful  naked- 
ness.— Schliee:  Sin  takes  a  man  captive,  so  that 
from  one  he  hurls  himself  into  another,  so  that 
sin  becomes  wantonness  and  crime,  yea,  even  abo- 
mination. He  who  consents  to  sin,  knows  where 
the  corruption  begins,  but  who  will  undertake  to 
say  where  it  ends?  And  what  is  most  fearful  is 
the  blindness  into  which  sin  casts  the  man,  so 
that  his  eyes  are  holden,  that  he  no  longer  knows 
what  he  is  doing,  no  longer  sees  through  the  sim- 
plest things  that  were  once  known  and  familiar 
to  him,  but  with  eyes  open  rushes  into  ruin. 

[Tayloe  :  It  may  be  asked,  how  can  you  ac- 
count for  such  enormous  iniquity  in  such  a  man 
as  we  have  seen  that  David  was?  •  ■  ■  •  There 
are  some  men  in  whom  everything  is  on  a  large 
scale.  When  their  good  nature  is  uppermost, 
they  overtop  all  others  in  holiness;  but  if,  unhap- 
pily, they  should  be  thrown  off  their  guard,  and 
the  old  man  should  gain  the  mastery,  some  dread- 
ful wickedn&ss  may  be  expected.  This  is  all  the 
more  likely  to  be  the  case  if  the  quality  of  inten- 
sity be  added  to  their  greatness;  for  a  man  with 
such  a  temperament  is  never  anything  by  half. 
....  A  man  of  David's  nature  ought  to  be  more 
peculiarly  on  his  guard  than  other  men :  The  ex- 
press train,  dashing  along  at  furious  speed,  will 
do  more  mischief  if  it  runs  off  than  the  slow-goinjf 


470 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


horae-car  in  the  city  streets.  Every  one  under- 
stands that;  but  every  one  demands,  in  conse- 
quence, that  the  driver  of  the  one  shall  be  propor- 
tionately more  watchful  than  that  of  the  other. 
W  ith  such  a  nature  as  David  had,  and  knew  that  he 
Imd,  he  ought  to  have  been  supremely  on  his  guard, 
while  again  the  privileges  which  he  had  received 
from  God  rendered  it  both  easy  and  practicable 
for  him  to  be  vigilant. — Kingsley  :  Such  terrible 
crimes  are  not  committed  by  men  in  a  right  state 
of  mind.  Nemo  repente  fuit  turpissimus.  He  who 
commits  adultery,  treachery  and  murder,  must 
have  been  long  tampering,  at  least  in  heart,  with 
all  these.  Had  not  David  been  playing  upon 
the  edge  of  sin,  into  sin  he  would  not  have  fallen. 
He  may  have  been  quite  unconscious  of  bad  habits 
of  mind ;  but  they  must  have  been  there,  growing 
in  secret.  The  tyrannous  self-will,  which  is  too 
often  developed  by  long  success  and  command ; 
the  unscrupulous  craft,  which  is  too  often  deve- 
loped by  long  adversity,  and  the  necessity  of 
sustaining  one's  self  in  a  difficult  position,  .... 
and  that  fearful  moral  weakness  which  comes 
from  long  indulgence  of  the  passions.  .  .  .  On 
David's  own  theory,  that  he  was  an  utterly  weak 
person  without  the  help  of  God,  the  act  is  per- 
fectly like  David.  It  is  what  David  would  natu- 
turally  do,  when  he  had  left  hold  of  God.  Had 
he  left  hold  of  God  in  the  wilderness,  he  would 
have  become  a  mere  robber-chieftain.  He  does 
leave  hold  of  God  in  his  palace  on  Zion,  and  he 
becomes  a  mere  Ea.stern  despot. — Tk.] 

J.  DissELHOPF :  The  fall  of  the  man  after 
God's  own  heart:  1)  What  brought  the  beloved 
of  God  to  so  deep  a  fall?  2)  He  who  once  gives 
himself  up  to  sin  becomes  its  slave,  and  is  driven 
ever  deeper  and  deeper  by  its  might. 

[Hall:  O  God,  Thou  hadst  never  suffered  so 
dear  a  favorite  of  Thine  to  fall  so  fearfully,  if 
Thou  hadst  not  meant  to  make  him  a  universal 
example  to  mankind,  of  not  presuming,  of  not 
despairing.  How  can  we  presume  of  not  sin- 
ning, or  despair  for  sinning,  when  we  find  so 
great  a  saint  thus  fallen,  thus  risen! — Tr.] 

[Ver.  1.  This  entire  campaign,  with  the  siege 
of  a  capital  and  slaying  of  thousands,  interests  us 
now  only  as  the  occasion  of  David's  series  of 
great  sins.    And  in  truth  the  striking  excellen- 


cies or  faults  of  one  great  and  good  man,  when 
permanently  recorded  and  widely  read,  become 
more  important  to  the  welfare  of  the  human  race 
than  the  overthrow  of  cities  or  kingdoms. — Ver. 
2  sqq.  What  a  series !  A  lascivious  look  (Matt. 
V.  28),  actual  adultery,  pitiful  and  then  base  at- 
tempts at  concealment,  and  finally  a  treacherous 
murder.  How  little  David  imagined,  in  the 
moment  of  lustful  looking,  that  he  was  taking 
the  first  step  in  such  a  course  of  frightful  wicked- 
ness 1 — Vers.  14,  15.  Here  is  the  darkest  moment 
of  this  terrible  story.  Few  scenes  in  all  the  sad 
history  of  our  race  are  so  disgraceful  to  human 
nature  and  so  utterly  disheartening  to  the  be- 
holder, as  when  David,  the  Psalmist  and  King, 
with  such  a  historj',  such  experiences,  such  pro- 
mises, sat  writing  this  letter. — Ver.  16  It  is 
often  hard  to  find  helpers  to  virtue,  but  always 
easy  to  find  helpers  in  vice  and  crime. — Ver.  17. 
Uriah  the  Hittite — immortal  by  his  wrongs! — 
Ver.  25.  Alas!  often  do  men  hide  wicked  de- 
signs, and  satisfaction  at  successfiil  plotting, 
under  the  common-places  of  resignation  to  the 
inevitable,  of  submission  to  the  conditions  of 
existence. — Ver.  27.  So  he  seemed  to  have  com- 
passed his  ends  and  effectually  concealed  his 
crime  by  a  still  baser  crime.  But  his  conscience 
slept  uneasily  its  poisoned  sleep,  and  Jehovah 
was  displeased  ! — Tk.] 

[Vers.  2-27.  David g  frightful  fall.  1)  The 
inspired  writings  (unlike  most  biographies)  nar- 
rate without  reserve  the  faults  of  good  men.  2) 
This  story  serves  as  an  encouragement  to  sin,  or 
as  a  solemn  warning  against  sin,  according  to  the 
spirit  of  him  that  reads  it.  We  should  discipline 
ourselves  to  take  a  right  and  wholesome  view  of 
other  men's  faults.  3)  One  sin  leads  to  another ; 
and  attempts  at  concealment  often  involve  one  in 
greater  difficulty,  and  tempt  him  to  additional 
wrong.  When  a  good  man  has  been  betrayed 
into  crime,  let  him  humbly  confess  it,  and  cut 
short  the  series.  4)  If  David  feU,  let  him  that 
thinketh  he  standeth  take  heed  lest  he  fall  (1 
Cor.  X.  12).  Chkysostom  :  The  narrow  way 
has  precipices  on  both  sides.  Let  us  walk  it 
awake  and  watchful.  For  we  are  not  more  exact 
than  David,  who  by  a  moment's  neglect  was  pre- 
cipitated into  the  very  gulf  of  sin. — Tr.] 


2.  Nathan's  Exhortation  to  Repentance.     David's  Repentance.     Conquest  of  Rabbah  and 

Punishment  of  the  Ammonites. 

Chap.  XII.  1-31. 

1       And'  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  sent  Nathan  unto  David.     And  he  came  unto  him, 

and  said  unto  him,  There  were  two  men  in  one  city,  the  one  rich  and   the  other 

2,  3  poor."    The  rich  man  had  exceeding  many  flocks  and  herds.     But  [And]  the 

TEXTUAL  AND   GEAMMATICAL. 

1  (Ver.  t.  See  Josephus'  dressing  up  of  the  narrative  of  this  chapter  (Ant.  7,  7.  3-5).  His  additions  are  proba- 
bly iri  part  his-own  invention,  and  in  part  (as  BSttcher  remarks)  t-aken  from  late  glosses,  from  which  also  the 
Vulg.  and  Chald.  may  have  drawn.  In  a  few  cases  glosses  of  this  sort  seem  to  have  found  their  way  into  our 
Heb.  text.— Ta.] 

2  [Ver.  1.  tyNI,  instead  of  the  usual  K?'^,  is  found  only  in  Sam.  and  Prov. ;  the  t^  is  always  thrown  out  by 
the  Maaorites  (Qeri)  in  the  former  book  (omitted  from  the  text  in  twenty-two  MSS.  of  Kennicott),  never  in  tiie 


CHAP.  XII.  1-31.  471 


poor'  man  had  nothiog  save  one  little  ewe  lamb,  which  he  had  bought  and  nou- 
rished up ;  and  it  grew  up  together  with  him  and  with  his  children ;  it  did  eat  of 
his  own  meat  [food],  and  drank  of  his  own  cup,  and  lay  in  his  bosom,  and  was 

4  unto  him  as  a  daughter.  And  there  came  a  traveller  unto  the  rich  man,  and  he 
spared  to  take  of  his  own  flock  and  of  his  own  herd  to  dress  for  the  wayfaring  man 
that  was  come  unto  him ;  but  [and]  took  the  poor  man's  lamb,  and  dressed  it  for 

5  the  man  that  was  come  to  him.  And  David's  anger  was  greatly  kindled  against 
the  man,  and  he  said  unto  Nathan,  As  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth,  the  man  that 

6  hath  done  this  thing  shall  surely  die ;  And  he  shall  restore  the  lamb  fourfold, 
because  he  did  this  thing  and  because  he  had  no  pity. 

7  And  Nathan  said  to  David,  Thou  art  the  man.  Thus  saith  the  Lord  [Jehovah] 
God  of  Israel,  I  aaointed  thee  king  over  Israel,  and  I  delivered  thee  out  of  the 

8  hand  of  Saul ;  And  I  gave  thee  thy  master's  house,'  and  thy  master's  wives  into 
thy  bosom,  and  gave  thee  the  house*  of  Israel  and  of  Judah ;  and  if  that  had  been 
too  little,  I  would  moreover  [further]  have  given  unto  thee  such  and  such  things. 

9  Wherefore  hast  thou  despised  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  to  do  evil 
in  his' sight?  thou  hast  killed  Uriah  the  Hittite  with  the  sword,  and  hast  taken 
his  wife  to  be  thy  wife,  and  hast  slain  him  with  the  sword  of  the  children  of  Am- 

10  mon.  Now,'  therefore  [And  now]  the  sword  shall  never  depart  from  thine  house ; 
because  thou  hast  despised  me,  and  hast  taken  the  wife  of  Uriah  the  Hittite  to  be 

11  thy  wife.  Thus  saith  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  Behold,  I  will  raise  up  evil  against 
thee  out  of  thine  own  house,  and  I  will  take  thy  wives  before  thine  eyes,  and  give 
them  unto  thy  neighbor,'  and  he  shall  lie  with  thy  wives  in  the  light  of  this  sun. 

12  For  thou  didst  it  secretly ;  but  I  will  do  this  thing  before  all  Israel  and  before  the 
sun. 

13  And  David  said  unto  Nathan,  I  have  sinned  against  the  Lord  [Jehovah].    And 

latter.    It  may  be  only  a  scriptio  plena,  or  it  may  be  from  a  verb  tyi5*1  collateral  to  tyn  (comp.  Eyx^l,  "  poverty," 

Prov.  vi.  11).  In  either  caae  it  seems  to  have  been  thought  by  the  Maaorites  unfit  for  a  prose-text.  The  stem  is 
not  found  in  Aramaic. — Te.] 

'  [Ter.  3.  Some  MSS.  here  write  tyXT,  see  above.— Instead  of  riiV23  we  find  in  the  Pentateuch  11^33  and 

T  !  •  T  :  - 

(by  transposition)  T\2W3  (as  31^3  for  t!/2D);  BSttoher  suggests  that  the  slenderer  vowel  (i)  gives  here  a  dimi- 
nutive sense,  but  this  is  doubtful.— The  Imperfects  73Sn,  iTflE'n  and  22WP  here  express  customary  action. 
Instead  of  033  some  MSS.  have  nsS.— Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  8.  Syr.  nJ3,  doubtless  a  clerical  error.    The  Arab,  follows  the  Syriac- Te.J 

^  [Ver.  9.  Some  MSS.  and  the  Vulg.  read :  "  in  my  eyes,"  which  is  approved  by  Norzius  and  De  Rossi.  Ano- 
ther reading  is :  in  the  eyes  of  Jehovah  (some  MSS.,  Syr.,  Arab.).- In  the  latter  part  of  the  verse  the  repetition 
of  the  statement  that  David  slew  Uriah  has  given  offence  to  some  critics,  who  take  it  to  be  meaningless ;  and 
Syr.  omits  the  clause :  "  Uriah  the  Hittite  thou  haat  slain  with  the  aword,"  and  transposes  the  two  following. 
Bottoher  therefore  conjectures  for  the  first  phrase  3'iS3  n'13n,  "  thou  didst  ambush  Uriah,"  to  which  Thenius 
objects  that  the  3'^n  of  the  following  verse  requires  the  same  word  here  in  the  text,  and  that  the  two  clauses 

are  not  identical  in  statement,  but  the  second  is  descriptive  and  explanatory.  The  Bih.-Com.  suggests  that  the 
last  clause  of  this  verse  should  be  appended  to  ver.  10,  where  it  seems  required,  whereby  the  repetition  in  ver. 
9  would  be  avoided.  On  the  other  hand  the  absence  of  logical  symmetry  favors  the  present  Heb.  reading  ('as 
making  it  harder),  while  there  is  yet  in  it  a  certain  rhetorical  force;  the  speaker  presses  home  in  ver.  9  the 
charge  of  murder,  and  in  ver.  10  thinks  it  sufficient  to  state  the  one  fact  (the  marrying  Bathaheba)  that  repre- 
sents the  whole  crime. — Tk.J 

*  [Ver.  10.  Wellhausen  regards  vers.  10-12  as  an  interpolation,  because  no  reference  is  made  to  the  punish- 
menta  announced  in  them,  either  in  the  "  thou  shalt  not  die  "  of  ver.  13  or  in  ver.  14 ;  and  it  is  true  ver.  VA  attaches 
itself  easily  to  ver.  9.  Gramberg  also  (in  Thenius)  says  that  no  pardon  would  really  have  been  granted  David, 
if  Nathan  had  spoken  vers.  11, 12.  To  this  latter  Thenius  properly  replies,  that  pardon  (being  conditioned  on  a 
state  of  aoul)  doea  not  necessarily  involve  a  setting  aside  of  the  natural  effects  of  sin.  So  also  as  to  Wellhausen's 
criticism,  Nathan's  course  of  thought  may  be  thus  represented:  he  sets  forth  David's  sin  (ver.  91,  denounces 
against  hie  house  the  everlasting  vengeance  of  the  sword  (ver.  10),  and  an  open  requital  of  his  crime  on  him  per- 
sonally (vers.  11, 12) ;  thereupon  David  confesses  his  sin,  anticipating  the  worst  consequences  for  himself,  and 
Nathan  repUea  that  (notwithstanding  what  had  just  been  said)  death  should  not  now  be  visited  on  him;  yet  that 
he  might  not  be  without  immediate  punishment,  his  child  should  die.  Thus  the  contrast  between  the  punish- 
ment of  vers.  10-12  and  that  of  vers.  13, 14,  will  lie  in  the  immediateness  or  remoteness.  For  the  rest,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  suppose  that  this  scene  occurred  in  a  minute,  even  though  we  should  not  (with  Bwald)  assume  a 
considerable  interval.of  time  in  the  middle  of  ver.  13  (at  the  Piaqa).— Tk.] 

'  [Ver.  11.  The  Yod  in  TJ?"I  is  to  be  regarded  as  radical  (though  some  MSS.  omit  it)  and  the  word  as  singu- 
lar.—Te.] 

'  rVer.  13.  The  masoretio  note  here  is :  "  Pisqa  (division)  in  the  middle  of  the  verse."  This  doubtless  indi- 
cates that  a  pause  was  felt  to  be  desirable  between  David's  solemn  confession  of  sin  and  Nathan's  announcement 
of  pardon ;  but  whether  it  is  also  intended  to  indicate  an  interval  of  time  must  remain  undetermined.- Te.J 


472 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Nathan  s^id  unto  David,  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  also  hath  put  away  thy  sin  ;  thou 

14  shalt  not  die.  Hovebeit,  because  by  this  deed  thou  hast  given  great  occasion  to 
the  enemies'  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  to  blaspheme,  the  child  also  that  is  born  unto 

15  thee  shall  surely  die.     And  Nathan  departed  [went]  unto  his  house. 

And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  struck  the  child  that  Uriah's  wife   bare   unto  David, 

16  and  it  was  very  sick.     David  therefore  [And  David]  besought  God  for  the  child ; 

17  and  David  fasted,  and  went  in  and  lay  all  night  upon  the  earth  [grouud].  And 
the  elders  of  his  house  arose  and  went  to  him,  to  raise  him   up   trom   the  earth 

18  [ground]  ;  but  he  would  not,  neither  did  he  eat  bread  with  them.  And  it  came  to 
pass  on  the  seventh  day,  that  the  child  died.  And  the  servants  of  David  feared 
to  tell  him  that  the  child  was  dead  ;  for  they  said,  Behold,  while  the  child  was  yet 
alive,  we  spake  unto  him,  and  he  would  not  hearken  unto  our  voice  ;  how  will  he 
then  vex  himself,  if  we  tell  him  that  the  child  is  dead  ?  [and  how  shall  we  say  to 

19  him,  The  child  is  dead  ?  he  will  then  act  badly.]  But  when  David  [And  David] 
saw  that  his  servants  whispered,  [ins.  and]   David  perceived   that  the  child  was 

20  dead;  therefore  [and]  David  said  unto  his  servants.  Is  the  child  dead?  And  they 
said,  He  is  dead.  Then  [And]  David  arose  from  the  earth  [ground],  and  washed 
and  anointed  himself,  and  changed  his  a[)parel,  and  came  into  the  house  of  the 
Lord  [Jehovah]  and  worshipped ;  then  he  [and]  came  to  his  own  house,  and  when 
he  required  [and  asked],  [ins.  and]  they  set  bread  before  him,   and  he  did  eat. 

21  Then  said  his  servants  [And  his  servants  said]  unto  him.  What  thing  is  this  that 
thou  hast  done ?  thou  did-^t  fast  and  weep  for  the  child  while  it  was  alive;  but 

22  [and]  when  the  child  was  dead,  thou  didst  rise  and  eat  bread.  And  he  said. 
While  the  child  was  yet  alive,  I  fasted  and  wept ;  for  I  said.  Who  can  tell  whether 

23  God  will  be  gracious  to  me,  that  the  child  may  [shall]  live  ?  But  now  he  is  i^ead, 
wherefore  should  I  fast?  ran  I  bring  h'm  back  again?     I  shall  go  to  him,  but  he 

24  shall  not  return  to  me.  And  Davd  comforted  Bathsheba  his  wife,  and  went  in 
unto  her,  and  lay  with  her ;  and  she  bare  a  son,  and  he  called  his  name  Solomon ; 

25  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  loved  him.  And  he  sent  by  the  hand  of  Nathan  the 
prophet;  and  he  called  his  nnme  Jedidiah,  because  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]. 

26  And  Joab  fought  against  Rabbah  of  the  children  of  Ammon,  and  took  the  royal 

27  city.     And  Joab  sent  messengers  to  David,  and  said,  I  have  fought  against  Rab- 

28  bah,  and  have  taken  the  city  of  waters.  Now,  therefore  [And  now]  gather  the 
rest  of  the  people  together,  and  encamp  against  the  city  and  take  it,  lest  I  take 

29  the  city,  and  it  be  called  after  my  name.     And   David  gathered   all   the   people 

30  together,  and  went  to  Rabbah,  and  fought  against  it  and  took  it.  And  he  took 
their  king's  crown  from  off  his  head,  the  weight  whereof  [and  its  weight]  was  a 
talent  of  gold  with  the  [and]  precious  stones ;  and  it  was  set  on   David's  head. 

31  And  he  brought  forth  the  spoil  of  the  city  in  great  abundance.  And  he  brought 
forth  the  people  that  were  therein,  and  put'"  them  under  saws  and  under  harrows 
[threshing-sledges]  of  iron  and  under  axes  of  iron,  and  made  them  pass  through 


the  brick-kiln  ;''  and  thus  he  did  unto  all  the  cities  of  the  children  of  Ammou. 
[And]  David  and  all  the  people  returned  unto  Jerusalem. 


So 


»  [Ver.  14,  So  all  versions  and  MSS.  Geiger  thinks  that  this  is  a  case  similar  to  1  Sam.  xxv.  22,  where  the 
"enemies  "  is  inserted  to  avoid  an  irreverent  or  injurious  expression.  But  in  that  passage  (see  the  discussion 
there  in  "Text,  and  Gram.")  the  word  "enemies"  is  obviously  out  of  place,  while  here  it  suits  very  well;  and 
the  possibility  of  the  causative  sense  of  the  Piel  must  be  omitted.  Vet  if  the  Heb.  text  be  retained,  we  must 
suppose  some  publicity  given  to  David's  crime;  and  the  reading:  "thou  hast  despised  Jehovah,"  would  agree 
well  with  the  context.— Tr.J 

lOfVer.  31.  Chron.  (xx.  3)  has  ^iJ?■'l,  "he  sawed,"  which  is  adopted  by  BJrdmann,  Bib.-Com.,  and  most  critics. 
The  Heb.  phrase  here  is  unusual  and  hard,  and  the  reading  of  Chron.  has  against  it  only  that  the  vert)  aaued  does 
not  agree  well  with  the  instrumeuts  of  threshing  and  cutting.  Therefore  a  general  sense,  ait,  has  been  assigned 
to  the  verb,  which,  however,  is  doubtful.  It  is  held  by  some  that  our  Heb.  text  means  only  that  David  put  his 
prisoners  to  work  with  saws,  etc.;  but  the  words  will  hardly  bear  this  interpretation.  Chald.  has  "sawed" 
(IDD),  and  so  the  Vulg.  (probably  a  paraphrase).— Tr.] 

"  [Ver.  31.  Erdmann :  "  made  them  enter  their  Moloch."  retaining  the  Kethib,  as  he  explains  in  his  exposi- 
tion.   Eng.  A.  V.  adopts  the  Qeri,  which  seems  the  better  reading. — Ta.] 


EXEQETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

1.  Vers.  1-12.  Nathan's  exhm-tation  to  repentance. 
— Ver.  1.  And  the  Lord  sent.— Nathan  received 
his  commission  to  David  as  prophet;  as  the  Septua- 


gint.,  Syr.,  Arab,  and  some  MSS.,  rightly  indi- 
cate, by  the  addition  of  the  explanatory  phrase 
"the  prophet"  [after  "Nathan"].  After  the 
words  "  said  unto  him  "  the  Vulgate  adds  "  give 
me  your  opinion"  (responde  mihi  judicium),  a 
gloss,  probably  occasioned  by  the  feet  that  Na- 


CHAP.  XII.  1-31. 


473 


than's  disconrae  begins  immediately  with  a  paral- 
lel.*— David  is  caught  beforehand  in  the  cleverly 
spread  net  of  the  prophet's  parable. — Ver.  3.  The 
poor  man  had  "  nothing  at  all "  but  one  lamb, 
which  he  "  kept  alive,"  supported,  reared.  It  was 
not  a  pet-lamb  (KeilJ,  since  the  man  had  abso- 
Istoly  no  other  possession  in  cattle.  As  a  poor 
man  he  had  the  means  of  buying  only  one  little 
lamb,  which  he  was  now  raising,  and  which  he 
loved  the  more  as  it  was  hia  only  property.  IJBib.- 
Com. :  All  these  circumstances  are  exquisitely 
contrived  to  heighten  the  pity  and  indignation  of 
the  hearer. — Tk.]. — Ver.  4.f  [The  three  desig- 
nations "  traveller,"  "  wayfarer,"  "  the  man  that 
came  to  him,"  are  rhetorical  variations  and  mean 
the  same  thing  substantially,  though  the  last  is 
obviously  specially  appropriate  in  its  place.  Some 
of  the  rabbis  and  the  fathers  (quoted  with  appa- 
rent approval  by  Wordsworth)  make  the  three 
names  set  forth  lust  in  its  different  stages  of 
growth,  as  a  passer-by,  as  a  guest,  as  a  permanent 
inmate ;  of  course  this  allegorizing  is  out  of  place 
here. — Tb.]. — Vera.  5  sgq.  Nathan  so  told  his 
story  that  David  must  needs  believe  it  referred  to 
a  deed  of  violence  to  be  immediately  punished, 
not  supposing  at  all  that  it  concerned  him.j 
Hence  his  violent  indignation.  The  fourfold 
compensation  for  a  stolen  sheep  wai  a  legal  pro- 
vision, Ex.  xxi.  37.  The  sevenfold  of  the  Sept.  is 
to  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  number  seven 
wa^  so  common  among  the  Hebrews.  Comp. 
Pl'ov.  vi.  31.  [The  Chald.  says  fortyfold,  either 
by  clerical  error,  or  in  a  mere  spirit  of  exaggera- 
tion. This  Variation  may  suggest  the  uncertainty 
of  Bottcher's  view,  that  the  Heb.  text  here  has 
the  priestly  recension  (according  to  the  law  in 
Exodus)  and  the  Greek  the  laic  recension.  Nor 
ii  there  any  ground  for  the  assertion  of  Thenius 
(and  Wellhausen)  that  David  was  certainly  here 
not  thinking  of  the  law  in  Exodus,  and  that  the 
Greek  text  is  the  original.  Though  the  Book  of 
Exodus  in  its  present  shape  may  not  have  existed 
in  David's  time,  there  is  no  reason  why  this  law 
should  not  have  been  known. — Tk.].— Ver.  7. 
Tbou  art  the  man. — The  farther  David  was 
from  thinking  of  a  reference  to  himself  the  greater 
the  force  with  which  this  word  must  have  struck 
him.  The  account  here  given  of  the  firmness  and 
Wisdom  with  which  Nathan  approached  the  king 


*  fit  is  doubtful  whether  this  phrase  belongs  to  the 
Vulgate  text.  It  is  not  found  in  our  present  printed 
edition,  nor  in  the  Codex  Amlatinus ;  and  the  expres- 
sion ia  not  Hebrew  but  Latin  CWellhausen). — Joaephus' 
language  "he  asked  him  to  tell  him  what  he  thought " 
(Ant.  7, 7,  3)  is  a  natural  introduction  in  Josephus  ex- 
pansive manner,  and  does  nob  necessarily  suggest  a 
corresponding  phrase  in  his  Greek  text. — Te.J 

t  tff'N;,  anarthrous,  defined  by  the  Article  with  the 
following  adjective.    See  Ewald,  J  293  a. 

X  [Especially  as  no  murder  ia  introduced  into  the  para- 
ble. No  doubt  it  was  part  of  Nathan's  plan,  as  Dr.  Erd- 
mann  s:iirge3ts,  to  conceal  the  immediate  reference  from 
David.  He  therefore  does  not  minutely  imitate  the  ci> 
cumatances  of  David's  crime,  and  the  interpretation  of 
the  parable  must  simply  take  the  central  thought  and 
apply  it.  Here  was  a  man  that  wronged  his  neighbor 
Dy  depriving  him  of  valuable  property;  the  wrong  is 
heightened  by  the  fact  thatthe  aggressor  has  much  and 
the  sufferer  little.  Such  an  aggressor  was  David.  Far- 
ther than  this  it  is  not  proper  to  carry  the  interpreta- 
tion of  jtJartioulars,  Abarbanel's  explanation  (given  by 
Patrick)  is  too  minute,— Tn.] 


is  "  inimitably  admirable"  (Ewald).  The  Sept. 
and  Vulg.  [not  the  common  Vulg.  text, — Tii.], 
have  :  "  thou  art  the  man  that  has  done  this,"  a 
mere  explanatory  addition.  Thus  saith  the 
Lord  the  God  of  Israel. — The  following  words, 
as  far  as  ver.  9,  bring  out  most  clearly  the  great- 
ness of  David's  guilt  in  various  points:  1)  from  the 
point  of  view  of  his  royal  office;  his  crime  is  most 
sharply  opposed  to  his  divine  induction  thereinto ; 
2)  hxs  deliverance  from  Saul  was  a  gracious  act 
of  God,  for  which  he  has  here  shown  himself  in 
the  highest  degree  ungrateful;  3)  David  might 
unblamed  have  taken  his  predecessor's  wives 
(Thenius) ;  this  is  the  only  meaning  to  be  at- 
tached to  the  words  :  "  I  gave  thee  thy  master's 
house,  and  thy  master's  wives  into  thy  bosom." 
[Bp.  Patrick  and  others  give  the  later  Jewish  un- 
derstanding of  the  law  or  custom :  the  king  and 
no  other  person  fell  heir  to  the  property  and  har 
rem  of  his  predecessor,  but  it  did  not  follow  that 
he  actually  married  the  inmates  of  the  harem ; 
thejf  might  be  merely  a  part  of  his  establishment. 
If  it  was  a  son  that  succeeded  his  father,  he 
treated  these  women  with  reverence ;  if  no  blood- 
relationship  existed  between  the  two  kings,  the 
successor  might  actually  take  the  women  as  his 
wives  (Philippson).  As  to  the  morality  of  the 
act,  it  was  a  natural  result  of  a  polygamous  sys- 
tem, and  morally  in  the  same  category  with  it ; 
and  polygamy  was  allowed  by  the  Mosaic  Law. — 
Tb.]  .  According  to  1  Sam.  xiv.  50  Saul  had  only 
one  wife,  and  according  to  2  Sam.  iii.  7  only  one 
concubine  who  fell  into  Abner's  hands.  4)  Da- 
vid, as  king,  had  control  of  all  Israel  (1  Sam.  viii. 
16),  and  might  have  increased  his  establishment 
from  their  daughters,  without  committing  this 
crime.  And  I  nave  givea  thee  the  house 
of  Israel;  instead  of  "house"  Syr.  and  Arab, 
read  "daughters,"  for  which  change,  according  to 
the  above  explanation,  there  is  no  need.  5)  Da- 
vid despised,  transgressed  the  "word,"  that  is, 
the  law  of  God  by  slaying  Uriah.  The  Heb.  text 
has :  "mhis  eyes,"  the  margin :  "  in  my  eyes ;" 
the  difference  is  insignificant.*  This  crime  is 
heightened,  however,  by  the  fact  that  he  commit- 
ted the  murder  by  "  the  sword  of  the  children  of 
Ammon."  With  this  added  statement  and  the 
use  of  the  stronger  word  ''  murder  "  [Eng.  A.  V. 
slain]  instead  of  "slay,"  the  fact  already  men- 
tioned is  repeated,  in  order  that  the  culmination 
of  the  iniquity,  the  using  the  enemies  of  God's 
people  as  its  instrument,  may  come  forth  more 
sharply. 

Vers.  10-12.  Threat  of  punishment,  David^s  mis- 
deed being  again  characterized  as  a  factual  contempt 
of  the  Lord.  Instead  of:  "  Thou  hast  despised 
the  word  of  the  Lord,"  it  is  here  said:  "Thou 
hast  despised  Me."  For  in  His  word  the  Lord 
Himself  reveals  Himself.  For  this  reason,  be- 
cause David  is  guilty  of  despising  the  Lord,  1) 
''  the  moord  shall  not  depart  from  his  house  forever," 
that  is,  as  long  as  the  house  or  posterity  of  David 
shall  last.  From  the  seed  of  this  evil  deed  of  Da- 
vid sprang  the  poisonous  fruit  of  the  evil  deeds 
of  his  sons  and  the  consequent  domestic  and  fra- 
ternal war.   The  bloody  sword  appears  in  the  mur- 


*  [In  Hahn's  ed,  of  the  Heb.  Bib,  both  text  and  mar- 
gin have  "  his  eyes  "  (with  a  mere  orthographic  differ- 
ence) ;  but  in  some  other  edd,  (see  De  Kosai)  the  Qerl 
or  margin  ia  as  Dr.  Erdmann  states.— Ta.] 


474 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


der  of  the  incestuous  Amnou  by  Absalom  (xiii. 
28,  29),  in  the  death  of  the  rebel  Absalom  (xiii., 
xiv.),  and  in  the  execution  of  Adonijah  (1  Kings 
ii.  24,  25).  Thereby  is  Uriah's  murder  punished ; 
2)  David  is  threatened  with  disgrace  through  the 
disgrace  of  his  wives.  To  thy  neighbor  .... 
in  the  sight  of  the  sun — ^before  all  Israel. 
For  the  fulfilment  by  Absalom,  see  xvi.  22,  and 
comp.  1  Kings  ii.  23  sq.,  where  Adonijah  asks  for 
Abishag  the  Shunammite.  [On  the  text  in  vers. 
9,  10  see  "Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.] 

Vers.  13-23.  David' s  penitent  confession  and  pun- 
ishment by  the  death  of  the  child  of  Sathsheba.—VeT. 
13.  I  have  sinned  against  the  Lord. — This 
frank,  short,  honest  confession  of  sin  was  made  not 
some  time  after  this  discourse  of  Nathan,  but  im- 
mediately as  its  direct  result.     The  power  of  the 
prophetic  word  laid  hold  of  the  depths  of  his 
heart  and  conscience;   the  divine  truth,  which 
inexorably  laid  bare  his  sin,  put  an  end  to  all 
self-deception  and  all  anxious  effort  to  cover  up 
and  palliate  his  transgression  of  the  divine  word. 
He  confesses  his  sin  as  a  sin  against  the  Lord,  to 
show  that  he  clearly  recognizes  it  to  be,  what  it 
essentially  is,  a  contradiction  of  God's  holy  will. 
Nathan's    answer  is  the  announcement  of  the 
Lord's  grace  1)  in  forgiving  the  sin :  The  Lord 
will  cause  [or,  has  caused — Tr.]  thy  sin  to 
pass  over,  that  is,  it  is  not  to  remain  before 
him,  but  to  vanish,  be  forgiven ;  2)  in  remitting 
the  deserved  punishment :  Thou  shalt  not  die! 
• — As  adulterer  and  homicide  David  had  deserved 
death  ;  but  this  just  punishment  was  not  executed, 
because  he  honestly  repented  and  did  not  harden 
his  heart  against  the  Lord.     [Probably  the  civil 
law  in  such  a  case  could  not  have  been  enforced 
against  an  absolute  king  by  human  authority; 
but  God  could  have  found  means  to  execute  it. 
Clearly  it  is  physical  death  that  is  here  meant, 
not  the  death  of  the  soul  (against  Wordsworth 
and  Bib.-Com.). — In  the  Mosaic  code  there  is  no 
provision  against  such  a  marriage  as  that  of  Da- 
vid and  Bathsheba ;  on  general  moral  grounds  it 
would  have  been  pronounced  wrong.    Yet  there 
were  also  reasons  why  the  marriage  should  take 
place,  and  God  Himself  solves  the  ethical  ques- 
tion by  the  mouth  of  His  prophet,  not  increasing 
the  evil  by  sundering  the  marriage  tie,  but  so 
chastising  the  sinners  that  one  of  them  at  least 
must  have  remembered  the  lesson  to  the  end  of 
his  life. — According  to  the  later  Jewish  law  the 
marriage  was  illegal ;  and  some  Jewish  writers 
have  tried  hard  to  clear  David  of  the  charge  of 
adultery.     See  Patrick's  Comm.,  2  Sam.  xi.  27 
and  4. — Tb.]. — This  is  not  inconsistent  with  the 
threat  of  punishment  in  ver.  14,  the  fulfilment  of 
which  is  specially  founded  on  the  provocation  to 
blasphemy  given   to  the  heathen.     Only    be- 
cause thou  hast  made  the  enemies  of  the 
Lord  to  despise*  (him).     The  enemies  of  the 
people  of  Israel  were  also  enemies  of  the  Lord 
and  of  the  king  of  this  people.     Towards  the  hea- 
then  Israel's  duty  was,  by  obedience  to  God's 
word  and  commands,  to  set  forth  the  theocracy 
and  bring  it  to  honor  and  recognition.     Trans- 
gression of  God's  command  by  the  king  himself 
must  lead  the  heathen  to  heap  shame  and  re- 

*  VSJ  Piel  Inf.  Aba. ;  the  i  for  assonance  with  the  fol- 
lowing Perfect,  Ew.  J  240(5. 


proach  on  Israel  and  its  God ;  and  there  mu 
therefore  be  expiation   by  punishment.     Davi 
and  Bathsheba  must  lose  their  adulterously  b 
gotten  child,  and  this  should  be  a  sign  to  tl 
Lord's  enemies  of  the  severe  justice  of  the  God  c 
Israel.     "The  child  also,  etc.;"  the  statement 
introduced  by  the  word  also  as  in  keeping  wit 
what  precedes  (DJ,  not  hmobeit,  but  also). — Ve 
15.  The  Lord  smote  the  child.— The  ful£ 
ment  followed   immediately  on  the  predictioi 
The  sickness  is  represented  as  a  punishment  ii 
flicted  by  God  ;  therefore  is  added  :  which  th 
wife  of  Uriah  had  borne  to  David. — [Itwaj 
then,  apparently  not  till  after  the  birth  of  ti 
child  that  Nathan  came  to  David ;  the  latter  ha 
remained  many  months  seemingly  unconscious  o 
his  sin.  —  Tk.J. — Ver.   16.   David  acknowledg* 
the  punishing  hand  of  the  Lord.    He  goes  awa 
to  a  retired  spot,  to  collect  himself  and  pour  ot 
his  heart  before  God.     The  phrase  "  went  in  "  n 
fers  to  his  going  not  to  the  Sanctuary  (to  whid 
he  does  not  go  till  ver.  20),  but  to  a  quiet  room  h 
his  house,  where  he  could  be  alone ;  Vulg. :  in 
gressus  seorsum  ["he  went  in  apart"]. — Ver.  17 
The  elders  of  his  house  are  its  oldest  and  moR 
trusted  servants.     Comp.  Gen.  xxiv.  2 ;  1.  7.    S( 
Clericus.     Whether    David's   uncles  and   oldes 
brothers  are  thereby  meant  (Ewald)  mustremaii 
undecided. — Ver.  18.  The  elders  hesitate  to  tel 
David  of  the  death  of  the  child,  lest  he  be  plungec 
into  deeper  grief,  or  do  himself  a  harm.    Vulg. 
"  how  much  more  will  he  afflict  himself?"     [Da^ 
vid's  affection  for  this  child  is  remarkable.    He 
was  a  "  great  lover  of  his  children  "  (Patrick)  and 
perhaps  specially  attached  to  this  one  by  reason 
of  his  love  for  its  mother. — Tb.].— Ver.  19sqq. 
David's  conduct  is  the  opposite  of  what  the  ser- 
vants expected.     The  solution  of  their  perplexity 
lay  in  the  fact  that  David  had  hitherto  prayed 
for  the  child's  life,  but  now  bowed  humbly  beneath 
God's  hand,  and  thus  gains  strength  joyfully  to 
bear  the  burden  laid  on  him.     David's  two  courses 
of  conduct  in  immediate  juxtaposition  have  me 
common  source   witliin  him ;   namely,  humble, 
unconditional  devotion  of  heart  to  the  will  of  the 
Lord.    After  "and  he  asked"  [ver.  20]  "bread" 
is  omitted,  because  it  is  mentioned  immediately 
afterwards.     The  shorter  phrase  is  obviousily  ori- 
ginal ;  the  addition  of  the  Sept. ;  ''  bread  to  eat," 
is  an  interpretation. — Ver.  21.  Render:   "thou 
didst  fast  and  weep  for  (""3^3)  the  child,  while 
it  yet  lived"  [=  for  the  child  living— Tb.]  ;  so 
ViUg.,  Cler.,  Ew.  ^341  b  [Sept.,  Eng.  A.  V.]; 
not  "  while  the  child  lived "   (Ges.,  De  Wette, 
Maur.,  Keil  [Chald.,  Syr.,  Luther]),  since  as  con- 
junction the  word  denotes  only  either  the  ground 
or  the  end.*— Ver.  22.  See  on  vers.  19  sqq.    Da- 


*  [Sept.,  changing  the  accents,  has :  "  what  is  this  that 
thou  hast  done  for  the  child?  while  it  yet  lived  thou 
didst  fast,  etc.,"  and  this  is  adopted  by  Thenius  (after 
Hitzig),  and  declared  by  Wellhausen  to  be  the  onlv  pos- 
sible construction  of  the  words.  The  latter,  however, 
points  out  the  two  difficulties  in  this  construction,  that 
we  do  not  expect  any  qnalifyine  phrase  after  "  thou  hast 
done,    and  that  the  curtoess  and  isolation  of  the  'n  is 

hard.  He  therefore  reads  *li^>3  (as  in  ver.  22)  "while 
the  child  was  yet  alive  "  instead  of  113;?3,  for  which, 
says  Bottcher,  there  is  no  need.  The  construction  of 
ling.  A.  v.,  though  not  without  its  diffioulties,  maybe 
retained,  though  Wellhausen's  suggestion  commends 
Itself  as  more  natural  and  grammatical. Tb.1 


CHAP.  XII.  1-31. 


475 


vid  had  wntinued  to  hope  tliat  the  Lord  would 
hear  his  prayer*  and  spare  the  child. — Ver.  23. 
The  continued  existence  of  the  child's  soul  in 
Sheol  is  here  assumed,  and  the  hope  of  reunion 
with  it  expressed.  "  Nothing  is  said,  indeed,  of 
conscious  existence,  but  this  must  have  been  sup- 
posed, in  order  to  find  consolation  and  repose  in 
going  to  the  dead"  (Bottch.,  de  inferis,  §  109 sq.). 
Vers.  24,  25.  JBirth  of  Solomon.  David  com- 
forted Bathsheba,  because  he  himself  had  re- 
ceived comfort.  The  Sept.  prefixes  "she  con- 
ceived "  to  our  appropriately  curt  text  "  she  bare 
a  son."  And  he  called  his  name  Solomon.f 
Solomon's  birth  is  mentioned  here  because  of  its 
factual  connection  with  what  precedes.  The  name 
Solomon,  like  the  similar  names  in  Lev.  xxiv.  11 ; 
Num.  xxxiv.  27 ;  1  Chr.  xxvi.  25  sq.,  was  ''  an 
old  and  common  one  ...  it  is  therefore  wholly 
without  foundation  to  say  that  Solomon  first  re- 
ceived this  name  from  the  '  peace '  of  his  time  " 
(Ew.,  Gesch.  [Hist,  of  Israel]  III.  p.  228,  Eem. 
1).  It  is  probable,  indeed,  that  Solomon's  birth 
occurred  just  after  the  conquest  of  Kabbah  rela- 
ted below ;  for,  as  Bathsheba's  first  son  was  con- 
ceived during  the  siege,  this  siege,  if  Solomon  was 
born  b^ore  its  termination,  would  have  lasted 
about  two  years  [Cler.,  Thenius].  Nevertheless 
the  name  Solomon  is  to  be  explained  not  from 
the  peace  gained  by  the  Ammonite  war,  but  (after 
1  Chr.  xxii.  9)  from  the  wish  that  peace  might 
be  allotted  him  as  a  gift  of  God,  in  contrast  with 
the  continual  wars  of  his  father's  life.  And  the 
Lord  loved  him.— Here  instead  of  David,  the 
Lord  appears  as  subject;  and  so  in  the  verb 
"sent"  [ver.  25]  the  Lord  is  subject,  not  David, 
siuee  the  latter  had  already  given  the  name  Solo- 
mon. Ewald  renders:  ''  he  (David)  asked  through 
Nathan  from  the  oracle  a  loftier  name  for  his 
new-born  son  ;"  but  this  rests  on  the  inappropri- 
ate conception  of  the  words  "  Jehovah  loved  him  " 
as  referring  to  the  maintenance  of  this  child's  life 
[in  contrast  with  the  dead  child — Tr.],  apart  from 
the  fact  that  the  subject  "  Jehovah  "  is  again  ar- 
bitrarily changed.  This  last  consideration  is  also 
against  the  rendering:  "and  he  (David)  gave 
him  into  the  hand  of  Nathan  the  prophet  (to  bring 
up),"  where  the  Piel  of  the  verb  would  be  re- 
quired. The  expression  in  the  text  (Qal  with 
T3  [to  send  by  the  hand  of])  means  to  give  a 
commission  (comp.  Ex.  iv.  13).  Jehovah  sent 
Nathan  to  David  with  the  commission  to  give  the 
child  the  name  Jedidiah.  Nathan  is  expressly 
called  prophet,  because  he  appeared  in  divine 
commission  as  such.  This  was  the  factual  oppo- 
site of  the  former  message  [ver.  1],  God's  decla- 
ration that  He  had  bestowed  His  grace  and  mercy 
on  David  and  his  child.  The  subject  of  the  verb 
"  called  "  is  Nathan.  "  On  account  of  Jehovah," 
that  is,  because  Jehovah  loved  him,  as  the  name 

•  Kethib  'jptT  Impf.  Qal,  Qeri  'JJni  Perf.  with  Waw 
coaaecutive. 

t  [Solomon,  in  Heb.  Shelomoh.  =  "peaceful."  Other 
names  from  the  same  stem  are  Shalmai  (Ezr.  ii.  46,  mar- 

fin),  Sheloml  (Num.  xxxiv.  27),  Shelumiel  (Numb.  i.  6), 
helemiah  (1  Chr.  xxvi.  14),  Shelomith  (Lev.  xxiv.  11 ;  2 
Chr.  xi.  20).  Sept.  and  Vulg.  write  Salomon,  and  New 
feat.  (Greek)  Solomon,  which  our  translators  have 
adopted  (.Bib.-Ccm.).  The  Arabic  form  is  .'^uleiman,  Syr. 
Bheleimun.  The  final  n  comes  from  the  attempt  of  the 
Sept.  to  give  the  name  a  Greek  appearance,  or,  it  may 
really  have  taken  this  form  in  Egypt.— Tb.) 


signified  (=  "  beloved  of  Jehovah,"  Germ.  GoUr 
lieb.)*  While  Solomon  was  the  name  given  him 
by  his  parents,  by  which  he  was  to  be  called,  Jedi- 
diah, as  the  high  name  given  him  by  the  prophet, 
denoted  the  Lord's  love  and  faithfulness  bestowed 
on  him  whose  light  was  to  illumine  his  whole 
life.  [Bottcher,  Thenius  and  Wellhausen  insist 
on  rendering  ver.  25 :  "  and  he  committed  him  to 
the  care  of  Nathan,"  etc.,  which  agrees,  says  The- 
nius, with  the  general  opinion  (of  which,  how- 
ever, there  is  not  a  word  in  the  Bible)  that  Na- 
than was  Solomon's  tutor.  This  is  also  the  view 
of  Victorinus  Strigelius  quoted  by  Patrick,  and  is 
certainly  more  in  keeping  with  the  context  than 
the  other.  If  the  view  of  Eng.  A.  V.  and  Erd- 
mann  be  correct  we  should  expect  some  addi- 
tional explanatory  phrase ;  unless  the  next  sen- 
tence is  such  a  complementary  phrase,  in  which 
case  the  subject  of  "  called"  must  be  the  same  as 
that  of  "  sent,"  namely  Jehovah.  But,  as  Erd- 
mann  himself  points  out,  the  subject  of  "  called  " 
is  not  Jehovah,  but  either  Nathan  or  David.  For 
this  reason  it  seems  better  to  take  David  also  as 
subject  of  "  sent "  or  delivered."  David  commit- 
ted him  (reading  the  Piel)  to  Natlian,  and  Na- 
than gave  him  his  higher  name.  Comp.  similar 
second  names  in  the  histories  of  Abraham  and 
Sarah,  Jacob  and  Simon  Peter. — Then,  remarks 
of  this  whole  narrative  that  its  exact  fidelity  to 
nature  and  touching  simplicity,  when  we  recollect 
that  the  scenes  passed  in  the  interior  of  the  pa- 
lace, show  that  it  must  have  been  communicated 
by  a  contemporary. — Tk.] 

Vers.  26-31.  Conquest  of  Habbah  amd  cruel  pan- 
ishment  of  the  Ammonites.  Comp.  1  Chr.  xx.  1-3. 
— Ver.  26  .sqq.  The  narrative  returns  to  xi.  1. 
From  the  connection  the  "  city  of  the  fcingdom,"t 
the  capital  of  the  kingdom,  is  the  whole  city,  not 
merely  the  water-town  (ver.  27)  "excluding  the 
acropolis  "  (Keil).  Joab,  as  commanding  gene- 
ral, conducting  the  siege,  conquered  the  whole 
city  ;  and  this  result  is  here  summarily  stated  ia 
advance.  [But  this  statement  does  not  read  like 
an  anticipative  summary ;  the  capture  of  ver.  29 
seems  to  be  different  from  that  of  ver.  26.— Tk.]. 
— Ver.  27  sq.  Detailed  account  of  the  affair,  es- 
pecially how  Joab,  after  taking  the  water-city, 
summoned  the  king,  who  had  remained  in  Jeru- 
salem (xi.  1).  in  order  that  the  remaining  higher 
part  of  the  city  might  be  taken  under  his  direc- 
tion to  the  honor  of  the  royal  name.  And  so  it 
happened,  though  it  was  none  the  less  true  (ver. 
26)  that  Joab  was  the  real  conqueror.  Vulg. : 
"  lest,  the  city  being  taken  by  me,  th^  victory 
should  be  ascribed  to  my  name."  Luther :  "  that 
I  may  not  have  the  name  of  it."— To  judge  from 
the  ruins  of  Amraon  (comp.  Kitter  XV.,  p.  1145 
sq.)  the  capital-city  of  the  Ammonites  lay  on  both 
banks  of  the  Upper  J.abbok,  in  a  narrow  valley, 
on  the  north  side  of  which  on  an  eminence  was 
the  citadel  (''  the  city  "  ver.  28)  towering  above 


«  [The  first  part  of  the  name.TedidiahmeaM  the  same 
as  David.    Comp.  Amadeus. — Tk.] 

t  [There  is  a  disposition  to  assimilate  the  two  desig- 
nations in  vers.  26  and  27,  city  of  the  kingdom  and  city 
of  water.  In  ver.  27  Syr.,  Arab.,  Chald.,  and  some  Heb. 
MSS.  read  as  in  ver.  26,  and  Wellhausen  proposes  to 
read  ver.  26  as  ver.  27.  Certainly  if  Joab  had  already 
captured  the  whole  city,  there  would  be  no  room  tor 
David's  capture  (ver.  29),  and  so  KeiPs  explanation  must 
be  adopted  if  we  retain  the  Heb.  text.— Ta.J 


476 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  whole  lower  city  ("the  water-city"}.  This 
citadel  was  not  taken  by  Joab  till  David  came, 
in  order  that  the  completion  of  the  conquest  might 
appear  as  the  deed  of  the  king  himself.  See  Curt. 
6,  6  (quoted  by  Grotius) :  "  he  (Craterus),  after 
everything  was  prepared,  awaited  the  coming  of 
the  king  (Alexander),  yielding  to  him,  as  was 
proper,  the  honor  of  the  capture  of  the  city."— 
[Eng.  A.  V.  has:  "and  it  be  called  after  my 
name-."  As  there  seems  to  be  no  example  of  a 
conquered  city's  being  called  after  the  name  of 
the  conqueror,  it  may  be  better  to  render  (with 
Erdmann  and  others)  :  "and  my  name  be  called 
(or  honored)  upon  (in  respect  to)  it."  However, 
the  ordinary  meaning  of  the  phrase  is  as  in  Eng. 
A.  Y. — Joab's  conduct  here  is  either  that  of  a 
devoted  servant,  wishing  to  give  his  master  honor 
or  shield  him  from  popular  disfavor  (on  account 
of  the  affair  of  Bathsheba),  or  that  of  an  adroit 
courtier,  who  will  not  run  the  risk  of  exciting  his 
king's  envy  by  too  much  success  (see  1  Sam.  xviii. 
6-8).— Te".].  — Ver.  29.  AH  the  people,  the 
soldiers  that  had  remained  at  home ;  the  be- 
sieging force  had  to  be  strengthened  in  order  to 
conquer  the  strong  Upper  City. — Ver.  30.  When 
the  citadel  was  taken,  the  king  of  the  Ammonites 
was  either  killed  or  captured.  David  took  tlie 
crown  from  his  head,  and  set  it  on  his  own,  in  or- 
der to  represent  himself  as  lord  of  the  Ammonite 
kingdom  The  kiklcar  [talent]  was  3000  shekels 
(comp.  Winer,  8.  i\  Oewichte) ;  the  weight  of  the 
crown  was  83|  [Dresden]  pounds  [=  about  100 
English  pounds,  for  the  silver  talent,  which  was 
probably  tlie  current  unit  of  weight;  the  gold- 
talent  weighed  twice  as  much. — Tk.].  This  heavy 
crown  of  gold  and  precious  stones  might  have 
been  worn  during  the  short  time  of  coronation  by 
a  strong  man  like  David.  In  many  places  now 
weights  scarcely  less  heavy  are  borne  on  the  head 
even  by  women.  We  need  not,  therefore,  sup- 
pose that  the  weight  is  here  accidentally  exagge- 
rated (Keil),  nor  that  the  crown  was  supported 
on  the  throne  above  the  head  (Clericus).  [Some 
would  understand  that  the  ^a?ue,  and  not  the 
weight  of  the  crown  is  here  given ;  but  the  text- 
word  can  mean  nothing  but  "  weight."  The 
Sept.  has :  "he  took  the  crown  of  Molchom  their 
king  from  his  head."  This  reading  Molkora  or 
Milkom  instead  of  "  their  king "  is  adopted  by 
Geiger  (p.  306),  who  sees  in  our  Hebrew  text  an 
illustration  of  the  tendency  to  get  rid  of  the  names 
of  idol  deities.  As  our  text  stands  the  suffix 
"their"  is  strange,  since  the  Ammonites  are  not 
mentioned  immediately  before  (Wellh.),  and  wc 
might  also  expect  here  the  mention  of  the  Am- 
monite king  by  name  {Bib.-Comm.).  We  may 
therefore  render  :  "  he  took  Malcom's  (Moloch's) 
crown  from  his  head."— Tr,].— Ver.  31.  The 
cruel  punishments  inflicted  by  David  on  the  Am- 
monites were  probably  the  same  that  they  were 
accustomed  to  inflict  on  the  Israelites  or  other 
nations  in  war.  For  their  cruelties  see  1  Sam. 
xi.  2  and  Am.  i.  8.  As  they  did,  so  it  was  done 
to  them.  Instead  of  "  he  put  them  under  saws, 
etc."  we  must  read :  "  he  out  them  with  saws,  etc.," 
ae  in  Chron.  and  the  Targum  (lliy  instead  of 
UW)  ;  our  present  text  can  only  be  rendered; 
"  he  put  them  into  saws,"  etc.,  a  phrase  that  can- 
not be  applied  to  the  saw.  Comp.  Heb.  xi.  37, 
and  Sueton.  Caligula  27 :  "  he  cut  them  in  two 


with  the  saw.''  And  with  catting  instrn- 
ments  [Eng.  A.  V.  axes]  of  iron.  Instead  of 
this  1  Chr.  xx.  3  has  "  saws "  a  second  time,  a 
clerical  error*  for  "  axes  "  [Eng.  A.  V.  coirects 
the  error,  and  renders  "  axes." — Te.]. — In  the 
next  clause  the  Qeri,  Sept.  and  Vulg.  [and  Eng. 
A.  v.]  read  :  "  made  them  pass  through  the  brick- 
kiln,"t  that  is,  burned  them  in  brick-kilns  (Keil). 
But  the  text  is  to  be  retained  with  Kimchi,  whose 
explanation  is  essentially  correct :  "  he  passed  them 
through  Malchan,  i.  e.,  the  place  where  the  Ammo- 
nites burned  their  sons  to  their  idol."  Instead  of  mai- 

lean  (from  "j^D  =  Moloch)  we  may  with  Bott.  pro- 
nounce the  word  miiion=)ni7iom.t  Bothdenotethe 
image  of  Moloch  (comp.  1  Kings  xi.  5,  3b).  In  the 
burning  imagehuman sacrifices  were  offered  to  Mo- 
loch, and  ''to  cause  to  pass  through  (or,  through 
the  fire)  to  Moloch  "  is  (he  usual  phrase  for  this 
idol-service?  (see  Lev.  xviii.  21 ;  2  Kings  xxiii. 
10;  Jer.  xxxii.  3-5;  Ezek.  xx.  3^).  "The  de- 
sign was  to  inflict  a  striking  punishment  on 
idolatry,  and  in  so  far  the  war  was  a  holy  one" 
(Then.).  The  milder  explanation  of  the  pun- 
ishment as  consisting  in  the  imposition  of  severe 
labors,  cutting  wood,  burning  bricks,  etc.  (Danz 
and  others)  is  inconsistent  with  the  words  of  the 
text.  However,  the  text  does  not  require  us  to 
suppose  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  Rabbah  were 
thus  treated ;  it  was  probably  only  the  soldiers 
that  were  in  the  Upper  City  [''and  so  he  did  to 
all  the  cities  of  the  Ammonites." — Te.]. 

By  this  Ammonite  war  (probably  the  last  that 
he  waged)  David  had  extended  and  strengthened 
his  kingdom  toward  the  whole  east.  By  all  his 
wars  (Chron.  viii.  sqq.)  the  boundaries  of  his 
kingdom  were  so  far  extended  that  it  was  secure 
against  heathen  nations.  But  this  splendor  of 
outward  power  and  dominion  stood  in  sharp  con- 
trast with  the  inward  disintegration  of  the  royal 
house  and  of  the  whole  people  through  David's 


HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  David's  condition  of  soul  in  the  time  from 
his  fall  to  his  repentance  may  be  understood 
from  the  fact  that  it  needed  such  a  strong  impulse 
as  Nathan's  discourse  to  bring  him  to  repentance, 
while  on  the  other  hand  the  word  of  confe.ssion 
followed  immediately  on  the  discourse.  This 
latter  indicates  that  his  conscience  had  accused 
him  of  sin ;  but  frank  confession  had  been  some- 
how hindered,  till  the  hindrance  was  set  aside 
by  Nathan's  word.     The  confession  was  preceded 

*  n'njD  for  n'ntJD. 

t  pSn  instead  of  Kethib  pSo- 

X  Bdttoher  :  The  Kethib  needs  no  change,  for  t37B 
is  a  Hebraized  form  of  DJD^D,  the  ending  om  being 
augmentative. 

I  [As  Dr.  Erdmann  remarks,  the  standing  formula  is 
"to  pass  through  to  Moloch,"  and  the  Heb.  text  eannct 
be  so  rendered;  it  is  "in"  malkon.  It  is  a  further 
objeetion  to  this  view  that  the  phrase  was  used  dis- 
tinctly of  the  worship  of  Molooh,  and  would  hardly  be 
used  of  an  act  of  punishment.  But  if  the  Qen  be 
adopted,  the  phrase  is  still  hard  because  of  the  prepo- 
sition: "he  made  them  pass  through  in  the  Uiln,"  the 
usual  phrase  omitting  the  preposition.  No  satisfectorjr 
translation  of  the  words  has  yet  been  offered.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  XII.  1-31. 


477 


by  a  gUenee,  which  did  not  proceed  from  a  con- 
trite heart,  but  concealed  an  unquiet  conscience 
and    distracted    heart.     Thenius    rightly  says: 
"  Psalm  xxxii.  describes  what  David  felt  before 
he  was  led  to  confession  of  sin  by  Nathan's  ad- 
dress."    The  expression   (vera.   3,  4) :    ''  for  I 
kept  silence ;  my  bones  wasted  away  in  my  cry- 
ing all  the  day ;  for  day  and  night  thy  hand  was 
heavy  upon  me,"  sets  forth  how  his  silence  was 
accompanied  by  consuming  anguish  of  body  and 
soul,  wherein  he  felt  in  his  conscience  the  op- 
pressive burden  of  God's  punitive  righteousness, 
without  being  thereby  moved  to  confession  of 
sin.     "  We  see  plainly  from  Psalm  xxxii.  what 
bitter   inward  struggles  he   endured  before  he 
yielded  to    the  divine  chastisement  and  grew 
strong  enough  to  confess  his  sins  openly  before 
God"   (Ewald).     These  inward   conflicts  were 
produced  by  two  factors:  (1)  the  constant  "vjeight 
of  GocHa  hand  on  him  " — the  accusing,  condemning 
voice  of  conscience,  the  inward  completion  of 
the  divine  judgment ;  (2)  his  impenitent,  uncon- 
trite  heart  (which  was  the  cause  of  his  silence), 
which  wished  to  "maintain  its  rights"  by  self- 
excuse  and  self-justification  against  the  inevitable 
divine  judgment   (comp.  Ps.  li.  6).     This  was 
"  the  guile  in  his  spirit"  (ver.  2),  which  was  the 
ground  of  his  silence  (''  for,"  ver.  3).     He  was 
not  upright  in  heart  (ver.  11),  so  that  he  did  not 
honestly  confess    his  sins,   but  concealed    them 
(comp.  ver.  5).    Thus  Psalm  xxxii.  fills  out  our 
picture  of  David's  condition  and  conduct  after 
his  sin  and  after  Nathan's  piercing  punitory  dis- 
course.   Against  the  reference  of  this  Psalm  to 
the  crime  of  David  against  Bathsheba  it  has  been 
alleged  (De  Wette,  Stier,  Clauss,  Hitzig)  that  in 
it  the  confession  comes  from  inward  pain  of  con- 
science, while  in  2  Sam.  xii.  it  is  occasioned  by 
Nathan's  discourse.     The  two  facts,  however,  are 
not  mutually  exclusive,  but  mutually  comjjle- 
mentary.     Nathan's  discourse  is  not  the  ground, 
but  the    occasion    of   David's    confession.     See 
Hengptenberg  on  Ps.  xxxii.  for  the  particular 
points  in  which  the  Psalm  and  the  history  corres- 
pond to  one  another. 

2.  The  deceit  of  the  imponitent  heart  consists 
in  its  seeking  to  excuse  and  justify  itself  despite 
the  condemnation  of  conscience,  while  it  yet 
obtains  no  relief  from  the  feeling  of  guilt,  rather 
brings  about  a  sharper  reaction  of  conscience, 
and  increases  the  pains  that  come  from  the  con- 
flict of  mutually  accusing  and  excusing  thoughts. 
Hin  is  not  gotten  rid  of  by  failure  to  acknow- 
ledge it;  it  rests  all  the  more  heavily  on 
the  conscience,  and  the  closer  the  mouth  that 
ought  to  confess  is  shut,  the  clearer  sounds  out 
the  accusing,  judging  voice  of  conscience.  "  The 
roots  of  this  deceit  (which  appears  immediately 
after  the  Fall  of  man)  are  pride,  lack  of  trust  in 
God,  and  love  of  sin.  Many  are  thereby  kept 
altogether  from  confession  of  sin,  in  Pelagian 
self- blinding  take  delight  in  their  wretchedness, 
and  think  themselves  most  excellent.  In  others 
are  seen  the  beginnings  of  true  confession ;  but 
they  do  not  obtain  the  goal,  because  guile  pre- 
vents them  from  acknowledging  the  whole  ex- 
tent of  their  harm.  And  even  they  that  have 
really  come  into  a  gracious  state,  greatly  embit- 
ter by  guile  the  blessing  of  the  forgiveness,  that 
they  have  attained  through  sincerity.     What 


!  especially  exposes  them  to  this  temptation  is 
their  strict  view  of  sin  and  of  its  condemnable- 
ness  before  God  and  the  consciousness  of  the 
grace  received  from  God  and  of  their  situation. 
Nature  struggles  vigorously  against  the  deep 
humiliation  which  (especially  for  them)  recogni- 
tion and  confession  of  sin  carries  with  it.  It  is 
therefore  necessary  that  they  lay  deeply  to  heart 
David's  word  (vers.  1,  2),  spoken  out  of  painful 
experience  of  the  misery  of  guile :  happy  is  he 
whose  transgression  is  removed,  etc."  (Hengst.). 
But  it  is  a  quality  of  the  deceit  of  the  impenitent 
heart  to  apply  God's  word,  the  mirror  of  sin, 
to  others  rather  than  to  itself,  and  thus  to 
put  away  self-examination  and  self-knowledge  in 
its  light. 

3.  27ie  grace  of  God  does  not  suffer  man  to  go 
on  unwarned  in  the  path  of  sin,  but  leads  him  to 
recognition  and  confession  of  sin,  and  to  an  hum- 
ble  bowing  under  the  mighty  hand  that  must 
smite  him  for  his  sin.     The  divine  grace  herein 
employs   human  instruments   like   Nathan;    and 
the  only  effective  means  in  this  case  of  bringing 
men  to  confession  is  the  word  of  God,  which  1) 
shows  them  sin  in  its  true  form,   in  unadorned 
fvM  reality,  in  all  its  baseness  and  shockingness 
(comp.  vers.  1-6) ;  2)  points  out  the  fulness  of 
the  divine  benefits  that  should  have  kept  them 
from  sin,  in  the  presence  of  which  sin  appears  as 
sheer  ingratitude  (vers.  7,  8) ;  3)  presses  home 
the  demands  of  God's  holy  vriU  in  His  word  and 
law  (ver.  9) ;  and  4)  exhibits  the  inemtable  results 
of  sin  as  the  sign  of  the  divine  retributive  right- 
eousness, under  which  man  must  bow. — When  a 
man  quietly  opens  his  heart,  as  David  did,  to 
this  ministry  of  grace  (that  leads  to  penitence), 
then  appears  its  purposed  worleing :  1)  deep,  peni- 
tent recognition  of  sin,  not  merely  as  an  offence 
against  man,  but  as  enmity  "  against  the  Lord 
Himself,"  so  that  there  is  an  end  to  the  blindness 
about  the  nature  of  sin,  founded  on  self-love  ;  2) 
sincere,  frank  confession  of  sin  as  an  offence  against 
the  holy  God,  so  that  now  ceases  the  inward  con- 
flict of  opposing  accusations  and  excuses,  of  a 
condemning  conscience  and  a  pride  founded  on 
self-justifying  self-love.    Open  confession  of  sin 
was  a  legal  part  of  the  sin-offering.  Lev.  v.  5 ; 
xvi.  21 ;  Num.  v.  7. — "I  have  sinned  against  the 
Lord.     The  words  are  very  few,  as  with  the 
publican  in  Luke  xviii.  13.     But  just  that  is  a 
good  sign  of  a  truly  broken  heart;  here  is  no 
excusing,  no  shrouding,  no  belittling  of  sin ;  no 
hiding-place  is  sought ;  no  pretext  used,  no  hu- 
man weakness  pleaded  "  (Bcrl.Bib.);  3}  personal 
experience  of  the  comfort  of  the  forgiveness  of  sin, 
granted  to  the  sinner  of  God's  free  grace,  he 
having  done  nothing  to  deserve  it.     "  The  Lord 
also  hath  taken  away  thy  sin  "  (ver.  13).    From 
this  experience  comes  confidence  and  certainty 
of  the  grace  received ;  4)  humble,  quiet  suimission 
to  the  siffering  inflicted  by  the  Lord  as  the  conse- 
quence of  sin,  which  is  to  be  for  the  chastisement, 
purification  and  trying  of  the  penitent  and  be- 
lieving   heart  (vers.   14-23),   and    5)    renewed 
enjoyment  of  the  friendliness  and  goodness  of  the 
divine  love  (vers.  24,  25). 

4.  As  Pa.  xxxii.  exhibits  the  frame  of  mind 
out  of  which  David  came  to  sincere  penitence, 
so  Ps.  li.  (as  the  title  indicates)  is  the  echo  of  the 
personal  experience  of  Goc^s  grace,  which  alone  la 


478 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  source  of  the  forgiveness  of  sin  and  blotting 
out  of  guilt  (vers.  3.  4  [Eng.  1,  2]),  under  the 
condition  of  penitent  confession  of  personal  trans- 
gression against  the  Lord  deeply  founded  in 
inborn  sinfulness  (vers  5-8  [3-6]),  and  of  hum- 
ble SKpplicatwn  for  grace  (vers.  9-11  [7-9]  I  and 
renewal  (vers.  12-14  [10-12])  out  of  a  broken 
and  contrite  heart  (vers.  15-21  [13-19]).  On 
the  correspondence  of  the  chief  features  of  this 
Psalm  with  the  history  see  Hengstenberg's  and 
Hupfeld's  commentaries  thereon. — [If  Ps.  li.  was 
written  or  composed  on  this  occasion,  then  the 
two  last  verses  must  probably  be  regarded  as  a 
later  addition  (the  sentiment  is  similar  to  that 
of  liii.  7  (6) ;  Ixxix.  9,  and  other  passages). 
For  the  rest,  the  spiritual  teaching  of  this  Psalm 
and  Ps.  xxxii.  is  entirely  independent  of  their 
historical  origin. — Tb.] 


HOMILETIOAL   AND   PRACTICAL. 

God  does  not  leave  men  in  their  sins  to  go 
their  own  way  unwarned  and  nnchastised,  but 
sends  His  measengers  after  them  to  call  them  to 
repentance.— The  word  of  God  that  would  call 
the  sinner  to  repentance  reminds  him  on  the  one 
hand  of  the  fulness  of  the  divine  manifestations 
of  grace  and  the  manifold  gifts  of  God's  goodness, 
in  order  to  shame  the  sinner  for  his  ingratitude 
and  disobedience;  on  the  other  hand  it  points 
him  to  the  earnestness  of  God's  holiness  and 
righteousness  in  His  commands.  To  this  end  it 
often  clothes  itself  in  image  and  similitude,  in 
order  either  to  work  in  the  man  receptivity  for 
the  indwelling  power  that  awakens  to  repentance, 
if  the  man  wUl  give  heed,  or  so  far  as  this  is  not 
the  ca.se,  so  much  the  more  to  harden  the  inner 
man,  comp.  Matt.  xiii.  10-16. 

The  right  sort  of  awakening  preaching  consists 
in  immediate  direct  application  of  the  word  of 
God  to  individual  hearts,  so  that  after  holding 
up  the  mirror  of  God's  law,  it  is  always  said : 
Thou  art  the  man  I  Men  are  always,  according 
to  their  natural  disposition,  inclined  to  look  not 
at  their  own  sins,  but  at  the  sins  of  others,  to 
judge  and  pa.ss  sentence  on  them.  Such  looking 
away  from  one's  self  to  the  sins  in  the  world 
around  often  finds  its  occasion  and  temptation  in 
preaching  upon  the  universal  sinfulness  of  man- 
kind and  in  testimonies  against  the  sins  of  the 
times  or  of  a  whole  people  ;  if  these  testimonies 
are  to  be  effectual  for  awakening  in  the  hearers  a 
true  repentance,  they  must  have  their  point  in 
the  word :  Thou  art  the  man  I — As  clearly  as  the 
sins  of  others,  should  we  see  and  recognize  our 
own  sins ;  as  inexorably  and  strictly  as  we  judge 
and  pass  sentence  upon  others,  should  we  enter 
into  judgment  with  ourselves.  But  this  is  done 
only  when  we  let  the  word :  "  Thou  art  the  man," 
press  into  our  hearts. 

The  humble  confession:  "I  have  sinned  against 
the  Lord,"  roots  itself  in  the  penitent  recognition 
of  guilt,  and  has  as  a  consequence  the  assurance  of 
forgiveness  of  all  sins,  not  as  something  thereby  de- 
served and  won  but  as  a  gift  of  the  free  grace  of 
God,  which  grace  immediately  answers  the  honest 
and  penitent  confession  of  guilt  by  acquitting  of 
guilt;  the  sinner's  unreserved  confession  is  fol- 
lowed by  unconditional  divine  absolution. 

Rescue  of  the  man  fallen  into  sin.     1)  The  com- 


passionate God  siretches  out  to  him  the  receiving 
hand  (Nathan's  mission  and  reproof).  2)  The 
fallen  one  seizes  this  hand,  and  by  its  help  lifte 
himself  up  in  humility  of  heart  and  honest  con- 
fession of  guilt. — Bepentance  and  grace :  1)  How 
repentance  is  a  work  of  grace,  or  how  grace  leads 
to  repentance,  and  2)  How  the  experience  of 
grace  in  the  consolation  of  forgiveness  is  condi- 
tioned on  repentance,  or  how  repentance  leads  to 
grace. — The  right  sort  of  awakening  preaching  is 
that  which  1)  In  view  of  the  fulness  of  Oid's 
goodness  reveals  the  sinner's  ingratitude,  2)  In 
view  of  the  earnestness  of  God's  commands  re- 
veals the  sinner's  disobedience,  and  3)  Puts  an 
end  to  all  self-justification  and  excuses  by  the 
eamestne'ss  of  the  word :  Thou  art  the  man ! 

True  Mepentance :  1)  Wherein  it  consists.  In 
penitent  recognition  and  confession  of  sin  as  of 
enmity  against  the  holy  God  ("I  have  sinned 
against  the  Lord").  2)  How  it  is  attained.  In 
the  ways  along  which  the  sinner  is  led  by  seek- 
ing, pursuing  and  preventing  grace.  3)  Whither 
it  leads.  To  the  con.solation  of  the  forgiveness  of 
all  sins,  to  an  humble  yielding  to  the  chastening 
hand  of  God  under  the  sufferings  which  necessa- 
rily follow  from  sin,  and  to  new  experiences  of 
God's  love  in  the  joy  which,  after  sufferings  pa- 
tiently borne,  is  granted  by  Him. — The  painful 
consequences  of  sin  are  for  the  penitent  man  a 
means  of  grace.  1)  In  order  to  p-ose  and  try  his 
faith  and  confidence  in  God's  fatherly  love.  2) 
To  chasten  and  instruct  in  righteousness,  accord- 
ing to  the  holy  will  of  God.  3)  To  purge  from 
still  clinging  sinfulness.  4)  To  estMish  in  a  state 
of  grace. 

Vers.  1-4.  Stabke  :  God  does  not  always  keep 
silent  to  the  sins  of  the  ungodly,  but  at  the  proper 
time  sets  them  before  their  eyes,  Ps.  1.  21. — Dis- 
SELHOPF :  That  is  always  God's  way,  first  to 
speak  to  the  sinner  in  similitudes,  in  dark  say- 
ings, in  works  and  deeds.  Dumb  preachers,  and 
yet  calling  so  loud  I  For  those  similitudes  in 
which  the  Lord  speaks  to  us  contain  no  unintelli- 
gible speech,  these  trumpets  give  no  uncertain 
sound. — Cbamer:  In  the  office  of  reproof  one 
must  not  be  too  mild,  nor  yet  too  sharp,  but  must 
BO  manage  that  what  is  said  shall  be  penetrating, 
shall  smite  the  heart,  shall  stir  and  shame  the 
conscience. — [Halx  :  He  that  hates  sin  so  much 
the  more  as  the  offender  is  more  dear  to  him,  will 
let  David  feel  the  bruise  of  his  fall.  If  God's  best 
children  have  been  sometimes  suffered  to  sleep  in 
a  sin,  at  last  He  hath  awakened  them  in  a  fright. 
— Nathan  the  prophet  is  sent  to  the  prophet  Da- 
vid. Let  no  man  think  himself  too  good  to  learn; 
teachers  them.selves  may  be  taught  that,  in  their 
own  particular,  which,  in  a  generality,  they  have 
often  taught  others :  it  is  not  only  ignorance  that 
is  to  be  removed,  but  misaffection. — There  is  no 
one  thing  wherein  is  more  use  of  wisdom,  than 
the  due  contriving  of  a  reprehension. — Tb.] 

Vers.  5.  sq.  Schlieb  :  We  see  well  the  wrong 
that  others  do,  even  if  it  is  only  a  trifling  mote, 
and  how  little  we  care  for  our  own  failings,  how 
little  we  mark  our  lapses  even  when  it  is  great 
beams  that  we  bear  in  ourselves. — [Hall:  How 
severe  justicers  we  can  be  to  our  very  own  crimes 
in  others. — Tb.] — Wilt  thou  judge,  then  judge 
thyself,  and  wilt  thou  be  strict,  then  before  all  be 
strict  against  thyself,  and  wilt  thou  be  indulgent, 


CHAP.  XII.  1-31. 


479 


then  before  all  be  indulgent  towards  others,  but 
towards  thyself  be  strict  and  unindulgent. 

Vers.  7sqq.  [Hall:  The  life  of  doctrine 
(teaching)  is  in  the  application.  We  may  take 
pleasure  to  hear  men  speak  in  the  clouds — we  ne- 
ver take  profit  till  we  find  a  propriety  in  the  ex- 
hortation or  reproof.  There  was  not  more  cnnn  ing 
in  the  parable  than  cunning  in  the  application : 
"Thou  art  the  man." — Tr.]. — Disselhoff:  He 
who  is  used  by  God  to  call  out  to  another,  "Thou 
art  the  man,"  often  does  not  himself  know  that  he 
has  performed  Nathan's  service.  The  Lord  sends 
His  word  like  arrows ;  so  many  are  struck,  in  the 
preaching  of  the  divine  word,  exactly  as  if  the 
word  had  been  aimed  at  their  heart  alone.  It  is 
aimed  at  them  too,  only  not  by  men,  but  by  God 
Himself. — S.  Schmib  :  Every  sin  is  despising 
God. — Ceamer  :  Despising  the  divine  word  is  the 
evil  fountain  of  all  sins  (Proverbs  xxix.  18). — 
Starke  :  With  whatever  one  sins,  with  that  he 
is  also  commonly  punished. — Schlier  :  He  who 
insults  the  word  of  the  Lord,  even  this  word  will 
crush  him  to  atoms,  and  he  who  sins  against  the 
commandment  of  God,  even  this  commandment 
which  he  has  despised  will  become  to  him  a  con- 
suming fire.  He  who  practises  inju.stice  and  vio- 
lence shall  in  his  time  himself  also  experience  in- 
justice and  violence,  and  he  who  commits  adul- 
tery will  in  his  own  honor  become  conscious  of 
God's  judgment. — Cramer  :  God  punishes  sin 
with  sin,  not  that  He  has  pleasure  in  sin,  or  that 
He  works  it  or  works  with  it,  but  that  as  a  strict 
Judge,  He  pronounces  sentence  and  inflicts  and 
permits  the  evil. 

Ver.  13  sq.  Schlier:  He  who  openly  and  un- 
reservedly acknowledges  himself  guilty  has  thereby 
inwardly  cut  himself  loose  from  sin,  and  broken 
with  it  in  his  heart.  —  Disselhoff:  "I  have 
sinned  against  the  Lord."  There  is  in  the  Bible 
no  confession  so  unconditional,  no  expression  of 
repentance  so  short,  but  also  none  so  thoroughly 
true.  So  long  as  sin  reigns  upon  the  earth,  all 
penitent  sinners  will  with  this  confession  cast 
themselves  down  before  God,  into  this  confession 
will  they  pour  out  their  hearts,  this  confession 
will  become  ever  more  openly,  deeply,  truly  and 
movingly  their  prayer,  and  they  will  know  how 
to  say  nothing  else.  [Hall:  It  was  but  a  short 
word,  but  passionate;  and  such  as  came  from  the 
bottom  of  a  contrite  heart.  The  greatest  griefs 
are  not  most  verbal.  Saul  confessed  his  sin  more 
largely,  less  effectually.  God  cares  not  for  phrases, 
but  for  affections.  David  had  sworn,  in  a  zeal  of 
justice,  that  the  rich  oppressor,  for  but  taking  his 
poor  neighbor's  lamb,  shall  die  the  death ;  God, 
by  Nathan,  is  more  favorable  to  David  than  to 
take  him  at  his  word,  "Thou  shalt  not  die." 
Comp.  Prov.  xxviii.  13.— Tr.]— Cramer:  God 
forgives  the  sin  out  of  grace,  and  remits  also  the 
eternal  punishment ;  but  He  reserves  the  cross 
and  the  chastisement,  not  for  satisfaction,  but  in 
order  to  continual  remembrance  of  sin  and  exer- 
cise in  piety,  and  as  a  terror  to  others. — Starke 
[from  Hall]  :  So  long  as  He  smites  U'»  not  as  an 
angry  Judge,  we  may  endure  to  smart  from  Him 
as  a  loving  Father  (Heb.  xii.  6-9). 

Ver.  15  sq.  J.  Laxge  :  God  visits  the  parents 
in  the  children,  whether  graciously  or  in  wrath. 
— ScHLiEK :  There  is  a  distinction  between  pun- 


ishment of  sin  and  the  outward  consequences  of 
sin,  which  may  follow  even  for  him  who  has  for- 
giveness, only  that  all  this  is  no  longer  a  punish- 
ment of  sin,  but  a  gracious,  fatherly  visitation  of 
the  faithful  God,  who  chastens  His  people  even 
when  He  loves  them,  yea,  even  because  of  His 
love  and  compassion  chastens  them,  that  they  may 
not  anew  fall  into  sin. — Disselhoff  :  Grace  is 
free,  wholly  unconditioned.  But  yet  he  to  whom 
grace  is  shown  must  remain  under  the  chastening 
rod  of  the  almighty  and  holy  God. — Schliee: 
How  should  severe  sickness  in  the  house  be  a 
proof  of  diviue  favor  ?  If  God  the  Lord  had  let 
every  thing  at  once  go  on  for  David  according  to 
his  desire  and  will,  who  knows  how  soon  he  would 
perhaps  again  have  felt  secure  and  have  forgotten 
the  Lord  who  had  forgiven  his  sins?  but  now  that 
the  Lord  cha.stens  him,  how  he  learns  to  pray  and 
weep,  how  he  humbles  himself,  how  he  holds  all 
the  more  faithfully  to  the  Lord  and  to  His 
word  I 

Ver.  17sqq.  Osiandeb:  Even  dear  children 
of  God  are  not  always  heard,  when  they  pray  for 
temporal  gifts  and  obtain,  not  what  they  desire, 
but  what  is  profitable  for  them  (1  John  v.  14 1. — 
[Hall  :  Till  we  know  the  determinations  of  the 
Almighty,  it  is  free  for  us  to  strive  in  our  pray- 
ers, to  strive  with  Him,  not  against  Him;  when 
once  we  know  them,  it  is  our  duty  to  sit  down  in 
a  silent  contentation. — Te..] — Disselhoff:  This 
is  the  triumph  of  grace !  It  transforms  the  inevi- 
table consequences  of  sin  and  horrors  of  damnation 
into  a  purifying  fire,  hot  indeed,  but  rich  in  bless- 
ing, in  which  the  objects  of  grace  receive  the  image 
and  stamp  of  their  Redeemer.  [Scott:  Those 
who  are  ignorant  of  the  divine  life  cannot  cora- 
prehend  the  reasons  of  a  believer's  conduct  in  his 
varied  experiences ;  they  mistake  deep  humility 
and  fervent  prayer  for  an  impatience  and  an  in- 
ordinate love  to  created  objects;  acquiescence  in 
the  Lord's  will,  and  cheerful  gratitude  under 
sharp  trials,  will  be  deemed  indifference  and  apa- 
thy, eic— Ver.  23.  Wesley  (Sermon  CXXXII.) : 
Profuse  sorrowing  for  the  dead  is  unprofitable  and 
sinful ;  and  the  text  affords  a  consideration  which 
ought  to  prevent  this  sorrow. — Tb.] 

Ver.  24  sqq.  Cramer:  God's  promise  is  the 
cause  of  His  love  towards  us,  not  our  merit  and 
worthiness  (1  John  iv.  10).— Schliee:  When  we 
have  allowed  the  Lord's  chastening  to  promote 
our  welfare  and  peace,  and  are  holding  still  be- 
fore the  Lord,  even  if  we  see  around  us  nothing 
but  .suffering  and  trouble,  then  the  Lord  takes  us 
up  again  and  blesses  us  and  gives  us  twofold  for 
all  the  hardness  we  have  had  to  endure.  The 
Lord  blesses  much  more  willingly  than  He  chas- 
tens. His  fatherly  hands  had  much  rather  open  in 
beneficence  than  in  affliction. 

Disselhoff:  The  triumph  of  grme  in  all  its 
glory.  It  unfolds  itself  in  three  steps :  1)  Not 
the  fallen  one  looks  up  to  God,  but  God's  prevent- 
ing grace  in  every  way  lets  itself  down  to  him,  in 
order  to  awaken  his  conscience.  2)  He  who  lets 
himself  be  awakened  and  openly  and  uncondi- 
tionally confe.s.se8,  receives  full  and  unconditional 
pardon.  3)  The  pardoned  man  must  remain  un- 
der the  sharp  chastening  rod  of  the  Compassion- 
ate One,  in  order  that  he  may  learn  more  and 
more  to  know  the  depths  of  sin  as  well  as  of  grace. 


480 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


[Cablyle:*  David,  the  Hebrew  king,  had 
fallen  into  sins  enough  ;  blackest  crimes  ;  there 
was  no  want  of  sins.  And  thereupon  unbelievers 
sneer  and  ask,  "  Is  this  your  man  according  to 
God's  heart?"  The  sneer,  I  must  say,  seems  to 
me  but  a  shallow  one.  What  are  faults  ?  what 
are  the  outward  details  of  a  life,  if  the  inner  se- 
cret of  it — the  remorse,  temptations,  true,  often- 
baffled,  never-ending  struggle  of  it — be  forgotten  ? 
The  deadliest  sin  were  the  supercilious  conscious- 
ness of  no  sin.  David's  life  and  history,  as  writ- 
ten for  us  in  those  Psalms  of  his,  I  consider  to  be 
the  truest  emblem  ever  given  of  a  man's  moral 
progress  and  warfare  here  below.  All  earnest 
souls  will  ever  discern  in  it  the  faithful  struggle 
of  an  earnest  human  soul  toward  what  is  good  and 
best.  Struggle  often  bafBed — sore  baffled — driven 
as  into  entire  wreck,  yet  a  struggle  never  ended ; 
ever  with  tears,  repentance,  true,  unconquerable 
purpose  begun  anew. — Tk.] 

Chetsostom  :t  David  the  prophet,  whose  king- 
dom was  in  Palestine  and  temporary,  but  whose 
words  as  a  prophet  are  for  the  ends  of  the  earth 
and  immortal,  fell  into  adultery  and  murder — the 
prophet  in  adultery,  the  pearl  in  the  mire.  But 
he  did  not  yet  know  that  he  had  sinned ;  so  stu- 
pefied was  he.  God  sends  to  him  Nathan ;  the 
prophet  comes  to  the  prophet — just  as  in  the  case 
of  physicians,  when  a  physician  is  sick  he  needs 
another  physician.  Nathan  does  not  at  the  very 
door  begin  to  rebuke  and  upbraid  him — that 
would  have  made  him  hardened  and  shameless. 
.  .  .  And  the  king  said,  "  I  have  sinned  against 
the  Lord."  He  did  not  say.  Why,  who  art  thou 
that  reprovest  me  ?  and  who  sent  thee  to  speak 
boldly?  and  how  ha,st  thou  dared  to  do  this?  .  .  . 
But  precisely  in  this  is  that  noble  man  most  ad- 
mirable, that  having  fallen  into  the  very  depths 
of  wickedness,  he  did  not  despair  nor  fling  him- 
self prostrate  so  as  to  receive  from  the  devil  a  mor- 
tal blow,  but  quickly  and  with  great  vehemence 
gave  a  more  mortal  blow  than  he  received.  .  .  . 
This  liistory  was  written  not  that  thou  mightest 
gaze  at  one  who  fell,  but  that  thou  mighte.st  ad- 
mire one  who  rose  again;  that  thou  mightest 
learn,  whenever  thou  hast  fallen,  how  to  rise 
again.  For  just  as  physicians  select  the  most 
grievous  diseases  and  record  them  in  the  books, 
explaining  the  method  of  healing  them,  in  order 

*  "Hero- Worship."    Quoted  more  fully  by  Taylor, 
t  Collected  and  abridged  from  a  number  of  passing 
allusions. 


that  by  exercise  in  the  greater  they  may  easily 
overcome  the  lesser  diseases,  so  also  God  has 
brought  forward  the  greatest  sins  in  order  that 
they  also  who  commit  little  offences  may  through 
those  great  examples  find  the  task  of  correction 
to  be  easy. — Ts.] 

[Ver.  1.  Damd  keeping  silence.  Comp.  Psalm 
xxxii.  3,  4.  See  above,  "  Hist,  and  Theol.,"  No. 
1. — Vers.  5,  6.  Not  only  may  a  guilty  man  judge 
severely  the  crimes  of  others,  but  his  easy  con- 
sciousness of  guilt  may  even  create  an  ill-humor 
that  will  dispose  him  to  all  the  greater  severity. 
— Ver.  7.  "  Thou  art  the  man."  One  might  pic- 
ture an  ungrateful  son,  a  spendthrift,  a  suicide, 
etc.,  and  charge  each,  as  to  spiritual  relations  and 
life,  upon  the  hearer. — ^Ta.] 

[Vers.  1-14.  A  pattern  in  reproving.  It  is  al- 
ways difficult  to  reprove  with  good  results,  and 
here  the  difficulties  were  peculiarly  great.  An 
Oriental  king — who  has  committed  a  series  of 
enormous  crimes,  has  tried  to  cover  them  up,  is 
now  moody  and  irritable.  See  now  the  course 
pursued  by  the  prophet.  1)  He  approaches  the 
offender  in  private.  2)  He  uses  an  affecting  pa- 
rallel  case  to  awaken  the  sense  of  justice,  without 
arousing  suspicion  of  his  design — thus  inducing 
the  king  to  feel,  and  to  express  himself  very 
strongly.  3)  He  suddenly  and  emphatically  ap- 
plies the  story,  and  pours  upon  the  wrong-doer 
tlie  recital  of  his  crimes.  4)  He  gladly  welcomes 
confession  and  penitence,  and  at  once  turns  from 
rebuke  to  comfort. — Ver.  14.  ''  Or  eat  occasion  to 
the  enemies  of  the  Lord  to  blcumhetne."  1)  Only  the 
enemies  of  the  Lord  would  blaspheme,  upon  what- 
soever occasion.  2)  Though  the  faults  of  good 
men  are  not  the  cause  of  blasphemy,  it  is  a  great 
evil  to  give  occasion  for  it.  (o)  The  enemies  may 
thus  partially  delude  themselves.  (6)  They  will 
be  sure  to  mislead  others.  8)  Though  there  be 
occasion,  yet  the  comments  of  God's  enemies  ai'e 
blasphemous.  E.  g.  (a)  When  they  infer  that  God 
does  not  hate  sin.  (6)  That  God's  service  makes 
men  no  better  than  they  would  otherwise  be. 
— Tr.] 

[Vers.  15^23.  The  death  of  DaMs  child.  1) 
The  mortal  illness  of  a  babe,  always  so  distressing 
to  parents,  and  in  this  case  having  peculiarly 
distressing  conditions.  2)  David's  persevering 
prayer,  notwithstanding  the  prophet's  prediction. 
3)  His  submission,  as  soon  aa  he  knew  the  child 
was  dead.  4)  His  confidence  of  being  reunited 
with  the  child  hereafter. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  XIII.  1-39.  481 


3.  Breaking  up  of  David's  house  and  family  by  the  crimes  of  his  sons  Amnon  and  Absalom. 

Chapter  XIII.  1-39. 
a.  Amnon's  incest  with  Tamar.    Vers.  1-21, 

1  And  it  came  to  pass  after  this  that  Absalom  the  son  of  David  had  a  fair  sister 

2  whose  name  was  Tamar ;  and  Amnon  the  son  of  David  loved  her.  And  Amnon 
was  so  vexed  [troubled]'  that  he  fell  sick  for  his  sister  Tamar ;  for  she  was  a  virgin, 

3  and  Amnon  thought  it  hard  for  him  to  do  anything  to  her.  But  [And]  Amnou 
had  a  friend  whose  name  was  Jonadab",  the  son  of  Shimeah  David's  brother ;  and 

4  Jonadab  was  a  very  subtil  man.  And  he  said  unto  him,  Why  art  thou,  being  the 
king's  son,  lean  from  day  to  day  [Why  art  thou  so  lean,  O  son  of  the  king,  morn- 
ing by  morning]?  wilt  thou  not  tell  me  ?    And  Amnon  said  unto  him,  I  love  Ta- 

5  mar  my  brother  Absalom's  sister.  And  Jonadab  said  unto  him.  Lay  thee  down  on 
thy  bed,  and  make  [feign]  thyself  sick ;  and  when  thy  father  cometh  to  see  thee, 
say  unto  him,  I  pray  thee,  let  my  sister  Tamar  come,  and  give  me  meat  [food"  to 
eat],  and  dress  [prepare]  the  meat  [food']  in  my  sight,  that  I  may  see  it  and  eat  it 

6  at  her  hand.  So  [And]  Amnon  lay  down  and  made  [feigned]  himself  sick.  And 
when  the  king  was  come  [And  the  king  came]  to  see  him,  [ins.  and]  Amnon  said 
unto  the  king,  I  pray  thee,  let  Tamar  my  sister  come,  and  make  me  a  couple  of 

7  cakes  in  my  sight,  that  I  may  eat  at  her  hand.  Then  [And]  David  sent  home  to 
Tamar  [sent  to  Tamar  to  the  house],  saying,  Go  now  [I  pray  thee]  to  thy  brother 

8  Amnon's  house,  and  dress  [prepare]  him  meat  [the  food].  So  [And]  Tamar  went 
to  her  brother  Amnon's  house,  and  he  was  laid  down;  and  she  took  flour  [the 

9  dough]  and  kneaded  it,  and  made  cakes  in  his  sight,  and  did  bake  the  cakes.  And 
she  took  a  [the]  pan,*  and  poured  them  out  before  him  ;  but  [and]  he  refused  to 
eat.     And  Amnon  said.  Have  out  all  men  from  me.    And  they  went  out  every  man 

10  from  him.    And  Amnon  said  unto  Tamar,  Bring  the  meat  [food]  into  the  chamber, 
that  I  may  eat  of  [at]  thine  hand.     And  Tamar  took  the  cakes  which  she  had 

11  made,  and  brought  them  into  the  chamber  to  Amnon  her  brother.     And  when  she 
had  brought  [Aid  she  handed]  them  unto  him  to  eat,  [ins.  and]  he  took  hold  of 

12  her,  and  said  unto  her.  Come  lie  with  me  my  sister.    And  she  answered  [said  to] 
him.  Nay,  my  brother,  do  not  force  [humble]  me,  for  no  such  thing  ought  to  be 

TEXTUAL  AND  GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  2.  Impf.  Qal.  ofiy,  impersonal  construction. — The  KTl  in  this  verse  is  written  Nin  in  one  MS.  of 
Kennicott,  which  is  perhaps  an  illustration  of  the  fact  that  this  archaic  form  was  not  confined  to  the  Pentateuch. 
— Wellhaasen  suggests  that  the  Athnach  would  better  stand  under  iriinS.— Te.] 

2  [Ver.  .1.  The  name  Jonadab  fahbreviated  from  Jehonadab)  means  "  Jahveh  has  freely  giveUj"  as  Jimathan 
means  "  Jahveh  has  given ;"  but  there  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  the  two  names  (here  and  xxi.  21)  represenl. 
the  same  person  (Josephu.'").^Ts.] 

'  [Ver.  5.  Two  different  words  are  used  for  "  food,"  the  first  the  ordinary  expression  (DD 7),  the  second  a 

rarer  word  (nn3),  rendered  PpHixa  by  the  Sept.    The  word  Da'ab  "cake"  is  discussed  by  Erdmann  in  the 
Exposition. — Te.] 

'  |Ver.  9.  niiyn,  an  obscure  word.  It  is  nearly  identical  in  form  with  the  Chaldee  NDIDD  "pan,"  which  is 
the  renderine;  in  the  Targum  of  the  Heb.  naniD  "  pan,"  and  is  by  some  (Cahen)  regarded  as  the  Chald.  word  itself 
here  used  instead  of  the  ordinary  Heb.  word,  which  is,  however,  improbable  in  the  Book  of  Samuel.  Bat  while 
Chald.  and  Sept.  (and  Josephus)  render  it  "  pan,"  Syr.  and  Vulg.  regarded  it  as  designating  the  food  that  had  been 
prepared :  Vulg.  quod  eoxerat,  Syr.  "  cakes,"  and  such  a  meaning  would  better  suit  the  connection.  But  no  satis- 
factory etymology  has  been  proposed  for  it.  Geiger's  explanation  (Urschrift,  p.  382),  that  it  is  for  nTXlf  D  (from 
INJ!')  "  unbaked  leavened  dough  "  is  not  in  keeping  with  the  statement  in  ver.  8  that  the  dough  haid been  baked. 
The  meaning  of  the  word  must  be  left  undetermined. — Ta.] 
31 


482  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

13  done  in  Israel ;  do  not  thou  this  folly.  And  I,  whither  shall  I  cause  my  shame  to 
go  [shall  I  carry  my  reproach]  ?  and  as  for  thee,  thou  shalt  be  as  one  of  the  fools 
in  Israel.     Now,  theefore,  I  pray  thee,  speak  [And  now,  speak,  I  pray  thee]  unto 

14  the  king ;  for  he  will  not  withhold  me  from  thee.  Howbeic  [And]  he  would  not 
hearken  un^o  her  voice,  but,  being  stronger  than  she,  forced  her  [and  he  was  stronger 

15  than  she,  and  humbled  her],  and  lay  with  her.'  Then  [And]  Amnon  hated  her 
excetdingiy  [with  a  very  great  hate]  ;  so  that  the  hatred  wlierewith  he  hated  her 
was  greater  than  the  love  wherewith  he  had  loved  her-     And  Amnon eaid  unto  her, 

16  Arise,  be  gone.  And  she  said  unto  him.  There'  is  no  cau=e ;  this  evil  in  sending 
me  away  ii  grtater  than  the  other  that  thou  didst  unto  me.     But  [And]  he  would 

17  not  hearken  unto  her.  Then  [And]  he  called  his  servant  [young  man]  that  minis- 
tered' unto  him,  and  said,  Put  now  [ye]  this  woman  out  from  me.  and  bolt  the  door 

18  after  her.  And  she  had  a  garment  of  divers  colours  [a  long-sleeved  garment']  upon 
her ;  for  with  such  robes  were  the  king's  daughters  that  were  virgins  apparelled. 

19  Then  [And]  his  servant  brought  her  out,  and  bolted  the  door  after  her.  AndTa- 
mar  puf  ashes  on  her  head,  and  rent  her  garment  of  divers  colours  [the  long-sleeved 
garment]  that  was  on  her,  «ud  laid  her  hand   on  her  head,  and  went  on  crying 

20  [ins.  as  she  went].  And  Absalom  her  brother  said  unto  her,  Hath  Amnon  thy  bro- 
ther been  with  thee  ?  but  hold  now  thy  peace,  my  sister  [and  now,  my  sister,  hold 
thy  peace] ;  he  is  thy  brother ;  regard  not  this  thing.     So  [And]  Tamar  remained 

21  desolate  in  her  brother  Absalom's  house.  But'  when  [And]  king  David  heard  of 
all  these  things,  [ins.  and]  he  was  very  wroth. 

b.  Amnon  murdered  by  Absalom.    Vers.  22-33. 

22  And  Absalom  spake  unto  his  brother  Amnon  neither  good  nor  bad ;  for  Ahsa- 

23  lorn  hated  Amnon  because  he  had  forced  [humbled]  his  sister  Tamar.  And  it  came 

^  [Ver.  li.  The  nnX,  pointed  in  tlie  text  as  Accns.,  may  be  read  HilN  ""with  her,"  for  wliicli  ^several  MSS. 

T  . 

read  nSJJ ;  hut  the  Accus.  is  allowahle  (later  usage,  according  to  Wellhavisen). — Ta.] 

'  [Ver.  16.  The  translation  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  impossible  in  the  present  form  of  the  Hebrew  text;  the  text,  in- 
deed, gives  no  sense  at  all,  and  must  be  regarded  as  corrupt.  Dr.  Erdmann  (ch.-vnging  Sx  into  bx  and  regard- 
ing the  sentence  as  interrupted)  renders :  "  on  account  of  this  evil,  which  is  greater  than  the  other,  etc.,"  but 
s\ich  a  rendering  of  jl'liN-bN  is  without  authority,  and  does  not  fit  well  with  the  context.  Pliilippson  also, 
throwing  forward  the  beginning  of  Tamar's  speech,  translates  :  "and  she  said  to  him  respecting  the  evil  deed. 
Greater  is  this  than  the  other,  etc.,"  which  is  intolerably  flat.  We  should  naturally  regard  the  Sx  as  Introducing 
a  protest,  as  in  ver.  12;  and,  changing  the  nns  into  TIX,  we  obtain  the  sense  (by  transposing  the  Adjective 
nS'nj) :  "  nay,  my  brother,  this  evil  is  greater  than  the  other,  etc.,"  which  is  nearly  what  the  Vat.  Sept.  (in  verse 
16)  and  some  other  Greek  versions  (in  Montfaucon's  Hexapla)  give :  "  nay,  my  brother,  for  the  last  evil  is  greater 
than  the  first,  etc."  These  Greek  versions  apparently  had  njiJ^Nin  instead  of  nSin,  so  that  their  text  read  ; 
TitfX  njil'NinD  ninxn  rii'in  nS'lJ  O  tin  Sx.    The  "this  "'^of  our  Hebrew  text  is  supported  by  the  Syr. 

V-:  T  -T    -         •:   V-T  ^TTTl-'T- 

"  why  doest  thou  me  this  grievous  evil,  cfe  f"  and  by  the  Sept.  in  ver.  16,  which  seems,  however,  to  be  altered 

into  conformity  with  the  Heb.— Or,  following  ver.  12  more  exactly,  we  may  write :  ni£'^n~'7X  'nX  Sx  "  nay,  my 

brother,  do  not  this  evil  which  is  greater,  etc. ;"  the  text  above-given  is  simpler  and  more  in  accordance  with  the 

ancient  version.".— Some  MSS.  and  printed  editions  have  hjf  instead  of  ^X  (according  to  the  constant  usage  with 

pSlit  in  the  O.  T.),  and  this  reading  is  adopted  by  the  Bib.-Com.,  which  renders  :  "and  she  spake  with  him  on 
account  of  this  great  wron?  in  sendiiig  me  away,  greater  than  the  other.  eJo.,"  supposing  that  the  writer  has  here 
blended  Tamar's  words  with  his  own  narrative  (so  Cahen).  But  (not  to  insist  that  the  rendering  "spake  with 
him  "  is  impossible)  Such  a  blending  ia  improbable,  and  the  phrase  "  on  account  of"  in  general  is  not  in  keeping 
with  the  context  Purst  takes  the  word  as  a  substantive,  and  renders :  "  let  there  be  no  occasion  of  this  evil,  etc., 
which  is  without  support  in  the  usage  of  the  O.  T.,  and  is  besides  very  tame.— Ta.] 

^  [Ver,  17.  Sept.  "  the  overseer  of  his  house ;"'  the  word  is  omitted  in  one  MS.  of  Kennicott,  and  in  one  of  Pin- 
ner's (Thenius). — Tn.] 

8  [Ver.  18.  So  Sept.  and  other  Greek  versions,  Vulg.  and  Chaldee  (Syr.  and  Arab,  omit  the  verse).  The  Greek 
renderings  are  KapTruTrft  and  ioTpnY«^<»Tds.— The  D'b'iJD  (Eng.  A.  V.  "  robes  ")  is  somewhat  diflSoult,  and  various 
unsatisfactory  alterations  of  the  word  have  been  proposed  (Wellh. :  so  the  king's  daughters  .  .  .  were  apparelled 
of  old,  D7lJ?D).  The  sentence  sounds  strange;  "she  had  on  a  long-sleeved  tunic,  for  so  the  unmarried  prin- 
cesses wore  over-mantle.s ;"  but  nothing  better  has  been  proposed.    Bottcher  regards  it  as  a  gloss.— Tb.] 

»  [Vers.  21,  22.  The  proposed  changes  of  Bottcher  and  Theniua  are  criticised  by  Erdmann.— Tn.] 


CHAP.  XIII.  1-39.  483 


to  pass  after  two  full  years  [about'"  two  years],  that  Absalom  had  sheepshearers  in 

24  Baal-hezer,  which  is  beside  Ephraim ;  and  Absalom  invited  all  the  king's  sons.  And 
Absalom  came  to  the  king,  and  said,  Behold,  now,  thy  servant  hath  sheepshearers; 

25  let  the  king,  I  beseech  thee,  and  his  servants  go  with  thy  servant.  And  the  king 
said  unto  Absalom,  Nay,  my  son,  let  us  not  all  now  [om.  now]  go,  lest  we  be  charge- 
able unto  thee  [burdensome  to  thee].  And  he  pressed  him  ;  howbeit  [and]  he  would 

26  not  go,  but  [and  he]  blessed  him.  Then  said  Absalom  [And  Absalom  said].  If  not, 
I  pray  thee  let  my  brother  Amnon  go  with  us.    And  the  king  said  unto  him.  Why 

27  should  he  go  with  thee?    But  [And]  Absalom  pressed  him,  that  [and]  he  let  Am- 

28  non  and  all  the  king's  sons  go  with  him.  Now  Absalom  had  commanded  [And 
Absalom  commanded]  his  servants,  saying,  Mark  ye  now  when  Amnon's  heart  is 
merry  with  wine,  and  when  I  say  unto  you,  Smite  Amnon,  then  kill  him,  fear  not ; 

29  have  not  I  commanded  you  ?  be  courageous  and  be  valiant.  And  the  servants  of 
Absalom  did  unto  Amnon  as  Absalom  had  [om.  had]  commanded.     Then  [And] 

30  all  the  king's  sons  arose,  and  every  man  gat  him  upon  his  mule  and  fled.  And  it 
came  to  pass,  while"  they  were  in  the  way,  that  tidings  came  to  David,  saying,  Ab- 

31  salom  hath  slain  all  the  king's  sons,  and  there  is  not  one  of  them  left.  Then  [And] 
the  king  arose,  and  tare  his  garments,  and  lay  on  the  earth ;  and  all  his  servante  . 
stood  by  with  their  clothes  rent.     And  Jonadab,  the  son  of  Shimeah,  David's  bro- 

32  ther,  answered  and  said,  Let  not  my  lord  suppose  [say]  that  they  have  slain  all  the 
young  men  the  king's  sons ;  for  Amnon  only  is  dead  ;  for  by  the  appointment  of 
Absalom  this  hath  been  determined  from  the  day  that  he  forced  [humbled]  his  sis- 

33  ter  Tamar.  Now  therefore  [And  now]  let  not  my  lord  the  king  take  the  thing  to 
his  heart,  to  think  that  [saying],  All  the  king's  sons  are  dead  ;  for  Amnon  only  is 
dead. 

c.  Absalom's  flight.     Vers.  34^39. 

34  Bnt  [And]"  Absalom  fled.  And  the  young  man  that  kept  the  watch  lifted  up 
bis  eyes  and  looked,  and  behold,  there  came  much  people  by  the  way  of  the  hill- 

35  side  behind'^  him.    And  Jonadab  said  unto  the  king,  Behold,  the  king's  sons  come ; 

36  as  thy  servant  said,  so  it  is.  And  it  came  to  pass,  as  soon  as  he  had  made  an  end 
of  speaking,  that  behold  the  king's  sons  came,  and  lifted  up  their  voice  and  wept ; 

37  and  the  king  also  and  all  his  servants  wept  very  sore.  But  [And]"  Absalom  fled 
and  went  to  Talmai  the  son  of  Ammihud,  king  of  Geshur.    And  David  mourned 

38  for  his  son  every  day.     So  [And]i'  Absalom  fled,  and  went  to  Geshur,  and  was 

39  there  three  years.  And  the  soul  o/king  David  longed  to  go  forth  Unto  Absalom; 
for  he  was  comforted  concerning  Amnon,  seeing  he  was  dead. 

>»  [Ver.  23.  Literally :  "  unto  two  years  days,"  a  common  mode  of  expression  in  Heb.  (see  hex.  s.  v.  tylin  HT) 

the  general  designation  of  time  being  defined  more  precisely  by  the  addition  of  the  simplest  unit  "  day."-'-TH.] 
fl  fVer.  30.  Absolute  construction,  corresponding  to  the  Abl.  Absol.  in  Latin.  Lit. :  "  and  it  came  to  pass,  they 
on  the  way,  and  the  news  came,  e/c."— Tk.]  ,     .  ,   x 

"  [Ver.  34.  Erdmann  (after  Thenius)  renders :  "  from  the  West,"  referring  to  Ex.  iii.  1  compared  with  Isa.  ix. 
11 ;  Job  xxiii.  8,  in  none  of  which  passages,  however,  has  the  word  a  suffix  as  liere ;  and  the  present  Heb.  form  is 
suspicious  because  the  anarthrous  IIIT  (way),  as  construct,  would  naturally  require  a  substantive  after  it.  More- 
over, the  Sept.,  Syr.  and  Vulg.  here  show  important  deviations  from  the  Heb.  The  Syr.  omits  this  word  (V^^X), 
the  Vulg.  renders  it  with  dmum,  and  the  Sept.  (adding  to  our  text)  has :  "  and  behold,  much  people  were  coming 
i  1  the  way  behind  him  on  the  side  of  the  mountain  on  the  declivity  {ev  ttj"  narapiaci),  and  the  watchman  came 
and  told  the  king  and  said,  I  have  seen  men  on  the  way  of  Oronen  on  the  side  (n^povt)  of  the  mountain.  As  to 
this  addition  it  is  hard  to  say  whether  it  belongs  to  the  original  text,  or  is  an  explanatory  insertion ;  it  fills  out 
the  narrative  very  naturally,  but  this  is  itself  a  suspicious  fact,  and  the  words  spoken  by  the  watchman  might 
fertainly  be  a  variant  translation  of  the  same  Heb.  as  lies  at  the  basis  of  the  statement  in  ver.  34  (m  the  Hebrew). 
However  this  may  be  (Thenius,  Bottcher  and  Wellhausen  accept  the  addition),  the  Oronen  of  the  Sept.  pomts  to 
Horon  or  Horonaim,  a  well-known  place  on  the  neighboring  mountain  and  the  phrase  •'  on  the  declivity  is  thus 
explained  as  referring  to  the  declivitous  side  of  the  hill  (and  so  the  Vulg.  demum,  Heb.  TIID).  We  thus  reach 
tlie  rendering  "by  the  way  of  Horonaim  (Beth-horon)  on  the  side  of  the  mountain,"  which  is  syntactically  and 
geographically  satisfactory;  and  need  suppose  only  that  D'J'in  has  been  altered  in  the  maaoretic  text  into 
nnS.  The  addition  in  the  Sept.  may  be  a  marginal  explanation  (it  is  not  found  in  the-Vulg.),  and  its  first  clause 
may  be  altered  into  conformity  with  the  existing  Heb.  text ;  the  iv  rn"  Kora^ia-ei  nlay  belong  to  the  original  form 
(Vulg.  demum),  and  the  "  on  the  side  of  the  mountain  "  may  be  an  explanation  of  this  original  or  marginal.  At 
any  rate  the  change  of  VIPIX  to  D''J^^  is  altogether  probable.— Tk.1 


and  I 

maKeS  O.   ,*  uuui^i^^ooai  y,       vj\>  tiiic  iiLTiu  ,jirtu.-o  .,1  un  ^^.^mv.  .>uu  ...  ^i«...^.       .—  ...,    .. —  r"i\,  ""."      "   ,  *     xt,      '       f  l  ■ 

arrangement  on  logical  grounds,  the  unnecessary  repetitions  may  rc.=iult  from  the  fact  that  we  nave  tne  o"t'me 
of  an  originally  longer  narrative  wherein  these  repeated  .statements  would  not  be  out  oi  place^  1  ne  oraer  oi  tne 
masoretic  text  is  sustained  by  the  versions.  In  ver.  37  after  Geshur  (reSo-oii/j)  Sept.  adds  e«  77)jy«fj««X«o,  which 
Thenius  accepts  as  representing  an  original  Heb.  "  land  of  Maacah  "  (Bfltteher :  liind  of  his  mother  Maacah),  and 
Wellh.  rejects  because  of  the  Art.  (xa  =  n)  and  because  of  the  absence  of  the  word  "mother.  — IB.J 


484 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vera.  1-21.  Amncm's  crime.*  Ver.  1.  sqq.  And 
it  came  to  pass  after  this — general  chronolo- 
gical statement^  referring  what  foUowB  to  the  time 
after  the  Ammonite  war.  Tarnar  and  Absalom 
were  the  children  of  Maacah,  daughter  of  Talmai 
king  of  Geshur,  whom  David  had  married  after 
he  ascended  the  throne  at  Hebron  (iii.  3).  Am- 
non  was  David's  oldest  sou ;  his  mother  was  the 
Jezreelitess  Ahinoam  (iii.  2).  The  apodosis  be- 
gins with  the  words :  ''  and  Amnon  was  so  trou- 
bled" (ver.  2),  while  ver.  1  from  and  Absalom 
to  the  end  \a  explanatory  parenthesis. — Ver.  2. 
Litei'ally :  it  was  strait  to  Amnon  unto  becoming 
side,  that  is,  he  was  sore  troubled,  so  that  he  fell 
sick.  Not:  "  feigned  himself  sick  "  (Luther),  for 
he  does  not  feign  till  vera.  5,  6  (where  the  word 
is  properly  so  rendered).  [Ewald  (quoted  by 
Thenius)  remarks  that  Amnon's  character  and 
conduct  were  doubtless  affected  by  the  fact  that 
he  was  the  first-born  son,  and  of  a  mother  appa- 
rently not  of  the  noblest  birth. — Tb.]  We  have 
a  picture  here  of  the  consuming  fire  of  passionate 
love,  which  could  not  be  satisfied,  because  Tamar 
w^as  a  virgin  and  it  seemed  to  him  impos- 
sible to  do  anything  to  her,  that  is,  her  maid- 
enly reserve  and  her  inaccessibility  [in  the  harem 
or  women's  apartment]  or  other  difficulties 
thwarted  his  designs. — Vers.  3  sq.  By  his  wicked, 
crafty  cousin  Jonadab,  the  son  of  his  uncle  Shi- 
meah  (another  son  of  whom,  Jonathan,  is  men- 
tioned xxi.  21)  Amnon  is  not  only  strengthened 
in  his  sinful  desire,  but  is  shown  a  way  whereby 
he  may  attain  his  end  by  guile  and  violence.  He 
becomes  "lean,"  an  appearance  all  the  more 
striking  in  a  king's  son,"  in  whose  case  there 
was  no  reason  for  it.  From  morning  to  morn  - 
ing — his  aspect  was  more  wret<;hed  in  the  morn- 
ing after  nights  made  sleepless  by  torturing  pas- 
sion. [Thenius :  a  finely  chosen  point  in  the  de- 
scription of  his  malady,  from  which  also  it  appears 
that  Jonadab  wa.s,  if  not  a  house-mate,  at  least  his 
daily  companion.  Bib.  Com.:  he  mentions  the 
morning  because  it  was  his  custom  to  come  to  Am- 
non every  morning  to  his  levee. — Tb.]  This 
wretched  appearance  of  his  favored  the  advice  to 
feign  himself  sick  (ver.  5).  To  see  thee,  "see- 
ing" used  for  visiting  the  sick  (Ps.  xli.  7  (6) ;  2 
Kings  viii.  29).  Jonadab's  counsel  takes  for 
granted  that  the  father  will  not  refuse  the  sick 
son  such  a  request.  From  the  whole  account  we 
see  that  the  king's  children  dwelt  in  difl^erent 
households.^  "  Probably  each  wife  with  her  chil- 
dren dwelt  in  a  separate  part  of  the  royal  palace" 
(Keil),  and  further  the  grown  sons,  as  appears 
froiti  vers.  7  and  20,  had  each  his  separate  house. 
''A  couple  of  cakes ;"  some  solid,  distmctly  shaped 
preparation  is  here  meant,  since  there  were  "two  " 
of  them.  Whether  it  received  its  name  from  its 
heart-like  shape,  or  its  heart-strengthening  power 
(Keil),  [the  word  is  lebibah,  and  the  Heb.  for 
"heart"  is  fei],  or  because  it  was  made  from 
rolled  dough,-)-  is  left  undecided.    Tamar  was  pro- 


•  [From  this  point  to  xxiii.  7  (and  oh.  xi.  except  ver. 
1)  is  omitted  in  Chron.,  it  not  entering  into  the  design 
of  that  Book  to  record  the  merely  individual  history  of 
David,  but  only  his  theocratic  and  ritual  acts. — Ta.] 

t  Battoher:  from  Arab.  33^,  Chald.  tljj"?,  Heb.niS. 


bably  famed  for  her  skilful  cooking.  [In  the 
East  such  skill  is  not  unusual,  even  in  women  of 
high  rank. — Tb.] 

Vers.  8  sqq.  "  She  took  a  pan  [ver.  9],  bo  Chald. 
and  Sept.  [On  the  word  rendered  "pan"  see 
"  Text,  and  Gram. ;"  it  seems  more  probable  that 
it  is  a  name  for  some  preparation  of  food  — Te.] 

"Baked"  [ver.  8]  ;  the  Heb.  word  (S{73)  is  used 
for  roasting  or  baking,  see  Ex.  xii.  9  comp.  with 
2  Chr.  XXXV.  13.  Amnon's  refusal  to  eat  must 
have  conveyed  the  impression  that  he  was  very 
sick,  and  the  exclusion  of  all  persons  from  the 
room  might  be  ea.sily  explained  by  the  fact  that 
he  was  weakened  by  his  illness.  He  was  as  clever 
an  actor  as  Jonadab  a  crafty  counsellor. — Vers. 
12  sqq.  Tamar's  noble  conduct  in  rejecting  this 
wicked  proposal  is  a  confirmation  of  what  is  said 
in  ver.  2  of  the  hindrances  in  Amnon's  way. 
Such  things  are  not  done  in  Israel,  it  is 
against  the  law  and  cnstom  of  the  people  of  God 
(as  contrasted  with  the  heathen).  Comp.  Lev. 
XX.  17  with  vers.  7  and  26.  Tamar  repels  the 
wickedness  from  the  highest  moral  point  of  view 
which  is  determined  by  the  theocratic-national 
position  and  significance  of  Israel.     The  word 

"folly"  (11733)  is  here  used  of  unchastity  as  in 
xxxiv.  7.  [The  same  sense  is  given  sub- 
stantially by  the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.:  "not 
so  should  it  be  done  in  Israel"  (as  Philippson). 
— Keil  remarks  that  the  expression  recalls  Gen. 
xxxiv.  7  (where  it  is  a  commentary  on  She- 
chem's  conduct  to  Dinah),  the  words  being  the 
same ;  and  Bib.  Com.  adds  that  Tamar  probably 
knew  the  pa-s-sage  in  Genesis,  and  wished  to  profit 
by  it.  But,  as  this  passage  is  a  remark  of  the 
Editor  of  the  Pentateuch  (as  the  phra.se  "in  Is- 
rael" shows),  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Pen- 
tateuch in  its  present  shape  existed  in  David's 
time,  the  resemblance  between  the  two  passages 
must  be  otherwise  explained.  The  phrase  in 
question  may  have  been  a  common  one,  or  the 
Editor  of  Genesis  may  have  taken  it  from  our 
narrative,  as  a  remark  appropriate  in  his  narra- 
tive.— Tb.]— Next  to  the  honor  of  Israel  as  the 
people  sanctifying  itself  to  the  Lord,  she  adduces 
her  own  honor  and  Amnon's  (ver.  13) ;  both,  she 
would  say,  will  suffer  irreparable  shame.  Fur- 
ther, in  order  more  certainly  to  hold  him  off,  she 
urges  him  to  ask  her  in  marriage  of  the  king,  who 
would  not  deny  his  request.  This  would  be  in 
opposition  to  the  law.  Lev.  xviii.  9;  xx.  17;  Deut. 
xxvii.  22,  whereby  sexual  connections  between 
brothers  and  sisters  (those  having  only  one  parent 
in  common  are  especially  mentioned)  are  strictly 
forbidden.  In  order  to  harmonize  this  apparent 
contradiction  Thenius  thinks  it  not  impossible 
that  the  prohibitions  in  Lev.  xviii.  7-18 ;  xx.  19- 
21 ;  Deut.  xxvii.  20,  22  referred  first  to  the  main- 
tenance of  moral  purity  in  family-life,  and  that 
they  did  not  wholly  forbid  real  marriages  be- 
tween brothers  and  sisters  (having  only  one  pa- 
rent in  cornmon),  particularly  where  there  was 
special  inclination.  But  this  view  cannot  be  well 
made  to  accord  with  the  absoluteness  of  the  pro- 
hibition and  the  sharpness  of  the  threat  of  punish- 
ment. The  strict  prohibition  of  sexual  connec- 
tion in  general  must  have  applied  to  marriage 
also.  It  must  be  supposed  either  that  the  law  was 
not  strictly  carried  out,  or  that  Tamar,  knowing 


CHAP.  XIII.  1-39. 


485 


the  law  very  well,  wished  to  keep  baok  the  pas- 
sionate advances  of  Amnon.  So  Josephus  [7,  8, 
1]  :  "  this  she  said,  wishing  to  escape  his  passion 
for  the  present,"  and  Clericus :  "  that  she  might 
elude  him  in  every  way  possible,  lest,  if  all  hope 
of  marriage  were  denied,  the  man  should  be  the 
more  incited  to  violence."* 

Ver.  15.  On  the  satisfaction  of  sexual  desire 
follows  hate  towards  its  object  and  instrument;  "a 
psychological  trait,"  remarks  Thenius,  "  that 
vouches  for  the  truth  of  the  narrative." — Ver.  16. 
Tamar's  reply  is  not  to  be  rendered  (Vulg.,  Lu- 
ther) :  "  the  evil  ia  greater  than  the  other,"  for 
the  Heb.  requires:  "this  great  (greater)  evil." 
Nor  can  we  (with  Thenius)  alter  the  Heb.  text 

after  the  Sept. :  ''  nay,  my  brother  ('nK-Ss),  for 
the  evil  is  greater,"t  etc.,  which  ia  obviously  a 
change  to  avoid  difficulty,  and  the  consecjuent 
change  of  text  is  too  violent.  The  renderings : 
"  give  no  occasion  of  this  greater  evil "  (Cler., 
Ges.),  and:  "but  not  this  greater  evil  than  the 
other !"  (De  Wette)  do  not  accord  with  the  word- 
ing of  the  Heb.  Botteher,  by  two  changes  ( 7j?  for 
7K,  and  insertion  of  iTD),  gets  the  sense:  "where- 
fore this  great  evil,  greater  than  ...?";  on  which 
Thenius  rightly  remarks  that  it  is  difficult  to  see 
why  the  narrator  should  have  put  this  unintelligi- 
ble phrase  into  the  mouth  of  the  unfortunate  woman 

rather  than  the  simple  "why?"  (^JHO  or  nob).— 
It  certainly  seems  better  (if  anything  is  to  be 
added)  to  insert  the  word  "let  there  be"  or  "be 
thou"  Cnfl),  so  that  it  shall  read:  "become  not 
the  cause  of  this  great  evil,  which  is  greater  than 
.  .  .  ."  (Maur.,  Dietrich  in  Oes-  Lex.  s.  v.  niiN); 
hut  this  expres.sion  also :  "  become  not  the  cause  " 
ia  not  simple  and  natural  enough  in  the  mouth 
of  the  excited  Tamar.     It  is  better  to  suppose  an 

unfinished  sentence  and  render  (changing  '^N  into 
■7N) :  On  account  of  this  greater  evil  .  .  . 
she  is  interrupted  by  Amnon,  and  cannot  finish 
her  address.  This  is  clear  from  what  imme- 
diately follows:  But  he  would  not  hear  her, 
and  said  to  his  servant.  Put  her  out  from 
me ;  he  ordered  her  to  be  put  out  before  she 
could  finish.  This  expulsion  was  a  still  "greater 
evil"  than  the  other  violence  done  her,  both  for 
her,  because  it  would  create  the  impression  that 
she  had  done  something  shamefiil,  and  for  him, 
since  he  thus  added  wrong  to  wrong.  [On  this 
reading  see  "Text,  and  Gram.,"  where  reasons 
are  given  for  adopting  substantially  the  text  of 
the  Sept.:  "nay,  my  brother,  for  this  evil  is 
greater,"  etc.  The  objection  to  Dr.  Erdmann's 
rendering  is  the  same  that  he  has  himself  urged 
against  another:  it  is  too  formal,  too  little  in 
keeping  with  the  excited  state  in  which  we  should 
suppose  Tamar  to  be.    A  similar  objection  applies 


*  [Bp.  Patrick  mentions  an  (unfounded)  Jewish  opi- 
nion that  Tamar  was  born  of  Maacah  while  the  latter 
was  a  captive  (Deut  xxi.  10  sqq.),  that  is,  before  she  be- 
came a  proselyte  and  David's  wife,  and  that  Tamar  was 
therefore  legally  not  Amnon's  sister. — Probably  both 
the  explanations  suggested  above  by  Erdmann  are  cor- 
rect; the  Levitical  code  was  hardly  observed  with  strict- 
ness at  this  time.— Tb.] 

t  {Thenius  here  writes  neya^ij  ^  KaxCa,  but  Tischen- 
oorf  has  jieif"".— Te.] 


to  the  translation  given  in  the  JBih.  Com. — Tr.] 
Ver.  17.  [Amnon  orders  Tamar  to  be  expeUed.} 
This  order  and  conduct  must  have  led  the  servant 
to  suppose  that  she  had  done  something  shame- 
ful.— [Bib.  Com. :  The  brutality  of  Amnon  needs 
no  comment. — Tr] — Ver.  18.  ITamar  is  expelled.} 
She  had  on  a  garment  with  long  sleeves  (D'D3)i 

the  usual  undergarment  covered  only  the  upper 
arm,  while  this  covered  the  whole  arm,  and  took 
the  place  of  the  armless  meil  [outer  garment  or 
robe.]  Translate :  thus  -were  the  king's 
daughters,  the  virgins,  clothed  with  robes ; 
such  long-sleeved  mantles  distinguished  the  prin- 
cesses.— Ver.  19.  Her  indication  of  grief  at  the 
shame  done  her.  The  hands  clasped  above  the 
head  or  laid  on  the  head,  are  a  sign  of  grief  at  the 
shame  that  has  come  on  the  liead  as  the  bearer  of 
one's  personal  honor.  Comp.  Jer.ii.  37.  [Ver.  18  6 
would  seem  to  connect  itself  more  naturally  with 
ver.  17,  and  ver.  18  a  with  ver.  19.  It  may  be,  as 
Keil  says,  that  her  royal  dress  is  mentioned  to  bring 
out  more  clearly  the  harshness  of  her  treatment, 
since  the  servant  must  have  recognized  the  dress. 
The  word  "robes"  in  ver.  18  is  discussed  in 
"  Text,  and  Gram- ;"  the  sentence  wouldperhaps 
be  helped  by  omitting  the  word.^.B»6.  Chm.  sug- 
gests that  Tamar  took  the  ashes  that  she  put  on 
her  head  from  the  very  place  where  she  had 
cooked  the  food  for  Amnon. — Tr.] — Ver.  20. 
l/ibsalom  cares  for  his  sister.}  Instead  of  "  Am- 
non" the  Heb.  lias  Aminon,  a  diminutive,  ex- 
pressive of  scorn  and  contempt.*  Absalom's 
question  shows  that  a  suspicion  of  Amnon  natu- 
rally suggested  itself  to  him:  Has  Aminon 
thy  brother  been  with  thee  ?  euphemism 
for  Amnon's  deed.  Absalom,  with  his  careless 
exhortation:  lay  not  this  thing  to  heart, 
is  a  sad  comforter.  [More  probably,  under  this 
careless  exterior  he  concealed  a  deep  purpose  to 
avenge  the  crime,  which  he  at  this  moment  had 
neither  words  nor  inclination  to  discuss.  He 
seems  not  to  have  failed  in  his  duty  to  his  sister. 
— Tb.]— And  Tamar  abode  in  his  house  as 
a  desolated  woman  ;  literally,  "  and  as  deso- 
lated," not  "as  solitary."— Ver.  21.  [David/s 
anger.']  After  the  words:  "and  he  was  very 
wroth,"  the  Sept.  adds :  "  and  he  grieved  not  the 
spirit  of  Amnon  his  son,  because  he  loved  him, 
because  he  was  his  first-born."  But  this  addition 
gives  too  circumstantial  and  full  a  reason  why 
David  contented  himself  with  being  angry  and 
did  not  punish  Amnon:  we  cannot  alter  the 
Heb.  text  to  accord  with  it  (as  Then,  and  Ewald 
do).  David's  failure  to  inflict  on  Amnon  the 
legal  penalty  of  death  [Lev.  xx.  17]  was  a  sign 
of  weakness,  and  led  to  Absalom's  revenge  and 
his  rebellion  against  his  father.  —  Ver.  22. 
[Abscdom's  hatred  of  Amnon.'] — Prom  bad  to 
good,  neither  bad  nor  good  (Gen.  xxiv.  50),  he 
talked  not  at  all  with  him  because  he  hated  him. 
—There  is  no  need  with  Botteher  to  transpose 
vers.   21   and  22.     Verse  20  having  described 

•  [So  Battcher  and  Thenius,  after  the  analogy  of  the 
Arabic,  in  which  a  diminutive  is  formed  by  inserting  a 
letter  (Yod)  after  the  second  radical;  but  the  diminu- 
tive form  is  doubtful  here,  partly  because  the  ancient 
versions  (Arabic  included)  except  Chaldee  do  not  here 
follow  the  Heb.,  but  give  the  form  Aj^non;  the  reading 
here  may  be  a  clerical  error  (so  Wellhausen  and  Bib.* 
Cbm.).— Tb.] 


486 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Absalom's  procedure  (in  connection  with  Am- 
non's  crime)  and  ver.  21  the  king's,  ver.  22  be- 

fins  a  new  section,  in  which  is  first  stated  the 
eepest  ground  of  Absalom's  conduct  towards 
Amnon  afterwards  related,  namely,  his  hate 
towards  him.  The  present  order  of  verses  there- 
fore presents  the  thoroughly  well-arranged  pro- 
fress  in  the  narrative,  which  Thenius  thinks  can 
e  attained  only  by  a  transposition. 
b.  Vers.  22-33.  Amnon's  murder  by  Absalom. — 
Ver.  22  is  closely  connected  with  ver.  23  sq., 
giving  the  ground  of  Absalom's  fratricide,  though 
two  years  elapse  before  the  act  of  vengeance  is 
executed.  According  to  verse  23  Absalom  had 
an  estate  in  Baalhanor  near  Ephraim.  Probably 
also  the  other  sons  of  the  king  had  such  landed 
possessions.  A  joyful /esiwo/  was  connected  with 
sheapshearing  (comp.  1  Sara.  xxv.  2,  8),  as  is  not 
seldom  the  case  also  in  Germany.  Baal-hazor  is 
more  exactly  described  as  being  near  Ephraim.. 
This  cannot  mean  near  the  <ri6e-territory  of 
Ephraim;  the  Prep,  "near"  {0}})  shows  that  a 
city  called  Ephraim  is  meant  (2  Chron.  xiii.  19 
Qeri,  comp.  Josh.  xv.  9;  John  xi.  54;  Joseph., 
beU.  Jud.  4,  9.  9,  according  to  Eusebius  eight 
miles  north  of  Jerusalem).  Thenius:  "probably 
Tell  Asur  south  of  Shiloh ;  see  Kauffer,  Sttui.  II. 
145."* — Ver.  25.  He  blessed  him,  i.  e.  wished 
him  well  C^^J  as  in  1  Sam.  xxv.  14). — Ver.  26. 
''If  thmt  goest  not,"  literally:  "and  not;"  so 
Sept.  and  Vulg.     But  'Thenius  renders:  "O  that 

Amnon  might  go  with  us"  (taking  NT  =  17, 
Ew.,  g  358  b).  The  king,  unwilling  to  go  him- 
self.f  is  also  unwilling  for  Amnon  to  go,  as  the 
question :  "  why  should  he  go  with  thee  ?"  shows. 
For  he  could  not  be  ignorant  of  Absalom's  hatred 
to  Amnon.  [Thenius:  ''let  Amnon,  the  first- 
born [and  heir-apparent]  go  along  with  us  (me 
and  the  other  princes)  as  thy  representative." — 
Thus  David  found  it  hard  to  deny  Absalom's 
request  without  giving  as  n  reason  what  he  was 
unwilling  to  say. — Tb.] — Ver.  27.  IDavid  con- 
sents.] David  here  also  shows  himself  weak  in 
yielding  to  Absalom's  request. — As  our  narrator 
IS  only  concerned  to  tell  how  the  fratricide  was 
accomplished,  he  omits  mention  of  the  meal  that 
Absalom  prepared,  especially  as  this  was  indi- 
rectly given  in  vers.  23,  24.  The  addition  of 
the  Sept. :  ''  and  Absalom  prepared  a  repast  like 
the  repast  of  a  king,"  is  to  be  regarded,  there- 
fore, as  a  mere  explanatory  insertion.  J — Ver.  28 

*  Battoher:  "The  name  D'lSX  is  probably  from 
CIS;;  or  ['IS;;."    Thenius:  "If  the  tribe  Ephraim 

were  meant,  it  would  read : '  which  pertains  to '  (7  I^X) 

(comp.  1  Sam.  xvii.  1 ;  1  Chron.  xiil.  6),  not '  near'  (DJ?)i 

Vule.  juxta  Epkraim,  and  see  Gen,  xxxv.  4  and  especially 
Josh.  Tii.  2."--fMr.  Grove,  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.,  thinks 
that  three  diiferent  places  are  meant  in  John  xi.  ft4j  2 
Sam.  xviii.  6  and  2  Cnron.  xiii.  19,  and  does  not  identify 
our  Ephraim  with  any  of  them ;  there  is,  he  says,  no 
clew  to  its  situation. — Tb.] 

t  [Kitto  (Dai.  Bib.  III.)  remarks  that  David's  reason  in 
ver.  25  is  the  first  intimation  in  history  of  the  ruinous 
expense  of  royal  visits,  and  mentions  the  case  of  the 
Hoghton  family  in  Lancashire,  said  to  have  been  ruined 
by  a  visit  from  King  James  I. — Tr.] 

t  [Thenius  (followed  by  Wollh.)  accepts  this  addition 
as  a  part  of  the  original  text  because  of  its  naturalness, 
holding  the  reason  for  its  omission  from  the  Heb.  to  be 


sqq.  [The  murder.']  As  David  had  weakly  left 
Amnon's  crime  unpunished,  Absalom  held  it  his 
duty  to  take  vengeance  on  Amnon  and  maintain 
his  sister's  honor.  This  feeling  does  not,  how- 
ever, exclude  the  motive  of  selfish  ambition  in 
Absalom ;  by  the  death  of  Amnon  he  would  be 
one  step  nearer  to  the  succession  to  the  throne ; 
there  may,  indeed,  have  been  another  brother, 
Chileab,  older  than  he  (iii.  3),  but  probably  (to 
judge  from  Absalom's  conduct,  xv.  1-6)  he  was 
no  longer  alive.  Absalom's  ambition,  which 
afterwards  led  him  into  rebellion,  probably  wel- 
comed this  pretext  for  putting  Amnon,  the  heir 
to  the  throne,  out  of  the  way.  Comp.  Winer, 
B.-  W.  I.  14.— Ver.  29.  IFligU  of  the  princes.] 
"Every  man  on  his  mule."  Mule-breeding  is 
forbidden  in  Lev.  xix.  19.  [Yet  mules  were 
frequently  used  by  persons  of  distinction,  Absa- 
lom (2  Sam.  xviii.  9),  David  and  Solomon  (1 
Kings  i.  33;  x.  25),  and  were  probably  intro- 
duced by  commerce  or  war.  Our  passage  con- 
tains the  first  mention  of  them  ;  afterwards  they 
seem  to  have  become  common  (1  Kings  xviii.  5; 
Zech.  xiv.  15;  Ezra  ii.  66).  Ewald  thinks  that 
the  law  in  Lev.  does  not  forbid  breeding  them ; 
certainly  it  does  not  absolutely  forbid  owning 
them.  See  Art.  Mavlthier  in  Herzog. — Te.] — 
Ver.  30.  Tidings  came,  namely,  by  the  ser- 
vants, who  had  come  on  in  advance  of  the  princes. 
The  exaggeration  in  their  report  is  psychologi- 
cally easily  explained  by  the  circumstances. — 
Ver.  31.  [TIte  king's  grief.]  The  king's  servants 
stood    still,   immovable    (D'32fJ),    comp.  Num. 

xxii.  32  sq. ;  Deut.  v.  20.  It  need  not  be  inferred 
from  the  phrase:  And  all  his  servants  stood 
before  him  -with  garments  rent,  that  the 
courtiers  preceded  the  king  in  the  rending  of  the 
garments  (Bottcher),  since  this  rending  on  their 
part  would  naturally  follow  on  the  king's,  and 
did  not  require  special  mention. — [Sept. :  "  and 
all  his  servants  that  were  standing  about  him 
rent  their  garments,"  which  represents  an  easy 
and  natural  Hebrew;  but  there  is  not  suflicient 
ground  for  altering  the  Heb.  text  to  accord  with 
it. — Tr.] — Ver.  32  sqq.  Jonadab,  who  had  coun- 
selled Amnon  to  commit  his  crime,  now  corrects 
the  false  report  [sharp-sightcdly  seeing  how  the 
thing  must  be. — Tb.],  and  gives  a  reason  for  his 
assertion  that  Amnon  alone  was  dead  :*  for  on 
Absalom's  mouth  'was  it  laid  (it  lay)  from 
the  day ;  that  is,  one  could  infer  from  his  words 
that  he  intended  this  (De  Wette),  or,  better: 
"  one  could  see  it  in  him ;  for  the  movements  of 
the  soul  are  seen  (next  to  the  look)  most  clearly 
about  the  mouth"  (Thenius).  The  subject  of 
the  verb  "was"  [Eng.  A.  V.  this],  namely,  the 
murder  of  Amnon,  or  hatred  to  Amnon,  natu- 
rally suggests  itself,  and  the  omission  is  in  ac- 
cordance with  Jonadab's  excited,  hurried  speech. 
His  purpose  was  set,  determined  (Hn'tt'),  comp. 


the  similar  ending  of  the  two  clauses  (11  ShH,  here  and 

in  ver.  27).  But  Erdmann's  aruument  against  this  elu- 
cidatory statement  is  just  and  entitled  to  considera- 
tion.—Te.] 

*  [Some  VSS.  and  EDD.  have  "my  lord  the  king," 
instead  of  "  my  lord ;"  and  some  read  '3,  "  for,"  instead 

of  DN  ''3,  "  but."  In  such  particles  the  text  is  uncer- 
tain.—Tr.] 


CHAP.  XIII.  1-39. 


487 


Ex.  xxi.  13;  his  determination  to  do  the  deed 
lay  on  his  mouth,  was  decidedly  and  clearly 
stamped  in  the  features  about  his  mouth.  Vulg. : 
''in  hatred,"  instead  of  "in  the  mouth;"  Aq., 
Sym. :  "in  wrath"  (they  read  'SJ*  instead  of 
'3).*  [If  our  Hebrew  text  is  retained,  the  ren- 
dering of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  in  accordance  with  tlie 
general  usage  of  the  words :  ''  according  to  the 
commandment  of  Absalom  it  was  deternjiined 
from  the  day,"  etc.,  where  the  difficulty  is  to  say 
what  was  determined  and  to  whom  the  command- 
ment was  given.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  not 
probable  (as  Erdmann'a  rendering  asserts)  that 
Absalom  openly  showed  his  purpose  to  kill  his 
brother ;  in  that  case  the  latter  would  have  been 
warned.  The  general  meaning,  however,  is  clear, 
that  Absalom  had  made  up  his  mind  two  years 
before  to  kill  Amnon. — Tb.] 

c.  Vers.  34-39.  Absalom's  flight— Yer.  34. 
And  Absalom  fled.  There  is  no  ground  for 
attaching  these  words  to  Jonadab's  speech,  ver. 
33  (Mich.,  Dathe),  since  the  latter  could  not  have 
known  of  Absalom's  flight,  and  it  is  not  a  mere 
surmise  about  it  that  is  expressed,  but  the  fact. 
From  ver.  29  on  two  lines  of  narration  must  be 
distinguished.  The  one,  starting  with  the  flight 
of  David's  sons  (ver.  29),  gives  the  rumor,  the 
fact  affirmed  by  Jonadab  and  its  impression  on 
David,  up  to  ver.  33 ;  the  other,  pointing  back 
to  ver.  29,  begins  with  Absalom'.^  flight  (synchro- 
nous with  that  of  the  princes),  and  proceeds  to 
tell  of  the  arrival  of  the  other  sons  after  Absa- 
lom'.s  flight.  The  sentence:  "And  Absalom 
fled,"  certainly  breaks  the  connection,  since  the 
next  sentence  ("  the  watchman  lifted  up  his 
eyes")  is  closely  connected  with  ver.  33.  But 
the  words  are  not  taken  from  ver.  37,  as  has  been 
assumed;  the  object  of  this  interruption  is  to 
bring  forward  the  important  event  that  preceded 
the  arrival  of  the  sons  of  David,  so  that  on  the 
one  hand  Absalom's  flight  and  absence  from  the 
royal  court,  on  the  other  hand  the  presence  of 
his  brothers  and  their  complaint  to  their  father 
are  the  subject-matter  of  the  narration,  which 
closes  with  the  goal  of  Absalom's  flight  and 
David's  conduct  in  respect  to  Absalom  and  the 
death  of  Amnon.— Ver.  34.  The  young  man, 
the  watchman,  who  was  looking  out  for  the 
persons  returning  from  the  festival.  Much 
people,  a  crowd  of  people  made  up  of  the  nu- 
merous retinue  of  the  sons  of  David.  ''  From 
the  way  behind  Mm,"  that  is,  "  according  to  well- 
known  usus  loquendi  (see  Ex.  iii.  1  comp.  with 
Isa.  ix.  11;  Job  xxiii.  8)  simply  from  the  west" 


*  [The  common  Vulg.  text  has  "  in  the  mouth  {in  ore) 
of  Absalom."  The  Syr.:  "it  was  fixed  (na't!^)  in  the 
purpose  of  Absalom,"  confiims  the  Heb.  as  a  free  ren- 
dering, while  the  Chald. :  "  treachery  ^waylaying)  was 
In  the  heart  of  Absalom,"  seems  to  take  the  nD^tC' 
("laid")  as  a  substantive  (  — nsr,  Thenius).    Henoe 

T  ■ 

Ewald  would  read  it  TVO^V   [an  unknown  word]  = 

"look  of  revenge,"  and  Wellhausen  takes  our  word 
(from  the  Ara;b.  root  =  sinister  fuit\  as  a  substantive  = 
"  sinister  expression."  A  substantive  as  subject  would 
naturally  be  expected  here,  but  the  proposed  emenda- 
tions are  hardly  satisfactory.  Following  the  Chald.  we 
might  read :  "  on  the  heart  of  Absalom  was  laid  this 
thing  "  etc.,  which  (by  inserting  the  words  "  this  thing  ") 
would  correspond  with  the  following  clause.  But  this 
conjecture  is  not  sufficiently  supported  by  external 
authority.— Tb.J 


(Thenius),  since  in  front  means  geographically 
the  East.  "From  the  side  of  the  mountain," 
probably  Mount  Zion.  The  princes  came  not 
from  the  north,  but  from  the  west,  because  the 
return  by  this  route  was  easier  and  quicker. — 
Ver.  35.  Jonadab  confirms  his  previous  asser- 
tion.— Ver.  36.  Repetition  of  the  mourning  of 
ver.  31,  only  deeper. — Ver.  37.  The  narrative 
returns  to  Absalom,  resuming  the  statement  of 
his  flight  (from  ver.  34) ;  this  repetition  is  occa- 
sioned by  the  preceding  remark:  "the  king's 
sons  came."  The  sense  is:  "except  Absalom, 
who  had  fled."  On  Talmai  see  iii.  3.  Absa- 
lom's stay  with  him  lasted  three  years.  [On  the 
text  of  vers.  34-38  see  "  Text,  and  Gram."  The 
conclusion  there  reached  is  that  the  order  in  our 
present  text  cannot  be  defended,  there  being  no 
visible  reason  for  the  repetitions,  and  the  omis- 
sion of  the  subject  (David)  in  37  5  being  impos- 
sible if  that  clause  were  in  its  proper  position, 
but  that  our  present  text  may  be  the  abridgement 
of  a  longer  narrative,  in  which  the  repetitions 
were  not  out  of  place,  and  the  omission  of  subject 
not  improper. — Tr.] 

Ver.  39.  And  David  the  king*  held 
back  from  going  forth  against  Absalom, 
for  he  had  consoled  himself  for  Amnon, 
that  he  -was  dead. — The  construction  being 
impersonal  [it  restrained= David  was  restrained], 
no  subject  is  to  be  supplied,  as  '' grief  restrained  " 
(Maurer),  or:  ''Absalom's  flight  to  Geshur  and 
his  abode  there  restrained"  (Keil) ;  for  the  rea- 
son of  his  not  going  out  after  Absalom  lay  in  his 
tone  of  feeling,  as  indicated  in  the  words:  "for 
he  had  consoled  himself."  This  was  his  ground 
of  action,  not  sorrow  for  Absalom's  flight,  and 
this  accords  with  the  capacity  for  rapid  change 
of  his  sanguine  temperament;  his  hot  anger  soon 
sank  into  quiet.  Comp.  ver.  21  and  xii.  20-24. 
The  rendering:  "And  David  longed  to  go  forth 
to  Absalom"  (Chald.,  the  Rabbis,  De  W.  in  the 
Remarks)  supposes  the  insertion  of  the  word  sovJ, 
lelDl)  after  the  verb  (so  Eng.  A.  V.]  But  (apart 
from  the  hardness  of  this  insertion)  there  are  two 
objections  to  this  rendering,  namely,  that  David 
could  have  sent  for  Absalom,  if  he  wanted  him, 
and  that,  so  far  from  feeling  any  love-longing 
towards  Absalom,  David  was  permanently  set 
against  him,  as  appears  from  the  fact  that,  after 


*  "  David  the  king,"  instead  of  the  usual  (Sept, 
Vulg.)  "king  David"  (oomp.  Ges.,  ?  113,  Hem.).  [Some 
take  the  in  here,  on  account  of  its  unusual  position 

(but  see  1  Sam.  xviii.  6),  to  be  a  corruption  of  some 
other  word  meaning  grief,  soul,  or  the  like.— Tr.J— 

'73j^1  from  rh3  =  ii'lD,  "to  prevent"  (Maur.,  Keil), 
"  these  two  verbs  often  interchanging."  As  the  3  pers. 
maso.  is  often  impersonal  [1^  1X;'1],  so  sometimes  the 
3  pers.  fem.  (1  Sam.  xxx.  6 ;  Ps.  1.  3 ;  comp.  Ges.,  ?  137, 2). 
'73FI1  therefore  here  —  "  and  it  hindered  him."  [To 
this' impersonal  construction  there  are  two  syntactical 
objections :  1)  the  substantive  idea  of  the  verb  is  active 
instead  of  neater,  and  in  any  case  we  should  expect 
the  object  (in)  to  be  introduced  by  a  preposition ;  2) 

the  Inf.  after  vhj  is  properly  introduced  by  |p  instead 

of  4  as  here.    Maurer  renders:  "it  restrained  him," 

i  e' grief;  others:  "David  restrained  [his  servants]," 
which  the  form  of  the  verb  (fem.)  does  not  permit 

-TE.J 


488 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Joab  had  gotten  him  back,  it  was  two  years  before 
the  king  would  see  him  (xiv.  24,  28).  Ewald* 
renders  :  "  David's  anger  ceased  to  express  itself 
about  Absalom."  But  the  verb  C^S")  cannot  be 
so  translated,  and  the  insertion  [of  the  word  anger~\ 
is  arbitrary  and  violent.  Bottcher's*  translation : 
"and  David  left  off  going  "  etc.,  supposes  that  he 
had  begun  to  go,  and  was  stopped  by  obstacles, 
which  is  nowhere  intimated.  The  same  objection 
lies  to  Thenius'*  rendering :  "  he  desisted  from 
going  out"  (after  having  begun),  time  having 
softened  his  grief;  but  nothing  is  said  of  this  in 
the  connection.  [The  impersonal  construction 
(of  Erdmann  and  others)  cannot  be  maintained 
here,  and  the  Heb.  text  in  its  present  shape  gives 
no  sense.  We  must  either  adopt  the  rendering 
of  Eng.  A.  V.  supplying  the  word  soul,  or  (after 
Ewald)  supply  some  such  word  as  anger.  Da- 
vid's feeling  towards  Absalom  here  indicated  is 
apparently  a  kindly  one,  since  it  is  probably  wliat 
Joab  is  said  in  xiv.  1  to  perceive,  and  in  this  lat- 
ter verse  it  is  a  kindly  feeling  (Dr.  Erdmann 
takes  a  different  view).  The  sense,  then,  seems 
to  be  as  follows :  David  longed  to  recall  Absalom, 
but  political  and  judicial  reasons  deterred  him  ; 
Joab  perceives  tliis,  and  helps  the  king  out  of  the 
difficulties  that  his  sense  of  justice  threw  in  the 
way  of  the  exhibition  of  his  love  for  his  exiled 
son. — Tr.] 

HISTOEICAL   AND  THEOLOGICAI^. 

1.  "  The  sins  of  the  fathers  are  visited  on  the 
children."  The  truth  of  this  moral  law  is  illus- 
trated in  the  history  of  David's  family.  The  di- 
vine threat  uttered  by  Nathan  (xii.  7-12)  begins 
here  to  be  fulfilled  in  the  disintegration  of  Da- 
vid's family-life.  As  he  destroyed  the  honor  and 
happiness  of  Uriah's  house,  so  his  first-born  son 
brings  shame  on  his;  as  he  committed  murder,  so 
the  sword  dooms  his  child.  One  sin  led  to  ano- 
ther; the  bitter  spring  of  sin  grew  in  time  to  a 
river  of  destruction  that  flowed  over  the  whole 
land,  and  even  endangered  David's  throne  and 
life  (Baumgarten). 

2.  The  fratricide  Absalom  is  a  transgressor  of 
God's  command,  infringing  by  his  self-avenging 
the  divine  arrangement  whereby  sin  and  sinner 
meet  with  their  judgment.  On  the  other  hand, 
God  controls  Absalom's  crime,  and  by  it  punishes 
Amnon's  crime.  Absalom  is  God's  instrument, 
though  not  himself  less  guilty.  The  Lord  uses 
men's  sins  according  to  His  pleasure ;  human  un- 
righteousness must  serve  the  ends  of  His  righte- 
ousness. 

3.  Kight  family-discipline  consists  in  enforcing 
God's  holy  laws  in  the  control  of  children,  and 
carelessness  in  this  causes  sin  to  grow  quietly,  till 
the  evil  bursts  suddenly  forth  and  destroys  the 
happiness  of  the  household.  But  when  evil  makes 
its  appearance  God's  law  requires  strict  chastise- 
ment, wherein  David  failed  towards  both  Amnon 
and  Absalom.  This  neglect,  usually  the  result  of 
weak  affection  (and  in  David's  case  induced  also 
by  the  recollection  of  his  own  sin),  leads  to  still 
greater  sins  and  crimes  in  the  family. 

*  Ewald:  D'lWjN-b^  HNXS  HIT  riDH  S^py,  Bett- 
Cher:  "yrh  V^Hl;  Thenius:  Snn'l. 

•TI        V  '•  -  *-  tv- 


4.  These  dreadful  experiences  of  David  and  his 
sons  are  intended  to  lead  him  to  purity,  humility 
and  sanctification.  "  He  that  thinks  all  this  a 
sign  of  God's  wrath  and  disfavor  knows  little  of 
what  it  means  to  have  forgiveness  of  sins.  David 
confessed  his  sins,  and  so  found  favor  with  the 
Lord  liis  God.  But  how  wholesome  for  him  was 
the  Lord's  chastisement  now,  how  he  needed  con- 
stant self-hurabling,  and  what  better  for  this  end 
than  these  bitter  experiences  of  his  family? 
Whom  the  Lord  loves  He  chastens"  (Schlier). 
''  Forgiveness  of  sin  usually  merely  converts 
punishment  into  paternal  chastLsement,  the  rod 
of  anger  into  the  smiting  of  love.  Externally 
the  consequences  of  sin  remain  the  same,  only 
their  internal  character  is  changed.  Otherwise 
forgiveness  of  sin  might  too  easily  lead  to  wilful- 
ness" (Hengstenb.  Oesch.  d.  JMches  Oottes  [HLst. 
of  the  Kingdom  of  God],  IL  127). 

HOMII.ETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  0.5IANDEK:  Even  though  God  forgives 
the  sin,  nevertheless  He  lays  upon  the  sinner  a 
cro.s.s,  that  he  may  bo  more  heedfiil,  and  his  neigh- 
bor may  be  deterred  from  sin  (Num.  xiv.  20-23). 
— Ver.  2.  Starke:  Where  the  parents  live  in 
sin,  the  children  commonly  follow  after  (1  Kings. 
XV.  1-3).— [Henry:  Godly  parents  have  often 
been  afflicted  with  wicked  children ;  grace  does 
not  run  in  the  blood,  but  corruption  does.  We 
do  not  find  that  David's  children  imitated  him  in 
his  devotion;  but  his  false  steps  they  trod  in,  and 
in  those  did  much  worse,  and  repented  not. — 
Wordsworth:  He  was  forgiven  by  God,  but 
they  came  to  a  miser.nble  end. — Scott  :  So  de- 
praved is  the  human  heart,  that  even  natural 
affection  may  degenerate  Into  licentiousness;  and 
the  intercourse  even  between  near  relations  should 
be  conducted  with  caution  and  prudence,  that  no 
opportunity  may  be  given  to  those  who  are  dis- 
posed to  commit  iniquity. — Tr.] — OsiANDEB: 
The  more  one  thinks  about  an  unchaste  love,  the 
greater  it  becomes. 

Vers.  8-5.  Cramer  :  Lust  punishes  itself,  con- 
sumes the  marrow  in  the  bones,  shortens  life,  and 
ruins  one's  good  name  (Ecclus.  xxiii.  22).— J. 
Lange:  One  man  is  another's  angel,  a  good  an- 
gel for  warning,  and  so  for  seduction  an  evil  an- 
gel.— [Hali.:  Had  Jonadab  been  a  true  friend,  he 
had  bent  all  the  forces  of  his  dissuasion  agam?t 
the  wicked  motions  of  that  sinful  lust ;  had  showed 
the  prince  of  Israel  how  much  those  lewd  desires 
provoked  God,  and  blemished  himself,  and  had 
lent  his  hand  to  strangle  them  in  their  first  con- 
ception. There  cannot  be  a  more  worthy  im- 
provement of  friend.ship,  than  in  a  fervent  "oppo- 
sition to  the  sins  of  them  whom  we  profess  to 
love.— Tr.] 

Ver.  10.  Starke:  The  ungodly  are  ashamed 
only  before  men,  not  before  God  "(Ecclus.  xxiii. 
25  sq.). — See.  Schmid:  He  who  wishes  to  guard 
agaiiLst  sinning  with  others,  should  not  follow 
them  where  he  may  be  constrained  to  sin. — 
Hedingbr:  Unrighteous  works  always  seek  to 
remain  concealed  (Prov.  vii.  18-20). — Vers.  15- 
17.  Stakke  [from  Hall]  :  Inordinate  lust  never 

ends  but  in  discontent Brutish  Amnon,  it 

was  thyself  whom  thou  shouldst  have  hated  for 
this  villainy,  not  thine  innocent  sister.     O  how 


CHAP.  XIV.  1-33. 


489 


many  brothers  of  Amnon  there  are  even  to-day. — 
[Scott:  It  cannot  reasonably  be  expected  that 
thoae  who  make  no  scruple  of  debauching  the  per- 
sons of  those  for  whom  they  pretend  affection,  will 
feel  any  remorse  at  deserting  them  with  cruelty 
and  disdain,  at  exposing  them  to  shame  and  con- 
tempt, or  at  leaving  them  to  all  the  horrors  of 
penury  and  prostitution.  Let  none  ever  expect 
better  treatment  from  those  who  are  capable  of 
attemjJting  to  seduce  them. — Tr.] 

Ver.  21.  WuEET.  B. :  While  parents  should 
love  their  children,  yet  they  must  not  spare  them 
when  they  have  done  evil,  but  bring  them  to  due 
punishment,  that  they  may  not  have  to  be  pun- 
ished by  God  or  by  the  executioner  (1  Sam.  ii. 
29). — [Hall  :  The  better-natured  and  more  gra- 
cious a  man  is,  the  more  subject  he  is  to  the  dan- 
ger of  an  over-remissness,  and  the  excess  of  favor 
and  mercy. — Wordsworth  :  David  was  wroth, 
but  did  not  punish  his  son  Amnon ;  being  con- 
scious of  the  sin  which  he  had  himself  commit- 
ted, and«by  which  he  had  tempted  his  children  to 
sin.  And  because  the  king  did  not  execute  jus- 
tice, therefore  Absalom,  Tamar's  brother,  takes 
the  law  into  his  own  hands,  and  murders  his  bro- 
ther Amnon.  Thus  one  sin  leads  to  another  by 
an  almost  endless  chain  of  consequences.— Tr.] 
— J.  Lange  :  It  is  very  important  that  persons  in 
authority,  teachers  and  fathers  of  families  should 
lead  such  a  life  that  in  punishing  others  they  may 
not  have  to  fear  reproach,  and  thereby  be  re- 
strained.— Schlier:  What  is  to  become  of  a 
house,  in  which  father  and  mother,  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  their  own  faults,  no  longer  venture 
to  do  their  duty  ? 

Vers.  28  sq.  Schlier  :  The  Lord  our  God  has 
everything  in  His  hand ;  He  uses  even  the  sin  of 


men  according  to  His  will.  He  punishes  one 
transgressor  through  another.  He  chastens  one 
wrong-doer  througli  the  wrong-doing  of  another. 
The  Lord's  mighty  hand  comes  into  the  common 
course  of  the  world,  and  the  execution  of  His  judg- 
ments goes  on  right  through  the  midst  of  the  un- 
righteousness of  men. — Always  does  that  remain 
true  which  is  written :  Be  not  deceived,  God  is 
not  mocked ;  sin  remains  always  and  everywhere 
the  ruin  of  peoples. — Vers.  36  sq.  Osiander: 
By  new  attacks  and  afflictions  God  brings  to  His 
people's  mind  their  before  committed  sins,  in  order 
that  they  may  the  more  earnestly  go  forward  in  a 
penitent  life. — Cramer  :  Next  to  experience  tif 
the  wrath  of  God  there  is  no  sorer  pain  under 
heaven,  than  when  parents  come  to  have  such 
heart-sorrow  in  their  children  as  to  doubt  of  their 
souls'  salvation,  xviii.  33. 

lAmmm.  (This  might  be  addressed  to  an  as- 
sembly of  men  alone.)  1)  An  improper  love.  2) 
Brooding  over  a  sinftil  attachment  till  unhappy 
(ver.  2).  3)  In  cherishing  a  sinful  desire,  one 
meets  temptation  to  indulge  it  (vers.  3-5).  4) 
Unmanly  deception  and  unnatural  crime  (vers. 
6-14).  5).  Sinful  love  sooner  or  later  turning  to 
hate  and  disgust  (vers.  15-18).  6)  Licentiousness 
often  leads  to  other  crimes  and  great  calamities 
(vers.  28,  29). — A  miserable  father.  1)  He  has 
been  obliged  to  leave  unpunished  a  disgraceful 
crime  in  his  house  (ver.  21).  2)  This  has  given 
excuse  to  a  headstrong  and  ambitious  son  to  mur- 
der his  brother.  3 )  Rumor,  accepted  by  his  fears, 
has  greatly  magnified  the  calamity  (ver.  30).  4) 
He  knows  these  terrible  events  to  be  deserved 
chastisements  for  his  own  former  misconduct  (xii. 
10,  11).— Tr.] 


4.  DoAJuTs  Weakness  towards  Joab  and  Absalom.     Absalom's  Return  amd  Heconciliaiion  vdth  David 

through  Joah'a  Intercession. 

Chap.  XIV.  1-33. 

1  Now  [And]  Joab  the  son  of  Zeruiah  perceived  that  the  king's  heart  was  toward' 

2  Absalom.  And  Joab  sent  to  Tekoah  and  fetched  thence  a  wise  woman,  and  said 
unto  her,  I  pray  thee  feign  thyself  to  be  a  mourner,^  and  put  on  now  [_om.  now'] 
mourning-apparel,  and  anoint  not  thyself  with  oil,  but  [and]  be  as  a  woman  that 

3  had  [has]  a  long  time  mourned  for  the  dead ;  And  come  to  the  king,  and  speak 
on  this  manner  unto  him.     So  [And]  Joab  put  the  words  in  her  mouth. 

4  And  when  [om.  when]  the  woman  of  Tekoah  spake  [came*]  to  the  king,  she 
[and]  fell  on  her  face  to  the  ground  and  did  obeisance,  and  said,  Help  O  King. 


TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  1  Erdmann  renders:  "against,"  and  gives  his  reasons  therefor  in  the  Exposition.  The  versions 
generally  and  moat  commentators  favor  the  rende'rmg  of  Eng  A.  V.  The  translation  of  this  preposition  depends 
on  the  view  taken  of  the  whole  connection,  on  which  see  the  notes  on  ch.  xiii.  39. — Ta.] 

2  [Ver.  2  The  Hithpael  in  the  so-called  hypocritical  sense,  a  derivation  from  the  reflexive  or  reflexive-de- 
clarative sense.    See  Oonant's  Gesen.,  S  64,  Ewald,  (?r.,  S  m  £>•— Te.]    ^     „^       ■      ^  ^.  i-  ,     s.w,«„.i=,.ori 

'  [Ver.  2.  The  Eng.  "  now"  is  sometimes  a  proper  rendering  of  the  Heb.  eohortative  particle  NJ  (renderea 

just  before  by  "  I  pray  thee  "),  but  would  here  have  too  much  the  efl^ect  of  an  adverb  of  time.— Tb.] 


490  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

5  And  the  king  said  unto  her,  What  aileth  thee?  And  she  answered  [said],  I  am 
indeed  [In  truth,  I  am]  a  widow  woman.    And  mine  husband  is  dead  [died]? ; 

6  And  thy  handmaid  had  two  sons,  and  they  two  strove  together  in  the  field,  and 
there  was  none  to  part  them,  but  [and]  the  one  smote"  the   other   and   slew  him. 

7  And  behold,  the  whole  family  is  risen  [rose]  against  thine  handmaid,  and  they 
[om.  they]  said.  Deliver  him  that  smote  his  brother,  that  we  may  [and  we  will] 
kill  him  for  the  life  of  his  brother  whom  he  slew  ;  and  we  [they']  will  destroy  the 
heir  also,  and  so  they  shall  quench  [and  quench]  my  coal  which  is  left,  and  shall 
[will]  not  [or  in  order  not  to]  leave  to  my  husband  neither  [pm.  neither]  name  nor 

8  remainder  upon  the  earth.     And  the  king  said  unto  the  woman,  Go  to  thy  house, 

9  and  I  will  give  charge  concerning  thee.  And  the  woman  of  Tekoah  said  unfo  the 
king.  My  lord,  O  king,  the  iniquity  be  on  me  and  on  my  father's  house,  and  the 

10  king  and  his  throne  be  guiltless.    And  the  kiug  said,  Whosoever  saith  aught  unto 

11  thee,  bring  him  to  me,  and  he  shall  not  touch  thee  any  more.  Then  said  she 
[And  she  said],  I  pray  thee,  let  the  king  remember  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God, 
that  thou  wouldest  not  suffer  the  revengers  of  blood  to  destroy  any  more,  lest  they 
destroy  my  son  [that  the  avenger  of  blood  multiply  not  destruction,  and  that  they 
destroy  not  my  son*].     And  he  said.  As  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth,  there  shall  not 

12  one  hair  of  thy  son  fall  to  the  earth.  Then  [And]  the  woman  said.  Let  thine 
handmaid,  I  pray  thee,  speak  one  [a]  word  unto  my  lord  the  king.     And  he  said, 

13  Say  on.  And  the  woman  said,  Wherefore,  then,  [And  why]  hast  thou  thought 
such  a  thing  against'  the  people  of  God  ?  for  the  king  doth  speak'"  this  thing  as 
one  which  [that]  is  faulty,  in  that  the  king  doth  not  fetch  home  again  [bring  back] 

14  his  banished.  For"  we  must  needs  die,  and  are  as  water  spilt  on  the  ground,  which 
cannot  be  gathered  up  again ;  neither  doth  God  respect  any  person  [and  God  takes 
not  away  the  life],  yet  doth  he  devise  means   [and  thinketh  thoughts]    that  his 

*  [Ver.  i.  The  reading  "  came  "  (K^j^l,  or,  ad  in  one  MS.  of  Kennicott,  llbni)  is  now  generally  adopted,  and 

is  required  by  the  sense.  Bruns  (in  De  Rossi)  thinks  that  the  date  of  the  introduction  of  the  corrupt  reading 
(TDXni)  niay  be  fixed  in  this  way;  The  correct  reading  is  found  in  all  the  ancient  versions  (not  excepting  the 
Chald.,  the  text  of  which  in  the  London  Polyglot  is  corrupt  here,  and  should  be  nni41) ;  but  David  Kimchi  had 
the  present  reading  (IDNHl)  before  him,  while  Cod.  164  has  X3ni,  whence  it  may  be  concluded  that  the  cor- 
ruption in  question  came  between  A.  D.  1106  (date  of  Cod.  154)  and  1190  (date  of  Kimchi's  commentary).  This  is 
a  very  interesting  fact  for  Old  Testament  text-criticism,  if  it  be  true,  for  it  then  shows  that  our  text  exhibits 
very  recent  changes.  It  depends  on  the  assumption  that  all  codices  in  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  had 
the  same  reading ;  but  it  is  possible  that  Cod.  154  and  Kimchi'a  Cod.  had  diiferent  genealogies. — Tb.] 

B  [Ver.  5.  The  rendering :  "  I  am  a  widow,  and  my  hu.sband  is  dead,"  presents  a  useless  tautology ;  Botteher 
therefore  suggests  a  relative  force  for  the  1:  "inasmuch  as  my  husband  is  dead;"  but  it  may  be  better  (with 
Thenius)  to  connect  this  latter  clause  with  the  following  verse;  "and  my  husband  died  and  I  had  two  sons," 
that  is,  when  my  husband  died,  I  was  left  with  two  sons. — Te.] 

•  [Ver.  6.  For  13^  read  ^j'l.  The  suffix  is  hardly  allowable  here;  the  text-form  may  have  been  originally 
plural,  so  written  because  the  two  brothers  formed  the  subject  in  the  mind  of  the  writer. — Tr.] 

^  [Ver.  7.  So  Syr.  and  Arab.  It  is  more  probable  that  this  is  the  expression  of  the  woman  than  that  she 
should  put  it  into  the  mouth  of  the  kinsfolk  (against  Erdmann  and  Wellnausen).  A  n  may  easily  have  passed 
into  a  J.    BSttcher  proposes  to  read :  "we  will  kill,  etc.,  and  destroy  (TDK'3);  even  (Djn)  the  heir  will  they 

destroy,"  etc.,  which  puts  the  expression  about  the  heir  into  the  woman's  mouth,  but  seems  unnecessarily 
involved. — Tr.] 

8  [Ver.  11.  The  Inf.  (n3"in)  has  for  its  subject  the  Qod,  and  not  "the  king"  as  in  Eng.  A.  V.  The  word  gof 
also  is  Sing.,  while  in  the  succeeding  clause  the  indef.  Plu.  construction  is  used,  so  that  it  might  be  rendered; 
"and  that  my  son  be  not  destroyed.^ — Tb.] 

»  [Ver.  13.  Instead  of  "against,"  Thenius  renders  the  Prep,  (h^)  by  "in  respect  to,"  on  the  ground  that 
David  had  expressed  no  thought  contrary  to  the  well-being  of  God's  people.  But  the  woman  covertly  refers  to 
his  procedure  towards  Absalom  as  something  against  the  people  of  God.— Te.J 

M  [Ver.  13.  The  "laiD  is  better  understood  as  a  participle,  either  as  Hithpael  with  assimilation  of  H  (as  in 
Num.  vii.  89;  Ezek.  ii.  2;  xliii.  6)  or  as  Piel  (as  Battcher  insists)  vrith  dagesh  forte  emphatic  (as  in  Isa.  lii.  6;  2 
Ohron.  xxxvi.  16).    Only  in  this  way  can  the  DtyXS  ("  as  a  faulty  man ")  be  easily  construed,  for,  if  the  above 

form  be  taken  as  Infin.  ("  from  the  king's  speaking  this  word ")  we  should  more  naturally  expect  N^H  B,ttei 
DE'NJ ;  or  possibly  we  might  render  (with  the  Sept.) ;  "  from  the  speaking  (orinaTos)  of  the  king  this  thing  is  as 
a  fault,"  where  Dt?X  is  read  instead  of  DE'K-— Tr.] 

"  rVer.  14.  Battcher:  "when  we  die.  it  is  as  (with)  water,"  etc.  The  "needs"  of  Eng.  A.  V.  represents  the 
Infinitive  Absolute  (emphatic).— The  diifioulty  in  this  verse  lies  partly  in  the  translation  of  the  second  half,  partly 
in  the  relation  of  thought  between  the  two  halves.  The  thought  of  our  text  is:  "The  king  has  declared  him- 
self faulty,  in  that  he  does  not  restore  his  banished.  We  die  and  pass  away ;  God  does  not  take  life,  but  devises 
means  not  to  banish  his  banished."  Here,  the  expression :  "  to  banish  one  already  banished,"  is  hard,  but  may 
be  perhaps  understood  in  the  pregnant  sense  of  keeping  banished  the  banished.  So  the  representation  of  God 
as  thinking  thoughts  or  devising  means  to  gain  an  end  is  somewhat  rudely  anthropomorphic,  but  is  not  wholly 
out  of  keeping  with  the  times  and  with  the  terse  and  obscure  address  of  the  wise  woman.  Then,  the  reference 
to  human  mortality  (allusion  to  Amnon,  Absalom  or  David  ?)  is  to  quicken  the  king  to  haste  or  to  mercy,  and  the 
exhortation  is  enforced  by  a  reference  to  the  divine  mercifulness.- Various  alterations  have  been  proposed  tc 


CHAP.  XIV.  1-33.  491 


15  banished  be  not  expelled  [banished]  from  him.     Now  therefore  [And  now]  that" 
•   I  am  come  to  speak  of  this  thing  unto  my  lord  the  king,  it  is  because  the  people 

have  made  me  afraid  ;  and  thy  handmaid  said,  I  will  now  speak  unto  the   king  ; 

16  it  may  be  that  the  king  will  perform  the  request  of  his  handmaid.  For  the  king 
will  hear,  to  deliver  his  handmaid  out  of  the  hand  of  the  man  that  would}'  destroy 

17  me  and  my  son  together  out  of  the  inheritance  of  God.  Then  [And]  thine  hand- 
maid said,  The  word  of  my  lord  the  king  shall  now  be  comfortable  [May  the  word, 
etc.,  be  for  rest'*] ;  for  as  an  angel  of  God,  so  is  my  lord  ihe  king  to  discern  [hear] 
gnod  and  bad  ;  therefore  the  Lord  thy  God  will  be  [and  may  Jehovah  thy  God  be] 
with  thee. 

18  Then  [And]  the  king  answered  and  said  unto  the  woman,  Hide  not  from  me,  I 
pray  thee,  the  thing  that  I  shall  ask  thee.     And  the  woman  said,  Let  my  lord  the 

19  king  now  [^om.  now]  speak.  And  the  king  said.  Is  not  [_om.  not]  the  hand  of  Joab 
with  thee  in  all  this  ?  And  the  woman  answered  and  said.  As  thy  soul  liveth,  my 
lord  the  king,  none  can  turn  to  the  right  hand  or  to  the  left  from  aught  that  my 
lord  the  king  hath  spoken  ;  for  thy  servant  Joab,  he  bade  mc,  and  he  put  all  these 

2C  words  in  the  mouth  of  thine  handmaid ;  To  fetch  about  this  form  of  speech  [To 
change  the  face  of  the  thing]  hath  thy  servant  Joab  done  this  thing ;  and  my  lord 
is  wise,  according  to  the  wisdom  of  an  angel  of  God,  to  know  all  things  that  are  in 
the  earth. 

21  And  the  king  said  unto  Joab,  Behold,  now,  I"*  have  done  this  thing ;  go,  there- 

22  fore  [and  go],  bring  the  young  man  Absalom  again  [back].  And  Joab  fell  to  the 
ground  on  his  face,  and  bowed  himself,  and  thanked  [blessed]  the  king ;  and  Joab 
said.  To-day  thy  servant  knoweth  that  I  have  found  grace  in  thy  sight,  my  lord 

23  0  [the]  king,  in  that  the  king  hath  fulfilled  the  request  of  his*'  servant.     So  [And] 

24  Joab  arose  and  went  to  Geshur,  and  brought  Absalom  to  Jerusalem.  And  the 
king  said.  Let  him  turn  to  his  own  house,  and  let  him  not  see  my  face.  So  [And] 
Absalom  returned  [turned]  to  his  own  house,  and  saw  not  the  king's  face. 

25  But  [And]  in  all  Israel  there  was  none  to  be  so  much  praised  as  Absalom  for 
his  beauty ;  from  the  sole  of  his  foot  even  to  the  crown  of  his  head  there  was  no 

26  blemish  in  him.  And  when  he  polled  his  head  (for  [and]  it  was  at  every  year's 
end  [from  time  to  time]  that  he  polled  it,  because  [for]  the  hair  was  heavy  on  him, 

get  rid  of  supposed  difficulties.    Ewald  (©mcA.  JsrJ.  III.  236)  changes  3E'ni  to  Jty'in  and  renders:  "God  takes 

"  t: 
Dot  away  the  soul  of  one  that  thinks  not  to  leave  in  banishment  one  banished  by  Himself."    Here  the  "  devising" 
and  the  "  banishing  "  are  transferred  to  the  man ;  but  the  resultant  thought  (that  God  will  not  slay  a  merciful 
man)  is  not  specially  striking  or  appropriate.    Wellhausen  (reading  DE/n  for  3t7n)  translates :  "  We  must  die, 

efc.,  and  when  God  takes  away  a  soul,  does  He  give  it  back?"  in  which  the  second  clause  simply  repeats  the 
thought  of  the  first.  The  attempts  at  alteration  are  all  unsatisfactory,  and  the  ancient  versions  help  little  or 
nothing.  Sept. :  and  God  will  take  life,  even  devising  to  thrust  from  Him  an  outcast ;  Theodotion  :  as  water,  etc., 
and  the  soril  hopes  not  in  it;  Syr. :  God  takes  not  away  the  soul,  but  deviseth  means  that  no  one  may  wander 
from  Him  (or,  perish  through  Him).  The  Vulg.  is  a  tolerably  literal  rendering  of  the  Heb.— Houbigant  (in  Chan- 
dler) proposed  to  insert  vers.  16-17  in  ver.  11  after  the  word  '•  son ;"  but  there  is  no  ground  for  this  change  nor 
advantage  in  it.    There  seems  nothing  better  than  to  retain  the  present  text. — Ta.] 

"  [Ver.  15.  The  word  "that"  (■\E'X)  is  omitted  in  several  MSS.  and  printed  EDD.,  and  in  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg., 

perhaps  because  it  seemed  superfluous  (Sept.  6).— Patrick :  though  the  people  make  me  afraid.    Philippson : 

when  I  came,  etc.,  tlie  people  made  me  afraid.    Better  (if  the  "IK'X  be  retained)  as  Eng.  A.  V.— In  the  last  clause 

one  MS.  of  De  Eossi  has  jfOW  (hear)  instead  of  HE'J''  (do),  correction  for  the  sake  of  propriety  of  expression. 

Ta.] 

«  [Ver.  16.  Something  has  here  fallen  out  of  the  Heb.  text,  perhaps  E'P5Bn  (Bdttcher).    Vulg.  takes  the 

word  !S?'Nrt  as  collective  (demanu  omnimn  qui  volebanf).  Syriac  (as  not  infrequently)  gives  a  condensed  render- 
ingr  "I  will  speak  to  the  king;  perhaps  he  will  deliver  his  handmaid  from  the  hand  of  men,  that  they  destroy 
not  me  and  my  son,"  etc.  Yet  the  diffuse  language  of  the  Heb.  is  more  in  keeping  with  the  character  of,  a  glib- 
tongued  woman  assumed  by  the  speaker. — Te.] 

"  [Ver.  17.  Syriac:  "the  word  of  my  lord  the  king  shall  be  sure,  and  shall  be  an  offering  (nnjD),"  misun- 
derstanding the  text.— Wellhausen  reads  at  the  beginning :  "  and  the  woman  said  "  (after  the  Sept.),  as  the  com- 
mon formula  introducing  the  conclusion  of  a  long  discourse.  This  is  rendered  somewhat  probable  by  the 
voluntative  form  of  the  following  sentence ;  but  this  form  is  not  decisive  for  a  change  of  text.— Tn.] 

"  [Ver.  21.  So  the  Kethib  (text).  Qeri  (margin)  has  second  person:  "thou  hast  done,"  on  whitih  De  Rossi 
says  that  many  of  his  MSS.  and  printed  Eno.  have  not  this  Qeri;  and  he  quotes  R.  Jacob  Chayyim  and  Norzi, 
the  former  of  whom  says  that  not  more  than  one  MS.  in  a  thousand  has  this  Qeri,  and  the  latter  that  it  is  not 
found  in  the  eorrectestSpanish  MSS.  The  ancient  VSS.  also  follow  the  Kethib,  for  which,  therefore,  the  external 
authority  is  complete.  Bflttcher,  however,  defends  the  Qeri  on  the  ground  that  it  better  suits  the  initial:  "be- 
hold, now,"  and  that  a  change  from  it  to  thn  Kethib  is  more  easily  explicable  than  the  converse.  But,  as  the 
text  gives  a  good  sense,  these  considerations  (even  if  they  were  unquestionable)  cannot  avail  against  the  exter- 
nal evidence. — Ta.] 

"  [Ver.  22,  Kethib  (his)  in  all  the  VSS.  except  Vulg. ;  Qeri  (thy)  in  Vulg.,  and  some  MSS.  and  EDD.  The  text 
13  properly  retained  by  Erdmann  and  Eng.  A.  Y.—Tr.] 


492 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


therefore  [and]  he  polled  it),  he  weighed  the  hair  of  his  head  at  two  hundred  she- 

27  kels  after  the  king's  weight.  And  unto  Absalom  there  were  bom  three  sons,  and 
one  daughter,  whose  name  was  Tamar ;  she  was  a  woman  of  a  fair  countenance. 

28  So  [And]  Absalom  dwelt  two  full  lorn,  full]  years  in  Jerusalem,  and  saw  not  the 

29  king's  face.  Therefore  [And]  Absalom  sent  for  Joab,  to  have  sent  [to  send]  him 
to  the  king ;  but  [and]  he  would  not  come  to  him ;  and  when  [^om.  when]  he  sent 

30  again  the  second  time,  [ins.  and]  he  would  not  come.  Therefore  [And]  he  said 
unto  his  servants,  See,  Joab's  field  is  near  [beside]  mine,  and  he  hath  barley  there ; 

31  go  and  set  it  on  fire.  And  Absalom's  servants  set  the  field  on  fire.  Then  [And] 
Joab  arose  and  came  to  Absalom  unto  his  house,  and  said  unto  him,  Wherefore 

32  have  thy  servants  set  my  field  on  fire  ?  And  Absalom  answered  [said  to]  Joab, 
Behold,  I  sent  unto  thee,  saying.  Come  hither,  that  I  may  send  thee  to  the  king, 
to  say,  Wherefore  am  I  come  from  Geshur  ?  it  had  been  good  for  me  to  have  been 
there  still  [better  for  me  that  I  were  still  there].  Now  therefore  [And  now]  let 
me  see  [I  will  see]  the  king's  face,  and  if  there  be  any  iniquity  in  me,  let  him  kill 

33  me.  So  [And]  Joab  came  to  the  king,  and  told  him.  And  when  he  had  called 
for  [And  he  called]  Absalom,  [ins.  and]  he  came  to  the  king,  and  bowed  himself 
on  his  face  to  the  ground  before  the  king ;  and  the  king  kissed  Absalom. 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

Vers.  1-24.  Joab  by  a  stratagem  procures  Ahsor 
lom's  return  to  Jerusalem  without  punishment. — Ver. 
1.  Though  David's  soul  was  comforted  for  Amnon's 
death,  and  he  had  consequently  desisted  from  the 
pursuit  of  Absalom,  his  anger  at  the  latter's  frat- 
ricide had  nevertheless  not  disappeared.  This 
supposition  is  psychologically  necessary,  since 
otherwise  David  would  appear  as  an  extremely 
weak  man ;  and  it  is  supported  by  the  fact  that  he 
would  not  see  Absalom  for  two  years  after  his  re- 
turn [ver.  28].  For  this  reason  the  latter  clause 
of  tliis  verse  is  to  be  explained  as  indicating  not 
David's  returning  inclination  to  Absalom  (as 
Vulg.,  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab.  [Eng.  A.  V.],  Joseph., 
Cleric.,  and  most  modern  expositors),  but  his  en- 
during disinclination  towards  him.  [Erdmann 
renders:  "Joab  perceived  that  the  king's  heart 
was  against  Absalom." — Tk.]  It  might  have  been 
supposed  from  the  discontinuance  of  the  pursuit 
that  David's  heart  had  turned  to  him;  but  Joab, 
who  had  exact  knowledge  of  court-affairs,  observed 
tliat  the  king's  heart  was  against  him.  How  the 
word  "  perceived"  is  contrary  to  this  view  (Maur., 
Tlien.)  does  not  appear,  since  it  contains  the  sim- 
ple statement  that  David  was  still  hostilely  dis- 
posed towards  Absalom.  And  "in  the  only  other 
place  where  this  construction  (without  substantive 
verb)  occurs,  Dan.  xi.  28,  the  Prep,  means  against" 

(Keil).  [The  Prep.  (S;')  is  often  used,  however, 
in  the  general  sense  of  ''towards,"  sometimes 
with  favorable  meaning,  and  the  absence  of  the 
subst.  verb  is  not  important.  The  whole  connec- 
tion (somewhat  disguised  by  the  division  of  chap- 
ters) seems  to  favor  the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V. 
In  the  last  verse  of  the  preceding  chapter  David's 
heart  goes  forth  towards  Absalom  (see  annotations 
on  that  verse),  and  here  Joab  is  said  to  perceive 
it,  so  that  he  devises  a  scheme  to  remove  the 
kingfs  judicial  objections  to  recalling  Absalom. 
The  understanding  of  the  narrative,  however,  is 
not  affected  by  the  rendering  of  the  Prep.  In 
either  case  Joab  appears  as  a  shrewd  man.  Pos- 
sibly he  was  influenced  by  a  genuine  feeling  of 
kindness  towards  David  and  Absalom;  it  is  more 


likely  perhaps  that  he  wished  to  ingratiate  him- 
self with  them  and  the  people  (Patrick).  A.  P. 
Stanley  (in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet.):  "Joab  combines 
with  the  ruder  qualities  of  the  soldier  something 
of  a  more  statesmanlike  character,  which  brings 
him  more  nearly  to  a  level  with  his  youthfal  un- 
cle, and  unquestionably  gives  him  the  second 
place  in  the  whole  history  of  Da\'id's  reign." 
Wordsworth:  ''Joab  is  the  impersonation  of 
worldly  policy,  and  temporal  ambition  practising 
on  the  weakness  of  princes  for  its  self-interests." 
Bib.  Comm.:  "He  ever  appears  wily  and  politic 
and  unscrupulous." — Te/J — Ver.  2.  I'ekoah,  now 
Tekua,  about  five  [Eng.]  miles  south  of  Bethle- 
hem, the  native  place  of  the  prophst  Amos.  See 
Eobins.  II.  406  [Am.  ed.  I.  486  sq.;  and  see  Dr. 
Hackett?s  Art.  in  Am.  ed.  of  Smith's  Bib-  Diet. — 
Te.].  As  Bethlehem  was  Joab's  native  place,  it 
is  not  strange  that  he  was  acquainted  with  Tekoah. 
He  knew  this  ''vrise  vxmian"  as  one  fitted  by  her 
readiness  of  speech,  boldness,  shrewdness,  and 
adroitness,  to  act  the  part  he  wanted.*  That  it 
cost  Joab  so  great  pains  to  gain  his  end  is  evidence 
moreover  against  the  supposition  that  David's 
heart  was  already  turned  to  A  Dsalom.-Ver.  4.  "And 
the  woman  came,"f  etc.;  for  so  we  must  read  in- 
stead of  the  first  "said"  [Eng.  A.  V.:  "spake"] 
of  the  Hebrew  text.  Bottcher  suppo-ses  that  here 
by  similar  ending  (homceoteleuton)  two  lines  have 
fallen  out,  in  which  is  given  the  answer  of  the  wo- 
man before  she  goes  to  the  king ;  but  there  is  no 
sign  in  any  ancient  version  of  such  an  omission. 
— Ver.  5.  Here  begins  the  lively,  flowing  narra- 
tion of  the  feigned  misfortune.  Though  Joab  had 
'■put  the  words  into  the  woman's  mouth,"  yet 
considerable  readiness  was  required  in  order  to 
bring  them  out  so  skilfiilly  in  her  assumed  cha- 
racter, and  to  make  such  an  impression  on  the 

*  [According  to  the  Talmud  (Menaohoth,  85,  2)  there 
were  important  oil-plantations  near  Tekoah,  and  the 
women  there  were  noted  for  their  shrewdness  (Philipp- 
son).— Tk.] 

■(■  The  error  in  the  Heb.  text  may  easily  be  accounted 
for  by  supposing  that  in  the  manuscript  to  be  copied  the 

sbni  [came]  stood  immediat«ly  over  the  following 
■"DNW  [said]  (Thenius). 


CHAP.  XIV.  1-33. 


493 


king  as  to  lead  him  to  the  desired  definite  resolu- 
tion. [Bead :  I  am  a  widow.  And  my  husband 
died,  and  I  had  two  sons,  eic. — Tk.] — Ver.  6.  The 
fratncide.  "And  he  smote  him,  the  one  the 
other,"  a  pleonasm  arising  from  the  circumstantial- 
ness  and  liveliness  of  the  narration.*  [A  slight 
change  in  the  text  will  give  the  reading :  "  one 
smote  the  other,"  as  in  Eng.  A.  V. — Tb!j — Ver. 
7.  The  demand  for  the  survivor.  "And  we  will  de- 
stroy the  heir  also."  Instead  of  this,  Michaelis, 
Dathe  and  Thenius  propose  to  read  (after  Syr.  and 
Arab.) :  "and  they  will  destroy,"  etc.-f  But  these 
authorities  [the  versions]  are  not  snfScient  to 
warrant  this  emendation.  Thenius  urges  that  if 
the  woman  had  put  these  words  also  into  the  mouth 
of  the  kinsmen,  she  would  have  represented  them 
as  diabolically  wicked ;  but  it  does  not  follow  that 
it  is  really  so  bad,  simply  because  she  expresses 
her  opinion  of  what  they  vmh  to  do.  These  words 
["we  will  destroy  the  heir"]  are  added  to  the 
preceding  "we  will  kill  him"  (to  indicate  the  pur- 
pose of  the  kinsmen)  by  reason  of  the  second 
thought  that  characterizes  the  blood-revenge — 
namely,  that,  while  they  kill  him  for  blood-vengeance, 
they  wish  at  the  same  time  to  destroy  the  surviving 
heir.  The  woman's  purpose  is  not  only  to  bring 
out  the  design  of  the  kinsmen  in  their  bloo£- 
avenging  as  harshly  as  possible,  but  also,  with  re- 
ference to  David's  hostile  feeling  to  Absalom,  to 
emphasize  the  point  that  the  latter  is  the  heir  to 
David's  throne,  and  to  save  him  as  such  from  his 
father's  anger.  [Wellhausen:  "  The  woman  does 
not  really  intend  to  represent  the  unavoidable  re- 
sult [kUling  the  heir'\  as  the  purpose  [of  the  kins- 
men], but  is  carried  on  by  the  connection  of  the 
discourse;  not  till  she  has  uttered  the  word  does 
she  correct  herself."  Yet  the  third  person  seems 
more  natural  here,  especially  as  the  whole  thing 
is  feigned,  and  the  woman  had  carefully  prepared 
her  words  beforehand. — Tb.]  So  that  they 
quench. — The  power  of  the  discourse  lies  in  the 
fact  that  they  are  represented  as  already  doing 
what  their  words  show  to  be  their  purpose.  "My 
coal,"  the  burning  coal  (fiiTupov)  with  which  fire 
is  kindled.  "  In  order  not  to  set  (permit,  grant) 
to  my  husband  name  and  remainder  (posterity)."  j 
[The  law  in  the  case  is  given  in  Numb.  xxxv.  18, 
19.  Blood-revenge  was  no  doubt  an  ancient  pre- 
Mosaic  custom.  The  whole  family  was  against 
the  fratricide.  "  This  indicates  that  aU  the  king's 
sons  and  the  whole  court  were  against  Absalom, 
and  that  the  knowledge  of  this  was  what  hindered 
David  from  yielding  to  his  affection  and  recalling 
him"  (Si6.  Cbmm.).— Tr.]— Ver.8.  I  will  give 
charge  concerning  thee  in  thy  behalf.  Da- 
vid grants  her  request  and  protects  her  son  be- 
cause, as  the  homicide  was  con;imitted  in  the  heat 

*  There  is  no  reason  for  changing  "13^  to  O^  (Ewald, 

5263a;  Then.),  since  the  sufBx  1  with  verbs  T\'h,  though 
infrequent,  is  not  unexampled ;  nor  does  the  Plu.  suit 
here  (Keil).— [By  reading  T  we  avoid  the  intolerable  re- 
petition of  the  Hebrew  text,  and  the  inappropriateness 
of  the  plural.— Te.] 

t  ^Vnwi  f™  n'DE'n]  instead   of  the   text-word 

T    ■    1  - 

t  fBishop  Patrick  points  out  how  cleverly  the  woman's 
story  was  put,  so  as  essentially  to  include  Absalon^'s 
caae,  while  yet  it  was  different  enough  from  it  to  avoid 
rousing  the  king's  suspicious  at  the  outset. — Te.] 


of  conflict,  a  purposed  murder  was  out  of  the 
question. — Ver.  9.  On  me  be  the  iniquity. — 

That  is,  if  it  be  wrong  not  to  carry  out  the  blood- 
avenging.  The  woman  is  not  yet  satisfied  with 
the  somewhat  indefinite  statement  of  the  king  that 
he  would  fulfil  her  request.  She  proceeds  to  work 
on  him  atill  further.— Ver.  10.  She  gains  the  end 
that  she  had  in  her  remark  in  ver.  9,  namely,  to 
bring  the  king  to  say  definitely  that  no  one  should 
further  molest  her  or  demand  her  son  for  blood- 
vengeance. — Ver.  11.  Third  stage  of  the  woman's 
address.  She  wishes  to  bring  the  king  to  swear 
before  God,  and  that  not  in  the  "character  of  a 
talkative  woman  "  (Thenius),  but  rather  to  gain 
her  end  as  surely  as  possible,  and  to  bind  the  king 
by  his  own  words  to  reconciliation  with  Absalom. 
"That  the  avenger  of  blood  (cause)  no  more  de- 
struction" (De  Wette);  literally:  "let  the  king 
remember  the  Lord  thy  God  from  the  avenger's 
increasing*  to  destroy;"  that  is,  "so  that  the 
avenger  shall  not  more  destroy  " — the  phrase  "  let 
him  interpose"  bein^  understood  (Thenius).  The 
woman  brings  the  king  to  the  point  of  assuring 
her  son's  safety  by  an  oath.  [Patrick;  "Others 
think  she  only  prays  him  to  remember  how  mer- 
ciful and  gracious  God  is,  and  had  been  to  him- 
self, even  in  pardoning  the  murder  of  Uriah" — 
not  so  well. — Tb.] 

Ver.  12.  TransitUm  in  the  woman's  discourse  to 
a  reference  to  David's  relation  to  Absalom  by  the 
request  to  be  permitted  to  say  something  farther. 
["  The  woman  proceeds  cautiously  and  hence  ob- 
scurely" (5*.  Comm.).— Te.]— Ver.  13.  "Why 
dost  thou  contrive  (think,  proceed)  thus  against 
the  people  of  God?"  The  "thus"  refers  to  the 
following  words :  "  that  the  king  does  not  bring 
back  his  banished."  She  goes  on  as  if  she  now 
advanced  to  a  second  object  of  her  coming ;  in 
reality,  however,  she  now  comes  to  the  principal 
matter,  though  sure  of  success  from  what  the  king 
(led  on  by  her  skilful  talk)  had  granted  her. 
"  Now  she  is  to  make  the  application  to  the  king's 
own  case,  and  this  is  hard,  because  she  cannot 
speak  openly  and  boldly  like  a  prophet,  but  only 
slightly,  and,  as  it  were,  in  passing,  yet  must 
make  the  allusion  to  Absalom  intelligible"  (Ew- 
ald). The  woman  intimates  that  David's  hosti- 
lity towards  Absalom  is  directed  "against  the  peo- 
ple of  God,"  since  the  people  would  suffer  in  the 
suffering  of  the  heir,  who  would  some  time  be- 
come their  king.  Having  thus  softly  represented 
his  conduct  as  blameworthy  from  the  point  of  view 
of  the  peopU  [among  whom  there  was  certainly^  a  party 
for  Absalom,,  as  appears  from  the  following  his- 
tory), she  proceeds  to  entrap  him  in  his  own 
words  (spoken  in  reference  to  fier  teigned  case)  for 
Absalom's  advantage.  And  by  the  king's 
speaking  f  this  word  (that  is,  ver.  11,  the  oath 
that  her  son's  blood-guilt  should  not  be  avenged) 
he  Is  as  one  in  fault  (against  God's  people  as 
against  Absalom),  in   that   the  king  brings 


*  Instead  of  the  Kethib  H^S'IH  read  Qeri  nS'in — an 
unusual  form  of  the  Infin.  Absolute.    Comp.  Evf .  %  240  e. 

[Or,  niSin  Inf.  Construct  may  be  read. — Tu.] 
i- 

t  Instead  of  la^D  [Inf.  with  [D],  Vnlg.,  Caiald.,  Syr. 

read  the  Participle  '^S'lO,  which  does  not  change  the 

sense.     [So  Eng.  A.  V.    See  "  Textual  and  Grammati- 
cal."—Tn.] 


494 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


not  back  his  banished. — He  must  show  his 
son  the  mildness  he  has  shown  hers.  And,  as  for 
Absalom  there  was  only  the  question  of  punish- 
ment for  a  homicide,  not  of  release  from  the  de- 
mand of  the  avenger,  the  woman,  having  gained 
grace  for  her  son,  might  the  more  surely  expect 
it  for  Absalom.  She  calls  Absalom  his  banisJied 
because  the  latter,  though  he  had  banished  him- 
self by  flight,  had  not  since  received  permission 
to  return.  Dathe  ["why  re.solvest  thou  thus  in  a 
cause  pertaining  to  God's  people?"]  and  Thenius 
["why  thinkest  thou  thus  in  relation  to  God's 
people?"  (thy  subjects)']  refer  the  question  to  Da- 
vid's protection  of  the  woman  and  her  son,  while, 
according  to  his  own  words,  he  appears  as  blame- 
worthy towards  Absalom ;  but  the  meaning  of  the 

Heb.  (7.2  =  against)  and  the  connection  do  not 
permit  this.  [Bishop  Patrick  remarks  that  the 
woman's  reasoning  here  was  weak,  her  son's  case 
being  very  different  from  Absalom's,  biit  the  king, 
inferring  that  the  people  were  well  disposed  to- 
wards Absalom,  concluded  to  overlook  the  differ- 
ences, without  saying  any  thing  to  her  of  the  de- 
fects of  her  argument.  Probably  the  king  was 
glad  of  an  excuse  to  recall  Absalom.  Though  an 
absolute  monarch,  he  had  to  attend  to  the  wishes 
of  the  people,  who  liked  the  young  prince,  and 
would  be  offended  if  he  were  kept  in  banishment. 
It  seems  less  likely  that  there  is  a  reference  in  the 
words  "  people  of  God  "  to  Absalom's  deprivation 
of  religious  privileges  [Bib.  Comm.),  though  the 
phrase  is  intended  to  include  Absalom. — Tr.] — 
Ver.  14.  The  reasons  that  should  determine  David 
to  forgiveness;  1)  for  -we  must  die,  and  are 
like  ivater  poured  out  on  the  ground  that 
is  not  gathered  again.— Thenius  refers  these 
words  to  Amnon's  death,  with  the  meaning:  "he 
had  to  die  some  time,  and  all  you  can  do  against 
the  murderer  will  not  bring  him  to  life;"  but  the 
connection  shows  that  the  woman  is  referring  not 
to  Amnon,  but  to  Absalom,  as  the  "banished 
one,"  her  meaning  being:  "Absalom  (like  all 
men)  may  die  in  banishment,  and,  as  the  dead 
(like  poured  out  water)  do  not  return,  it  would 
then  repent  thee  not  to  have  recalled  him;  take 
him  back  before  it  is  too  late."  Possibly,  how- 
ever, the  reference  is  to  David  himself,  a  warning 
that  he  may  soon  die,  and  must,  therefore,  not 
delay  to  be  reconciled  to  Absalom.  [The  sense 
seems  to  be :  "As  life  is  fleeting  and  perishable, 
let  not  these  enmities  engage  your  mind,  but  put 
away  unkindness  and  forgive  your  son."  Ac- 
cording to  any  of  these  explanations,  the  woman's 
argument  is  false,  since  it  leaves  the  justice  of  the 
case  out  of  view ;  but  see  the  quotation  from  Phi- 
lippson  below  at  the  end  of  this  verse. — Tr.]  2) 
And  God  takes  not  away  a  soul,  but 
thinks  thoughts  not  to  banish  a  banished 
one. — An  argument  from  God's  procedure  to- 
wards the  sinner.  He  does  not  take  away  the 
soul  [life]  of  one  that  is  banished,  condemned  for 
sin,  so  as  thus  to  banish  him  forever,  but  "  thinks 
thoughts  not  to  banish  him;"  such  mercy  .show  to 
thy  banished  son.  These  words  must  have 
brought  to  David's  recollection  God's  mercy  to- 
wards him  banished  from  God's  presence  as  adul- 
terer and  murderer.  [Philippson:  "This  is  one 
of  the  noblest  and  profoundest  declarations  of  the 
Scripture :  God,  who  has  determined  us  to  death, 


nevertheless  does  not  deprive  us  of  Itfe,  of  per- 
sonality (K'SJ),  but  has  the  holy  purpose  to  receive 
again  the  banished,  the  sinful."  This  explanation 
makes  the  first  half  of  the  verse  merely  introduc- 
tory to  the  thought  in  the  second,  merely  a  rela- 
tive sentence  containing  an  affirmation  abont 
God;  this  is  not  so  probable  as  the  view  that 
makes  the  first  half  a  separate  argument.  Patrick 
sees  here  a  reference  to  the  cities  of  refiige,  for 
which,  however,  the  language  is  too  general.  The 
argument  (appeal  to  the  divine  mercy)  is  power- 
ful, though  false;  the  human  judge  cannot  set 
aside  the  demands  of  justice,  though  God  may 
pardon  the  sinner.  The  woman's  view  of  death 
is  a  general  one,  neither  denying  nor  affirming  a 
future  state :  her  statement  is  simply  that  the  dead 
do  not  return  to  earthly  life.  It  is  therefore  inad- 
missible to  press  her  simile,  and  represent  it  as 
meaning  that,  as  the  spilt  water  passes  in  vapor 
to  the  clouds  and  returns  as  rain  to  the  earth,  so 
human  life  is  to  return  in  the  raised  body.  This 
may  be  an  allowable  simile  now,  but  it  is  not  the 
teaching  of  this  passage.— Tb,.] — Ver.  15.  -The 
wise  woman  skilftiUy  turns  Dayid's  thoughts 
again  to  her  own  affiiir,  in  order  to  remove  the 
suspicion  that  she  came  merely  to  plead  for  Ab- 
salom ;  she  is  content  to  have  lodged  a  sharp  thorn 
in  David's  heart.  And  nov7  that  I  am  come. 
—A  natural^  mode  of  return  to  her  first  subject. 
Her  design  is  to  append  a  further  explanation  of 
her  boldness  in  troubling  the  king  with  such  a 
personal  aflTair.  The  occasion  of  her  coming  is, 
she  says,  that  the  people  [her  kinsfolk]  frightened 
her  by  demanding  her  son,  so  that  she  had  to  ap- 
peal to  the  king.  This,  therefore,  is  not  a  mere 
repetition  of  what  she  has  already  said  (Thenius). 
— Ver.  16  expresses  1)  joyful  assurance  that  her 
request  will  be  heard,  and  2)  the  evil  from  which, 
the  king  will  save  her  and  her  son,  "  destruction 
from  the  inheritance  of  Ood;"  the  cutting  off'*  of 
posterity  by  slaying  the  heir  is  so  dreadful  in  her 
eyes,  because  it  is  excision  from  the  people  be- 
longing to  the  Lord.  Comp.  1  Sam.  xxvi.  19 ; 
Deut.  xxxii.  9.— Ver.  17.  Further,  she  says,  the 
king's  word  was  to  be  to  her  for  rest— that  is,  for 
herself.  "The  king  hears  (judges)  as"  the  an- 
gel of  God — the  angel  that  God  sends  to  impart 
His  manifestations  of  grace  to  His  people,  the  co- 
venant-angel, the  mediator  of  grace  for  the  pecu- 
liar people  [the  people  that  is  God's  private  pro- 
perty], [Eather  the  woman  here  praises  the 
king's  wisdom  as  being  like  that  of  one  of  the 
higher  intelligences  (so  Achish  speaks  of  David 
in  1  Sam.  xxix.  9),  a  proof  that  the  Israelites  were 
then  familiar  with  the  idea  of  angels.  Her  praise 
is  here  skilfully  introduced  to  mollify  him ;  she 
does  not  mention  Absalom's  name,  but  leaves  the 
king  to  reflect  on  what  such  a  high  character  re- 
quires of  him.— Te.]  To  hear  the  good  and 
the  evil. — This  affirms  two  things :  1)  in  every 
case  brought  before  him  the  king  will  impartially 
and  justly  hear  both  sides,  the  good  and  the  bad, 
Vulg.:    "unmoved   by   benediction  or  malcdio- 


*  There  is  no  need  to  write  (with  Thenius)  rppSH 

before  TDK^nS  (after  Sept.  and  Vulg.),  since  DTI  IffK 

("the  man  that  was,  had  in  mind,  to  destroy")  is  natu- 
rally supplied  (Gesen.  J132,  ,1,  Eem.  1).    [On  this  comp. 
Text,  and  Gramm."    Eng.  A.  V.  supplies  "  that  would." 
— Tb.] 


CHAP.  XIV.  1-33. 


495 


tion;"  2)  He  helps  the  oppressed.  And  the 
Lord  thy  God  be  with  thee !  (not  "  there- 
fore be"  (De  Wette)) ;  with  this  blessing  she  con- 
cludes, touching  the  king's  heart  in  its  innermost 
relation  to  hia  God  and  Lord.  [Patrick:  "There 
is  a  great  deal  of  artifice  in  all  this.  For  to  pre- 
sume upon  the  kindness  of  another,  and  to  expect 
gracious  answers  from  their  noble  qualities,  is 
very  moving;  men  being  very  loath  to  defeat 
those  who  think  so  highly  of  them,  according  to 
that  saying  of  Aristotle  [Bhet.  2,  4,  19) :  '  We 
love  those  that  admire  us.'  " — ^Tb.] — Vers.  18  sq. 
From  the  cleverly  put  discourse  of  the  woman  the 
king  perceives  that  there  is  something  else  in 
hand  than  her  private  affair ;  and  surmising  at 
the  same  time  that  she  is  only  the  instrument  of 
another,  he  thinks  of  Joab  from  the  confidential 
relation  in  which  the  latter  stood  to  Absalom. 
"  Is  the  hand  of  Joab  with  thee  in  all  this  ?"  The 
woman  frankly  answers  in  the  affirmative  [in  the 
form  of  a  compliment  to  the  king's  sagacity]  : 
There  is  nothing  on  the  right  or  the  left 
of*  what  the  king  says,  he  always  says  the  right ; 
"you  always  hit  the  nail  on  the  head  "  (Thenius). 
Joab,  she  says,  arranged  this  to  turn  the  face 
(form)  of  the  thing  [not  "fetch  about  this 
form  of  speech,"  as  in  Eng.  A.  V. — ^Tr.]  These 
words  do  not  refer  to  the  clothing  of  the  request 
for  Absalom  in  this  story  about  her  sons,  as  if  she 
meant:  "that  I  should  turn  the  thing  so"  (Lu- 
ther), or  "to  disguise  the  thing  in  a  skilful  way" 
(Keil),  or  "to  set  before  thee  a  figurative  dis- 
course" (Vatablus),  or  "that  I  should  transfer  to 
myself  and  my  sons  what  pertains  to  the  king  and 
his  sons "  (Clericus),  but  the  thing  is  Absalom's 
relation  to  his  father.  In  order  to  change  this  re- 
lation in  its  present  unhappy /orm,  that  is,  to  bring 
about  a  reconciliation,  has  Joab  done  this,  sent  me 
to  thee  with  the  words  I  have  spoken.  The  wo- 
man concludes  (looking  back  to  her  comparison 
of  David  to  the  "angel  of  God"  in  ver.  17)  with 
the  words:  My  lord  (the  king)  is  wise  ac- 
cording to  the  'Wisdom  of  the  angel  of 
Q-od — anxious  by  this  appeal  to  the  king's  wis- 
dom to  secure  a  favorable  decision  for  Absalom. 
[Here  again  render:  "an  angel  of  God,"  as  in 
ver.  17.  "To  know  all  things  that  are  in  the 
earth,"  better,  perhaps:  ''in  the  land,"  all  the  af- 
fairs of  the  land  of  Israel.  The  mingling  of  flat- 
tery and  boldness  in  the  woman's  discourse  is 
skilful  and  striking. — Tr.] 

Vers.  21-23.  Joab's  request  fulfilled  by  permitting 
Absalom  to  return  to  Jerusalem.  Behold,  I 
have  done  this  thing  (according  to  thy  word). 
— The  margin  has  (through  misapprehension) : 
"thou  hast  done;'.'  but  the  text  is  to  be  retained. 
The  Perfect  is  used  because  the  thing  is  an 
accomplished  fact  =  I  have  fulfilled  thy  request. 
Go  and  bring  Absalom  back. — These  words 
refer  merely  to  the  execution  of  what  had  been 
already  determined  and  accomplished. — Ver.  22. 
Joab  thanks  and  blesses  David  for  granting  his 
request.  To  judge  from  his  words  here,  he  had 
often  before  made  this  request,  but  hitherto  in 
vain.  Read :  "  his  servant,'' as  in  the  text,  against 
the  marginal  reading:  "thy  servant."  Joab 
himself  brings  Absalom  back  to  Jerusalem. — Ver. 

•  B^N  is  later  softer  form  for  t?',  Mio.  vi.  10 ;  Ew.  §  63  c. 


24.  Absalom's  pardon,  however,  was  not  a  full 
one ;  it  consisted  only  in  the  permission  to  return 
to  Jerusalem.  He  remained  banished  from  the 
royal  court.  My  face  shall  he  not  see,  says 
David.  This  was  no  real  pardon.  David's  anger 
still  continued.  It  is  a  natural  surmise  that  this 
was  because  Absalom  showed  no  repentance  and 
did  not  ask  for  forgiveness ;  there  is  not  the  slight- 
est hint  of  his  doing  so.  Let  him  turn  to  his 
own  house. — These  words  suggest  that  Absalom 
was  not  merely  banished  from  court,  but  also  con- 
fined to  his  own  house.  Otherwise  (as  Thenius 
points  out)  he  would  not  have  been  obliged  to 
send  for  Joab  (ver.  28  comp.  with  ver.  31.)  [Da- 
vid's banishing  Absalom  from  court  was  just  and 
wise,  since  his  crime  deserved  punishment,  and  it 
was  right  that  the  people  should  know  the  king's 
abhorrence  of  the  crime  (Patrick).  Perhaps  this 
half- forgiveness  was  an  impolitic  measure  (Keil), 
since  it  may  have  merely  vexed  and  embittered 
Absalom.  It  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  the 
king  was  angry  with  him ;  his  conduct  may  have 
been  determined  by  his  regard  for  law  and  justice 
while  his  heart  desired  complete  reconciliation. 
Bib.  Oomm.  suggests  that  Bathsheba's  influence 
may  have  been  exerted  to  keep  Absalom  in  dis- 
grace for  the  sake  of  Solomon. — Tb.] 

Vers.  25-33.  Absalom's  person  and  family. — By 
defiant  obstinacy  he  secures  his  recall  to  court 
through  Joab's  mediation. — Vers.  25  sqq.  Absor 
lom's  beauty. — He  was  the  handsomest  man  in  Is- 
rael. Literally :  "  and  as  Absalom  there  was  not 
a  handsome  man  in  all  Israel  to  praise  much." 
There  was  no  spot,  no  bodily  blemish  in  him. 
From  year  to  year*  he  polled  or  cut  his  hair. 
The  weight  of  the  polled  hair  here  given,  200  she- 
kels, is  certainly  too  great,  being  about  six  pounds, 
if  the  royal  shekel  =  the  sacred  shekel ;  and  if  it 
be  taken  as  =  one  half  the  sacred  shekel,  the 
weight  is  still  too  great.  There  is  no  doubt  an 
error  of  text  here.  Perhaps  we  should  read  20 
instead  of  200  (3  may  have  passed  into  1) ;  "for 
20  shekels  (  ^  9  or  10  ounces)  would  suppose  a 
very  heavy,  but  not  incredibly  heavy,  head  of 
hair"(Thenius).  [Others  read  four  shekels^ 
(T  instead  of  t).  But  as  all  the  ancient  versions 
(except  the  anonymous  vers,  quoted  in  Montfau- 
con's  Hex.  as  giving  "  one  hundred  ")  agree  with 
the  Hebrew,  any  such  change  of  letters  must  have 
been  made  early,  when  probably  not  the  present 
square  characters,  but  the  old  Phenioiau  were  in 
use ;  so  that  we  must  go  to  them  to  discover  pos- 
sible changes  of  this  sort. — There  is  doubt  as  to 
what  particular  weight  is  meant  by  the  "  king's 
shekel."  It  cannot  be  the  Babylonian  shekel, 
says  Thenius,  for  this  would  point  to  a  postexilian 
origin  for  this  passage,  which  is  impossible.  The 
king,  says  Wellhausen,  is  the  Persian  Great 
King,  and  this  verse  betrays  a  postexilian  origin. 
Nothing  more  definite  can  be  said  than  that  the 
king's  shekel  is  probably  a  different  weight  from 
the  sacred  shekel,  and  probably  less  than  that. 
Kitto  mentions  reading  of  a  lady's  hair  that 
weighed  more  than  four  pounds,  and,  if  the  two 
hundred  shekels  is  not  more  than  this,  it  is  a  pos- 
sible weight.  It  is  evidently  intended  to  repre- 
sent the  hair  as  extraordinarily  heavy  and  strong, 


*  D'n'S  O'D' ■=  ffD'l  D'D'  ["from  time  to  time"]. 

•T-  T  t:  t 

-Te.]. 


496 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


in  order  to  explain  xviii.  9.  The  ancients  were 
accustomed  to  bestow  much  care  on  the  hair,  see 
Joa.  Ant.  8,  7,  3,  and  Bp.  Patrick  in  loco. — Tr.]. 
— Ver.  27.  Absalom's  children.  Only  one  is  men- 
tioned by  name,  a  daughter  Tamar,  probably 
called  after  Absalom's  unfortunate  sister.  The 
sons  (contrary  to  custom)  are  not  named,  proba- 
bly because  they  died  young.  This  would  explain 
Absalom's  erecting  a  monument  (xviii.  18)  to 
perpetuate  his  name.  Concerning  Tamar  the 
Sept.  adds :  "  and  she  becomes  the  wife  of  Ro- 
boam  the  son  of  Solomon  and  bears  him  Abia." 
Now  1  Kings  xv.  2  certainly  describes  the  wife 
of  Eehoboam  and  mother  of  Abijah  as  a  daughter 
of  Absalom,  but  calls  her  Maacah.  The  Sept.  has 
here  (as  elsewhere)  evidently  introduced  an  ex- 
planation from  that  passage,  confounding,  how- 
ever, Tamar  with  another  later-born  daughter  of 
Absalom,  who  was  Rehoboam's  wife.  Thenius 
remarks :  "  Rehoboam's  wife  is  certainly  a  grand- 
daughter of  Absalom  (daughter  of  his  daughter  Ta- 
mar) named  after  her  great-grandmother  Maacah 
(iii.  3);"  where  "perhaps"  ought  to  stand  in- 
stead of  "  certainly." — Ver.  28  sqq.  As  Absalom 
wa.s  not  permitted  for  two  years  to  enter  the  king's 
presence,  and  Joab  declined  to  visit  him  though 
twice  sent  for  (evidently  because  he  did  not  wish  to 
have  any  thing  more  to  do  with  the  matter  since 
the  king's  displeasure  continued),  it  is  clear  that 
ver.  1  cannot  be  rendered :  "  the  king's  heart  was 
toward  him."  [David's  conduct  may  be  explained 
by  supposing  that,  while  his  heart  was  with  Ab- 
salom, his  regard  for  justice  led  him  to  punish  his 
crime  by  keeping  him  at  a  distance. — Tr.]. — Ver. 
30.  Joab's  "  piece,  parcel,"  that  is,  field  (as  we 
also  use  the  word).  Sept.  has:  "  the  portion  in 
the  field  of  Joab,"  but  there  is  no  reason  to  change 
the  Heb.  text  accordingly. — The  Heb.  text  reads: 
"  I  will  set  it  on  fire ;"  but  all  the  versions  adopt 
the  marginal  reading:  "set  it  on  fire."*  The 
phra-ie  "  at  my  hand "  =  "  alongside  of  my 
ground,  beside  me."  This  confirms  the  view  that 
Absalom  occupied  himself  with  tilling  the  soil 
even  in  Jerusalem.  That  Absalom  fired  Joab's 
barley  because  he  knew  it  would  bring  Joab  to 
him  (Keil)  is  not  probable.  It  was  rather  an  act 
of  angry  revenge  in  keeping  with  Absalom's 
haughty  and  passionate  nature.  In  ver.  30  Sept. 
and  Vulg.  add :  "  and  the  servants  of  Joab  came 
to  him  with  garments  rent,  and  said  :  Absalom's 
servants  have  set  the  field  on  fire."  It  is  possible 
that  these  words  belonged  to  the  original  text, 
and  fell  away  by  similar  ending,  two  consecutive 
sentences  ending  with  the  word  "fire"  (Then.). 
But  the  narrative  is  perfectly  clear  without  this 
addition. — Ver.  31.  Joab  came  to  Absalom's 
house,  because  the  latter  was  shut  up,  a  prisoner, 
as  it  were,  in  his  own  house. — Ver.  82.  The  mes- 
sage sent  by  Absalom  through  Joab  to  his  father 
contains  1)  a  reproach:  V7hy  am  I  come  from 
Geshur?  (^  why  didst  thou  send  for  me)  if  I 
am  not  permitted  to  appear  before  thee  ?  2)  A 
repudiation  of  the  indulgence  shown  him  in  the 
permission  granted  him  to  return  home :  it  vrete 
better  for  me  that  I  were  still  there ;  3) 
a  self-wUled  dema/nd:  and  nowr  I  vriil  see  the 
king's  face,  and  4)  adefiant  challenge:  if  there 

*  DirT'Sni  (ordinary  Hlph.  of  nX\  2  pers.  plu.)  instead 

T  •  - :  -*  T 

of  n')1'S"ini  (Hiph.  aooordiaig  to  !«'£),  1  pers.  .sing.). 


be  iniquity  in  me,  let  him  kill  me. — These 
words  mean  neither :  "  if  the  king  can  and  may 
not  forgive  me,"  (Thenius),  nor:  "if  he  remem- 
ber my  iniquity''  (Vulg.)-  Absalom  rather  de- 
fiantly challenges  his  father  to  proceed  with  strict 
justice,  if  he  has  done  wrong ;  this,  however, 
(from  the  tone  of  his  speech)  he  does  not  allow, 
but  relies  on  the  rights  he  thinks  he  has  against 
his  father,  who  had  been  too  indulgent  to  Amnon, 
having  also  the  support  of  a  considerable  party, 
who  would  the  more  approve  his  act  of  bloody 
vengeance,  because  David  had  let  Amnon  go  un- 
pumshed.  Absalom  gives  no  sign  of  repentance; 
there  is  rather  a  savage  defiance  in  his  words,  and, 
instead  of  confessing  his  guilt,  he  challenges  his 
father  to  kill  him,  if  he  is  guilty,  that  is,  he  de- 
nies his  guilt.  David  has  already  shown  weak- 
ness in  permitting  Absalom  to  return  without 
penitent  confession ;  and  by  this  halfway-proce- 
dure (letting  him  return,  yet  banishing  him  from 
his  presence  two  years)  had  given  occasion  to  the 
defiance  and  bitterness  that  appears  in  these 
words.  He  is  now  guilty  of  a  still  greater  weak- 
ness in  receiving  Absalom  into  favor  when  he 
shows  the  very  opposite  of  penitence. — Ver.  33. 
The  words :  he  bowed  himself  on  his  face 
to  the  ground  by  no  means  show  penitence 
with  humble  request  for  forgiveness,  but  merely 
exhibit  the  usual  homage  paid  to  the  king.  Da- 
vid was  soon  to  taste  the  bitter  fruits  of  all  this 
faulty  weakness  towards  Absalom. 

HISTORICAL   AND   ETHICAL. 

1.  David,  weakly  yielding  to  ungodly  influence 
on  his  mind  (the  woman  of  Tekoa),  on  his  will 
(Joab)  and  on  his  feeling  (Absalom),  sinned 
against  the  Lord  in  failing  to  punish  Absalom 
(as  he  had  failed  to  punish  Amnon)  for  his  crime, 
and  in  receiving  him  into  favor,  on  his  return, 
without  penitence.  As  God  does  not  forgive  sin, 
without  confession  and  prayer  for  pardon,  so  men 
must  observe  this  law  in  their  relations  to  one 
another.  This  is  demanded  both  by  truth  and  by 
justice,  neither  of  which  may  be  set  aside  by  ex- 
piating and  pardoning  love. 

2.  He  who  in  unholy,  weak  love  confounds  the 
dlspcsition  to  forgive  one's  neighbor  with  the  act 
of  forgiveness  itself,  and  pardons  when  tue  condi- 
tion is  not  complied  witli,  sins  not  only  against 
Grod's  holy  ordination  of  love,  but  also  against  his 
neighbor,  since  the  hard,  impenitent  heart  is  the 
more  hardened  by  such  weak  love,  and  led  into 
further  evil,  as  Absalom's  example  shows. 

3.  Moral  weakness  makes  one  unforesighted 
and  unwise,  and  often  leads  to  the  destruction  of 
the  moral  ordinances  of  life,  on  which  rests  the 
welfare  of  private  and  public  life.  David,  by  his 
weakness  towards  Absalom,  became  guilty  of  the 
further  dissolution  of  the  theocratic  rule  of  life 
in  his  house  and  in  his  kingdom  ;  the  breaking 
up  of  the  royal  family  thereby  produced  was  the 
cause  and  the  starting-point  of  the  breaking  up 
of  the  theocratic  kingdom  by  Absalom's  revolt. 

HOMILETICAL   AND  PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  I-3i  Cramer  :  The  children  of  the  world 
are  wiser  in  their  generation  than  the  children  of 
'light,  Luke  xvi-  8.     Wukrt.  B.  :   'The  greatest 


CHAP.  XIV.  1-33. 


497 


rogues  have  commonly  the  best  patrons,  who  take 
interest  in  them  and  try  to  help  them  through. — 
[Hall  :  Good  eyes  see  light  through  the  smallest 
chink.  The  wit  of  Joab  hath  soon  discerned  Da- 
vid's renewed  affection,  and  knows  how  to  serve 
him  in  that  which  he  would,  and  would  not,  ac- 
complish.— Tr.] 

Vers.  4-11.  Starke  :  To  represent  something 
wisely  is  also  a  gift  of  God;  for  thereby  much 
good  is  accomplished  and  ranch  evil  hindered, 
Prov.  xviii.  1.5. —  [Hall:  We  love  ourselves 
better  than  others,  but  we  see  others  better  than 
ourselves :  whoso  would  perfectly  know  his  own 
case,  let  him  view  it  in  another's  person.  Para- 
bles sped  well  with  David :  one  drew  him  to  re- 
pent of  his  own  sin,  another  to  remit  Absalom's 
punishment. — Tr.]-— Schlieb:  Foresight  is  pro- 
fitable in  all  things,  and  doubly  so  when  others 
wish  to  accomplish  something  with  us.  There 
are  eases  where  certainly  the  first  impression  is 
the  most  correct,  but  as  a  rule  it  is  better  not  to 
yield  to  the  first  momentary  impression,  but  to 
prove  everything.  Had  David  first  proved  and 
inquired  into  the  matter  which  with  cunning  and 
deceit  was  brought  before  him,  he  would  not  have 
given  assurance  with  an  oath. 

Vers.  13  sqq.  Schlier  :  If  thou  ha.st  something 
against  a  person,  forget  not  how  soon  thy  adver- 
sary may  die,  how  soon  thou  thyself  also  mayst 
perhaps  have  to  pass  away,  and  besides  think  of 
what  God  does  to  us,  how  rich  is  His  mercy 
towards  us. — Vers.  21  sqq.  Cramer  :  It  is  easily 
done,  to  let  loose  an  outrageous  oifender  and  a 
murderer,  but  not  so  easily  is  it  excused  before 
God :  for  thereby  blood-guiltiness  is  brought  on 
the  land,  and  other  great  misfortunes  caused, 
Ezek.  vii.  23. — J.  Lajtge  :  Wilful  sinners  also  are 
not  permitted,  so  long  as  they  continue  impeni- 
tent, to  come  into  blessed  communion  with  God, 
although  instead  of  the  well-deserved  punishment 
tliey  enjoy  God's  long-suiTering.— Schlieb  :  If 
thou  wilt  pardon,  do  it  wholly,  take  out  of  thy 
heart  everything  thou  hast  against  another  per- 
son, forget  also  the  injustice  done  thee,  and  make 
it  thy  concern  again  to  show  the  other  a  whole 
and  fiiU  heart. 

Ver.  25.  Stabke  :  Ungodly  men  often  receive 
from  God  the  fairest  gifts,  1  Sam.  ix.  2;  xvii. 
4.— ScHHER :  A  fair  body  is  also  a  gift  of  God, 
but  what  does  all  physical  beauty  help,  if  there 
does  not  also  dwell  therein  a  fair  soul  ?  A  de- 
formed and  ugly  man  who  has  beauty  of  soul  is 


worth  more  in  the  sight  of  God.  The  Lord  looks 
at  the  heart. — Ver.  30.  Lange  :  Friendship  that 
has  self-interest  for  its  ground,  does  not  commonly 
last  long.— Ver.  33.  Schlieb:  David  is  propi- 
tiated, but  it  does  not  occur  to  him  to  work  for  a 
thorough  reconciliation  in  Absalom's  heart  also ; 
he  brings  to  meet  his  son  the  old,  full  love;  but 
he  does  not  observe  whether  his  son  is  in  condi- 
tion really  to  receive  such  love. — Chastisement 
without  love  is  an  outrage,  no  father  is  at  liberty 
to  plague  or  torture  his  child ;  but  a  love  that  can- 
not chastise  is  no  love,  and  reaps  a  poor  reward. 
A  child  that  does  not  at  the  proper  time  feel  the 
father's  rod,  becomes  at  last  a  rod  for  his  father. 

[Vers.  1-20.  The  rmse  woman  of  Tekoah.  Her 
previous  reputation  for  worldly  wisdom,  known 
to  Joab.  Her  skilful  employment,  at  Joab's  in- 
stance, of  a  parallel  case,  yet  not  too  obviously 
similar.  I.  Observe  the  motives  to  which  she  ap- 
peals. Knowing  David's  character,  she  makes 
good  motives  most  prominent.  1)  His  course 
impolitic  and  unpopular  (ver.  13).  2)  We  are 
all  mortal,  and  enmities  should  not  be  perpetual. 
3)  God  is  forgiving  {ver.  14).  4)  She ykfters  him, 
a)  as  impartial  (ver.  17),  b)  as  knowing  everything 
(ver.  20).  II.  Contrast  this  address  with  that  of 
Nathan,  ch.  xii.  In  certain  respects  similar;  but 
1)  One  sent  by  Joab,  the  other  by  the  Lord.  2)  One 
designing  and  unscrupulous,  the  other  sincere.  3) 
One  mingling  bad  motives,  the  other  employing 
only  the  good.  4)  One  flattering,  the  other  hum- 
bling. 5)  One  giving  the  king  an  excuse  for 
what  he  wishes  to  do,  the  other  arousing  him  to 
what  he  ought  to  do.  6)  One  bringing  upon  Da- 
vid great  temporal  trouble,  the  other  great  spi- 
ritual blessing. — Ver.  14.  TTwo  great  reasons  for 
forbearance  and  forgiveness.  1 )  Both  we  and  those 
who  have  wronged  us  must  die,  and  so  our  enmi- 
ties should  not  be  undying.  2)  Ood  forbears,  and 
is  disposed  to  forgive.— Tr.] 

[Ver.  25.  Causes  which  ^mled  the  character  of 
Absalom.  1)  The  personal  gift  of  extraordinary 
personal  beautv.  2)  Great  power  of  bending 
others  to  his  w'ill  (ver.  30;  xiii.  28;  xv.  6).  3) 
A  doting  father,  weak  through  consciousness  of 
his  own  great  and  well-known  sins  (ver.  1).  4) 
A  good  excuse  for  indulging  revenge  and  selfish 
ambition  (xiii.  22-29).  5)  Resentmerat  at  what 
seemed  neglect  by  his  father  and  by  Joab  (vers. 
28,  29).  6)  Success  in  reckless  and  defiant  mea- 
sures (vers.  30-33).  7)  AppreheTision  that  the  son 
of  Bathsheba  (xii.  24,  25)  might  supplant  him  as 
heir  to  the  throne. — Te.] 


32 


498  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


II.  External  Shattering  of  the  Boyal  Authority  till  its  Loss. 

Chapteks  XV.— XVIII. 
1.  Absalom's  revolt  and  David's  flight.    Chap.  XV.  1— XVI.  14. 

1  And  it  came  to  pass  after  this  that  Ab.=alom  prepared  him  chariots  [a  chariot] 

2  and  horses,  and  fifty  men  to  run  before  him.  And  Absalom  rose  up  early,  and 
stood  beside  the  way  of  the  gate;  and  it  was  so,  that  when  any  man  that  had  a 
con'roversy  came  to  the  king  for  judgment  [and  it  came  to  pass  that,  every  man 
that  had  a  cause  to  c(>me  to  the  king  for  judgment],  then  \_om.  then]  Absalom  called 
unto  him,  and  said,  Of  what  city  art  thou  ?     And  he  said,  Thy  servant  is  of  one  of 

3  the  tribes  of  Israel  [or,  of  such  and  such  a  tribe  of  Israel].  And  Absa- 
lom said  unto  him,  See,  thy  matters  are  good  and  right;  but  there  is  no  man  de- 

4  puled  of  the  king  to  hear  thee.  Absalom  said  moreover  [And  Absalom  said].  Oh 
that  I  were  made  judge  in  the  land,  that  every  man  whii-h  [who]  hath  any  suit  or 
cause  [cause  or  controversy]   might  come  unto  me,  end  I  would  do  him  justice  1 

5  And  it  was  ko  [And  it  came  to  pa-s]  that  when  any  man  came  nigh  to  him  [om.  to 
him]  to  do  him  obeisance,  he  put  forth  his  hand,  and  took  him,'  and  kissed  hira. 

6  And  on  this  manner  did  Absalom  to  all  Israel  that  came  to  the  king  for  judgment; 
so  [and]  Absalom  stole  the  hearts  of  the  men  of  Israel. 

7  And  it  came  to  jjass  after  forty  [four']  years,  that  Absalom  said  unto  the  king,  I 
pray  thee,  let  me  go  and  pay  my  vow,  which  I  have  vowed  unto  the  Lord  [Jeho- 

8  vah],  in  Hebron.  For  thv  servant  vowed  a  vow  while  I  abode  at  Geshur  in  Sy- 
ria, saying,  If  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  shall  bring  me  again  indeed'  to  Jerusalem,  then 

9  I  will  serve  the  Lord  [Jehovah].     And  the  king  said  unto  him,  Go  in  peace.    So 

10  [And]  he  arose  and  went  to  Hebron.  But  [And]  Absalom  sent  spies  [or,  emissa- 
ries] throughout  all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  saying.  As  soon  as  ye  hear*  the  sound  of 

11  the  trumpet,  then  ye  shall  say,  Absalom  reigneth  in  Hebron.  And  with  Absalom 
went  two  hundred  men  out  of  Jerusalem,  that  were  called  ;  and  they  went  in  their 

12  simplicity,  and  they  knew  not  anything.  And  Absalom  sent  for^  Ahithophel  the 
Gilonite,  David's  counsellor,  from  his  city,  even  from  Giloh,  while  he  offered  sacri- 
fices. And  the  conspiracy  was  strong ;  for  the  people  increased  continually  with 
Absalom. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GKAMMATICAL. 
1  [Ver.  5.  This  Is  the  only  place  in  the  0.  T.  where  the  verb  p'inn  is  followed  by  V  with  the  object  taken 
hold  of  (though  it  is  sometimes  followed  by  Si'  and  by  the  simple  noun),  and  here  29  MSS.  and  2  printed  EDD. 
have  3.    Perhaps  this  7  was  imitated  from,  or  by  error  of  copyist  arose  from  the  following  S.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  7.  Though  the  true  reading  is  here  unknown,  the  reading  "  four  "  instead  of  "  forty  "  has  been  adopted 
m  the  revised  translation  because  it  seems  at  any  rate  much  more  nearly  correct  than  the  Heb.  text.  The  read- 
l?*,  *°^''^  i^  S'H^'^J"  ^"S*-  *"'*  °*<"^  '^''^^^  VS3.,  Chald.,  Vulg.,  Cod.  A.  (Amiatinus);  "four"  in  Syr.,  Arab, 
Vulg.,  Cod.,  B.  C.  D.  E.  r.  K.Veronensls,  Josephus.— Tk.1       '         "'  •"  J    .  . 

«  [Ver.  8.  The  Kethib  or  text  is  Hiph.  Impf.  (^'B'"),  the  Qeri  or  marginal  reading  (31{y)  is  Qal  Impf.  OW') 

or  Qal  Inf.  Absolute  (3ity").    The  text  is  maintained  by  Bfittcher  and  Erdmanu  as  a  repetition  of  the  finite  verb 

for  emphasis ;  but  this,  if  possible  here,  is  certainly  less  probable  than  the  Inf.  Absol.  construction  (favored  by 

Sept.,  Syr.,  Chald.) ;  write  Hiph.  Inf  TpT\  (Thenius,  Wellhausen,  Bi6.-Cbm.).— Te.] 

*  [Ver.  10.  A  few  MSS.  and  EDD.  have  3.  as  prefix  instead  of  3 ;  here  impossible.— Te.] 

»  [Ver.  12.  The  present  Hob.  text  (vh&V,  whether  it  be  pointed  as  Qal  or  as  Piel,  cannot  be  so  rendered,  but 

means  "and  he  sent,"  which  gives  no  sense.    Only  Chald.  renders  the  Heb.  literally ;  the  other  versions  insert  S 

or  ^X  (" to ")  after  the  verb,  Vulg.  accersivit  (so  Eng.  A.  V.).    Others  (as  Bftttcher,  Thenius)  insert  N3''l :  "and he 

sent  and  brought  Ahithophel ;"  Wellhausen  suggests :  "and  he  sent  to  Ahithophel  and  he  came  (tO'M    Som* 


CHAP.  XV.  1-37.  499 


13  And  there  came  a  messenger  to  David,  saying.  The  hearts' of  the  men  of  Israel 

14  are  after  Absalom.  And  David  said  unto  all  his  servants  that  were  with  him  at 
Jerusalem,  Arise,  and  let  us  flee ;  for  we  shall  not  eke  escape  from  Absalom ;  make 
speed  to  depart,  lest  he  overtake  us  suddenly,  and  bring  evil  upon  us,  and  smite 

15  the  city  with  the  edge"  of  the  sword.  And  the  king's  servants  said  unto  the  king, 
Behold,  thy  servants  are  ready  to  do  whatsoever  my  lord  the  king  shall  appoint 

16  [choose].  And  the  king  went  forth,  and  all  his  household  after  him.  And  the 
king  left  ten  women  which  were  [om.  women  which  were]  concubines  to  keep  the 

17  house.     And'  the  king  went  forth,  and  all  the  people  after  him,  and  tarried  [halted] 

18  in  a  place  that  was  far  ofi"  [in  Beth-hammarhak,  or,  at  the  far  house].  And  all  his 
servants  passed  on  beside  him,  and  all  the  Cherethites  and  all  the  Pelethites,  and 
all  the  Gittites,  six  hundred  men,  which  [who]  came  after  him  from  Gath  passed 
on  before  the  king. 

19  Then  said  the  king  [And  the  king  said]  to  Ittai  the  Gittite,  Wherefore  goest  thou 
also  with  us  ?     Return  to  thy  place,'  and  abide  with  the  king ;  for  thou  art  a 

20  stranger,  and  also  an  exile.  Whereas  thou  earnest  but  yesterday  [Yesterday  thou 
earnest],  should  I  this  day  [and  to-day  shall  I]  make  thee  go  up  and  down  with  us? 
[pm  ?],  seeing  I  go  whither  I  may  [ins.  ?]     Keturn  thou,  and  take  back  thy  bre- 

such  change  aeems  neceasary  in  order  to  make  sense  of  the  passage. — The  following  phrase  also :  "  as  he  was 
sacrificing  "  is  obscure,  as  it  does  not  appear  what  his  sacrificing  has  to  do  with  the  matter.  Cod.  Anjiatinus  of 
the  Vulg.  reads :  "  and  when  he  sacrificed  (was  sacrificing),  the  conspiracy  became  strong,"  thus  connecting  the 
growth  of  the  conspiracy  with  the  sacrifice,  and  so  Bottcher;  "when  the  man  was  come  to  Absalom  to  Hebron, 
as  he  was  sacrificing,  e£c.,"  while  Wellhausen  would  omit  the  phrase.  But  there  is  no  sufficient  ground  for 
clianging  the  text  here,  not  even  for  adopting  the  slight  change  of  the  Vulg.,  which  Then  ius  prefers,  rendering: 
"and  by  his  sacrificing  the  confederation  (TK'p)  was  made  firm,"  that  is,  under  the  solemn  excitement  of  the 

offering  the  conspirators  were  brought  to  swear  fidelity  to  Absalom.  But  the  meaning  of  the  Heb.  rather  is  that 
the  conspiracy  grew  strong  by  accession  of  numbers. '  If  we  retain  the  text,  we  sliall  have  to  understand  that 
Ahithopnel  was  Drought  away  as  he  was  discharging  a  solemn  duty,  that  is,  summoned  in  haste  to  join  the  con- 
spiracy, where  success  depended  on  rapid  movement,  or  that  he  was  summoned  to  join  Ab.<ialom  as  the  latter 
was  sacrificing  (so  Chandler,  Bib.-Cbm.).  Patrick  says ;  "  after  he  had  sacrificed,"  but  the  words  do  not  permit 
this.— Tk.] 

•  [Ver.  U.  'sS  =  "  to  (according  to)  the  mouth,"  or  at  "  the  mouth."— Tb.] 

7  [Ver.  17.  The  Sept.  here  varies  somewhat  from  the  Heb.,  and  various  changes  of  the  latter  have  been  sug- 
gested. The  Sept.  translation,  however,  in  its  present  form  contains  a  duplet;  two  different  renderings  of -17  b 
and  18  are  combined,  and  Ihese  two  m  general  confirm  the  Heb.  text.  The  first  Sept.  rendering  (vers.  17, 18)  is : 
"andtheking  went  forth  and  all  his  servants"  (Heb.  "all  the  people,"  but  some  MSS.  agree  with  the  Greek,  and 
Chald.  has  "  all  his  household  ")  on  foot  (properly  "  at  his  feet,  after  him  "),  and  stood  in  the  far  house.  And  all 
his  servants  passed  by  at  his  hand  and  all  the  Cherethites  and  all  the  Pelethites  and  all  the  Gittites  the  six  hun- 
dred men  that  came  after  him  from  Gath  and  going  before  the  face  of  the  king,"  which  varies  from  the  Heb.  in 
one  worrl  only,  putting  "servants  "  (i.  e.,  body-guard)  instead  of  "people."  The  second  Sept.  rendering  (begin- 
ning with  17  6  and  inserted  in  the  above  after  the  word  "  Pelethites  ")  is :  "  and  stood  at  the  olive-tree  in  the  wil- 
derness "  (^^^Q^  jria  instead  of  nn^Sn  n'^  "  far  house  "),  and  all  the  people  (Heb.  "  servants  ")  went  by  at 

his  side  (hand)  and  all  those  about  him  (this  is  possibly  a  general  rendering  of  "  Cherethites  and  Pelethites,"  who 
formed  a  body-guard)  and  all  the  stout  men  and  all  the  warriors  (perhaps  a  double  rendering  of  O"!''^-'  "  heroes," 
which  they  read  instead  of  D'fli  "  Gittites  ")  six  hundred  men,  and  were  at  his  hand,"  after  which  the  phrase 

"  Cherethites  and  Pelethites  "  is  repeated  by  error  of  copyist.  From  a  comparison  of  the  Heb.  and  Greek  texts 
fiOttcher  proposes  to  read  "  at  the  olive-tree  in  the  wilderness  "  (ver.  17)  instead  of  "  at  the  far  house ;"  to  which 
Thenins  replies  that  this  is  impossible,  since  David  had  not  then  passed  over  the  Kidron.  Thenius  himself 
would  adopt  the  "  mighty  men  "  (□■'^'13J^)  suggested  by  the  Sept.  instead  of  the  "  Gittites  "  of  the  Hebrew ;  this 

emendation  is  a  very  natural  one,  but  the  fact  of  David's  having  a  band  of  foreign  warriors  is  not  so  strange  and 
improbable  as  to  call  for  correction  ;  the  other  versions  here  support  the  Heb.  In  ver.  17  Wellhausen  prefers 
tiie  "  servants  "  of  the  Sept.  to  the  "  people  "  of  the  Heb.,  as  indicating  that  David's  body-guard  stood  with  him 
while  the  army  passed  on;  and  this  reading,  which  is  supported  by  some  MSS.  and  EDD.,  and  by  the  Chald.  (see 
above)  is  probable ;  so  in  ver.  18  Sept.  has  "  people  "  instead  of  "  servants."  Wellhausen  thinks  also  that  some 
phrase  introducing  Ittai  is  necessary  at  the  encT  of  ver.  18,  and  that  there  are  traces  in  the  Heb.  text  of  some  such 
original  passage ;  as,  the  statement  that  the  six  hundred  men  came  "  after  him  "  from  Gath,  which  was  not  truij 
of  this  march.  Ver.  18  might  then  read :  "  and  all  the  people  passed  on  by  him,  and  all  the  Cherethites  and  all 
the  Pelethites  and  all  the  heroes  (Gibborim),  six  hundred  men.  and  Ittai  also  the  Gittite,  who  not  long  before  had 
come  from  Gath  to  Jerusalem,  passed  on  before  the  king."  While  this  would  ease  the  text  and  explain  the  cir- 
cumstances, it  seems  too  violent  a  change  to  make  without  more  external  support,  especially  as  abrupt  mtroduc- 


place."  Bib.-Com. :  "  Return  and  abide  with  the  king  (for  thou  art,  etc.)  at  thy  place."  But.  this  parenthesis  is 
very  hard,  and  it  would  seem  better  either  to  remove  the  "  to  thy  place  "  and  put  it  after  "  return     (in  tne  Hen.), 

a  change  that  is  without  external  support,  or  to  read  "  from  "  m)  instead  of  "  to  "  (S),  and  render :  "  and  an  exile 

arCthou  from  thv  place  "  (so  one  MS.,  several  printed  EDD.,  and  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.).  Cahen  follows  the 
Chald.:  "fir  thou  art  a  stranger,  and  also  if  thou  wilt  migrate,  go  to  thy  place,"  which  differs  from  fing.  A.  V. 
only  in  inserting  the  word  "go"  instead  of  transposing  the  phrase  "to  thy  place."  Philippson:  tnou  art  an 
exile  for  thy  place,"  which  gives  no  good  sense.— Bottcfier  and  Thenius  object  to  the  supposed  satirical  tone  oi 
the  remark;  "abide  with  the  king;"  the  former  would  read  "in  the  city  (T;;3)  of  the  king,"  which  is  an  im- 

grobable  phrase,  the  latter  simply  "  in  the  city."    The  Syr.  and  Arab,  also  seem  to  have  felt  a  difficulty  here ; 
yr. :  ■'  de-iist  from  the  king,"  Aiab. :  "go  not  forth  with  the  king."    The  Heb.  text  is  preferable.— rB.J 


600  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


21  thren ;  mercy  and  truth  be  with  thee.  And  Ittai  answered  the  king  and  said,  At 
the  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth,  and  as  my  lord  the  king  liveth,  surely  in  what  place 
My  lord  the  king  shall  be,  whether  in  [for]  death  or  [ins.  for]  life,  even  there  also 

22  will  [there  will]  thy  servant  be.  And  David  said  to  Ittai,  Go,  and  pass  over.'  And 
Ittai  the  Gittite  passed  over,  and  all  his  men,  and  all  the  little  ones  that  were  with 
him. 

23  And  all  the  country  [land]  wept  with  a  loud  voice,*"  and  all  the  people  passed 
over ;  the  king  also  himself  [and  the  king]  passed  over  the  brook  Kedron,  and  all  the 

24  people  passed  over,  toward  the  way  of  the  wilderness.  And  lo  Zadok  also  and  all  the 
Levites  were  \_om.  were]  with  him,  bearing  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  God  ;"  and  they 
set  down  the  ark  of  God ;  and  Abiathar  went  up,  until  all  the  people  had  done  pass- 

25  ing  out  of  the  city.  And  the  king  said  unto  Zadok,  Carry  back  the  ark  of  God  into 
[to]  the  city.     If  I  shall  find  favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  he  will 

26  bring  me  again,  and  show  me  both  it  and  his  habitation.  But  [And]  if  he  thus  say, 
I  have  no  delight  in  thee;  behold,  h&re  ami,  let  him  do  to  measseemethgoodunti) 

27  him.  The  king  said  also  [And  the  king  said]  unto  Zadok  the  priest,  Art  not  [pm. 
not]  thou  a  seer  ?"  return  into  [to]  the  city  in  peace,  and  your  two  sons  with  you, 

28  Ahimaaz  thy  son,  and  Jonathan  the  son  of  Abiathar.  See,  I  will  tarry  in  the 
plain  [by  the  fords"]  of  the  wilderness,  until  there  come  word  from  you  to  certify 

29  me.  Zadok  therefore  [And  Zadok]  and  Abiathar  carried  the  ark  of  God  again  to 
Jerusalem  ;  and  they  tarried'*  there. 

80  And  David  went  up  by  the  ascent  of  mount  Olivet,  and  wept  as  he  went  up,  and 
had  his  head  covered,  and  he  went  barefoot ;  and  all  the  people  that  was  with  him 
covered  every  man  his  head,  and  they  went  up,  weeping  as  they  went  up. 

31  And  one  told  David,  saying,  Ahithophel  is  among  the  conspirators  with  Absa- 
lom.    And  David  said,  O  Lord  [^om.  O  Lord],  I  pray  thee,  turn  [Turn,  I  pray  thee] 

32  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel  into  foolishness  [ins.  O  Jehovah].  And  it  came  to  pass 
that,  when  David  was  come  to  the  top  of  the  mount,  where  he  worshipped  God 
[where  God  was  worshipped'*],  behold  Hushai  the  Archite  [Arkite]  came  to  meet 

»  [Ver.  22.  Sept. :  "  Come  and  pass  orer  with  me.  And  Ittai  the  Gittite  passed  over,  and  the  king  and  all  his 
men,  etc,"  which  Thenius  adopts,  but  B6ttcher  and  Wellhansen  remark  that  it  entirely  misrepresents  the  scene, 
where  the  troops  are  passing  in  review  before  the  king,  and  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  that  his  "little  ones" 
were  with  him ;  the  king  himself  does  not  pass  over  the  brook  till  ver.  23. — Tr.] 

10  [Ver.  23  Instead  of  Vl p  "  voice  "  some  Heb.  MSS.,  Syr.,  A  rab.,  have  03  "  weeping,"  an  unnecessary  change. 
Some  MSS.  and  EDD,  omit  the  difficult  flN  at  the  end  of  the  verse,  but  Bottoher  changes  it  to  n'l  "  olive  "  in  ac- 
cordance with  his  untenable  correction  in  ver.  17  (and  so  Thenius  and  some  anonymous  Greek  versions). — Well- 
hausen  omits  the  first  DUn"73,  changes  lit?  into  noV  and  "JsS  into  VJsS,  and  renders:  "and  all  the  land 

T  T         T  ••  ••  ":    •  TT  : 

wept  with  a  loud  voice  and  passed  over ;  and  the  king  stood  in  the  brook  Kidron,  and  all  thepeople  passed  over 
in  his  presence  the  way  of  tne  wilderness."  The  first  correction  is  unnecessary,  since  the  Heb.  text  (omitting 
nX)  gives  a  good  sense;  the  second  correction,  which  represents  the  king  as  standing  in  the  brook  while  the 

people  passed,  is  not  probable;  the  third  gets  rid  of  the  superfluous  repetition  of  the  statement  that  the  people 
passed  over,  but  has  the  disadvantage  of  representing  the  bystanders  ("all  the  land  ")  as  passing  over,  which 
there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  they  did. — Te.] 

11  [Ver.  24.  The  Sept.  insertion  here,  an-b  Bat9dp,  a  corruption  apparently  of  'AJSiadap,  has  suggested  various 
changes  of  the  text.  Probably  our  text  is  here  defective,  and  Aldatnar  was  perhaps  more  prominent  in  the  origi- 
nal ;  but  there  is  no  ground  for  Wellhausen's  remark  that  we  have  here  a  post-exilian  attempt  to  eliminate  Abia- 
thar from  the  narrative  in  the  interests  of  the  Zadokites. — Te.] 

n  rVer.  27.  The  present  Heb.,  with  the  roasoretic  pointing  can  only  be  rendered :  "art  thou  a  seer?"  Erd- 
mann,  changing  the  pointing  (H  into  ri) :  "  Thou  seer  I"    To  this  Thenius  objects  that  "  prophet "  and  "  seer  " 

are  two  different  things,  and  that  there  is  no  propriety  in  here  calling  Zadok  by  the  latter  name;  he  himself 
writes :  HpSn  "  turn  back,"  which,  however,  does  not  account  for  the  text-reading.    The  simplest  emendation  is 

that  of  Wellhansen,  who  writes:  tJ'Kin  [71371  "to  Zadok  the  high-priest."    To  this  the  objection  is  that  the 

phrase  occurs  only  in  late  books.  Kings,  Jer.,  Ezra,  Chron.,  and  this  is  not  satisfactorily  removed  by  Wcllhaa- 
sen's  remark  that  "  the  expression  comes  from  the  redactor,"  since  this  would  be  the  only  instance  in  which  a 
late  (postexilian  ?)  redactor  has  used  the  expression.    The  reading  nXT  or  1X1  would  be  supported  by  the  same 

word  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  28,  as  well  as  by  Sept.    The  Syr.  omits  the  word.-^TE.] 

13  [Ver.  28.  So  (with  Kethib)  Erdmann,  B6ttcher,  Thenius,  Wellhausen,  Keil.  Cahen  and  Wordsworth  •  "  pas- 
sages of  the  wilderness  "  (leading  to  the  river).— Ta.] 

'■1  [Ver.  29.  Sept.:  "It  abode  there,"  preferred  by  Wellh.,  but  unsupported  by  other  versions  and  not  de. 
cldedly  better  than  the  Heb. — Ta.j 

>s  [Ver.  32.  Or,  "  where  it  was  the  custom  to  worship  God,"  an  indication  that  public  worship  of  God  was 
maintained  also  elsewhere  than  at  the  Tabernacle.— Hushai  is  here  called  simply  "  the  Arkite  "  but  in  the  Sep. 
tuagint  "the  Arkite,  ihe  friend  of  David"  (apxie'-iipos  _  Apxl  irai/w),  see  ver.  37.  This  is  probably  an  addition 
of  tlie  Sept..  as  BSttcher  remarks.— The  word  rendered  "coat"  in  Bng.  A.  V.  is  the  Kuttoneth  or  tunic  (Yvriir), 
but  we  do  not  know  its  exact  shape  and  size ;  It  seems  to  have  been  shorter  than  the  meil.  which  was  the  outei 
garment  or  robe. — Ta.] 


CHAP.  XV.  1-37. 


501 


33  him  with  his  coat  [garment]  rent,  and  earth  upon  his  head.  Unto  whom  David 
said  [And  David  said  to  him],  If  thou  passest  on  with  me,  then  shalt  thou  be  a 

34  burden  unto  me ;  But'«  if  thou  return  to  the  city,  and  say  unto  Absalom,  I  will  be 
thy  servant,  O  king ;  as  [om.  as]  I  have  been  thy  father's  servant  hitherto,  so  will 
I  now  also  [and  now  I  will]  be  thy  servant ;  then  mayest  thou  for  me  defeat  the 

35  counsel  of  Ahithophel.  And  had  thou  not  there  with  thee  Zadok  and  Abiathar  the 
priests  ?  therefore  [and]  it  shall  be  that  [om.  it  shall  be  that]  what  thing  soever 
thou  shalt  hear  out  of  the  king's  house,  thou  shalt  tell  it  [om.  it]  to  Zadok  and 

36  Abiathar  the  priests.  Behold,  they  have  there  with  them  their  two  sons,  Ahimaaz 
Z&dok'a  son,  and  Jonathan  Abiathar's  son;  and  by  them  ye  shall  send  unto  me 

37  everything  that  ye  can  [om.  can]  hear.  So  [And]  Hushai  David's  friend  came 
into  [to]  the  city,  and  Absalom  came"  into  [to]  Jerusalem. 

Chap.  XVI.  1.  And  when  [om.  when]  David  was  a  little  past  the  top  of  the  hill, 
[ins.  and]  behold,  Ziba  the  servant  of  Mephibosheth  met  him,  with  a  couple  of 
asses  saddled,  and  upon  them  two  hundred  haves  of  bread,  and  an  hundred  bunches 
[cakes]  of  raisins,  and  an  hundred  of  summer-fruits  [cakes  of  figs],  and  a  bottle 

2  [skin]  of  wine.  And  the  king  said  unto  Ziba,  What  meanest  thou  by  these?  Aod 
Ziba  said.  The  asses  be  [are]  for  the  king's  household  to  ride  on,  and  the  bread  and 
summer-fruit  [figs]  for  the  young  men  to  eat,  and  the  wine  that  [for]  such  aa  be 
[are]  faint  in  the  wilderness  may  [to]  diink.     And  the  king  said,  And  where  is 

3  thy  master's  son?  And  Ziba  said  unto  the  king.  Behold,  he  abideth  at  Jerusalem; 
for  he  said.  To-day  shall  the  house  of  Israel  restore  me  the  kingdom  of  my  father. 

4  Then  said  the  king  [And  the  king  said]  to  Ziba,  Behold,  thine  are  all  that  per- 
tained unto  [is  all  that  belonged  to]  Mephibosheth.  And  Ziba  said,  I  humbly  be- 
seech thee  [I  bow  down]  that  [om.  that] ;  I  may  [may  I]  find  grace  in  thy  sight, 
my  lord  O  king. 

5  And  when  lorn,  when]  king  David  came  to  Bahurim,  [ins.  and]  behold,  thence 
came  out  a  man  of  the  family  of  the  house  of  Saul,  whose  [and  his]  name  was  Shi- 

6  mei,  the  son  of  Gera  ;  he  came  forth,  and  cursed  still  as  he  came.  And  he  cast 
stones  at  David,  and  at  all  the  servants  of  king  David ;  and  all  the  people  and  all 

7  the  mighty  men  were  on  his  right  hand  and  on  his  left.  And  thus  said  Shimei 
when  he  cursed.  Come  out,  come  out,  thou  bloody  man,  and  thou  man  of  Belial 

8  [wicked  man].  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  returned  upon  thee  all  the  blood  of  the 
house  of  Saul,  in  whose  stead  thou  hast  reigned,  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  de- 
livered the  kingdom  into  the  hand  of  Absalom  thy  son  ;  and  behold,  thou  art  taken 

9  in  thy  mischief  [thou  art  in  thy  calamity"],  because  thou  art  a  bloody  man.  Then 
said  Abishai  the  son  of  Zeruiah  [And  Abishai,  etc.,  said]  unto  the  king.  Why  should 
this  dead  dog  curse  my  lord  the  kiog?  let  me  go  over,  I  pray  thee,  and  take  off 

10  his  head.     And  the^king  said.  What  have  I  to  do  with  you,  ye  sons  of  Zeruiah?  so" 

"  [Ver.  34.  The  present  form  of  the  Sept.  reads :  "and  if  thou  return  to  the  city  and  say  to  Absalom,  Thybr*' 
thren  are  passed  over,  and  the  king  behind  me  has  passed  over,  thy  father ;  and  now  I  am  thy  servant,  0  king, 
eaffer  me  to  live ;  thy  father's  servant  was  I  then  and  lately,  and  now  I  am  thy  servant ;  and  thou  shalt  discon- 
cert for  me  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel."  Ewald  would  adopt  the  words  "  thy  brethren,  etc."  as  a  statement  that 
David  and  his  other  sons  had  gone  on  while  Hushai  went  to  Jerusalem.  But  Thenius  and  Wellhausen  properly 
remark  that  the  Sept.  text  here  contains  a  duplet ;  the  sentence  "thy  brethren,  eic.,*'  is  simply  a  mi.«reading  of 
the  Heb.  words  "  thy  servant  am  I,  etc."  The  phrase  "  suffer  me  to  live  "  (which  Wellh.  calls  "  too  spaniel-Iike  ")  is 
the  rendering  of  n'TIN  (instead  of  the  text  irriN) ;  and  Bflttcher  remarks  that  the  "  and  lately  "  (icai  iprim)  is  an 
addition  of  the  Sept.  without  support  in  the  Heb.— The  frequency  of  the  1  ("  and  ")  in  this  verse  is  remarkable, 

and  is  imitated  only  by  the  Ohald. .  "  I  indeed  was  thy  father's  servant,  and  now  I  indeed  am  thy  servant,"  a 
form  of  address  intended  to  convey  the  eagerness  of  the  speaker.— Tb.] 

"  [Ver.  37.  The  Impf.  NU'.  Ewald  (Gr.  ?  346  6).-  "the  Impf.  in  simple  narrations,  where  we  should  perhaps 
expect  the  Perf.,  indicates  something  synchronous  or  continuous."  Here,  "  when  Absalom  was  on  the  point  of 
entering  Jerusalem."— Ta.] 

"  [Chap,  XVI.  Ver.  8.  Margin  of  Bng.  A.  V. :  "  behold  thee  in  thy  evil."  Vnlg,  ■.  "  thy  evils  press  thee."  An- 
onymous Greek :  "and  he  showed  me  thy  evil"  (misreading,  Ijn  for  H-in)-  The  context  shows  that  nj?1  is 
here  "  calamity  "  rather  than  "  mischief."- Ta.] 

"  [Ver.  10.  Eng.  A.  V.  here  follows  the  Qeri.  Erdmann,  Maurer,  Wellhausen,  Thenius,  Philippsou  and 
others  retain  the  Kethib  and  render  the '3  variously;  Maurer:  "when;"  De  Eossi :  "  for ;"  Philippson :  "  yea ;" 


502 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


let  him  curse,  because  [for]  the  Lord  [Ji-hovah]  hath  said  unto  him,  Curse  David 
[,]  who  shall  then  say  [and  who  shall  say],  Wherefore  hast  thou  done  [doestthou' 

11  so  ?  And  David  said  to  Abishai  and  to  all  his  servants,  Behold,  my  sou,  whicb 
[who]  came  forth  of  my  boweh,  seeketh  my  life,  [ins.  and]  how  much  more  now 
may  this  Benjamite  do  it  [how  much  more  now  the  Benjaminite]  ?  let  him  alone,  and 

12  let  him  curse  ;  for  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  hath  bidden  him.  It  maybe  that  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  will  look  on  mine  affliction,  and  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will  requite 

13  me  good  for  his  cursing  this  day.  And  as  [om.  as]  David  and  his  men  went  by 
[on]  the  way,  [ins.  and]  Shimei  went  along  on  the  hill's  side  over  against  him, 

14  and  cursed  as  he  went,  and  threw  stones  at  him,  and  cast  dust.  And  the  king  and 
all  the  people  that  were  with  him  came  weary  [or,  came  to  Ajephim]  and  refreshed 
themselves  there. 


Cahen :  "  if."    The  apodosis  may  be  begun  with  "IDN  miT  ^31  or  with  ^01 ;  in  the  first  case  render :  "  when  he 

—   T 

curses,  Jahveh  has  bidden  him,  efc. ;"  in  the  second  case :  "when  he  curses,  and  when  Jahveh  has  hidden  him, 
who  will  say?"    Sept.  and  Vulg.  (from  ver.  11):  "  let  him  alone." — Bdttcher  renders :  "if  (^3),  he  curses  tlie  mouth 


of  Jahveh  (niiT  '3,  that  is,  Jahveh  Himself)  has  ordered  it." 
the  feet,  that,  reading  in  the  twilight,  he  mistook  the  '3  for  '3 


This  reading  was  suggested  to  him,  he  says,  by 
but  it  has  little  in  its  favor. — Te.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vera.  1-12.  Absalom's  insurrection. — -Ver.  1. 
"After  this."  The  word  here  used  ([3  '^HNp 
comp.  iii.  28)  shows  that  what  is  here  related 
follows  immediaMy*  on  the  event  narrated  in  xiv. 
28-33.  Absalom  provides  himself  a  state-chariot 
with  its  appurtenances  [fifty  runners  or  footmen] 
in  order  thus  to  a'^sume  a  royal  appearance  and 
to  attract  the  wondering  attention  of  the  people  to 
himself.  Comp.  the  similar  procedure  of  Adoni- 
jah,  1  Kings  i.  5. — Ver.  2  sq.  Vivid  description 
of  his  condescending  behaviour  (in  contra-st  with 
his  pompous  appearance)  to  gain  the  favor  of  the 
people  in  connection  with  their  lavi-mallers.  [He 
"  rose  up  early  "  in  order  to  show  his  zeal  and 
get  opportunities ;  and  such  legal  business  is  usu- 
ally attended  to  very  early  in  the  East ;  Malcolm 
(quoted  by  Philipp.son)  says  that  Oriental  minis- 
ters hold  their  levees  at  an  hour  wlicn  Western 
people  of  quality  are  not  yet  up. — Tb.].  The 
"gate"  here  referred  to  is  the  gate  of  the  royal 
palace,  whither  those  came  that  sought  the  deci- 
sion of  the  king  in  law-matters.  "  For  judgment," 
that  is,  for  legal  decision.  The  ''  hearer"  is  the 
judicial  ofBcer  whose  duty  it  was  first  to  hear  and 
understand  the  people's  matters,  and  then  lay  them 
before  the  king,  an  auscultator.  For  justdecision 
everything  depends  on  careful  hearing  and  un- 
derstanding. But  there  is  no  hearer  for  thee 
on  the  part  of  the  king.— Absalom  guards 
indeed  against  accusing  the  kinghimself  of  injus- 
tice; but  he  excites  in  the  minds  of  the  people 
distrust  of  the  king's  whole  judicial  practice  by 
saying  that  there  was  no  regular  judicial  process 
for  a  good  and  just  cause.  Perhaps  neglect  and 
partiality  had  crei>t  in,  so  that  Absalom  could  find 
some  handle  for  his  charges,  and  avail  himself  of 


*  [This  remark  is  made  also  by  Thenius  and  Keil,  but 
It  15  doubtful  whether  the  idea  of  immediatcness  is  eon- 
teined  in  the  adverb  itself,  that  is,  especially  in  the  pre- 
fix ]D.    This  prefix  (_  "  from  ")  cannot  in  itself  convey 

the  idea,  and  the  meaning  of  the  adverb  must  be  deter- 
mined by  usage ;  but  it  occurs  too  seldom  in  the  O.  T. 
(only  three  times  2  Sam.  iii,  28;  xv.  1;  2  Chron.  xxxii. 
23)  to  permit  us  to  draw  the  conclusion  stated  by  The- 
nius.—Te.] 


an  already  existing  dissatisfaction.  In  the  words : 
See,  thy  matters  are  good  and  light,  he 
gives  (in  order  to  win  favor)  a  judicial  decision 
before  thorough  investigation  has  been  made.  Thy 
just  cause,  says  he,  is  not  investigated ;  else  thou 
would'st  not  lack  a  favorable  decision.  [Absalom 
shows  him.self  master  of  the  art  of  political  in- 
triguing— he  flatters  the  people  and  brings  chaises 
against  the  rulers.  Perhaps  his  insinuations  were 
directed  in  part  against  the  princes  his  brothers, 
possibly  against  Solomon  (Patrick),  whose  age, 
however,  at  this  time  we  do  not  know,  or  whether 
it  had  been  intimated  that  he  was  heir  to  the 
tliroue. — Te.]. — Ver.  4.  "O  that  I  were  made 
judge,"  literally:  "who  will  make  me  judge!" 
(Ges.  i  136,  1).  "That  to  me  [lit.  ''on  me"], 
might  come  every  man."  The  "  to  me  "  is  put 
first  for  the  sake  of  emphasis ;  Absalom  contrasts 
himself  as  just  judge  with  the  state  of  things  un- 
der his  father,  i^l  ("on  me")  stands  for  Ss 
("tome"),  or,  the  sentence  is  to  be  explained 
with  Thenius  from  the  collective  idea  "all  men" 

(E''N-73)  :  "In  imagination  Absalom  sees  the 
litigants  assembled  around  him  ;''  comp.  Ex.  xviii. 
13;  Judg.  iii.  19;  1  Sam.  xxii.  6.  The  phrase 
"  on  me  "  is  not  to  be  explained  from  the  sitting 
of  the  judge  and  the  people  standing  around  above 
him.  [The  phra.se  come  on  me  "  is  like  Eng- 
lish "  press  on,"  "lean  on,"  and  implies  probably 
that  Absalom  would  bear  their  burdens,  or  else, 
the  proposition  here  =  "  at,  near,  with  "  (apud). 
— Tn.]. — I  would  do  blm  justice. — Absalom 
here  presumes  on  the  people's  litigiousness  and 
their  confidence  in  the  justice  each  man  of  his 
own  cause,  and,  having  brought  his  father's  judi- 
cial procedure  into  discredit  with  them,  promises 
to  do  every  man  justice.  Vulg. :  "  I  should  judge 
justly."— Ver.  5  sq.  [Absalom's  affability].  He 
magnanimously  puts  aside  the  honor  gained  by 
these  arts,  and  attaches  the  people  to  him  by  a 
pretended  fraternization  with  every  man.  "The 
result  of  these  preparations  for  the  purposed  in- 
surrection: Absalom  stole  the  hearts  of  the 

men  of  Israel.— The  phrase  (3^  3JJ)  may  also 
mean  "  to  deceive  the  heart,"  as  in  Gen.  xxxi.  20 ; 


CHAP.  XV.  1-37. 


503 


but  the  connection  shows  that  the  meaning  here 
is  "  to  s(eai  the  heart."  [Sept.  very  well :  "made 
his  own  the  heart,"  iScowoielro;  Vulg. :  solieitabat 
corda. — Tb.].  He  turned  the  hearts  of  the  peo- 
ple by  guile  from  his  father  to  himself.  [Patrick: 
a  most  vile  piece  of  flattery  (ver.  5),  yet  accept- 
able to  the  people.  So  Plato  (Eep.  Lib.  viii.), 
describes  those  as  doing  that  would  get  possession 
of  the  government ;  and  see  Aristotle  Pol.  V.  4. 
Absalom's  beautiful  person  no  doubt  attracted  the 
people,  as  well  as  his  condescending  familiarity 
of  manner. — Tb.] 

Vers.  7-12.  The  conspiracy  set  on  foot. — Ver.  7. 
The  statement  of  time:  At  the  end  of  forty 
years,  is  certainly  wrong  according  to  the  con- 
nection. An  immediate  sequence  of  events  being 
indicated  in  ver.  1  [see  on  ver.  1  and  translator's 
note],  the  phrase  "  at  the  end  of"  can  only  point 
to  a  previous  occurrence  in  Absalom's  life — not, 
however,  to  his  return  from  Geshur,  which  is  not 
important  enough  in  the  narrative  to  serve  as 
reckoning-point  {termimis  a  quo)  for  a  new  series 
of  events,  but  rather  to  his  reconciliation  with 
David  (xiv.  33).  But  Absalom's  procedure  here 
described  (vers.  1-6)  up  to  his  insurrection  can- 
not have  lasted  forty  years ;  and  further,  such  a 
space  of  time  cannot  be  fitted  into  the  history  of 
David  and  Absalom,  though  this  would  be  allow- 
able only  in  case  there  were  here  indicated  some 
chronological-historical  point  of  support,  as  it  has 
been  attempted  to  find,  for  example,  in  Absalom's 
age  at  this  time  or  in  the  duration  of  David's 
reign.  According  to  these  conjectures  Absalom's 
conspiracy  must  have  occurred  in  the  last  days 
of  David's  reign,  and  this  would  be  wholly  unhis- 
torical.  The  reading  of  Codd.  70  and  90  (Kenni- 
cott)  "  forty  days  "  is  a  violent  attempt  to  remove 
the  difficulty,  and  only  introduces  another  diffi- 
culty, since  forty  days  is  too  short  a  time  after 
Absalom's  reconciliation  with  his  father  for  all 
his  preparations  here  described.  We  must  read 
"four  years"  with  Syr.,  Arab.,  Vulg.  [but  Codex 
AmiatinuB  has  "forty" — Tb.],  Josephus,  Theo- 
doret  (Capellus,  Grotius,  Ewald,  Thenius,  Keil 
and  others  [Sib.-Com.']).*  [Others,  (as  Ussher, 
Patrick,  Cahen,  Philippson)  retain  the  number 
"  forty,"  and  reckon  it  in  various  ways,  some  from 
the  beginning  of  David's  reign  ( Abarbanel),  some 
from  David's  anointment  by  Samuel  (Ussher  and 
others),  some  from  the  people's  demand  for  a  king 
(Seder  01am) ;  but  the  objection  to  all  these  is 
(as  Erdmann  above  suggests)  that  there  is  no  hint 
in  the  text  of  so  remote  a  terminus  a  quo  as  any 
of  them ;  the  time  is  evidently  reckoned  from 
some  near  event.  Though  the  number  four  is 
more  probable  ^han  forty,  it  is  after  all  only  a  con- 
jecture, though  a  well-supported  one ;  the  chro- 
nology must  here  be  regarded  as  uncertain. — Tb.  ] . 
— Ver.  8.  Absalom's  "  vow "  and  "  serving  the 
Lord"  is  to  be  understood  of  the  offering  of  a  sa- 
crifice.   He  wished  to  sacrifice  in  Hebron,  osten- 


•  According  to  Ewald  and  Battoher  our  text  arose 
from  the  fact  that  XMVJ  D'J?31X  larhaim  shanah,  forty 
years]  occurs  much  more  frequently  than  D'JE?  i'3"lN 

[arba  shcmim,  four  years],  and  the  terminations  o  and 
im  were  confounded  by  the  careless  hearing  of  the 
scribe.  The  numbers  from  2  to  10  usually  take  the  plu- 
ral after  them ;  but  there  are  exceptions,  as  2  Ki.  xxii. 
1.    Comp.  Ges.  J  120.2. 


sibly,  no  doubt,  because  it  was  his  birth-place, 
but  really  because  (his  father  having  there  as- 
sumed the  crown)  he  considered  it  a  peculiarly 
suitable  place  for  his  being  proclaimed  king.  He 
chose  this  place,  not  because  there  was  dissatis- 
faction at  the  removal  of  the  royal  residence  to 
Jerusalem  (Thenius  and  Keil,  following  the  "  Ex- 
egetieal  Manual"),  but  because  he  could  there 
count  on  a  numerous  following  from  the  tribe  of 
Jndah.*  [We  have  here  an  example  of  sacrifi- 
cial feasting  not  in  connection  with  the  Taber- 
nacle (as  in  David's  history  1  Sam.  xx.  6),  an  in- 
dication that  the  strict  law  of  Leviticus  (Lev. 
xvii.  3,  4 ;  comp.  Deut.  xii.  13,  14)  was  not  in 
practical  operation;  else  David  would  have  ob- 
jected to  sacrificing  in  Hebron. — Tr.]. — Ver.  9. 
David  permits  himself  to  be  deceived  by  the  pre- 
tence of  a  thank-offering  in  Hebron,  which  Absa- 
lom might  have  offered  as  well,  or  better,  in  Je- 
rusalem. Ewald  remarks :  "  that  David  observed 
nothing  of  all  this  till  the  startling  news  reached 
him  that  the  heart  of  Israel  was  turned  to  Absa- 
lom, cannot  be  reckoned  to  his  disadvantage,  since 
so  ancient  and  simple  a  kingdom  had  nothing 
like  our  modern  state-police ;  it  is  rather  a  mark 
of  the  noble-minded  security  that  we  elsewhere 
see  in  him,  that  he  gives  so  free  scope  to  his  be- 
loved son,  who  might  be  regarded  as  first-bom 
and  heir-apparent,  and  whose  quiet  nature  cer- 
tainly even  greatly  pleased  him." — Ver.  10.  ".46- 
salom  sent."  The  verb  is  not  Pluperfect  but  Im- 
perfect, since  the  sending  out  of  emissaries  might 
be  synchronous  with  the  journey  to  Hebron, 
where  Absalom's  accomplices  had  gotten  every- 
thing in  readiness  for  proclaiming  him  king,  else 
he  could  not  have  said :  As  soon  as  ye  hear  the 
sound  of  the  trumpet,!  say,  Absalom  is  become 
king  in  Hebron.  Absalom  sent  emissaries 
into  all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  to  find  out  pub- 
lic opinion  and  prepare  for  his  attempt  through- 
out the  whole  kingdom  at  the  same  time,  he  having 
already  gotten  the  favor  of  the  people  by  the  arts 
above-related,  and  thrown  his  net  over  them.  The 
emissaries  had  only  to  spread  the  net  wider  and 
deeper,  and  then  at  the  signal  to  draw  it  in  and 
catch  the  people. — Ver.  11.  The  two  hundred  men, 
that  aecompanied  him  were  not  "  poor,  dejpendent 
people,"  which  would  certainly  have  excited,  sur- 
prise, but  courtiers  such  as  ususually  accompa- 
nied kings  and  kings'  sons  on  their  journeys  with- 
out causing  remark.  That  these  men  might  be 
perfectly  at  their  ease,  under  the  impression  that 
they  were  going  to  a  sacrificial  feast  at  Hebron, 
and  that  the  real  purpose  might  the  better  be  con- 
cealed from  David,  nothing  was  said  to  them  of 
Absalom's  design ;  they  knew  ''  nothing  at  all " 
of  the  matter.  Taken  by  surprise  in  Hebron  by 
the  sudden  proclamation  of  Absalom  as  king,  they 
must  have  appeared  to  the  people  at  Jerusalem 
and  elsewhere  as  part  of  the  royal  retinue.  IJBib.- 
Oom.  points  out  the  extreme  secrecy  of  the  affair 
as  explaining  David's  ignorance  of  it,  and  also 
Absalom's  taste  for  large  entertainments. — Te.]. 
Ver.  12.  Ahithophel  appears  as  Absalom's  secret 


*  J'ttf'  is  not  Infin.,  but  Impf.  Hiph.,  used  for  empha- 
sis instead  of  the  Tnfln. ;  "  if  he  really  bring  me  back." 
Comp.  BOtteher.    [On  this  see  "  Text,  and  Gram.— Te.J 

t  [Oahen ;  "  As  it  was  impossible  to  hear  one  trumpet 
all  over  the  land,  we  must  suppose  that  chore  were 
various  stations  where  the  signal  was  repeated." — Tu.] 


504 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


counsellor  in  the  contriving  of  the  conspiracy,  and 
so  as  traitor  to  David,  whose  counsellor  he  was. 
llis  native  city  &iloh  was  near  and  south  of  He- 
bron (Josh.  XV.  51,  .54).  The  text  reads  literally  : 
"  He  sent  Ahithophel  from  his  city,"  that  is,  he 
caused  him  to  come.  Either  this  expression  is  to  be 
regarded  as  a  pregnant  one="  he  sent  and  brought " 
(Keil),  or  we  must  change  the  vowel-points.* 
Why  Ahithophel  abandoned  David  is  not  said; 
probably  from  dissatisfaction  and  ambition.  [Pat- 
rick :  "And  it  is  supposed  by  the  Jews  that  Ahi- 
thophel was  incensed  against  David  for  abusing 
Bathsheba,  whom  they  take  to  have  been  his 
grand-daughter,  she  being  the  daughter  of  Eliara 
(xi.  3),  and  Eliam  being  the  son  of  Ahithophel 
(xxiii.  34)." — So  Blunt,  Coincidences,  Part  II.  (ix.) 
— Tb.] — No  doubt  he  had  been  slyly  working  at 
Giloh,  and  had  prepared  everything  for  proclaim- 
ing Absalom.  The  conspiracy  grew  rapidly,  and 
the  people  came  to  Absalom  in  constantly  in- 
creasing numbers.  It  is  noticeable  that  it  is  in 
the  tribe  of  Judah  that  this  defection  from  David 
is  consummated.  The  elements  of  this  so  asto- 
nishingly successful  insurrection  of  Absalom  were 
David's  grievous  sins,  his  weakness  towards  Am- 
non  and  Joab,  the  lacks  of  the  royal  government 
and  the  consequent  dissatisfaction  among  the 
people.  [The  expression:  "while  he  oifered 
bloody  offerings"  is  difficult.  If  the  subject  be 
Ahithophel,  it  does  not  appear  why  his  offering 
should  be  mentioned ;  or  if,  as  is  more  probable, 
the  subject  is  Absalom,  the  reason  for  his  sending 
for  Ahithophel  while  he  was  offering  is  not  clear ; 
we  should  rather  have  expected  the  latter  to  be 
present  at  the  beginning  of  the  solemn  sacrifice 
that  was  to  pledge  the  conspirators.  As  the  text 
stands,  it  cannot  be  rendered :  "  he  sent  for  Ahitho- 
phel to  be  present  when  he  offered,"  nor :  "  and 
while  he  sacrificed,  the  conspiracy  grew  strong," 
though  something  like  one  of  these  renderings 
seems  to  be  the  meaning.  The  text  is  discussed 
in  "  Text,  and  Gram." — Grotius  refers  to  the  simi- 
lar procedure  of  Civilis  (pledging  conspirators  at 
a  feast),  Tacit.,  Hist.  IV.  14.— Tr.] 

Ch,  XV.  13 — xvi.  14.  David's  fligld  before  Absa- 
lom.^— Ver.  13.  Literally:  "the  messenger;"  ac- 
cording to  our  usage:  ''a  messenger,"  the  Heb. 
employing  the  Def  Art.  to  express  the  class  indi- 
vidualized in  the  person  in  question.  Comp.  Ges. 
I  109,  3,  Rem.  1  6,  c— "  The  heart  of  the  men  of 
Israel  is  after  Absalom"  — "to  be  after  one" 
means  "  to  attach  one's  self  to  him,  embrace  his 
cause."  Comp.  ii.  10;  1  Sam.  xii.  14. — Ver.  14. 
Up !  let  us  flee.  David's  immediate  flight  is 
to  be  explained  (according  to  the  reason  that  he 
himself  here  gives)  by' the  fact  that  seized  not 
with  momentary  fear  (Thenius),  but  doubtless 
with  sudden  terror  at  the  unexpected  revolution, 
he  yet  sees  that  the  fulfilment  of  Nathan's  pro- 
phecy of  approaching  "misfortune"  (xii.  10,  11) 
IS  now  beginning,  that  the  punishment  cannot  be 
warded  off,  and  that  to  stay  in  Jerusalem  will 
only  occasion  a  storming  of  the  city  with  much 
bloodshed,  wliioh  he  wishes  to  avoid.     "  Against 

*  So  as  to  read  nW^UPiel]  for  n'7!ff"l_[Qal].    [But 

this  does  not  help.    See  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.] 

t  [Ewald  remaAs  that  a  completer  history  is  given  of 
this  day  than  of  any  other  day  in  the  Bible-narrative— 
a  day  crowded  with  eventa. — Te.] 


an  insurrection  so  vigorous,  and  yet  so  thoroughly 
groundless  and  unintelligible,  the  best  defence 
wa.s  to  withdraw  (juietly  and  try  to  gain  time;  the 
first  fright  happily  gotten  over,  sober  thought 
would  soon  return  in  many  places"  (Ewald). 
[How  far  Jerusalem  was  now  in  condition  to 
stand  a  siege  (Zion  was  probably  fortified),  or 
whether  David  had  a.  well-organized  standing 
army,  and  how  much  of  the  army  Absalom  car- 
ried off;  we  do  not  know ;  David's  forces  seem  not 
to  have  r3ceived  any  important  addition  after  he 
left  the  city.  Two  reasons  for  leaving  Jerusalem 
would  be:  to  spare  the  city  the  horrors  of  a  siege, 
and  to  gain  the  advantage  of  his  military  skill 
and  of  the  discipline  of  his  tried  warrioi's  in  the 
open  country. — Te.] — [Ver.  15.  David's  servants 
(soldiers)  declare  themselves  ready  to  obey  his 
commands — a  comfortable  faithfulness  in  the  midst 
of  general  defection. — Tb.] — Ver.  16.  The  king's 
household  went  ''after  him"  (I'vJ^a),  comp. 
Judg.  iv.  10,  1-5,  not:  "on  foot"  (Michaelis). 
The  king  left  ten  concubines  to  keep  the 
house.  It  appear.^  from  xix.  6  [Eng.  A.  V.  5] 
that  other  concubines  went  along  with  him. — 
Ver.  17.  "All  the  people,"  all  persons  attached  to 
the  court,  including  the  numerous  body  of  ser- 
vants =  "  the  whole  household"  (ver.  16).  They 
halted  at  "the  farthest  (or  far)  house"  [Eng.  A. 
V. :  "a  place  that  was  far  off"]  on  the  road  to 
Mount  Olivet,  but  this  side  the  Kidron.  So  the 
German  phrase  "  the  last  cent"  (der  letste  Heller) 
used  as  a  proper  name  to  designate  a  farm  lying 
at  the  extremity  of  a  region.  Probably  this  de- 
signation had  already  become  a  proper  name 
among  the  people.  [Bib.  Com. :  "  very  likely  a 
fort  guarding  the  pa-ssage  of  the  Kidron."  Others 
write:  Beth-merhak. — Tr.] — Ver.  18.  David 
having  hailed  here  with  his  immediate  retinue  (of 
his  household),  caused  first  all  his  servants  to 
pass  by  at  his  side  (IT  '!?),  then  his  body  guard 
and  six  hundred  Gittites  (who  had  followed  him 
from  Gath)  to  pass  before  him,  so  that  the  latter 
formed  the  vanguard.  On  the  "  Cherethitcs  and 
Pelethites"  comp.  viii.  18.  As  the  "six  hundred 
men  that  followed  him  from  Gath"  .are  called  "aM 
the  Gittites,"  they  must  be  those  six  hundred  faith- 
ful companions-in-arms  that  gathered  about  Da- 
vid during  Saul's  pereecution  (1  Sam.  xxii.  2; 
xxiii.  13;  xxv.  13),  went  with  him  to  Gath  (1 
Sam.  xxvii.  2  8q.)  and  settled  with  him  in  Ziklag 
(1  Sara,  xxvii.  8;  xxix.  2;  xxx.  1,  9).  Thence 
they  marched  with  him  to  Hebron  (ii.  8)  and  Je- 
rusalem (v.  6).  They  are  the  same  that  are  called 
"  Gibborim  "  [heroes,  mighty  men]  in  xvi.  6,  and 
appear  as  his  military  escort.  Comp.  xx.  7; 
xxiii.  8  sqq.,  where  the  Gibborim  seem  to  be  iden- 
tical with  these.  "  They  very  probably  formed, 
from  the  time  that  David  went  to  reside  at  Jeru- 
salem, a  special  body,  known  as  '  the  Gibborim,' 
kept  always  in  full  number  (hence  here  also,  six 
himdred),  living  in  barracks  at  Jerusalem  (see 
Appendix  to  the  Books  of  Kings,  |  7),  employed 
only  in  the  most  important  undertakings  (x.  7 ; 
XX.  7,  9)  the  Old  Guard,  as  it  were,  who  here  also 
will  protect  the  retreat  of  their  lord  with  their 
.stout,  faithful  bodies"  (Thenius).  They  are  here 
called  "  the  Gittites "  because  they  were  so  called 
bv  the  people,  as  having  followed  David  "from 
Oath  on"  (Keil).     There  is  no  necessity  for  read- 


CHAP.  XVI.  1-14. 


505 


ing  Oibhorim  instead  of  Oiliites  (Thenius),  espe- 
cially as  all  the  versions  have  the  latter.  [This 
reading  is  discussed  in  "Text,  and  Gram." 
Some  hold  these  ''Gittites"  to  be  foreigners  (Phi- 
listines) that  had  entered  David's  service,  as  we 
know  many  foreigners  did ;  and  this  is  probable, 
if  we  retain  the  present  text.  But  that  the  Gibbo- 
rim  were  called  "  Gittites"  (Keil)  is  not  probable, 
and  as  there  is  no  account  of  such  a  body  of  Phi- 
listines having  foUowed  David  from  Gath  (that  is, 
when  he  liv^  there),  there  is  strong  reason  for 
reading  &ibborim  instead  of  Gittites. — Tr.] — Ver. 
19.  Ittai  was  a  Philistine  of  Gath,  "  who  had 
lately  with  other  bold  Philistine  warriors  come 
over  to  David,  and,  having  probably  had  a  good 
position  in  his  native  city,  was  also  assigned  a 
high  place  by  David"  (Ewald).  According  to 
ver.  22  his  wife  and  children  were  with  him.  He 
■wsLif  given  command  of  one-third  of  the  army 
(xviii.  2),  and  stood  along  with  Joab  and  Abishai 
as  an  able  general.  It  need  not  surprise  us  that 
a  foreigner  should  occupy  such  a  military  posi- 
tion ;  comp.  xi.  3,  Uriah  the  Hittite.  David  ad- 
vises this  faithful  follower  not  to  go  with  him, 
but  to  remain  "with  the  king"  at  Jerusalem. 
This  phrase  cannot  mean :  with  him  that  is  or 
will  be  king,  according  to  God's  will,  whether  it 
be  David  or  Absalom  (Keil,  and  so  Seb.  Schmidt: 
"it  is  not  your  business  to  decide  this  contest: 
wait  quietly,  see  whom  God  chooses  and  serve 
him"),  but  it  must  be  referred  definitely  to  Absor 
lorn,  who  in  David's  eyes  is  now  king  de  facto. 
Ewald :  David  gave  him  the  friendly  advice  to 
stay  in  Jerusalem  with  the  new  king.  David  thus 
neither  recognizes  Absalom  as  rightful  king 
(Bottch.),  nor  ironically  so  calls  him  =  "with 
him  who  is  acting  a-s  if  he  were  king"  (Clericus). 
In  this  usurpation  of  the  throne  David  recognizes 
and  submits  to  a  divine  dispensation,  and  so  calls 
Absalom  king. — The  reason  for  his  counsel  to 
Ittai :  "  For  thou  art  a  stranger  and  more- 
over an  emigrant  (exile)  in  thy  place. 
" Stranger "  ^  not  an  Israelite;   "emigrant   or 

exile"  (n7.J)  =  one  not  in  his  native  land.  The 
last  phrase  may  be  rendered :  "  for*  thy  place," 
or  ''  in  respect  to  thy  place,"  or  may  be  taken  to 
express  a  state  of  quiet  (comp.Ges.  §  154, 3e).  The 
meaning  is :  "  as  a  foreigner,  thou  needst  not  care 
who  is  king,  or  join  either  side ;  stay  where  thou 
art."  The  reading  of  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Arab. : 
"thou  hast  come ^om  thy  place,"  does  not  warrant 
us  in  changing  the  preposition  ''to"  of  the  Heb. 
into  "  from ;"  for,  if  the  latter  were  the  original 
text,  it  Ls  hard  to  see  how  the  present  difficult 
reading  came.  [The  passage  reads  literally: 
"  Ketum,  and  abide  with  the  king,  for  thou  art 
a  stranger  and  also  an  exile  to  thy  place."  Eng. 
A.  V.  transposes  the  last  phrase,  or  supposes  a 
parenthesis:  ''return  to  thy  place  and  abide," 
etc.  (and  so  Kimchi),  and  Bih.-Oom.^  "Return 
and  dwell  with  the  king  (for  thou  art  a  foreigner 
and  thou  art  an  exile)  at  thy  place "  [i.  e.  Jeru- 
salem). Erdmann  in  his  translation  of  the  chap- 
ter (prefixed  to  the  Exposition)  gives :  "  for  thou 
art  a  stranger  and  moreover  a  man  that  has  been 
carried  away  from  his  place,"  but  here  renders  it 

*  IDipn'?,  the  'l  as  Oat.  commod. 


quite  differently :  "  for  thou  art  a  stranger  and 
an  exile  in  thy  plaoe,"  that  is,  remaining  quietly 
in  thy  place  (Jerusalem,  thy  adopted  home). 
Philippson :  ''  thou  art  a  stranger,  etc.,  in  respect 
to  thy  place"  (Gath,  thy  native  place).  The 
parenthesis  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  improbable,  and 
Erdmann's  rendering  in  the  Exposition  is  impos- 
sible ;  we  must  adopt  Philippson' s,  or  change  the 
Prep,  and  read  "  from,"  as  Erdmann  in  his  trans- 
lation. See  the  discussion  in  ''  Text,  and  Gram." 
— Tr.] — Whether  Ittai  came  with  his  family 
(ver.  22)  and  his  kinsfolk  (ver.  20)  to  Jerusalem 
as  hostage  (Thenius),  or  went  over  to  David  with 
other  warriors  (Ewald),  cannot  be  determined,  as 
nothing  is  said  thereon.  But  as  he  was  a  man 
in  high  position  and  a  distinguished  military 
leader,  and  as  David  broke  the  Philistines'  su- 
premacy in  the  last  war  with  them  (viii.  1),  it  is 
probable  (ver.  20:  "thou  earnest  yesterday") 
that  this  victory  of  David's  was  the  occasion  of 
his  coming  to  Jerusalem. — Ver.  20.  The  sense 
is:  "Shall  1  drag*  thee,  a  stranger  lately  come, 
and  an  exile,  into  my  unquiet  and  precarious 
life?"  Since  I  go  whither  I  go,  without 
certain  aim,  "  whither  the  way  leads  me"  (Mau- 
rer).  Comp.  1  Sam.  xxiii.  13. — David  wishes 
Ittai  the  favor  and  the  faithfulness  of  God.  From 
this  and  from  Ittai's  saying :  "  as  the  Lord  lives," 
it  is  probable  that  Ittai  with  his  whole  house  had 
already  become  a  believer  in  the  God  of  Israel. 
[From  this  expression  we  cannot  infer  anything 
as  to  Ittai's  religious  position,  much  less  as  to 
that  of  his  family.  Any  foreigner  might  believe 
in  Jehovah  as  a  deity  and  swear  by  His  name 
(so  Achish,  1  Sam.  xxix.  6)  wilhout  givingup 
his  own  gods.  On  general  grounds  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  Ittai  accepted  the  God  of  Israel ; 
but  we  have  no  information  as  to  any  special 
religious  depth  or  conversion  in  his  history. — 
Tr.]  It  is  doubtfiil  whether  we  should  render : 
"  carry  thy  brethren  back  with  thee  in  grace  and 
truth "  (Maurer),  or  take  the  latter  part  sepa- 
rately :  "  with  thee  be  grace  and  truth,"  that  is, 
God's  (Keil) ;  the  accents  favor  the  first,  the  con- 
nection of  thought  the  second.  Sept.  and  Vulg; 
have:  "and  the  Lord  will  do  with  thee  grace 
and  truth,"  to  which  Vulg.  adds :  "  because  thou 
hast  shown  grace  and  faithfulness,''  whence  The- 
nius (with  Ew.  and  Bottch.  for  the  Sept.  reading) 
will  correspondingly  change  the  Heb.  text.f 
But  the  words  of  Sept.  and  Vulg.  seem  to  be  an 
interpreting  paraphrase,  with  the  similar  words 
in  ii.  5,  6,  in  mind.  The  text  without  this  addi- 
tion gives  a  good  sense:  "lead  thy  brethren 
back  ;  with  thee  be  grace  and  faithfulness.'^  _ 

Ver.  21.  Itttd's  answer  expresses  unconditional 
devotion  and  fidelity  for  life  and  death.^— Ver. 


»  Instead  of  the  Kethib  f\;^^}^^  [Qal]  read  the  Qeri 
n^f'iti,  Hiph.  of  yi:,  "to  waver,' wander."  [Bottoher 
thinks  the  Qeri  an'old  Qal  with  the  force  of  Hiphil. 
~t'''U1  ^T?P,  HE'j;!  nin-l,  so  Then.,  Bettoher  and 
Ew.  after  Sept.;  n'oNl.  IDH  .Tt^'j;  '3.  "<>  Thenius  [to 
which  latter  Bottclier'objeits^nd'' calls  it  »  medieval 
gloss.  Martian»as  explains  that  J«'^,<'"« '°i*'"-S,,^'^fc 
Son  gives  what  he  thought  was  contained  m  David  s 

"jThe^ Kethib  ON  '3 -"surely,"  is  to  be  retained 
against  the  Qeri  '3.'   Comp.  Sen.  xl.  1 ;  Job  xlii.  8 ;  Ew., 


506 


THE  SECX)ND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


22.  David  accepts  Ittai's  vow  of  fldelit7._  The 
latter  with  his  whole  family  (wife  and  childi-en, 
']0,  comp.  Ex.  xii.  37)  remains  in  the  line  of 
march. — Ver.  23.  Description  of  the  deep  and 
loud  lamentation  of  all  the  faithful  people  over 
the  misfortune  of  their  king.  "  All  the  land  "  = 
all  the  inhabitants  who  poured  out  with  the  pro- 
cession ;  "  all  the  people  "  =  David's  courtiers 
and  servauts,  were  "passing  by,"  namely,  in 
front  of  these  crowds  of  people  standing  on  the 
way-side.  The  procession  marched  eastward 
over  the  brook  Eedrou,  it  being  David's 
aim  to  reach  the  wilderness  of  Judah  [that  is, 
between  Jerusalem  and  Jericho].  The  Kedron, 
filled  with  water  only  in  the  winter  or  rainy  sea- 
son, was  in  the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat,  east  of 
Jerusalem,  between  the  city  and  Mount  Olivet. 
David  passed  "in  the  direction  of  the  way"*  to 
the  wilderness,  the  northern  part  of  the  wilder- 
ness of  Judah. 

Vers.  24-29.  The  priests  semi  hack  with  the  ark 
to  Jerusalem. — Ver.  24.  Zadok  (of  the  branch  of 
Eleazar)  with  the  priests  took  the  ark  from  its 
place  (ch.  vi.),  brought  it  out  to  David,  and  set 
it  down  where  he  halted  (after  passing  the  Kid- 
ron)  011  the  dedivily  of  the  mount  of  Olives,  "to 
give  the  people  that  were  yet  coming  on  time  to 
join  the  procession"  (Keil).  On  the  other  hand 
Abiathar  (of  the  line  of  Eli  [branch  of  Ithamar] ) 
had  remained  in  the  city  "till  the  people  had  all 
passed  over  from  the  city."  He  went  tip,  that  is, 
of  course,  to  the  summit  of  Mount  Olivet,  where 
the  ark  was  set  down  ;  the  rendering :  "  he  sacri- 
ficed"  (Schultz,  Bottcher),  is  impossible,  since 

the  verb  (nS;^)  never  has  this  meaning  except 
in  connection  with  the  substantive  "  burnt-offer- 
ing" (HilJ?)  [or  some  other  offering,  Isa.  Ivii.  6. 
— Te.],  or  without  reference  to  it  in  the  connec- 
tion ;  in  the  passages  cited  by  Bottcher,  1  Sam. 
ii.  28 ;  2  Sam.  xxiv.  22 ;  1  Kings  iii.  15,  the 
context  points  to  offering.  Thenius  proposes  to 
read :  "  and  Abiathar  waited  "f  for  which  there 
is  no  necessity,  as  the  text  in  the  connection  (in 
respect  to  the  locality)  gives  a  good  sense. — 
[Bottcher:  "And  Zadok,  ete.,  bearing  the  ark, 
etc.,  of  God,  and  Abiathar  the  son  of  Ahimelech 
at  the  head  of  all  the  Levites,  and  they  set  down 
the  ark  of  God,  and  Abiathar  offered  sacrifices 
until,"  etc-,  an  improbable  reading,  in  which  the 
inserted  clause  is  suggested  by  the  Sept.  aivd  fiai- 
^ap  =  Abiathar.  Wellhausen  acutely  suggests 
that  the  words :  "  and  Abiathar  went  up  (or, 
offered  sacrifices),"  are  in  the  wrong  place ;  the 
text  reads :  "  they  set  down  the  ark  till  all  the 
people,"  «te.  It  is  hard  to  get  any  good  sense 
from  the  present  text,  or  to  explain  what  part 
Abiathar  took  in  the  proceedings.  Some  think 
he  staid  in  the  city  till  the  ark  was  set  down ; 
others  (contrary  to  the  text)  that  he  preceded  the 
ark,  which   was  not  set  down  till  he  stopped. 


2  366  b.    The  second  '3  —  "  yea !"  or  is  a  simple  particle 

of  introduction  —  on  ["thsrt"]. 

•  laiHn-nN  ^^T  'J3-S^.—[0n  the  text  see  "Text. 

and  Gram."— Til.] 

t  tPCI  [from  7in ;  Battoher  rejects  the  form  as  un- 
".T- 
Bupported  (in  Gen.  viil.  10  Qeri  he  reads  Piel).— Tb.]. 


Probably  Abiathar  ought  to  be  somehow  con 
nected  with  Zadok  in  the  bearing  of  the  ark  (set 
the  plural  "your"  in  ver.  27),  and  perhaps  in 
sacrificing ;  but  we  have  not  the  means  of  satis- 
factorily restoring  the  text. — Te.] — Ver.  25  sqq. 
The  (wk  sent  back.  David  declares  that  he  does 
not  need  this  sign  of  God's  gracious  presence  and 
protection.  His  reason  for  this  is  expressed  in 
the  words  [ver.  26] :  "  if  I  find  favor,"  etc., 
wherein  in  contrast  with  the  visible  sign  of  God's 
presence  he  emphasizes  His  spiritual  nearness, 
on  which  everything  depends,  and  gives  himself 
unconditionally  up  to  the  will  of  the  Lord,  whom 
he  knows  to  be  present,  whose  hand  he  sees  in 
these  events,  according  to  the  announcement 
made  him  by  Nathan.  He  resigns  himself  to 
God  in  the  proper  sense  of  the  word  for  "  favor 
or  disfavor."  David  speaks  only  to  Zadok,  who 
here  (as  in  in  ver.  24)  appears  as  the  officiating 
high-priest  at  the  head  of  the  Levites.  [But 
from  1  Kings  ii.  35  it  seems  that  Abiathar  was 
the  superior  (Bib.-Com.,  Bahr  on  "Kings'' 
(Lange's  Bible^ork),  Patrick).  It  is  not  impro- 
bable that  some  mention  of  Abiathar  has  here 
fallen  out  of  the  text  (see  ver.  29) ;  though  it 
may  be  that  in  the  distribution  of  duties  the  care 
of  the  ark  fell  to  Zadok.  The  two  priests  are 
throughout  this  narrative  repressnted  as  equally 
faithful  to  David.— Tk.]  — Ver.  27  sqq.  [The 
king  says  to  Zadok :  Return  to  the  city,  and  I 
will  await  word  from  you  at  the  fords.]  The 
word  nx'in  [Eng.  A.  V.  seer]  presents  great  dif- 
ficulties if  we  adopt  the  interrogative  pointing, 
and  render:  "Seest  thou  not?"  (Grot,),  where  the 
insertion  of  the  negative  is  unwarranted,  or: 
"Seest  thou?"  (De  Wette),  or:  " Understandest 
thou  ?"  namely,  what  I  have  just  said  (Bottcher), 
which  renderings  are  partly  too  heavy,  partly 
superfluous.  [These  translations  take  the  word 
as  Participle.  Eng.  A.  V-  takes  it  as  a  substan- 
tive, and  unwarrantably  inserts  a  negative,  leav- 
ing out  which,  the  rendering:  "art  thou  a  seer?" 
is  grammatically  possible,  but  not  suitable  to  the 
circumstances. — Tb.]  Instead  of  the  Interroga- 
tive particle  (H)  we  must  read  the  Article  (H), 
and  render:  "Thou  seer,"  that  is,  thou  prophet, 
"since  a  high-priest  might  certainly  bear  this 
higher,  yet  archaic  name "  (Ewald).  The  high- 
priest  might  well  be  called  a  seer,  because  he 
received  divine  revelations  through  the  Urim 
and  Thummim.  David's  reason  for  so  naming 
him  here  is  found  in  his  words  in  ver.  25  sqq. 
Zadok  is  to  return  to  Jerusalem  and  learn  God's 
will  through  events,  and  through  him  David  is 
to  learn  whether  the  Lord  will  again  take  him 
into  favor  and  restore  him  to  Jerusalem ;  that  is, 
Zadok  was  to  act  as  seer  for  him. — [This  inter- 
pretation is  hardly  conveyed  by  the  words.  Zar 
dok  was  to  act  as  observer,  as  reporter  or  inter- 
mediary between  Hushai  and  David,  and  in  fact 
does  so  act.  But  he  performs  none  of  the  func- 
tions of  the  oflicial  Eoeh  or  Seer,  and  it  is  not 
easy  to  see  whv  he  should  be  so  called.  Usage 
forbids  us  to  take  the  word  in  its  literal  sense : 
"seeer"  =  observer.  Wellhausen' s  reading: 
"high-priest"  (CXI)  belongs  to  a  later  time,  and 
that  of  the  Sept.  "see!"  fnX"!)  seems  to  offer 
fewer  difficulties  than  any  other. — Tk.] — Ahi- 
maaz  and  Jonathan  the  sons  of  the  two  high- 


CHAP.  XVI.  1-14. 


507 


priests  are  to  be  the  messengers  to  bring  news 
ttom  Jerusalem.;  comp.  ver.  28  and  ver.  36. — 
In  ver.  28  we  retain  (from  xvii.  6  comp.  with 
lix.  19)  the  Kethib  or  text :  "  the  fords  of  the 
wilderness"  (instead  of  the  Qeri  "plains"*  [so 
Eng.  A.  V-].  2  Kings  xxv.  5),  the  point  where 
one  passed  from  the  wilderness  over  the  Jordan. 
Thither  ( to  the  west  side  of  the  Jordan)  David 
had  to  repair  in  order  to  escape  any  threatening 
danger  by  crossing  the  river  at  one  of  the  several 
fords  in  the  vicinity ;  and  there  he  would  await 
information  from  Jerusalem.  Comp.  the  Jordan- 
fords,  Josh.  ii.  7;  Judg.  iii.  28.— Ver.  29.  The 
ark  is  carried  back  to  Jerusalem,  and  the  two 
high  priests  remain  there. 

Vers.  30-37.  Continuation  of  the  flight  on  the 
road  to  the  wilderness  of  Judah  over  the  Mount 
of  Olives. — ^Ver.  30.  David  went  up  the  height 
of  the  olive  trees,  that  is,  Mount  Olivet  [Eng. 
A.  v.:  the  ascent  (or  acclivity)  of  Mount  Olivet]. 
Deep  and  loud  mourning  of  David  and  all  the 
faithful  people  that  accompanied  him.  "  Cover- 
ing the  head"  is  the  symbol  of  the  mind  sorrow- 
fully sunk  in  itself,  wholly  withdrawn  from  the 
outer  world.  Comp.  Esth.  vi.  12 ;  Ezek.  xxiv.  17. 
Of  David  it  is  said  besides  that  he  went  "bare- 
foot," "as  a  penitent"  (Ewald),  or:  "to  manifest 
his  humiliation  in  the  sight  of  God"  (Thenius). 
—Ver.  31.  "  It  was  told  David,"t  he  learned  from 
Jerusalem,  that  the  crafty  Ahithophel  (see  on 
ver.  12)  was  "among  the  conspirators"  with  Ab- 
salom. He  replies  only  by  a  brief  ejaculation, 
praying  the  Lord  "  to  make  foolish  the  counsel  of 
Ahithophel,"  that  Ls,  to  bring  it  to  naught.— Ver. 
32.  The  fulfilment  of  this  prayer  is  straightway 
prepared  by  the  arrival  of  Sushai,  the  old,  faith- 
ftil  friend  of  David,  see  xvii.  1  sq. — David  came 
to  the  top,  that  is,  of  Mount  Olivet,  its  highest 
point,  whither  David  had  come  after  ascending 
from  the  height  below  on  the  declivity  (comp. 
ver.  24  with  ver.  30) ;  for  there  only  can  have 
been  the  place  where  men  were  wont  to 
worship.  By  some  (Sept.,  Vulg.,  Ew.)  [Eng. 
A.  V.])  "David"  is  taken  as  the  subject  of  the 
Verb  "  worshipped;"  but  then  an  Infin.  with  Prep. 

"to"  (S)  must  have  been  employed,  or  a  Pers. 
Pron.  (N'ln)  inserted  before  the  verb  (Bottch.). 
Tliis  place  on  the  top  of  Mount  Olivet,  therefore, 
was  one  of  the  Bamoth  or  high  places,  which  still 


*  ni13j;  instead  of  ni'31;;. 

t  Instead  of  Tjn  read  (after  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Chald.,  Cod. 

Kenn.  2S4)  with  Thenlua  Hiin,  or  with  Ewald  (§  131  d) 

Tjn  (an  unusual  Hophal-form).    TJlH  with  Aocus.  of 

the  person  informed  (instead  of  the  usual  1)  occurs, 

indeed,  in  some  passages  (Job  xxxi.  37 ;  xxvi.  4 ;  Ezek. 
xliii.  10);  but  the  rendering :  "  David  announced  "  (Mich., 
Sohulz,  Gesen.),  as  if  David  had  known  it  before,  and 
had  only  kept  silence  out  of  consideration  for  his 
friends,  gives  no  sense  appropriate  to  the  connection, 
since  the  next  sentence:  "And  David  said,"  etc.,  neces- 
sarily presupposes  that  information  has  just  been  re- 
ceived. Nor  do  other  constructions,  such  as  the  sup- 
plying a  TJD  [informant]  (Maurer),  or  the  change  of 

in  to  in 7  taking  the  verb  impersonally:  "one  told 

David  "  (Keil  [Eng.  A.  V.]),  or  the  change  of  1111  to  1J111 

with  impersonal  construction  of  the  verb :  "  and  on  the 
way  one  announced"  (BSttoh.),  commend  themselves, 
because  of  their  arbitrariness  and  violent  character. 


existed  in  various  places  in  Palestine. — Hushm 
was  a  trusted,  proved  counsellor  of  the  king,  as 
appears  from  the  duties  assigned  him  (ver.  33 
sq.).  That  he  was  in  close  friendship  with  the 
king  is  shown  by  his  repeated  designation  as 
"  David's  friend,"  ver.  37 ;  xvi.  16 ;  1  Chr.  xxvii. 
33.— 2Vie  Arkite,  from  the  city  Erek  in  Ephraim, 
on  its  south  border  near  Atharoth  (Josh.  xvi.  2). 
Hushai  came  to  meet  David,  had  consequently 
preceded  him  in  the  flight  [or  else,  had  been  out 
of  the  city].  The  "  torn  garment  and  the  earth 
on  the  head"  betoken  his  grief,  comp.  1  Sam.  iv. 
12.  [According  to  Braun  this  garment  was  like 
a  surplice,  with  sleeves,  worn  commonly  by  men 
of  rank  and  position  (Patrick).— Tk.]— Ver.  33 
sq. — David,  however,  suggests  to  Hushai  to  re- 
turn to  Jerusalem.  If  thou  pass  on  ■with  me, 
thou  wilt  be  a  burden  to  me — why,  it  is  not 
said.  Ewald  thinks  it  was  because  he  wa'^  not 
used  to  war ;  but  the  matter  in  hand  now  was  not 
war,  but  iiight.  Clericus  supposes  that  he  was  a 
talented  and  prudent  man,  but  not  a  warrior,  and 
so  Keil.  Thenius :  "  thou  wouldst  thus  increase 
my  cares."  Probably  David  thinks  that  Hushai 
would  impede  his  flight,  either  because  he  was 
old,  or  because,  as  the  king's  intimate  friend  and 
confidential  counsellor  he  would  require  special 
care.  By  entering  Absalom's  service,  he  thinks, 
Hushai  may  foil  Ahithophel's  plans  (ver.  34), 
and  through  the  priests'  sons  keep  him  informed 
of  the  state  of  afiairs  in  Jerusalem.  Hushai  is  to 
say  to  Absalom :  Thy  servant,  O  king,  1  will 
be  ;  thy  father's  servant  was  I  formerly  ; 
but  now — well,*  I  am  thy  servant.  [This 
was  not  honest,  but  it  was  according  to  the  policy 
practiced  in  those  days,  and  indeed  in  all  ages. 
Which  Procopius  Gazseus  approves  so  far  as  to 
say  that  "  a  lie  told  for  a  good  end  is  equivalent 
to  truth."  But  1  dare  not  justify  such  doctrine 
(Patrick).— Tr.]— [Vers.  35, 36.  Zadok  and  Abia- 
thar  and  their  sons  are  to  participate  in  the  stra- 
tagem of  Hushai,  and  their  moral  position  in  the 
matter  is  perhaps  the  same  as  his  and  David's. 
Bp.  Patrick's  judgment  above  cited  is  hardly  too 
severe.  This  was  not  an  ordinary  stratagem; 
these  men,  Zadok  and  the  rest,  were  not  simply 
spies,  but  we  can  avoid  calling  them  traitors  only 
by  supposing  that  the  priests  were  not  recognized 
as  adherents  of  Absalom,  but  as  indiflTerent  non- 
combatants,  or  as  friends  of  David. — Tr.] — Ver. 
37.  Hushai  returned  to  Jerusalem  at  the  same 
timet  that  Absalom  entered  the  city.  The  addi- 
tion of  the  Vulg. :  "  and  Ahithophel  with  him  " 
was  occasioned,  no  doubt,  by  xvi.  15  (Thenius). 

xvi.  1-14.  Two  disturbing  experiences  in  David's 
flight  continued  from  the  summit  of  the  Mount 
of  Olives.— 1)  Vers.  1-4.  Meeting  with  Ziha,  and 
the  lattej^s  calumny  against  Mephibosheth. — Ver. 
1.  When  David  was  a  little  past  the  top  [of 
Olivet],  the  point  where  he  met  Hushai  (xv.  32). 
On  Ziba,  Mephibosheth's  servant,  see  ix.  2  sq. 
He  came  to  meet  David,  had  therefore  gone  on  in 
advance  of  the  army  (as  Hushai  did)  in  order 
more  easily  to  secure  David's  attention  after  the 

*  The  apodosis  is  both  times  introduced  by  'JXl, 
oomp.  Ew.  2  348  a. 

f  On  synohronousness  expressed  by  1  with  following 
Impt  (here  SU")  see  Ew.  2  346  b. 


508 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


first  disorder  was  over.  On  two  saddled  asses  he 
brings  a  quantity  of  food,  two  hundred  loaves  of 
bread,  one  hundred  cakes  of  raisins  or  dried 
grapes,  one  hundred  cakes  of  fruit  [probably  fig- 
cakes]  {nalddai,  comp.  the  Sept.  in  Jer.  xl.  10, 12) 
and  a  skin  of  wine. — Ver.  2.  Ziba  states  his  pur- 
pose in  bringing  this  food.*  [His  gift  was  par- 
ticularly thoughtful  and  seasonable. — Tb..] — His 
real  wish  was  to  gain  the  king's  favor  and  grati- 
tude, he  being  shrewd  enough  to  see  that  David 
would  come  out  victor  over  his  son. — Ver.  3.  Dar 
vid  asks :  "  where  is  the  son  (Mephibosheth)  of 
thy  lord  (Jonathan)  ?"  ;  to  which  he  replies  with 
the  calumny,  that  Mephibosheth  had  stayed  in 
Jerusalem,  hoping  to  regain  the  kingdom  of  his 
father  (Jonathan),  who,  if  he  had  outlived  Saul, 
would  have  been  king.  That  the  helpless  cripple 
had  designs  on  the  throne,  was  an  evident  lie. 
But  David  might  now  believe  it,  partly  because 
the  present  excitement  prevented  quiet  considerar 
tion  and  opened  his  mind  to  such  an  insinuation, 
partly  because  he  feared  the  Sauline  party,  disea/- 
tisfied  with  his  government,  might  use  the  confu- 
sion produced  by  Absalom's  insurrection  to  restore 
Saul's  dynasty  under  the  name  of  the  last  scion 
of  his  house.  The  .aim  of  Ziba  in  this  calumny 
(xix.  25  sqq.  proves  it  undoubtedly  to  have  been 
such)  was  to  get  possession  of  the  estate  committed 
to  him  for  Mephibosheth's  benefit  (ix.  7  sq.), 
comp.  xix.  27-29.  The  manner  of  Ziba's  trick 
was  this  (xix.  26) :  Mephibosheth,  learning  of 
David's  flight,  had  ordered  asses  saddled  for  him- 
self and  his  servants,  in  order  to  repair  to  tlie 
king  in  token  of  his  faithful  attachment;  Ziba 
had  taken  the  asses  together  with  the  presents  in- 
tended by  Mephibosheth  for  the  king,  come  to  the 
latter,  and  left  the  helpless  Mephibosheth  in  the 
lurch.  He  was  therefore  not  only  an  arrant  liar 
and  calumniator,  but  also  an  impudent  thief  and 
traitor.f — Ver.  4.  Another  example  of  David's 
credulity  and  haste.  He  believes  Ziba  without 
investigation,  and  bestows  on  him  all  his  mas- 
ter's property.  The  impudent  swindler  replies 
to  this  grace  with  two  words:  1)  I  bcw  my- 
self, that  is,  I  manifest  my  most  humble  and 
devoted  thanks ;  2)  may  I  find  favor  in  the 
eyes  of  my  lord,  the  king.  I  commend  my- 
self to  your  further  good-will,  comp.  1  Sam.  i. 
18.  David,  in  the  excitement  of  momeniary 
misfortune,  is  here  guilty  of  a  double  wrong,  first 
in  treating  the  faithful  Mephibosheth  as  a  traitor, 
and  then  in  royally  rewarding  the  false  and  slan- 
derous Ziba. 

2)  Vers.  5-14.  Shimei  curses  David.  The  flight 
leachea  .Bahurim,  on  the  position  of  which  place 
see  on  iii.  16,  Thenius  in  loco  and  KaufFer's  bibl. 
Stud.  II.  154. — [It  was  between  Mount  Olivet 
and  the  Jordan,  but  the  exact  site  ia  unknown. — 
Te.]— Shimei  was  of  the  race  of  Saul's 
house.— [See  the  lists  in  Gen.  xlvi.  21 ;  1  Chr. 
viii.  1  sqq.  Some  identify  him  (but  doubtfully), 
with  the  Gush  of  the  title  of  Ps.  vii.— Tk.]     This 

*  For  Kethib  Dn'7nbl  (an  obvious  clerical  error) 
read  DnSni-  [Some  MSS.  and  edd.  have  this  Qeri  in 
the  text!— Tn,  I 

t  ["  It  is  impossible  to  say  whether  Mephibosheth 
was  quite  guiltless  or  not.  If  Ps.  cxvi.  was  composed 
after  the  quelling  of  Absalom's  rebellion,  ver.  11  may 
contain  David's  confession  of  a  hasty  judEment  in  ihe 
matter"  i^Bib.  Com.)— Tb.] 


explains  his  rage  against  David,  which  he  here 
vents  in  curses  and  revilings  and  in  throwing 
stones  at  him  and  his  followers.  [Such  virulence 
is  to  this  day  exhibited  in  the  East  towards  fallen 
greatness.  Josephus  states  {AtU.  7,  9,  7)  that 
Bahurim  lay  off  the  main  road,  which  agrees 
very  well  with  the  account  of  Shimei's  behaviour 
(Smith's  Bib.-Dict.,  Art.  Bahurim).— Tb.]— Ver. 
7  sqq.  Out,  out,  namely,  out  of  the  kingdom 
and  the  land.  He  calls  David  "  thou  bloody 
man "  probably  because  he  ascribed  to  him  the 
murder  of  Ishbosheth  and  Abner  (iii.  27  sqq. ; 
iv.  6  sqq.),  of  which  he  was  wholly  guiltless. 
[Others,  less  probably,  think  also  of  Saul  and 
Jonathan,  and  even  of  Uriah. — Tr.]  The  mis- 
fortune [Eng.  A.  V.  not  so  well  "mischief"] 
that  Absalom's  insurrection  had  brought  on  liim 
he  regards  as  a  punishment  from  God,  because 
he  had  become  king  in  Saul's  stead.  This  shows 
how  embittered  Saul's  kindred  were  over  David's 
elevation  to  the  throne,  and  how,  therefore,  Ziba's 
slander  against  Mephibosheth  found  readier  ac- 
ceptance with  David.  [Shimei  is  here  so  far 
devout  and  religious  that  he  ascribes  the  present 
state  of  things  wholly  to  Jehovah,  the  God  of 
Israel;  but  he  ignores  Samuel's  sentence  of  re 
jection  (1  Sam.  xv.),  and  otherwise  shows  a  bad 
spirit. — Tb.]  —  Ver.  9.  \_Abishai  wishes  to  Ml 
Shimn.'i  On  Abishai  compare  ii.  23  sq. ;  iii.  30. 
The  "dead  dog"  is  the  expression  of  the  ex- 
tremest  vileness  and  badnesss,  comp.  ix.  8.  Abi- 
shai appears  here  as  in  chaps,  ii.,  iii.  [smd  1 
Sam.  xxvi.  8]  violent  and  revengeful.  He  wishes 
to  make  Shimei  atone  for  his  reviling  with  his 
head. — Ver.  10.  [David  restrains  Abishai.] — 
Ye  sons  of  Zemiah.  Joab  is  here  joined  with 
his  brother  (as  in  ii.  23),  being  probably  of  the 
same  opinion  with  him.  "  What  is  there  to  me 
and  to  you?"  (comp.  John  ii.  4,  rl  ipioi  nal  aoi; 
Josh.  xxii.  24 ;  1  Kings  xvii.  18 ;  for  the  thought 
comp.  Luke  ix.  52-56),  that  is,  what  have  I  in 
common  with  you?  [Eng.  A.  V.:  what  have  I 
to  do  with  you?].  David  decidedly  repels  Abi- 
shai's  suggestion,  saying :  I  have  here  no  feeling 
in  common  with  you ;  we  are  different  persons ; 
I  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  you  in  such  self- 
help  and  revenge.  He  ba-ses  this  atrict  prohibition 
on  the  admonition  that  Shimei's  cursing  is  by  dis- 
pensation of  God.  The  marginal  reading:  "so 
let  him  curse,  for  the  Lord"  [so  Eng.  A.  V.], 
and  the  insertion  of  Sept.  and  Vulg. :  ''and  let 
him  alone"  (following  the  "let  him  alone"  of 
ver.  11)  after  "  sons  of  Zeruiah,"  are  explanations 
owing  their  origin  to  the  difficulty  that  the  text 
presented  when  the  first  particle  ('3)  was  taken 
as  causal  (  =  ''for"  or  "because"),  the  second 
C^l)  being  then  very  harsh.  Bender  both  parti- 
cles by  "when,''  and  begin  the  apodosis  with 
"and  who"  CP')-  Maurer:  ''when  he  curses 
and  when  Jehovah  has  said  to  him,  Curse  David, 
who  then  shall  say,"  etc.* — Ver.  11  sq.  David 
here  combines  Shimei's  cursing  and  Absalom's 
revolt  under  the  point  of  view  of  the  divine  per- 
mission and  causation ;  and  the  fresh  reference 
to  this  divine  cause  shows  how  deeply  in  his 
pious  heart  David  feels  in  this  misfortune  also 
the    blows    of   God's   chastening  hand.     ''The 

•  [On  the  text  see  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Tr.] 


CHAP.  XVI.  1-14. 


509 


repetition  of  the :  And  he  said,  is  not  superflu- 
ous, for  the  discourse  is  addressed  to  more  persons 
than  before"  (Thenius].  How  much  more 
the  Benjamite,  that  is,  the  member  of  Saul's 
tribe,  who  hate  me.  It  is  not  surprising  that 
such  a  one  reviles  me,  when  my  own  son  seeks 
my  life.  David  thus  shows  that  from  a  purely 
kiiman  point  of  view  there  was  no  ground  for  the 
course  proposed  by  Abishai. — Ver.  12.  "  Per- 
haps the  Lord  wiU  look  on  my  iniquity."  In- 
stead of  this  ("Jli.)  the  Qeri  or  margin  has  ''  my 
eye"  {"J'.K)>  t^*'  i^i  '^®  Lord  will  perhaps  look 
on  "my  tears,''  the  Masorites  [ancient  Jewish 
editors  of  the  Heb.  text]  not  being  able  to  com- 
prehend how  David,  guiltless  in  respect  to  this 
reviling,  could  acknowledge  himself  guilty.  We 
are  not,  however,  to  change  the  text  to  "  my 
affliction"  (".JJ^,  Then.,  Ew.  [Eng.  A.  V.]),  but 
to  retain  the  idea  of  guilt,  since  David  deeply 
feels  that  he  has  offended,  not,  indeed,  in  the 
matter  mentioned  by  Shimei,  but  against  the 
Lord.  God's  "looking  on  His  iniquity"  can 
then  be  only  a  gracious  and  merciful  looking. 
"Perhaps  the  Lord  will  requite  me  good  for  the 
curse  that  has  come  on  me  this  day,"  since  I 
patiently  bear  it  as  a  chastisement  of  His  hand. 
Retain  the  text  "  my  curse"  ^  the  curse  that  has 
befallen  me,  against  the  Qeri  "his  curse"  [Eng. 
A.  v.],  that  is,  Shimei's.  [It  seems  more  in 
accordance  with  the  thought  here  to  read  ''  my 
affliction"  instead  of  "my  iniquity;"  see  ''Text. 
and  Gram."  David's  humility  is  seen  in  his 
"perhaps;"  he  will  not  be  sure  of  the  divine 
blessing  (Patrick).  His  feeling  towards  Shimei 
here  seems  to  be  controlled  by  an  overpower- 
ing sense  of  God's  chastising  providence.  He 
does  not  exonerate  his  reviler,  but  feels  that 
at  this  moment  it  is  not  his  business  to  asssert 
hLs  right,  but  only  to  bow  under  God's  hand. 
The  misfortune  that  has  befallen  him  is  so  terri- 
ble that  he  thinks  Shimei's  addition  to  it  only 
natural.  Afterwards  (xix.  23)  under  the  gene- 
rous impulses  of  victory,  he  pardons  him,  but 
finally  (1  Kings  ii.  8,  9)  hands  him  over  to  Solo- 
mon's vengeance.  Whatever  his  feeling  in  this 
last  act,  it  is  clear  that  now  his  humble  sense  of 
God's  chastisement  has  driven  all  self-a.ssertion 
and  revenge  from  his  heart. — Tb.]. — Ver.  13.  Shi- 
mei's rage  is  increased,  it  would  seem,  by  David's 
quiet  behaviour  ;  he  runs  along  the  side  of  the 
acclivity  (by  which  the  road  passed)  opposite  him, 
cursing  and  throwing  stones  at  David  and  his 
followers. — Ver.  14.  David's  arrival  in  "Ajephim  " 
[Eng.  A.  V. ;  "  weary  "].  A  place  of  this  name, 
indeed,  is  not  known;  but  that  is  no  ground 
against  its  existence.  If  the  word  be  rendered 
"  weary,"  no  place  is  named  to  which  they  came, 
as  the  word  "  there  "  indicates.  This  place  was 
certainly  not  Bahurim  [ver.  5],  forxvii.  18  shows 
that  David's  rest-place  was  beyond  Bahurim  tow- 
ards the  Jordan,  the  priests'  sons  having  hidden 
at  Bahurim,  and  then  gone  on  farther  towards 
David.  {Bib.  Com.  suggests  that  Ajephjm  was  a 
caravansary,  for  which  the  meaning  of  the  word 
(yeary)  would  be  appropriate. — Tb.].— The  ex- 
act statement  of  the  localities  of  David's  flight 
[and,  indeed,  of  the  whole  history  of  the  day  of 
flight— Tb.]  is  remarkable ;  comp.  xv.  17, 23, 30, 
32;  xvi.  1,  5,  13,  14. 


HISTORICAL   AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  starting-point  ai  the  shattering  of  the 
theocratic  kingdom  till  its  very  existence  was 
threatened  is  found  in  the  disruption  of  David's 
house  and  family  by  the  crimes  of  his  two  oldest 
sons.  From  the  royal  household  itself  comas  the 
seducer  of  the  people  to  conspiracy  and  insurrec- 
tion against  the  divinely  ordained  government  of 
David.  From  the  morally  corrupt  soil  of  the 
royal_  court,  whose  highest  officials  break  faith 
and  rise  against  the  kingly  government,  springs 
the  evil  sphit  (the  confederate  of  that  seducer) 
that  drags  the  people  into  revolution.  But  the 
success  of  Absalom  and  his  accomplice  shows  that 
m  the  nation  itself  there  was  already  dis-sensiou 
with  the  Davidic  government  and  a  process  of 
disintegration  that  co-operated  with  Absalom's 
act  of  insurrection  ;  if  there  had  not  been  wide- 
spread dissatisfaction  at  defects  and  wrongs  in 
administration  of  justice,  Absalom's  treacherous 
conduct  could  not  have  had  so  great  and  immedi- 
ate results.  If  the  bonds  of  fidelity  and  obedience, 
which  before  held  the  people  to  David,  had  not 
been  sorely  loosened,  Absalom  could  not  have 
straightway  turned  "the  heart  of  the  men  of  Is- 
rael" from  him.  And  it  is  David's  own  tribe, 
Jiidah,  whence  the  rebellion  proceeds  and  is  car- 
ried on.  Absalom's  general-in  chief  is  Amasa,  a 
near  kinsman  of  Joab  and  David  ;  his  counsellor 
is  Ahithophel  of  Giloh  in  Judah  ;  and  the  insur- 
rection begins  at  Hebron,  the  old  capital  of  the 
tribe.  "  There  must,  therefore,  have  been  dissa- 
tisfaction in  David's  own  tribe.  Indeed  this  tribe 
murmurs  and  holds  back  after  Absalom  is  slain, 
and  the  other  tribes  submit.  The  hereditary  tribe 
jealousy  and  the  old  opposition  between  Judah 
and  the  others,  are  not  extinct "  (Ew.  Hist.  HI., 
p.  239).  The  first  impulse  to  the  insurrection 
was  given  in  Judah,  and  in  Judah  its  effects  are 
longest  to  be  seen. 

If  we  inquire,  indeed,  concerning  the  innermost 
grounds  and  causes  of  the  insurrection  and  the  na- 
tional disintegration,  we  must  first  and  chiefly 
note  the  treachery  of  Absalom  and  his  accomplice, 
which  was  combined  with  hypocrisy  and  with  kind- 
ness offered  as  a  bribe,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
fickleness  and  wnfaithfidness  of  the  people.  The 
ambition  of  Absalom  and  his  associates  used  all 
means  to  befool  the  people  and  win  their  favor. 
And  during  time  of  peace  the  God-fearing  sense 
that  saw  in  David  the  Anointed  of  the  Lord,  the 
God-chosen  king,  had  been  lost  by  a  great  part  of 
the  people.  Perliaps,  also,  David  had  erred  in 
the  government  of  the  nation  and  State  as  of  his 
house,  and  was  partly  to  blame  for  the  popular  dis- 
satisfaction. All  these  ethical  factors  combined 
to  produce  the  present  disintegration.--But,  oyer 
against  this  manifold  human  guilt,  David,  looking 
at  his  present  misfortune  from_  the_  highest  point 
of  view,  the  theocratic,  recognizes  in  it  a  divine 
puTmhment  (comp.  xii.  10,  11),  beneath  which  he 
humbly  bows.  Such  a  recognition  is  contained  in 
his^igife  without  attempt  to  withstand  the  inpur- 
rection.  He  goes  his  way  a  fugitive  in  tears,  bow- 
ing humbly  and  quietly  beneath  God's  hand. 
"  The  Lord  hath  commanded  him " — this  is  the 
expression  of  his  submission  to  God.  This  is  the 
source  of  his  humble  tranqmUily,  as  he  pursues 


510 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


his  fugitive  way,  of  his  childlike  saJmission  to 
God's  will  ("  let  Him  do  to  me  as  seemeth  Him 
good  ")  and  of  the  gentle  'patience  with  which  he 
takes  men's  wickedness  without  return  in  word  or 
deed,  and  bears  it  as  a  dispensation  of  God.  But 
in  all  this  there  shows  itself  at  the  sama  time  the 
fmit  of  this  sorrowful  experience :  it  proves  to 
him  a  real  visitation;  he  turns  anew  to  his  God 
with  humble  obedience  and  childlike  trust ;  ha- 
ving obtained  forgiveness  of  sins,  he  makes  these 
sufferings  as  a  paternal  chastisement  minister  to 
the  purification  and  sanctiflcation  of  his  heart  and 
mind.  "  Only  through  new  wrestling  with  the 
divine  grace,  only  through  humble  submission  to 
Jehovah's  righteou.^  chastisement  can  he  succeed 
in  passing  safely  through  this  valley  of  death- 
shade." 

2.  Penitent  humility  shows  itself  in  the  truly 
pious  in  patient  endurance  of  ills  that  they  miist 
recognize  as  the  consequence  of  their  own  guilt 
and  accept  as  a  chastisement  and  means  of  puri- 
fication, as  well  as  in  the  rejection  of  the  self- 
willed  efforts  of  others  to  ward  off"  the  evil  or  take 
vengeance  on  its  originators. 

3.  To  this  period  is  to  be  referred  (with  most 
expositors)  the  origin  of  Psalm  xli.  and  Iv.  Both 
Psalms  have,  as  Delitz^ch  rightly  observes,  "  the 
most  marked  historical,  individual  physiognomy ;" 
they  are  mourning  Psalms,  picturing  the  hosti- 
lity and  falseness  of  numerous  adversaries  of  the 
singer,  and  especially  lamenting  the  faithlessness 
of  a  trusted  friend  and  counsellor,  with  whom  his 
numerous  enemies  are  combined.  The  statement 
in  2  Sam.  xvi.  23  shows  how  near  Ahithophel 
stood  to  David  as  friend  and  counsellor,  and  how 
much  importance  the  latter  attached  to  his  counsel. 
According  to  Ps.  xli.  a  long  sickness  of  the  Psalm- 
ist is  the  occasion  for  his  enemies  to  employ  all 
their  false  and  treacherous  arts  against  him.  In 
the  midst  of  this  suffering  he  implores  the  divine 
mercy  and  help,  recognizing  and  bearing  the  suf- 
fering as  chastisement  for  sin,  yet  affirms  his  con- 
viction of  God's  favor  towards  him  a-s  His  servant, 
the  uprightness  of  his  heart,  his  firm  confidence 
in  the  saving  grace  of  the  Lord,  who  will  not  let 
his  enemies  triumph  over  him,  and  (without  ex- 
pressing any  revengeful  desires,  Hupfeld),  holds 
in  view  the  just  requital  that  will  overtake  his 
enemies,  "  to  which  he,  as  a  just  king,  was 
pledged  "  (Moll).  In  Ps.  Iv.  the  abruptne.ss  of 
the  words,  the  excited  haste  of  the  discourse  and 
the  anguished  tone  of  the  Psalmist  indicate  a 
worsened  situation,  the  extreme  danger  from  the 
insurrection,  which  had  now  flamed  openly  out. 
By  the  hostility  of  his  opponents  he  is  brought  to 
uttermost  distress  (vers.  2-6  [Eng.  A.  V.  1-5]). 
He  wishes  for  the  wings  of  a  dove,  to  find  a  refuge 
in  the  wilderness  (7-9  [6-8]),  while  in  the  city 
and  on  its  walls  are  violence  and  deceit  (10-12 
9-11]),  and  a  formerly  trusted  friend  and  compa- 
mioji  joins  hia  enemies  (13-15  [12-14]),  who  are 
united  with  the  hypocritical  and  faithless  man 
(21,  22  [20,  21] ).  On  these  enemies  he  invokes 
destruction  as  divine  punishment  for  their  insur- 
rection against  the  Lord's  Anointed,  and  for  their 
wickedness  from  which  they  do  not  turn  (16-20 
[16-19]).  In  this  extreme  need  (corresponding 
exactly  to  the  situation  at  the  beginning  of 
Absalom's  rebellion)  the  Psalmist  exhorts  his 
own  soul  to  bear  patiently  the  burden  of  suffering 


sent  by  the  Lord,  or  rather,  to  cast  it  on  Him, 
and  expresses  the  firm  hope  and  confidence,  that 
the  Lord  will  deliver  the  righteous  by  puwhr 
ing  evil-doers,  concluding  with  the  energetic 
exclamation  of  unconditional  trust  in  Goil: — 
"  But  I,  I  trust  in  Thee !"— These  traits  of  humble 
submission  to  God's  will  and  confident  hope  in  His 
help  answer  precisely  to  David's  frame  of  mind  as 
given  in  history.  [The  correctness  of  the  fore- 
going historical  explanation  of  these  two  Psalms 
is  very  doubtful.  Ps.  xli.  was  written  while  the 
author  was  still  on  a  bed  of  sickness  ( ver.  11  [10]), 
as  David  certainly  was  not  when  he  heard  of 
Ahithophel's  treachery.  The  alleged  connection 
between  the  two  Psalms  as  portraying  the  rise  and 
full  bursting-forth  of  the  rebellion  is  impossible; 
for  David  did  not  hear  of  it  till  it  was  consum- 
mated. As  to  Ps.  Iv.,  its  writer  seems  to  be  in  the 
city  (vers.  9-12  [8-11]),  nor  does  the  history  say 
anything  of  such  intimate  relations  between  Dn- 
vid  and  Ahithophel  as  are  indicated  in  ver.  15 
[14]  ;  it  was  Hushai  that  was  David's  friend. — 
Of  course  the  religious  value  of  these  Psalms  is 
not  affected  by  our  ignorance  of  their  date  and 
authorship.  — Te.] 

4.  This  event  of  David's  history  is  of  typical 
significance  for  the  sufferings  of  Jesus  in  connec- 
tion with  the  betrayal  of  Judas  Iscariot,  of  which 
Jesus  (John  xiii.  18)  says,  referring  to  Ps.  xli.  10 
[9]  ("  he  that  eateth  bread  with  rae  hath  lifted  up 
his  heel  against  me")  that  it  happened  "  that  the 
Scripture  might  be  fulfilled."  The  Old  Testae 
ment  prediction  of  the  betrayal,  assumed  in  John 
xvii.  12  and  Acts  i.  16  must  be  found  (according 
to  our  Lord's  reference  to  Ps.  xli.  10  [9])  in  the 
treachery  of  Ahithophel,  and  the  fate  of  Judas  in 
his  fate.  [This  view  of  typical  significance  falls 
of  course  with  the  failure  to  establish  the  connec- 
tion of  Ps.  xli.  with  this  history.  Our  Lord's  re- 
ference in  John  xiii.  18  is  not  necessarily  more 
than  a  very  general  one.  Acts  i.  16  refers  (see 
ver.  20)  to  Pss.  cix.  8  and  Ixix.  26  [25].  Since 
David  suffered  for  his  own  sins,  and  had  probably 
grievously  wronged  Ahithophel  (see  note  on  2 
Sam.  XV.  12)  it  is  hardly  allowable  to  make  him 
herein  typify  Christ,  and  to  regard  Ahithophel  as 
the  forerunner  of  Juda.s. — Tb.]  —  Further,  the 
separate  incidents  of  David's  flight  are  strikingly 
parallel  to  the  Lord's  way  over  the  same  path  when 
He  was  betrayed  by  Judas.  Though  David  suf- 
fered for  his  many  sins,  he  had  yet  through  peni- 
tence already  obtained  forgiveness  of  sins.  Thus 
he  was  the  righteous  sufferer,  who  could  appeal 
to  God  for  the  purity  of  his  heart  and  the  holi- 
ness of  his  cause.  And  for  this  reason  he  may  be 
regarded  as  a  type  of  Christ,  as  indeed  Christ 
Himself  by  His  reference  to  the  passage  in  Ps.  xli.. 
establishes  this  typical  connection. 

5.  It  is  noteworthy,  how  this  break-down  in 
David's  theocratic  government  by  his  own  fault, 
through  fami  ly-insurrection  and  popular  defection, 
led  to  its  restoration  and  confirmation.  "We 
may  say :  just  as  David  falls  away  from  Jehovah, 
to  be  myre  firmly  bound  to  him,  so  Israel  turns 
away  from  David,  to  be  (as  the  close  of  the  history 
shows)  more  devotedly  attached  to  him.  The 
prelude  to  this  first  clearing-up  of  the  relations 
between  king  and  people  is  given  in  the  conductj 
of  the  faithful  band  who  stand  firmly  by  David  in 
the  general  defection"  (Baumgarten), "  Qod'sia^ 


CHAP.  XV.  1— XVI.  14. 


511 


struments  for  building  np  His  kingdom  often  sorely 
injure  it  by  their  gins,  but  receive  tlierefor  the  deep- 
est humiliations  through  God's  righteous  chaatise- 
ments,  and  must  to  their  shame  admit  that  He 
does  not  for  their  sin  give  His  cause  over  to  ruin, 
but  raises  it  the  more  gloriously  up  from  the  fall 
occasioned  by  this  sin — yea,  uses  them  again  as 
instruments  to  this  end,  in  so  far  as  they  go  not 
their  own  way  in  impenitent  self-will  (as  Saul 
did),  but  (like  David)  with  broken  and  grace- 
filled  hearts  go  the  Lord's  way  and  give  them- 
selves up  wholly  to  His  will. 

HOMILEXIOAL   AND    PRACTICAL. 

Proof  of  the  complete  resignation  to  the  painful 
leadings  of  the  Lord  occasioned  by  one's  own  fall, 
1)  In  humbly  holding  still  under  the  strokes  of 
God's  hand,  2)  In  patiently  enduring  the  suffer- 
ings inflicted  by  bad  men,  3)  In  quietly  awaiting 
the  Lord's  decision,  whether  He  will  exercise  His 
grace  or  His  justice  towards  us,  and  4)  In  wisely 
using  the  means  which  please  God  for  overcoming 
the  evil,  while  decidedly  rejecting  tempting  coun- 
sels that  are  against  God's  will. 

[Taylor  :  Civil  war  is  always  a  terrible  cala- 
mity ;  bui  when  the  standard  of  rebellion  is  raised 
by  a  son  against  his  father,  we  have  about  the 
most  painful  form  of  strife  of  which  this  earth  can 
be  the  scene That  he  whom  we  have  fon- 
dled in  our  arms  and  nestled  in  our  bosom,  and 
whose  first  lisping  utterances  have  been  in  the 
attempt  to  call  us  father,  should  live  to  be  at 
deadly  feud  with  us,  and  to  attempt  our  destruc- 
tion—this is  misery  indeed.  "  How  sharper  than 
a  serpent's  tooth  it  is  to  have  a  thankless  child." 
— Te.] 

Fr.  Aendt:  In  the  manner  in  which  David 
bears  this  deserved  suffering,  he  appears  to  us 
again  as  the  man  after  God's  own  heart,  in  whom 
faith  purified  and  strengthened  by  repentance  had 
brought  forth  quite  extraordinary  steadfastnees, 
fidelity  and  virtue-power,  and  revealed  itself  in  a 
glory  and  elevation  which  throughout  shines  be- 
fore us  a  picture  worthy  of  imitation.  This  faith 
developed  itself  namely :  1)  as  obedience,  2)  as 
resignation,  3)  as  prayer. 

Chap.  XV.  1-6.  Staeke:  When  one  winks  at 
gross  evil-doers  too  much,  they  become  all  the 
worse.  Tliat  is  the  way  with  rude  and  wanton 
sinners ;  the  more  God  attracts  them  by  His  good- 
ness to  repentance,  the  more  they  misuse  it  to 
greater  and  more  numerous  sins  (Rom.  ii.  4,  5). — 
Beel.  B.  :  Even  the  proofs  of  grace  which  so 
greatly  humble  the  souls  that  draw  near  to  God 
with  simplicity  and  uprightness,  make  hypocrites 
to  be  full  of  pride.— Schlier:  Ambition  plunges 
from  one  sin  into  another ;  by  ambition  no  one 
comes  to  anything  right. — [Henry:  Those  are 
good  indeed  that  are  good  in  their  own  place,  not 
that  pretend  how  good  they  will  be  in  other  peo- 
ple's places Those  are  commonly  roost 

ambitious  of  preferment,  that  are  least  fit  for  it; 
the  best-quahfied  are  the  most  modest  and  self- 
diffident. — Hall  :  No  music  can  be  so  sweet,  to 
the  ears  of  the  unstable  multitude,  as  to  hear  well 
of  themselves,  ill  of  their  governors.  —  Scott: 
For  such  is  human  nature,  that  these  arts  and  at- 
tainments go  much  further  in  gaining  the  favor 
of  the  multitude,  than  wisdom  and  justice,  truth 


and  piety,  or  the  most  important  and  long-con- 
tinued services.  This  is  the  old  hackneyed  way 
for  men,  destitute  of  conscience  or  honor,  to  wind 
themselves  into  important  stations ;  and  yet  it  is 
as  much  practiced,  and  as  little  suspected,  as  if  it 
were  quite  a  new  discovery. — Tr.] 

Vers.  7-12.  Schlier:  How  often  it  happens 
that  piety  is  for  us  an  outward  thing,  just  as  we 
put  on  a  garment,  and  inwardly  we  are  strangers 
to  the  matter.— Absalom's  rebellion  was  the  Lord's 
chastening Even  when  we  have  lound  for- 
giveness, we  must  yet  always  feel  the  Lord's 
mighty  hand;  and  this  hand  often  lies  quite 
heavily  upon  us.— [Ver.  11.  Hall  :  How  many 
thousands  are  thus  ignorantly  misled  into  the 
train  of  error ;  their  simplicity  is  as  worthy  of 
pity,  a.s  their  misguidance  of  indignation.  Those 
that  will  suffer  themselves  to  be  carried  with  sem- 
blances of  truth  and  faithfulness,  must  needs  be 
as  far  from  safety  as  innocence. — Tr.] 

Vers.  13  sqq.  Staeke:  The  dear  name  of  God 
and  religion  must  always  be  to  ungodly  roen  a 
cloak  for  their  wickedness.— S.  Schmid  :  How 
unfaithful  the  human  heart  is  towards  God,  ap- 
pears also  from  the  unfaithful  behaviour  of  men 
towards  their  greatest  benefactors. — Berl.  B.  : 
David  would  rather  be  regarded  as  a  timid  man, 
than  resist  God.  He  regarded  Absalom  as  an 
executor  of  God's  righteousness;  accordingly  he 
yields  only  to  God,  not  to  Abpalom. — One  can 
scarcely  imagine  the  manifold  inventions  of  which 
God's  strict  love  makes  use,  to  crucify  the  con- 
verted souls  that  have  once  given  themselves  up 
thereto.  It  leaves  nothing  in  them  that  is  not 
overturned  and  annihilated.  Before  Thee,  O  Lord, 
all  mountains  must  be  made  low  and  all  valleys 
exalted,  —  Starke  :  God  makes  even  severe 
temptations  endurable  for  His  people  (1  Cor.  x. 
13).  —  P.  W.  Keummacher:  This  unexpected 
meeting  (with  Ittai)  immediately  before  the  gates 
of  the  city  appeared  to  the  royal  fiigitive  almost 
like  a  friendly  greeting  of  his  God,  and  dropped 
the  first  soothing  balsam-drops  into  the  painful 
wounds  of  his  deeply  lacerated  heart. — Schlier  : 
Here  we  have  an  example  of  what  true  fidelity  is, 
and  how  beautiful  it  is  to  remain  faithful  to  one's 
king  and  lord.  Fidelity  becomes  a  man,  and 
douoly  becomes  a  Christian. 

Ver.  25  sq.  Ceamer  :  Everything  that  opposes 
thee,  endure  it,  and  be  patient  in  every  sort  of 
trouble  (Ecclns.  ii.  4).  For  patience  is  the  best 
way  to  win. — J.  Lange:  Well  for  him  who  has 
so  believing  and  open  an  eye  that  he  can  see 
through  everything  to  God. 

Ver.  30.  Schlier  :  How  instructive  is  this  pic- 
ture of  David ;  how  humble  and  yet  at  the  same 
time  how  spiritual  is  Israel's  king!  Who  can 
fail  to  see  that  David  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  goes 
up  truly  bowed  and  contrite,  with  an  humbled 
and  thoroughly  softened  heart  ?  But  David  knew 
that  the  Lord  cannot  reject  an  humbled  and  bro- 
ken heart.  Therefore  in  all  his  humiliation  he 
is  not  hopeless. — Osiandee:  The  more  patiently 
and  humbly  we  submit  ourselves  to  the  cross,  the 
sooner  we  are  released  from  it. — Berl.  B.;  The 
too  great  strength  which  one  supposes  himself  to 
possess,  causes  self-conceit ;  weakness,  on  the  con- 
trary, makes  a  man  very  little  and  lowly .-Schliee: 
Whence  comes  all  despair,  whence  all  little-faith  ? 
Is  it  not  because  we  still  hold  ourselves  too  good  ? 


512 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


And  a  thoroughly  softened  heart  learns  also  more 
and  more  to  take  courage  and  be  comforted,  and 
believes  ever  more  firmly  that  the  Lord  is  kind 
to  the  humble. 

Ver.  31.  Osiaudee:  The  cunning  and  secret 
assaults  of  our  enemies  and  those  of  the  Gospel 
we  can  best  bear  up  against  and  destroy  through 
fervent  prayer  to  God. — Even  short  prayers  are 
mighty,  if  they  only  proceed  from  faith. — Stakke  : 
God  can  take  the  wise  in  their  craftiness  (Job  v. 
13;  1  Cor.  iii.  19).  When  wickedness  is  armed 
with  cunning  and  power,  none  but  God  can  over- 
come it. — Even  when  the  need  is  greatest,  God 
causes  His  grace  to  be  seen,  and  creates  means 
whereby  the  misfortune  is  a  little  softened. — 
ScHLiEB :  Here  we  see  what  David,  who  had  be- 
fore put  all  in  the  Lord's  hand,  did  in  order  really 
to  obtain  the  Lord's  help.  First  of  all  David 
prayed.  But  after  he  has  prayed  he  does  not  lay 
his  hands  in  his  bosom,  but  he  does  what  he  can 
to  get  help.-  —It  is  wrong  to  think  we  might  man- 
age the  thing  without  prayer ;  but  it  is  not  less 
wrong  if  we  think  that  prayer  alone  does  it,  and 
are  disposed  then  not  to  do  our  duty  also. 

Chap.  xvi.  1-4.  [Scott:  Selfish  men  often  affect 
to  appear  generous  in  giving  away  the  property 
of  others  for  their  own  advantage,  and  are  great 
adepts  in  address  and  insinuation.  Flatterers  are 
generally  backbiters ;  for  it  is  as  easy  to  them  to 
forge  slanders  of  the  absent,  as  to  pretend  affec- 
tion and  respect  for  the  present. — Tr.]. — Bebl. 
B. :  Shameful  as  wai  this  slander  to  David  against 
the  innocent  Mephibosheth  by  the  false  earner  of 
thanks  and  eye-servant,  in  like  manner  inex- 
cn-able  is  the  credulity  and  forgetfulness  of  Da- 
vid towards  his  faithful  friend,  Jonathan,  in  that 
he  is  here  so  swift  to  give  a  decree  against  his 
son,  and  does  not  once  investigate  the  accusation 
against  him,  but  condemns  him  unheard,  con- 
trary to  his  own  practical  knowledge. — Cramer  : 
It  is  wrong  to  give  a  decision  at  once  upon  the 
allegations  of  one  side,  and  to  believe  one  party's 
account.  Persons  in  authority  should  guard 
against  this  (Prov.  xiv.  15).  ["  Audi  alteram 
partefm." — Tr.] 

Vers.  5-14.  Starke:  Judgment  begins  at  the 
house  of  God  (1  Pet.  iv.  17).  Who  need  wonder 
then  if  Christ  and  all  holy  men  of  God  have  been 
the  world's  execration  and  off-scourings  ?  — 
Schmer:  It  is  always  wrong  to  scorn  and  revile 
an  enemy  ;  and  doubly  wrong  when  it  is  done  to 
an  unfortunate,  whose  sorrow  without  this  might 
almost  break  his  heart. — Starke:  Pious  men 
should  not  murmur  when  they  are  chastened  by 
the  Lord,  but  should  rather  remember  their  sins, 
and  recognize  that  after  God's  strict  judgment 
they  would  well  have  deserved  something  more 
(Mic.  vii.  9). — Even  in  righteous  zeal  one  must 
take  good  account  of  the  time  ;  for  an  untimely 
zeal,  although  righteous,  amounts  to  nothing. — 
ScHLiEB :  The  Lord  controls  even  the  sin  of  men, 
and  where  something  evil  has  been  devised  in 
one's  heart,  God  takes  even  the  evil  into  Hia  ser- 
vice, and  does  not  suffer  it  to  do  what  the  man 
wishes,  but  God  does  with  it  what  He  wishes. 
Therefore  David  bows,  not  indeed  to  that  insolent 
man,  but  he  bows  to  the  Lord.  He  thinks  of  hia 
sin  ;  he  confesses  himself  guilty  and  accepts  even 
the  injustice  that  is  done  him  as  a  wholesome 
medicine.     [Hall  :  Every  word  of  Shimei  was 


a  slander.  He  that  took  Saul's  spear  from  his 
head,  and  repented  to  have  but  cut  the  lap  of  his 
garment,  ia  reproached  as  a  man  of  blood.  The 
man  after  God's  own  heart  is  branded  for  a  man 
of  Belial.  He  that  was  sent  for  out  of  the  fields 
to  be  anointed,  is  taxed  for  an  usurper;  ifDar 
vid's  hands  were  stained  with  blood,  yet  not  of 
Saul's  house.  ...  It  is  not  possible  that  eminent 
persona  ahould  be  free  from  imputations ;  inno- 
cence can  no  more  protect  them  than  power. 
— Tr.] 

Ver.  9.  Bbrl.  B.  ;  It  ia  a  strong  sign  of  pride 
to  take  offence  at  everything. — Cramer  :  With- 
out God'a  permission  nothing  evil  can  befall  the 
pious  (Acts  xviii.  10). — Bebl.  B. :  Almost  all 
men  commit  the  fault  of  looking  to  those  who 
persecute  them,  instead  of  fixing  their  eyes  only 
on  God  and  His  holy  command.  And  this  causes 
all  the  great  sufferings  that  are  experienced  in 
such  a  case,  the  bitterness  and  the  aversion  that 
are  felt  for  persecutors.  David  also  did  indeed 
commit  precisely  this  fault,  when  Nabal  refused 
him  bread,  on  which  account  he  also  repented 
afterwards.  But  as  he  has  now  gone  further, 
everything  comes  to  him  a-s  a  command  of  God, 
and  hia  eye  discerns  God's  direction  in  every- 
thing. Therefore  he  suffered  patiently,  without 
growing  indignant. — David  is  here  above  mea- 
sure edifying  in  his  behaviour,  and  beautifully 
teaches  us  in  what  way  we  should  bear  every  sort 
of  cross,  and  in  all  oppression,  injustice  and  dis- 
tress should  bow  and  humble  ourselves,  not  be- 
fore man  but  before  God  from  whom  everything 
cornea.  There  is  nothing  that  amid  all  injustice 
and  Bufferinga  from  men  more  quieta  our  mind 
and  gives  it  peace  than  this  consideration,  that 
nothing  befalls  us  through  the  wickedness  of  men 
without  God's  holy  and  wise  government. — [Mau- 
rice :  To  have  his  people's  heart  stolen  from  him, 
to  have  his  child  for  his  enemy,  to  be  deserted  by 
hia  counsellors,  to  lose  hia  kingdom,  to  be  mocked 
and  curaed, — thia  waa  rough  diacipline  surely. 
But  he  had  desired  it ;  he  had  said  deliberately, 
"  Make  me  a  clean  heart,  and  renew  a  right  spirit 
within  me."  And  that  bles-sing, — if  it  was  granted 
him  in  part  at  once,  if  he  rose  up  from  that  very 
prayer  a  freed  man  with  a  free  spirit, — yet  was  to 
be  realized  through  his  whole  life  and  to  be  se- 
cured by  methods  which  he  certainly  would  not 
have  devised  or  chosen  for  himself. — Ver.  11. 
Hall:  Even  while  David  laments  the  rebellion 
of  his  son,  he  gains  by  it,  and  makes  that  the  ar- 
gument of  hia  patience,  which  was  the  exercise  of 
it.  The  wickedness  of  an  Absalom  may  rob  his 
father  of  comfort,  but  shall  help  to  add  to  his 
feither's  goodneaa.  It  ia  the  advantage  of  great 
crosses,  that  they  swallow  up  the  less. — Te.] 

Ver.  12.  Cbameb  :  It  is  a  great  consolation  in 
suffering,  to  have  a  good  conscience  (Ps.  vii.  4 ;  1 
Pet.  iii.  16). — Osiander  :  If  we  patiently  leave 
vengeance  to  God,  we  move  Him  to  cover  us  with 
blessings  in  place  of  the  evil  we  have  suffered. — 
Starke  :  Even  in  the  midst  of  the  cross  we  should 
not  allow  our  hope  and  trust  in  God  to  sink  (Heb. 
X.  35;  Kom.  v.  S-5).— Bjbbl.  B.  :  David  suffers 
the  evil  with  a  gentlCj  quiet  and  humble  spirit, 
and  hopes  that  for  this  evil  God  will  send  him 
good.  And  this  hope  did  not  deceive  him. — Ver. 
13.  David  acted  like  one  who  does  not  turn  at  the 
barking  <rf  a  dog,  and  thereby  gives  you  this  les- 


CHAP.  XVI.  15— XVII.  23. 


513 


son :  If  you  know  well  what  you  have  inwardly 
■within  yourself,  you  will  not  care  what  men  say 
outwardly  about  you. — Schliee  :  We  should  re- 
ceive as  from  the  Lord's  hand  the  wrongs  that 
assail  us,  and  if  men  insult  and  revile  us  we 
should  not  look  at  men  but  at  the  Lord,  who  rules 
and  guides  every  thing.-FWoEDSWOETH :  8.  Gre- 
gory observes  that  David  was  thus  brought  to  a 
deeper  sense  of  his  own  sins,  and  was  exercised 
in  true  repentance,  and  so  found  cause  to  be 
thankful  for  these  indignities,  which  made  him 
nearer  and  dearer  to  God.  It  was  a  wise  saying 
of  S.  Chrysostom  that  "no  man  is  ever  really 
hurt  by  any  one  but  himself."  And  even  the 
heathen  poet  could  bless  heaven  for  injuries,  and 
say,  "It  is  a  most  wretched  fortune  to  have  no 
enemy."—  Hall:  In  good  dispositions,^ injury 
unanswered  grows  wearied  of  itself,  and  dies  in  a 
voluntary  remorse;  but  evil  natures  grow  pre- 
sumptuous upon  forbearance. — Te.] 

[xv.  6.  Stealing  the  people's  hearts.  1)  The 
king— his  weak  negligence  in  not  preventing,  nor 
even  perceiving  all  this.  Men  in  responsible 
positions  should  be  always  on  their  guard.  2) 
The  demagogue;  a)  his  ostentation  (ver.  1),  6)  his 
painstaking  (vers.  2,  6),  c)  his  flatteries  (vers.  3, 
5),  d)  his  lavish  promises  (ver.  4).  3)  The  peo- 
ple—their folly  in  being  duped  by  transparent 


arts — the  net  spread  in  their  very  sight,  and  they 
go  in  (Prov.  i.  17).— Te.] 

[Vers.  7,  8.  To  make  pretended  devoutness  a 
cloak  for  wicked  designs,  is  one  of  the  most  hei- 
nous sins  a  man  can  possibly  commit. — Vers.  19- 
21.  David  and  Ittai — unselfish  generosity,  and 
unselfish  fidelity. — Vers.  25,  26.  Sending  back 
the  ark.  a)  David  does  not  suppose  the  presence 
of  the  ark  to  be  a  necessary  condition  of  God's 
presence.  Contrast  1  Sam.  iv.  4,  5.  b)  Ho  does 
not  despair  of  God's  favor,  c)  He  is  resigned  to 
God's  will.    Comp.  1  Sam.  iii'.  18.— Te.] 

[xvi.  5-13.  David  and  Shimei:  1)  The  baseness 
of  seizing  a  time  of  calamity  to  revile.  And  en- 
couraged by  finding  it  unpunished  (ver.  13). 
Comp.  xix.  19,  20.  2)  The  false  accusations.  As 
to  ''  the  house  of  Saul,"  David  had  been  neither 
a)  bloody,  nor  b)  wicked  in  general.  He  was  in- 
deed "in  his  calamity "  because  of  his  sins,  but 
they  were  not  what  Shiraei  charged.  Kevilers  of 
the  unfortunate  often  accuse  falsely.  3)  David's 
devout  patience  under  gross  insult.  Kepresses 
the  resentment  of  his  nephew,  a)  This  insult  is 
a  trifie  compared  with  Absalom's  course.  6)  Da- 
vid accepts  the  reviling  as  a  punishment  from 
Jehovah,  c)  He  has  hope  that  Jehovah  may  yet 
requite  him  for  it  (comp.  xv.  25). — Tb.] 


Absalom  in  Jerusalem.    His  Evil  Deed  through  Ahithophel's  Evil  Counsel. 
Latter  against  David  thwarted  by  Hushai's  Counsel. 

Chap.  XVI.  15— XVII.  23. 


The  Designs  of  the 


15.     And  Absalom  and  all  the  people  the  men  of  IsraeP  came  to  Jerusalem,  and 

16  Abithophel  with  him.     And  it  came  to  pass,  when  Hushai  the  Archite  [Arkite] 
David's  friend'  was  come  unto  Absalom,  that  Hushai  said  unto  Absalom,  God 

17  save  [Long  live]  the  king,  God  save  [Long  live]  the  king.     And  Absalom  eaid  to 
Hushai,  Is  this  thy  kindness  to  thy  friend?  why  wentest  thou  not  with  thy  fnend? 

18  And  Hushai  said  unto  Absalom,  Nay ;'  but  whom  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  and  this 


TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  16.  This  phrase,  in  which  the  "all  the  people"  is  put  in  apposition  with  "men  of  Israel"  (not  •  ''al| 
ihe  people  of  the  men  of  Israel,"  as  Brdmann  renders),  is  peculiar,  and  is  variously  changed  by  the  yersions 
Sept.:  "all  the  men  of  Israel;"  Syr.,  Arab.:  "all  the  people  that  were  with  him,  and  all  Israel ,  Vulg^.  aU  his 
pebple."  Sept.  and  Vulg.  may  have  omitted  half  the  expression  for  simp  icity  (and  they  r^'™  different  halves) 
ind  the  Heb  text  itself  may  be  a  duplet,  arisen  from  a  marginal  explanation.  Thenius:  "Instead  of  these 
words  cSnIB'  Vr«)  MS.  Cantab.  1  has  in«  1Ef«  (added  by  Syr.  and  Arab.),  which  came  from  the  fact  that  in 
some  MS."that 'was  copied,  the  words  't'  'x' (men  of  Israel)  stood  under  the  l"nN  IBfX  (that  were  with  him)  of 
the  preceding  verse  (Kennicott,  sup.  rat.  text.  Eeh.,  449)."— Tb.]  _ 

»  rVer.  16.  Sept. :  ipx^erarpo!  (as  above  xv.  32)  =  'Apxl  ^TaIpo5.--Hushal'B  address  to  Absalom  is  literally :  live 
the  king  I  live  the  king !"  given  once  only  in  Sept.  and  Arabic— Ta.J 

s  [Ver.  18.  Thenius  and  Erdmann  render :  "  Not  (t.  e.  I  go  not  with  David),  because  "  ete. .  ^^"t '' '^  "»*j  »^«  ^ 
that  Hushai  would  make  his  negation  with  one  word,  and  usage  establishes  the  sense  of  the  phrase  given  m 
Eng.AV.;  "nay,  but,"  or,  "nay,  for,"  see  (Jes.  Lex.  e.  «.  xb  2.-The  Kethib  kS  in  this  verse  is  approved  by 
De  Eossi  against  the  Qeri  i'?,  which  seems  to  be  adopted  by  all  the  versions,  even  by  Syriac  and  Arab.,  which 
make  the  sentence  interrogative.  The  Kethib  (S*?)  would  be  interrogative,  and  would  require  a  preposition 
before  IB^X.— Tb.] 

33''" 


514  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

people  and  all  the  men  of  Israel  chooge,  his  will  I  be,  and  with  him  will  I  abid 

19  And  again  [iu  the  second  place],  whom  should  I  serve?  should  I  not  serve  in  tl 
presence  of  his  sou  ?*  as  I  have  served  in  thy  father's  presence,  so  will  I  be  iu  th 
presence. 

20  Then  said  Absalo-n  [And  Absalom  Faid]  to  Ahithophel,  Give  [ins.  ye]  counsi 

21  among  you  \om.  among  you']  what  we  shall  do.  And  Ahithophel  said  unto  Al 
salom,  Go  iu  unto  thy  father's  concubines,  which  [whom]  he  hath  left  to  keep  th 
house ;  and  all  Israel  shall  hear  that  thou  art  abhorred  of  [art  become  loathsom 
to']  thy  father,  then  [and]  shall  [mn.  shall]  the  hands  of  all  that  are  with  the 

22  [ins.  shall]  be  strong.  So  [And]  they  spread  Absalom  a  tent  upon  the  top  of  th 
house  [on  the  roof],  and  Absalom  went  in  unto  his  father's  concubines  in  the  sigh 

2.3  of  all  Israel.  And  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel,  which  he  counselled  in  those  days 
was  as  if  a  man  had  inquired  at  the  oracle  [of  the  word]  of  Gk)d ;  so  was  all  th 
counsel  of  Ahithophel  both  with  David  and  with  Absalom. 

Ch.  XVII.  1.  Moreover  [And]  Ahithophel  said  unto  Absalom,  Let'  me  noT 
choose  out  twelve  thousand  men,  and  I  will  arise  and  pursue  after  David  this  night 

2  And  I  will  come  upon  him  while  he  is  weary  and  weak-handed,  and  will  maki 
him  afraid,  and  all  the  people  that  are  with  him  shall  flee,  and  I  will  smite  thi 

3  king  only;  And  I  will  bring  back  all  the  people  unto  thee;  the  man  whom  thoi 

4  seekest  is  as  if  all  returned  f  so  [pm.  so]  all  the  people  shall  be  in  peace.     Anc 

5  the  saying  pleased  Absalom  well  [om.  well],  and  all  the  elders  of  Israel.  Ther 
said  Absalom  [And  Absalom  said].  Call  now  Hushai  the  Archite  [Arkite]  also 

6  and  let  us  hear  likewise  \om.  likewise]  what  he  [ins.  too]  saith.  And  when  Hu 
shai  was  come  [And  Hushai  came]  to  Absalom,  [ins.  and]  Absalom  spake  [said' 
unto  him,  saying,  Ahithophel  hath  spokeo  after  this  manner ;  shall  we  do  after  hii 
saying?  if  not,  [after  his  saying,  or  not?]'  speak  thou. 

7  And  Hushai  said  unto  Absalom,  The  counsel  that  Ahithophel  hath  given  is  noi 

8  good  at  this  time  [hath  given  this  time"*  is  not  good].  For,  said  Hushai  [anc 
Hushai  said].  Thou  knowest  thy  father  and  his  men,  that  they  be  [are]  mightj 
men,  and  [ins.  that]  they  be  [are]  chafed  in  their  minds,  as  a  bear  robbed  of  hei 
whelps  in  the  field ;"  and  thy  father  is  a  man  of  war,  and  will  not  lodge  with  th( 

9  people.  Behold,  he  is  hid  now  in  some  pit  [in  one  of  the  ravines]  or  in  some  othm 
place  [in  one  of  the  places"] ;  and  it  will  come  to  pass,  when  some  of  them  be 

*  I  Ver.  19.  Arab. :  "And  'tis  not  my  buHineas  to  be  forever  the  servant  of  one  man ;"  Syr. :  "  whose  servant  '. 
shall  be  is  not  in  my  power."    Instead  of  1J3  Syr.  had  *'^^  (^T6<),  which  Arab,  read  as  inX- — Tr.J 

5  [Ter.  20.  'VK\i^  Daliovs  mmmodi  (D37)  <'annot  be  here  given  well  in  Englisll.  The  phrase:  "give  ye  yoi 
counsel,"  is  awkward,  and  in  '■  give  you  counsel "  the  pronoun  would  be  understood  as  Nominative. — Tr.]" 

«  [Ver.  i\.  The  verb  means :  "  to  be  in  bad  odor."    The  HK  is  the  Prep.  "  with,"  not  the  sign  of  tiie  Aoous. 

as  Sept.  and  Vulg.  take  it.  Chald  paraphrases :  "  that  thou  art  stirred  up  against  thy  father."  Syr.  and  Arab 
explain:  "that  thou  liast  gone  in  to  the  concubines  of  thy  father.'  Josephus  interprets :  ''the  people  will  be 
lieve  that  a  reconciliation  with  thy  father  is  impossible." — Ta.J 

7  [Ver.  1.  Or:  "  J  will  now  choose  ....  and  will  arise."  Sept.  and  Vulg. :  "I  will  now  choose  me."  Arab. 
"  choose  thou  .  .  .  and  let  them  go  forth  to  seek  David."— Tn.] 

8  I  Ver.  3.  .«o  Erdmann.  Cahen.  Wordsworth,  Bih-C&m.  Various  other  renderings  are  discussed  by  Erdmanr 
in  the  Exposition.  In  addition  to  what  he  says  it  may  be  mentioned  that  Chald.  rendersnearly  (as  to  the  sense 
as  Eng  A.  V. :  "  they  will  all  return  when  the  man  that  thou  seekest  is  killed,"  =  "as  the  return  of  all  is  [thi 
killing  of  J  the  man,"  etc.  (so  Calien).    Syr.:  "as  if  all  the  men  that  thou  seekest  returned,"  as  if  readinj 

ty-Xn'^a ;  so  Philippson :  "  at  the  return  of  all  the  men  thou  seekest."    The  translations  proposed  all  either  d( 

violence  to  the  text,  or  fail  to  suit  the  connection  .and  give  a  good  sense,  or  require  a  bold  insertion  (as  of  thi 
phrase  :  "  the  killing  of"  in  Chald.  and  Eng.  A.  V.J.— Tr.] 

»  [Ver.  6.  Eng.  A.  V.  renders  according  to  the  accents,  and  so  Erdmann ;  but  it  is  better  (with  Vulg.,  Calien 
Wellhausen)  to  take  the  sentence  aa  a  double  question.    Sept.  inserts  1  (ei  6e  fi^),  which  may  easily  have  fallei 

out  (from  the  preceding  1),  and  is  almost  necessary  for  the  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.    It  is  found  in  some  MSS 

and  EDD.— Instead  of  the  more  usual  t<7>  we  here  have  t'X,  literally  :  "  is  there  not"  —  "  is  our  doing  (accord 

ing  to  Ahithophel's  counsel)  not?"— Ta.J 

I"  [Ver.  7.  □.J?3,  the  numeral,  not  the  simple  substantive  "  time  "  (J\y).  Sept. :  to  airnf  touto  ;  Vulg.:  hoc  vice 
Cahen  :  ecttefois;  Erdmann:  dieses  Mai.— Tn.) 

"  [Ver.  H.  Sept.  here  inserts:  (cal  w?  5y'  rpaxeia  ev  tw  TreSiw.  ".and  as  a  fierce  sow  in  the  plain,"  which  additioi 
is  adopted  by  Ewald,  Thenius  and  Battehtr  on  the  ground  of  its  appropriate  poetic  character,  and  as  not  like!' 
to  have  been  inserted  by  the  Greek  translator.  To  this  Wellhausen  replies  that  the  two  words  ivpi  and  wtSim  ol 
the  Greek  point  to  the  same  nob.  word  (mB').  making  the  double  figure  improbable,  and  further  that  an  Israel 
ite  would  naturally  think  of  the  hog  only  as  an  unclean  animal,  and  would  not  put  it  alongside  of  the  bear.— Tk. 

12  [Ver.  0.  The  word  "  place  "  is  here  used  in  the  sense  of  "  locality  "  (B*  -Com.)  or  •'  oampinB-plaoe  "  in  dia 
tinction  from  '.he  "  ravine ''  or  "  cleft,"  not  as  a  mere  adverb,  see  ver.  12.— Instead  of  ^^S{  soma  MSS.  and  EDD 

have  nnS,  and  Wellhausen  remarks  that  the  two  numer.ils  here  seem  to  have  changed  places. Tb.] 


CHAP.  XVI.  15— XVII.  23.  515 


overthrown  [fall"]  at  the  first,  that  whosoever  heareth  it  will  say,  There  is  a 

10  slaughter  among  the  people  that  follow  Absalom.  And  he  also  that  is  valiant, 
whose  heart  is  as  the  heart  of  a  lion,  shall  utterly  melt ;  for  all  Israel  knoweth  that 
thy  father  is  a  mighty  man,  and  they  which  be  [that  are]  with  him  are  valiant 

11  men.  Therefore  [But]  I  counsel"  that  all  Israel  be  generally  gathered  unto  thee 
from  Dan  even  [ow.  even]  to  Beersheba,  as  the  sand  that  is  by  the  sea  for  multi- 

12  tude,  and  that  thou  go  to  battle  in  thine  own  person.  So  shall  we  [And  we  shall] 
come  upon  him  in  some  place  [in  one  of  the  places]  where  he  shall  be  found,  and 
we  will  light  upon  him  as  the  dew  falleth  on  the  ground,"  and  of  him  and  of  all 

13  the  men  that  are  with  him  there  shall  not  be  left  so  much  as  one.  Moreover 
[And]  if  he  be  gotten  into  a  city,  then  shall  all  Israel  bring"  ropes  to  that  city,  and 
we  will  draw  it  into  the  river  [brook],  until  there  be  not  one  small  stone  found 

14  there.  And  Absalom  and  all  the  men  of  Israel  said,  The  counsel  of  Hushai  the 
Archite  [Arkite]  is  better  than  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel.  For  the  Lord  had 
appointed  [And  Jehovah  appointed]  to  defeat  the  good  counsel  of  Ahithophel,  to 
the  intent  that  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  might  bring  evil  upon"  Absalom. 

15  Then  said  Hushai  [And  Hushai  said]  unto  Zadok  and  to  Abiathar  the  priests, 
Thus  and  thus  did  Ahithophel  counsel  Absalom  and  the  elders  of  Israel,  and  thus 

16  and  thus  have  I  counselled.  Now,  therefore  [And  now],  send  quickly  and  tell 
David,  saying,  Lodge  not  this  night  in  the  plains  [at  the  fords"]  of  the  wilderness, 
but  speedily  [pm.  speedily]  pass  over,  lest  the  king  be  swallowed  up  and  all   the 

17  people  that  are  with  him.  Now  [And]  Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz  stayed  by  [were 
stationed  at]  En-rogel,  for  they  might  not  be  seen  to  come  into  the  city ;  and  a 
wench  [the  maid-servant]  went  and  told  them,  and  they  went  and  told  king  David 
[And  Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz  were  stationed  at  En-rogel,  and  the  maid-servant 
came  and  told  them,  and  they  were  to  go  and  tell  king  David ;  for  they  might  not 

18  be  seen,  ete."].  Nevertheless  [And]  a  lad  saw  them  and  told  Absalom ;  but 
[and]  they,  went  both  of  them  away  [om.  away]  quickly,  and  came  to  a  man's 
house  in  Bahurim,  which  [and  he]  had  a  well  in  his  court,  whither  [and  thither] 

19  they  went  down.  And  the  woman  took  and  spread  a  [the]  covering  over  the  wells 
mouth,  and  spread  ground  corn  thereon ;  and  the  thing  was  not  known  [nothing 

"  |Ter.  9.  Or :  "  when  he  falls  on  them  at  the  first "  (so  Erdmann  and  Sept.],  and  some  would  therefore  sup- 
ply the  personal  suffix  i  to  the  Infinitive :  but  the  present  text  permits  either  rendering,  and  that  of  Eng.  A.  V. 
seems  to  agree  better  with  the  context. — Tb.J 

"  [Ver.  11.  Sept. :  "  Thus  I  counsel,"  ori  outmi  miiifiov^tviav  iyi>  trvi/efioii\ev<ra  =  'flS^'  yy  riD  '3,  preferred 

by  Wellhansen,  on  the  ground  that  the  similar  words  might  easily  have  fallen  out.  The  fullness  of  the  expres- 
sion would  also  be  in  Hushai's  manner. — Some  MSS.  read :  "as  the  sand  on  the  shore  (nat?)  of  the  sea,"  an 
expansion  of  the  original. — Bottoher's  objection  to  the  last  word  in  this  verse,  3Tp,  "  battle,"  is  that  It  elsewhere 

occurs  only  in  poetry  (Ps.,  Job,  Eccles.,  Zech.),  and  he  proposes  i3Tp3>  "in  their  midst."    This  reading  is 

strongly  supported  by  the  fact  that  all  the  versions  have  it  (Chald. :  "  at  the  head  of  them  all "),  and  is  in  itself 
more  congruous  with  the  general  context;  against  it  is  Huehai's  inclination  to  use  pompous  and  unusual 
words. — tL] 

■^fVer.  12.  "On  the  face  of  the  ground'"  in  some  MSS.  and  EDD.,  a  scribal  expansion,  as  in  the  preceding 
verse.— Te.1 

'•  [Ver.  13.  Vulg.,  Thenius,  Phillppson,  Erdmann  render:  "all  Israel  shall  lay  ropes  at  (=-  about)  that  eity, 
on  the  ground  that  pulling  a  city  stone  by  stone  into  tlie  brook  by  ropes  was  an  unheard-of  and  impossible  thing 
(Bp.  Patrick  also  suggests  the  same  difiioulty;.  But  Hushai  seems  purposely  to  put  his  proposal  in  the  most 
recklessly  exaggerated  form,  as  an  appeal  to  Absalom's  vanity,  and  says  expressly  that  the  city  will  be  drawn 
Into  the  brook.  This  meaning  will  be  gotten  if  we  render  the  Hiphil  (IK'tyri) :  "lay  to,  apply  to,"  and  the  text 
shows  a  double  Accusative.  The  Hiphil  may  also  mean :  "  cause  to  bring."  Wellhausen  remarks  that  we  should 
here  expect  WETI,  which  is,  however,  according  to  the  above  view,  not  necessary.— Te.J 

"  [Ver.  14.  Literally:  "to,"  bx.  All  the  versions  and  some  MSS.  and  Edd.  have  ^j;,  "  upon."-'Ihe  Pisqa  in 
this  verse  is  wanting  in  some  MSS. ;  its  effect  is  merely  partially  to  isolate  and  bring  out  in  relief  the  succeeding 
solemn  statement.— Tb.] 

'8  [Ver.  16.  Eng.  A.  V.  again  adopts  the  Qeri,  which  is  found  in  many  MSS.  and  EDD.  (De  Eossi)  and  in  all 
the  versions.  Kethib  Is  here  preferred  as  in  xy.  28,  whioB  see.— The  "  speedily  "  ol  Eng.  A.  V  is  meant  as  tran.s- 
lation  of  the  Infinitive  Absolute,  but  introduces  too  different  a  substantive  idea  from  that  ot  the  verb  OJJ';; 
the  sense  is  rather :  " actually  pass  over."  The  rendering:  "lest  the  king  he  swallowed  iip"  fso  Philippaon, 
Wellhausen)  seems  to  be  the  best;  the  phrase  is  discussed  by  Erdmann,  who  adopts  the  translation:  lest  11 
(transit  over  the  river)  be  swallowed  up  (—  snatched  away)."— Tb.] 

»  [Ver.  17.  Eng.  A  V.  here  inverts  the  order  of  the  Heb ,  in  order  to  avoid  the  contradiction  of  making  the 
statement:  "they  might  not  be  seen  to  enter  the  eity,"  follow  the  statement  that  they  "had  gone  to  tell  tne 
king"  (rendering  the  verb  oS"  as  Aorist).  Erdmann  says  that  this  last  statement  is  anticipatory.  But  the 
Imperfect  is  here  better  taken  in  the  future  sense:  "and  they  were  to  go  and  tell,"  which  avoids  the  somewhat 
hard  anticipation.    Philippson  renders  not  substantially  differently :  "the  maid  told  them  that  they  were  to  go, 


516 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


20  was  perceived].     And  when  [om.  when]  Absalom's  servants  came  to  the  woman 
the  house,  they  [and]  said,  Wher  i  is  Ahimaaz  and  Jonathan?     And  the  woma 
said  unto  them,  They  be  [are]  gone  over  the  brook™  of  water.     And  when  the 
had  [And  they]  sought  and  could  [did]  not  find  them,   they  [and]  returned  I 
Jerusalem. 

21  Aud  it  came  to  pass,  after  they  were  departed,  that  they  came  up  out  of  the  wel 
and  went  and  told  king  David,  and  said  unto  David,  Arise  and  pass  quickly  ove 

22  the  water,  for  thus  hath  Ahithophel  counselled  against  you.  Then  [And]  Davi 
arose,  and  all  the  people  that  were  with  him,  and  they  passed  over  Jordan ;  by  th 
morning-light  there  lacked  not  one  of  them  that  was  not  gone  over  Jordan. 

23  And  when  [om.  when]  Ahithophel  saw  that  his  counsel  was  not  followed  [ini 
and]  he  saddled  his  ass,  and  arose  and  gat  him  home  [and  went]  to  his  house,  t 
his  city,  and  put  his  household  in  order,  and  hanged  himself,  and  died,  and  wa 
buried  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  father. 

*>  [Ver.  20.  The  word  73'D  is  as  yet  unexplained.  Rashi  says  that  its  meaning  can  only  be  inferred  fron 
the  context.  Sept.:  jatKpdi',  "little"  (perhaps  from  similarity  of  sound);  Chald.  takes  the  phrase  as  meaninj 
"  the  Jordan."  Syriao  renders :  '•  hence,"  as  if  it  were  ri3~|13  or  rl3D ;  Arab,  omits  it ;  Vulg. :  "  having  tastei 
a  little  water,"  after  the  Sept.  J.  D.  Kichaelis  and  Gesenius  compare  Araib,  makit,  "a  dry  pit,"  mimkal,  "a  pi 
containing  wat«r,"  but  this  does  not  agree  with  the  form  of  the  Heb.  word.    Others  assume  a  root  ^y  (Pflrs 

takes  this  stem  to  mean  "contain,"  whence  our  word  =  " water-ditch ").    Wellhausen  would  drop  73^D  fron 
the  text,  or  supply  some  such  word  as  "ITl:  "the  way  of  the  water."— Tb.] 


EXEOETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Chap.  xvi.  15-23.  Absalom  in  Jerusalem.  Be 
is  greeted  by  JSushai.  Ahilhophel  counsels  an  evil 
deed. — Ver.  15.  And  Absalom,  comp.  xv.  12, 
to  which  this  narration  attaches  itself,  the  account 
of  David's  flight  (xv.  13 — xvi.  14)  being  inter- 
posed.— And  all  the  people  of  the  men  of 
Israel  [literally  :  all  the  people,  the  men  of  Is- 
rael.—Tr.].  Thenius:  "Very  significant:  The 
old  malcontents  (ii.  8,  9)." — Ver.  16.  Hushai, 
comp.  XV.  32.  He  was  to  be  the  instrument  for 
bringing  to  naught  the  designs  of  Ahithophel  (xv. 
31).— Ver.  17.  That  David's  trusted  friend  and 
counsellor  should  come  to  him  with  the  greeting: 
"  may  the  king  live,"  must  have  astonished  Ab- 
salom. But  instead  of  expressing  this  feeling,  he 
answers  (in  his  double  question)  with  a  scornful 
fling  (as  his  nature  was)  at  Hushai's  friendly  re- 
lation to  David.  [Patrick :  Absalom  did  not  re- 
flect that  one  might  have  said  to  him  :  "  Is  this 
thy  duty  to  thy  father?"— Tb.].— Ver.  18sqq. 
Hushai  in  his  answer  assumes  the  role  of  crafty 
dissimulation,  suggested  by  David  (xv.  34).  Hia 
first  word  is  the  answer  to  Absalom's  question : 
"  why  wentest  thou  not  with  thy  friend  ?"  It  is 
therefore  not  to  be  rendered :  "  Nay,  but "  (De 
Wette,_  [Eng.  A.  V.]),  but:  "Not  (i.  e.,  I  went 
not  with  David),  because,  etc."  Vulg.:  nequa- 
quam  quia.  [The  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  here 
seems  more  natural  and  appropriate.  See  "  Text, 
and  Gram."  —  Tr.].  ^A^hom  the  Iiord  has 
chosen,  that  is,  as  the  event  has  shown :  I  follow 
him  who  is  king  by  God's  choice.  As  I  served 
before  thy  father  [so  will  I  be  before  thee,  ver. 
19],  i.  e.,  it  ia  self-evident  that,  my  service  with 
the  father  having  ceased  by  God's  will,  I  must 
attach  myself  to  the  son.  By  the  clever  use  of 
this  double  argument,  the  divine  and  the  human, 
he  easily  imposes  on  the  inconsiderate  Absalom 
the  delusion  that  he  means  honestly.  [Hushai's 
two  reasons:   1)  the  voice  of  the  people  is  the 


voice  of  God  (Patrick) ;  2)  former  fidelity  to  the 
father  ia  ground  and  pledge  of  present  fidelity  tc 
the  son. — Tb.].— Ver.  20.  Brief  statement  of  a 
council  held  by  Absalom  with  Ahithophel  and 
other  counsellors  (so  the  plural:  "  Give  ye")  on 
the  means  of  announcing  and  securing  his  usur- 
pation. The  Datiivs  commodi  (M ')  gives  the 
sense :  ''  it  is  your  afiair  to  counsel  me "  [liter- 
ally :  "  give  ye  you  counsel,"  Eng.  A. V.  wrongly : 
"among  you." —Tb.].— Ver.  21.  Ahithophel's 
counsel  was  that  he  should  publicly  take  to  him- 
self his  father's  concubines  (xv.  16) ;  this  would 
indicate  definite  dethronement  of  the  father,  and 
complete  assumption  of  royal  authority.  Comp. 
iii.  7 ;  xii.  8.  All  Israelwill  hear,  rfc— Ahi- 
thophel's purpose  is,  1)  to  make  the  breach  be- 
tween Absalom  and  his  father  irreparable,  and 
2)  to  infuse  energy  into  Absalom's  followers,  and 
confirm  their  defection  from  David. — Cornelius 
a  Lapide :  ''  That  they  may  know  that  thy  hatred 
against  thy  father  is  implacable,  and  so  all  hope 
and  fear  of  reconciliation  may  be  cut  off,  and  they 
strengthened  in  thy  conspiracy."  So  also  Ahi- 
thophel hoped  to  secure  his  oivn  position  [i.  e., 
he  feared  that,  if  a  reconciliation  were  efiected,  he 
would  be  sacrificed. — Tr.].  Absalom's  deed  wius 
the  grossest  insult  to  his  fether  (comp.  Gen.  xlix. 
4),  and  made  reconciliation  impossible.  [Here 
again  Ahithophel  wiw  perhaps  avenging  the 
wrong  done  to  Bathsheba.  So  Blunt. — Tb.].— 
Ver.  22.  They  spread  the  tent;  the  Article  [so 
the  original,  but  it  may  properly  be  omitted  in 
an  English  translation,  because  the  definiteness 
is  not  obvious— Tb.]  indicates  that  it  was  the  tent 
designed  for  the  roof,  used  by  the  king  and  his 
family  for  protection  against  sun,  wind  and  rain. 
Thenius :  "  the  expression :  the  tent  is  an  evidence 
that  the  author  is  relating  events  of  his  time."  On 
the  roof,  the  same  where  David's  look  at  Bath- 
sheba led  him  into  the  path  of  sin,  whose  evil  re- 
sults for  him  are  completed  in  this  deed  of  Absa- 
lom.    Thus  is  Nathan's  threat  (xii.  11)  fulfilled ; 


CHAP.  XVI.  15— XVII.  23. 


517 


ae  he  sinned  against  Uriah's  house,  eo  is  he  pun- 
ished in  hia  own  house. — Ver.  23.  Explanatory 
remark  attached  to  ver.  22.  The  immediate  exe- 
cution of  Ahithophel's  counsel  is  explained  by 
the  feet  that  it  had  almost  the  weight  of  a  divine 
oracle  with  both  David  and  Absalom.  It  is  thus 
intimated  that  they  both  put  too  much  confidence 
in  this  bad  man,  the  bitter  fruit  whereof  David  is 
now  reaping.  In  1  Chron.  xxvii.  33  he  is  ex- 
pressly called  the  king's  counsellor.*  To  in- 
quire of  God's  word  =  to  inquire  of  God. 
Comp.  Judg.  i.  1;  xviii.  5;  xx.  18,  23,  27;  1 
Sam.  X.  22  ;  xiv.  37  ;  xxii.  10, 13 ;  xxiii.  2  [comp. 
Gen.  XXV.  22,  where,  however,  the  verb  is  dif- 
ferent.—Tb.] 

Chap.  xvii.  1-23.  Defeat  of  AhUhopheVs  counsel 
through  Hushai's,  and  suiaide  of  Ahithophel. 

Vers.  1-4.  Ahithophel's  counsel  against  David: 
To  surprise  him  by  night  and  kill  him.  Against 
the  opinion  of  the  older  expositors  that  Ahitho- 
phel wished  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of  his  grand- 
daughter Bathsheba,  is  1)  that  this  relationship 
is  not  proved,  for,  though  Ahithophel  had  a  son 
named  Eliam  (xxiii.  34),  it  is  not  shown  that  this 
man  is  the  same  with  Eliam,  the  father  of  Bath- 
sheba (xi.  3) ;  2)  granting,  however,  that  Ahi- 
thophel was  Bathsheba's  grandfather,  it  is  hard 
to  see  how  an  ambitious  man,  like  him,  should 
have  sought  revenge  when  he  saw  his  grand- 
daughter raised  to  the  highest  honors  of  the  realm. 
— His  advice  is  to  fall  on  David  quickly,  that  same 
night,  with  a  chosen  body  of  12,000  men,  and  get 
possession  of  his  person.  Absalom  having  pub- 
licly and  solemnly  mounted  the  throne,  there  was 
needed  a  securing  of  his  usurped  power  against 
David  and  his  followers.  "  This  night "  is  the 
night  that  followed  David's  flight  and  Absalom's 
entrance  into  Jerusalem.  In  favor  of  this  is  ver. 
16,  and  also  ver.  2  compared  with  xvi.  14 ;  for 
David's  exhaustion,  on  which  Ahithophel  counted, 
could  only  come  from  the  haste  and  exertion  of 
the  day's  flight.  The  sudden  night-attack  with 
superior  force  (the  march  required  was  only  about 
four  geographical  miles)  was  to  throw  David's 
followers  into  panic  and  flight,  and,  while  they 
were  thus  scattered,  Ahithophel  was  to  kill  the 

king  "alone,"  that  is,  while  he  was  alone  (1157' 
He  reckons  on  the  king's  weariness ;  in  the  phrase 
"weakhanded"  the  hand"  is  the  symbol  of 
strength,  comp.  Isa.  viii.  11. — Ver.  3.  And  I 
will  bring  back  all  the  people  to  thee,  that 
is,  all  the  people  now  gathered  around  David. 
Ahithophel  regards  Absalom's  government  as  the 
only  lawful  one,  to  which  those  fugitives  must 
submit;  their  flight  is  in  his  eyes  an  act  of  insub- 
orrlination,  from  which  they  are  to  be  brought 
back.— In  the  following  difficult  phrase  [Eng.  A. 
V.  and  Erdmann :  "  the  man  thou  seekest  is  as  if 
all  returned"]  the  first  question  is  whether  we 
shall  (with  'Thenius)  adopt  the  reading  of  the 
Septuagint:  as  the  bride  returns  to  her  husband; 
only  the  life  of  one  man  thou  seekest,  (and  all  the 
people  will  be  uninjured").     But,  apart  from  the 


'  "And  the  counsel  of  Ahithophel  . .  .  days  "—the  con- 
struetinn  is  interrupted,  and  completes  itself  in  the 
|3  . . .  ^5?^<^.    qerl  and  all  versions  supply  E^'X  after 

l^W'' ;  but,  if  one  is  not  disposed  to  accept  this  as  ne- 
cessary (Keil),  the  verb  may  be  taken  impersonally. 


fact  that  no  other  ancient  version  has  a  trace  of 
such  a  text,  why  may  not  the  translation  of  the 
Sept.  come  (as  Keil  supposes)  from  a  wrong  read- 
ing of  our  Hebrew?*  For  the  rest,  Bottcher 
(against  Thenius)  rightly  objects  that  we  cannot 
speak  of  the  "husband"  of  a  bride  ;  "where  and 
when,"  he  asks,  further,  "  was  the  bride  brought 
back  to  her  husband  ?"  Bottcher  himself  ren- 
ders: "as  her  wooer  leads  back  the  bride,  etc." 
[where  "  wooer  "  is  the  person  sent  to  propose  for 
the  bride,  as  Eliezer  for  Rebecca,  Gen.  xxiv  — 
Tb.]  ;  against  which  is  the  fact  that  the  word  he 
proposes  (tJ'^f )  is  never  found  in  this  sense  of 
"wooer,''  and  also  the  unsuitableness  of  the  ad- 
verb "back."  The  rendering:  "if  all  return, 
[only]  the  man  that  thou  seekest  [will  be  killed]  " 
(Mich.,  Schultz)  is  to  be  rejected  on  account  of 
the  aposiopesis  and  consequent  supplements.  S. 
Schmid  and  Clericus  translate :  "  when  all  the 
men  that  thou  seekest  return,  all  the  people  will 
be  at  peace  "  [so  Philippson  and  Luther]  ;  but 
this  contradicts  the  connection,  according  to  which 
the  word  "  seekest "  can  only  refer  to  David,  and 
the  word  "  man  "  {^^^)  mu.st  be  in  the  Singular 
referring  to  him.  Maurer  proposes  two  render- 
ings, one :  "  then  I  will  bring  back  to  thee  all  the 
people,  as  if  the  man  that  mou  seekest  brought 
back  all,"  where  the  understanding  of  the  Qal 
O^W  as  causative,  though  possible  (Num.  x.  36  ; 
Ps.  Ixxxv.  5  [4]  ;  Mic.  ii.  18),  is  here  improbable, 
as  he  says,  since  two  forms  [Qal  and  Hiphil] 
having  the  same  meaning  would  not  stand  so  near 
together ;  the  other  :  "  then  I  will  bring  back  to 
thee  all  the  people,  as  if  all  returned,  would  the 
man  return  (2W3)  whom  thou  seekest"  {i.  c,  as  if 
David,  the  man  that  thou  seekest  should  be 
brought  back  with  all  his  men)  is  to  be  rejected, 
(with  Thenius)  as  unintxlligible.  The  translation 
of  the  Vulgate :  "  and  I  will  bring  back  all  the 
people,  as  one  man  is  accustomed  to  return  (for 
one  man  thou  seekest")  gives  no  clear  sense. 
Ahithophel's  words  are  to  be  taken  strictly  ac- 
cording to  their  connection  with  the  preceding 
ver.  2,  where  he  sets  the  ome  man,  David  over 
against  all  the  people  with  him,  and  announces  it 
as  his  plan  to  kill  him  alone,  so  as  then  to  bring 
back  aU  the  people  (ver.  3)  that  had  gone  out  with 
him.  That  is,  the  one  man  that  thou  seekest  is 
equivalent  to  the  return  of  the  whole  people. 
Peter  Martyr  (Vermigli) :  "  one,  says  he,  will 
perish,  the  multitude  will  be  spared."  Dathe: 
"  it  is  the  same  as  if  all  returned,  when  he  that 
thou  seekest  is  killed"  [so  nearly  Chald.].  De 
Wette ;  "  the  man  that  thou  seekest  is  equivalent 
to  the  return  of  all."  Bunsen :  ''  the  return  of  all 
that  have  not  yet  joined  thee,  depends  on  the  re- 
moval of  David  ;  his  fall  brings  peace  to  the  whole 


*  E^'X  nvlSn  for  Ef'Sn  Van  [with  interpolation  of 
"  only  the  life  of  one  man  "  (Keil).    The  Sept.  text  was  ■ 

a>p3D  nnx  nnx  e?'«  job:  m  nts/'sS  nSan  2W3- 

It  is  suggested  that  the  three  words  following  n73n 

may  have  fallen   out,  because  the   eye  of  the  scribe 

passed  to  the  following  E^'X,  to  which  the  n  in  Tr>2 

was  then  prefixed,  and  the  lUH  made  into  ItyX-  This 
is  possible,  but  the  sense  of  the  Sept.  rendermg  is  doubt- 
ful,—Ta.J 


518 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


nation." — Literally :  "  the  whole  people  will  be 
peace,"  =  "  in  peace,"  adverbial  use,  as  in  xx. 
9 ;  1  Sam.  xxv.  6. — Ver.  4.  "  The  saying  was 
right  in  the  eyes  of  Absalom,  etc.,"  pleased  him 
(xix.  6 ;  xviii.  20,  26  ;  1  Kings  is.  12 ;  Jerem. 
xviii.  4,  etc.). 

Vers.  5-14.  HushwCs  counsel  against  Ahiihophel. 
— Ver.  5.  Though  Ahithophel's  counsel  had  been 
generally  approved,  Absalom  sends  for  Hushai  in 
order  to  hear  his  opinion.  There  is  no  need  to 
read  the  Plural  "call  ye"  (Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr., 
Then.)  instead  of  the  Sing,  "call  thou",  (of  the 
Heb.),  since  Absalom,  as  king,  might  give  such  a 
command  even  to  Ahithophel,  instead  of  to  the 
servants.  As  he  had  accorded  full  confidence  to 
Hushai  (xvi.  18,  19),  he  wished  at  this  decisive 
moment  to  hear  his  advice  also.* — Vers.  6,  7.  Hu- 
shai, being  asked,  pronounces  Ahithophel's  coun- 
sel "not  good"  ["Not  good  is  the  counsel  that 
Ahithophel  counsels  this  time,"  that  i.s,  his  former 
advice  was  good  (xvi.  21),  but  not  this. — Te.]. — 
Ver.  8  sq.  Hushai  gives  his  advice  in  elaborate 
and  skilful  style.  Against  Ahithophel's  opinion 
that  David  was  ''exhausted"  (ver.  2),  he  first  af- 
firms the  contrary,  observing  that  Absalom  knew 
his  father  and  his  men  to  be  valiant  heroes,  and 
that  they  were  embittered  in  spirit,  as  a  bear  robbed 
of  her  whelps  (comp.  Judg.  xviii.  25  ;  Prov.  xvii. 
12 ;  Hos.  xiii.  8).  So  he  would  not  stay  at  night 
with  the  people,  where  he  might  be  surprised. 
Bottcher  and  Thenius  render:  "and  lets  not  the 

people  lodge  for  the  night "  (['T  as  unusual  Hi- 
phil) ;  but  there  is  no  ground  for  this,  [it  does 
not  agree  with  ver.  9  (Keil)]. — Ver.  9  sqq.  De- 
scription of  how  David,  as  a  genuine  military 
man,  would  be  on  his  guard  during  the  night, 
and,  at  the  approach  of  Absalom's  troops,  would 
rush  forth  from  his  cavernsf  and  strong  positions, 
fall  on  the  enemy's  advanced  guard  and  defeat 
the  whole  body.  '"  In  the  falling  on  them,"  where 
from  the  connection  David  is  the  8ubject,="  when 
he  falls  on  them."  [Eng.  A.  V. :  "  in  the  falling 
among  them,"  =  when  some  of  them  fall.  See 
"Text,  and  Gramm."— Tr.].  The  "them"  re- 
fers from  the  context  to  Absalom's  men,  and  it  is 
unnecessary  to  read  "  the  people  "  (0^3  Dathe). 
"  In  the  beginning,"  since  David  would  begin  the 
fight  by  falling  on  the  approaching  enemy.  [Or, 
according  to  Eng.  A.  V.,  the  fall  of  some  of  Ab- 
salom's soldiers  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle 
would  create  a  panic  and  flight,  there  being  gen- 
eral fear  of  the  military  skill  and  prowess  of  Da- 
vid and  his  generals.  Bib.-Oom.:  "  It  is  likely 
that  Absalom  was  not  a  man  of  courage,  and  Hu- 
shai, knowing  this,  adroitly  magnified  the  terror 
of  the  prowess  of  David  and  his  men." — Tr.]. — 
And  the  hearer  hears  and  says,  eic— picture 
of  the  spread  of  a  report  of  defeat  by  those  that 
are  first  attacked.— Ver.  10.  Though  the  hearer 
be  lion-hearted,  he  will  melt  in  fear,  because  it  is 
known  in  all  Israel  what  heroes  David  and  his 
men  are.  This  explains  how  the  report  of  an  at- 
tack by  David  would  lead  to  a  general  everthrow- 

•  The  Xin~DJ  strengthens  the  auflSx  in  1'3.  Ewald, 
5  311  a. 

t  D'nna,  natural  hiding-places,  niO'lpO,  artificially 
strong  positions  ;  in  these  David  would  pass  the  night. 


To  Ahithophel's  proposal  to  surprise  David  H 
shai  replies  that  on  the  contrary  David  wou 
surprise  them.— Ver.  11.  Therefore  his  couns 
is  that  Absalom  should  summon  a  great  force  fro 
all  Israel,  and  lead  it  against  David  in  perso 
Properly:  "lyut*  (or,  rather)  I  counsel."  It 
unnecessary  to  read  "in  their  midst"  (Sept.,  .Vu 
gate,  Arab.,  Thenius)  instead  of  "into  battle 
since  a  change  in  the  Hebrew  from  the  latter 
the  former  would  be  easy. — Ver.  12  sq.  Hush: 
explains  to  Absalom  how  he  could  with  so  gre 
an  army  easily  annihilate  David's  band.  "  \t 
shall  come  unto  him  in  onef  of  the  places."  Tl 
next  sentence  is  rendered  in  two  ways:  eithei 
"  so  we  on  him,"  that  is,  so  we  fall  on  him  (Vulg 
irmemus  swper  eum),  spread  over  him,  as  thede 
falls  on  the  earth  ;J  or,  "  we  ligiitj  on  liim  "  [e 
Eng.  A.  v.],  as  the  phrase  is  used  of  an  encami 
ing  army  (Isa.  vii.  2, 19),  and  of  a  lighting  swan 
of  flies  or  locusts  (Isa.  vii.  19;  Ex.  x.  14),  an 

elsewhere  (with  1S_  "on")  in  the  senseof  "lighi 
ing"  (xxi.  10;  Gen.  viii.  4;  Ex.  x.  14;  Nu.  x 
25,  26);  not:  "we  encamp  against  him"  (D 
Wettej.  The  second  translation  ["we  light  oi 
him "]  answers  better  to  the  figure  of  the  dm 
which  falls  quietly  and  unperceived  on  the  eartl 
at  night,  with  which  (as  before  with  the  sand  oi 
the  .sea)  Hushai  compares  Absalom's  army,  set 
tling  quietly  in  its  overwhelming  power  on  Da 
vid.  On  the  other  hand  the  emphatic  "  we  "  a 
the  beginning  of  the  sentence  [as  in  the  first  trans 
lation]  is  without  ground,  and  does  not  corres 
pond  to  the  verb  "  we  come  "  in  the  precedinf 
clause ;  while  to  this  latter  properly  correspond! 
the  verb  ''we  light"  (as  indeed  all  the  ancien 
versions  have  a  verb  in  this  place).  Bottchei 
further  remarks  that  this  form  of  the  Heb.  Pers 
Pron.  is  everywhere  else  used  in  a  depreciatorj 
sense:  "  we  insignificant,  very  poor  persons,"  whiol 
would  here  be  against  the  connection.  Bottcher 
however,  would  read  "locust"||  instead  of  "dew,'' 
and  render :  "  and  sink  (rush)  on  him,  as  a  swarir 
of  locusts  falls  on  the  earth ;"  but  this  is  too  re 
mote  a  conjecture  (having  no  support  in  any  an 
cient  version  or  in  any  rendering),  and  unneces 
sary  besides,  since  the  figure  of  the  dew,  togethei 
with  that  of  the  sand,  fitly  sets  forth  the  swift  anc 
quiet  settling  of  the  huge  host  on  the  enemy.  And 
with  this  accords  perfectly  the  statement'  of  tht 
success  of  the  attack :  "  not  even  one  will  be  left." 
— Ver.  13.  Hushai,  assuming  that  the  imaginatioii 
of  his  hearers  would  be  carried  from  one  conception 
to  the  other,  here  passes  in  a  wordy  discourse,  skil- 
fully adapted  to  gain  his  end,  to  the  suppositiot 
(which  would  appear  natural  to  a  military  man^ 

*  So  ^3  after  a  negation,  expressed  or  understood 
Ges.  §  165, 1,  e— ^' Ji3  —  "  thy  person,  thyself,"  the  Plu 

noun  here  accompanied  by  a  Plu.  Partioip.— Instead  of 
D1p3  Thenius  would  read  D3TD3. 

T  1 1  -  T  :!■  : 

t  The  fem.  numeral  'though  the  subst.  is  found  a! 
fem.  in  Gen.  xviii.  24;  Job  xx.  9)  is  probably  (since  thf 
maso.  is  used  in  ver.  9)  to  be  ragarded  as  scribal  erroi 
for  mase.  (Maurer). 

t  Taking  ?jn J  —  "  we,"  as  in  Gen.  xlii.  11 :  Ex.  xvi.  7 
I  -  ' 

8 ;  Num.  xxxii.  32 ;  Lam.  iii.  42. 

2  ?:nj  as  1  plu.  Perf.  Qal  of  n?J,  Sept.  (:rope,iPaAoii)i«>) 
Syr.,  Arab. 

I  Von  or  Son  for  San. 


CHAP.  XVI.  15— XVII.  23. 


519 


that  David,  defeated  as  above  described,  should 
"  concentrate  to  the  rear,"  and  throw  himself  into  a 
strong  city.  Then  all  Israel  set  ropes  to  this 
city.  Vulgate:  "aU  Israel  put  ropes  around 
that  city."  Hushai  is  not  speaking  of  ropes 
thrown  over  the  walls  by  which  the  latter  are 
thrown  into  the  ditch  (Michaelis,  Dathe,  Nie- 
meyer),  for  nothing  is  said  of  a  ditch  and  walls ; 
but  in  his  exaggerated  mode  of  expression,  which 
he  forces  to  a  hyperbolical  climax  (all  intended 
for  momentary  effect),  he  shows  how  easily  even 
then  David  could  be  captured,  all  Israel  laying 
ropes  about  the  city  and  dragging  it  into  the 
neighboring  brook  or  river.     We  are  not  here 

with  Ewald  to  understand  a  city-fosse  ( 'HJ),  ''for 
the  fosse  wa.s  cZose  by  the  city"  (Then.),  but  the 
brook  or  river  on  which  the  city  is  built,  "  be- 
cause fortified  cities  are  almost  always  on  the  de- 
clivitie?  of  brooks  or  rivers"  (Then.).  "Till  not 
even  a  small  stone  be  found,"  so  the  ancient  ver- 
sions ;*  comp.  Am.  ix.  9 :  "  a  little  grain." — The 
meaning  is:  "Your  powerful  army  will  easily 
destroy  the  fortified  place,  where  David  may  seek 
refuge,  and  leave  not  one  stone  on  another."  Cor- 
nelius a  Lapide :  "  we  will  collect  bo  great  a  force 
that  we  shall  be  able  to  put  ropes  around  the  city 
(bo  to  speak),  and  drag  it  down  to  ruin." — Ver. 
14.  To  this  advice  of  Hushai  Absalom  gives  the 
preference  over  Ahithophel's.  The  boldness  and 
highflown  extravagance  of  Hushai's  words  ac- 
corded with  Absalom's  character  and  with  his 
wish  to  secure  his  throne  in  brilliant  fashion  by 
overpowering  the  force  opposed  to  him.  Cleri- 
cus :  "  The  counsel  seemed  good,  and  at  the  same 
time  was  full  of  a  certain  boastfulness,  that  pleased 
the  young  man."  The  statement  about  the 
bravery  of  David  and  his  men  was  true ;  the  de- 
ceit in  Hushai's  counsel  was  only  the  advice  to 
make  a  levy  of  all  Israel.  Absalom  deluded 
him.self  with  the  belief  that  this  could  be  easily 
raised,  not  considering  that  only  the  discontented 
part  of  the  people  formed  the  kernel  of  the  insur- 
rection, that  no  small  portion  still  remained  true 
to  David,  and  that  another  part,  now  for  the  mo- 
ment fallen  away,  would  return  after  the  first  fit 
of  revolution  had  passed.  For  this  reason  it  was 
an  important  consideration  (to  which  Hushai 
slyly  had  regard)  that  David  gained  time  while 
Absalom  was  preparing  to  summon  all  Israel. 
P.  Martyr :  "  to  what  does  Hushai  look  in  this 
counsel?  to  delay;  delay,  he  knows,  makes  for 
David's  cause."— And  the  Lord  had  ap- 
pointed. In  all  this  the  narrator  sees  a  divine 
appointment  or  ordination,  the  aim  of  which  was 
thus  to  bring  on  Absalom  the  evil  (that  was  deter- 
mined on).  The  verb  (HIS)  is  used  in  the  signi- 
fication "  appoint,  ordain,"  also  in  Ps.  Ixviii.  29 
[28]  ;  cxi.  9 ;  Lam.  i.  17 ;  Isa.  xlv.  12 ;  the  object 
of  the  verb  is  apparent  from  the  connection. 
Ahithophel's  counsel  is  called  good,  because  it 
was  to  Absalom's  interest  to  attack  David  im- 
mediately. 

Vers.  15-22.  Hushai  promptly  sends  word  to  Da- 
vid.—Vei.  15.  He  first  informs  the  two  high- 
priests,  Zadok  and  Abiathar,  of  the  council  that 


*  ins  —  IIS.— On  the  masc.  IjIK  referring  to  the  fem. 
y;)  see'Ew.  i  174,  6  a. 


was  held.  Comp.  xv.  27,  28.  [Bib.  Com. .  "  It 
is  remarkable  how  persistently  Zadok  is  named 
first."— Patrick :  "  Herein  Hushai  betrayed  Ab- 
salom's counsels." — Tk.] — Ver.  16.  He  directs 
thena  to  send  information  to  David  as  speedily  as 
possible  by  their  sons,  and  to  convey  his  advice 
concerning  his  next  movement.  Grrotius :  "  Da- 
vid's plan,  above  mentioned  (xv.  35,  36),  suc- 
ceeded well."  Lodge  not  to-night  at  the 
fords  of  the  wilderness  (xv.  28),  that  is,  stay 
not  this  side  the  Jordan,  but  cross  over.  The 
necessity  of  the  passage  of  the  Jordan  for  David's 
safety  is  shown  by  the  following  (variously  un- 
derstood) words:  That  it  (namely,  the  transit) 
be  not  swallowed  up  (defeated,  rendered  im- 
possible) to  the  king  and  to  all  the  people 
that  are  with  him.  So  (with  Bottcher)  the 
sentence  is  best  understood  from  the  connection 
and  from  David's  dangerous  situation,  the  noun 
"  crossing  over"  [transit]  being  taken  as  the  sub- 
ject of  the  verb  (113;?  immediately  preceding). 
It  was  important  that  David  should  get  away 
from  this  side  the  Jordan,  where  the  masses  were 
to  be  called  out  against  him,  and  meantime,  sinoe 
a  hasty  expedition  might  be  sent  against  him, 
when  it  was  found  that  he  was  on  the  west  side 
(especially  if  Absalom  should  change  his  mind 
and  adopt  Ahithophel's  counsel),  he  must  pass 
immediately  to  the  east  side,  where  he  might 
hope  to  find  many  followers,  as  actually  hap- 
pened. To  the  phrase  ''that  it  be  not  swallowed 
up"  other  interpretations  are  giveii:  that  of 
Maurer  and  D»  Wette :  "  lest  destruction  be  pre- 
pared for  the  king"  is  untenable  because  the 
meaning  of  the  verb  ("swallowed  up")  makes  the 
introduction  of  such  a  verbal  subject  ["destruc- 
tion"] impossible;  that  of  Gesenius:  "that  the 
king  be  not  swallowed  up"  [so  Eng.  A.  V.]  is 
equally  untenable,  because  then  the  text  should 
have  "the  king"  as  Nominative  [in  the  Heb.  it 
is  preceded  by  the  Prep,  "to"— Tb.].  Of  Ewald's 
rendering  (Gram.  295  c) :  "  that  it  (misfortune) 
be  not  swallowed  by  the  king,"  that  is,  that  the 
king  may  not  have  to  suffer  it,  Bottcher  rightly 
says:  "a  very  unnatural  rendering,  with  a  very 
remote  verbal  subject,  for  which  the  verb  would 
at  least  better  be  Feminine."  [It  seems  allowa- 
ble here  to  take  the  verb  as  impersonal,  and  ren- 
der (with  Eng.  A.  V.,  Ges.,  Philippsou,  Cahen) : 
"lest  it  be  swallowed  (destroyed)  to  the  king,"  i.e., 
lest  the  king  be  destroyed.  So  all  the  ancient  ver- 
sions* understood  it.  The  construction  adopted 
by  Erdmann  requires  a  somewhat  difiicult  supply 
of  a  subject  to  the  verb.— Tk.]— Ver.  17.  "And 
Jonathan  and  Ahimaaz  were  standing"  [=  were 
stationed],  where  the  Participle  "were  standing" 
expresses  their  readiness  to  go  as  messengers  to 
David  at  any  moment,  according  to  the  arrange- 
ment in  XV.  28,  36.  To  this  end  they  were  sta 
tioned  outside  the  city  at  the  Fuller's  Fountain 
[Enrogel]  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  informa- 
tion. Fh-rogel  (comp.  Josh.  xv.  7 ;  1  Kings  i.  9) 
is  the  "  present  very  deep  and  abundant  Fountain 
of  Job,  Bir  Eyub  (Von  Baumer,  p.  307),  or  of 
Nehemiah,  south  of  Jerusalem  where  the  vallies 

*  [Sept.  fAlex.):  "lest  one  swallow  up  the  king;" 
Vulg.:  '-lest  the  king  be  .swallowed  up;"  Syr.:  "lent 
thon  perish;"  Chald.:  "  le.st  profl'  be  gotten  from  the 
king,'' i.  «.,lest  he  be  betrayed  (Walton's  Polyg.  incor- 
rectly :  "  lest  the  king  perish  ").— Tb.] 


520 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


of  Kidron  and  Hinnom  meet,  Rob.  II.  138  sqq. 
[Am.  ed.  I.  .331-333]  ;  Tobler,  Top.  II.  50  tqq." 
(Knobel).  [See  in  Smith's  Bible-Dictionary,  Art. 
"  Bn-rogel,"  Bonar's  argument  for  identifying 
En-rogel  with  the  "Fountain  of  the  Virgin,"  and 
Dr.  Wolcott's  reply  (Am.  ed.)  in  favor  of  Bir 
Eyub. — Tr.] — The  maid,  not  "  a  maid,"  sinee 
the  Article  [of  the  Heb.]  denotes  the  particular 
maid-servant  belonging  to  tlie  high-priest's  house. 
And  they  ^ent,  an  anticipatory  remark,  the 
narrator  desiring  to  mention  immediately  the 
chief  fact,  namely,  that  they  carried  the  informa- 
tion to  David.  [See  "Text,  and  Gram.,"  where 
the  inversion  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  pointed  out,  and  a 
slightly  different  translation  proposed. — Tb.] 
For  they  could  not  let  themselves  be  seen 
to  come  into  the  city — appended  explanation 
of  the  fact  that  they  were  outside  the  city,  and 
the  maid-servant  had  to  go  to  them.  Her  going 
out  to  the  spring  would  not  seem  strange,  while 
their  entrance  and  return  would  have  excited 
suspicion,  since  it  was  known  (xv.  25  sqq.)  that 
they  were  on  David's  side. — From  ver.  18  it  seems 
that  Absalom  closely  watched  them:  A  lad  savy 
them  and  told  Absalom.  Seeing  that  they 
were  observed,  and  expecting  to  be  followed ,  they 
hastened  off  in  order  to  get  the  start  of  their  pur- 
suers, and  then  to  hide  somewhere.  They  wejit 
to  Bahurim,  where  Shimei  met  David  (xvi.  5), 
whose  counterpart  is  the  man  in  whose  house  the 
two  young  men  found  refuge.  It  is  again  a  wo- 
man (the  man's  wife)  whose  presence  of  mind  and 
cunning  did  David's  cause  a  great  service.  The 
meiwengers  de.scended  into  the  empty  well  in  the 
court. — Ver.  19.  And  she  spread  the  cover- 
ing, which  (as  the  Art.  shows)  was  at  hand,  or 
was  designed  for  the  well  (Thenius),  over  the 
'nrell,  and  spread  thereon  the  grain-corns 
(Prov.  xxvii.  22)  with  which  (so  the  Art.  indi- 
cates) she  was  occupied.  Vulg.  (explanatory 
rendering) :  "  asif  she  were  drying  barley-groats." 
— Ver.  20.  Absalom's  servants  come  in  pursuit, 
are  misdirected  by  the  woman,  find  nothing  and 
return  to  Jerusalem.*  [Patrick:  "It  seems  to 
have  been  a  common  opinion  in  those  days  that 
these  officious  lies  for  the  safety  of  innocent  per- 
sons had  no  hurt  in  them." — Tb..] — Ver.  21  sq. 
The  messengers  hastened  to  David,  who,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  information  they  brought,  crossed 
the  river  immediately,  so  that  by  the  morning 
light  mo(  even  a  man  more  was  on  the  west  side. 
The  situation  of  affairs  was  now  favorable  to  Da- 
vid's cause. 

Ver.  23.  Ahithophel  betakes  himself  to  his 
city,  leaves  Absalom's  court,  that  is,  out  of  cha- 
grin at  the  rejection  of  his  counsel,  anger  at  the 
frustration  of  his  ambitious  plans,  and  also  from 
fear  of  the  fatal  results  that  David's  victory  would 
have  for  him,  the  contriver  and  furtherer  of  the 
insurrection.  A  self-murderf  from  baffled  ambi- 
tion and  despair.  Not  only  is  David's  prayer 
(xv.  31)  answered,  but  Ahithophel  falls  under 
God's  judgment  for  his  unfaithfulness  and 
treachery. 

*  D'Hn  73'n  a  air.  Xey.  =  a  small  bi'ook  in  the  vi- 
cinity.   [See  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Ta.] 

t  fThere  la  an  old  opinion  (see  Patrick  in  loco)  that 
Ahithophel  died  of  qumsy  brought  on  by  violent  pas- 
sions, grief,  chagrin,  hatred,  and  Then.  (Ccmm.  in  loco) 
mentions  that  the  same  view  (as  to  the  disease)  is  raain- 


HISTOBICAL   AND    THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Absalom's  insurrection  and  the  establishmen 
of  a  new  kingdom  with  public  dishonoring  of  thi 
royal  house,  is  the  completion  of  the  judgnaent  ot 
David's  deep  fall  and  weakness  towards  his  sons 
crimes,  the  purpose  of  which  was  to  purify  him 
( after  penitential  self-humiliation  on  his  part),  and 
to  subject  him  to  the  test  of  faith,  without  whicb 
he  could  not  rise  by  God's  hand  from  this  deej 
abasement.  On  the  other  hand,  the  success  of  the 
godless  rebel  shows  a  lack  of  a  true  theocratic 
feeling  in  the  ma.ss  of  the  people,  who,  in  aban- 
doning God's  government,  were  guilty  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  government  of  God.  At  the  same  lime 
in  Absalom's  conduct  (adopted  through  Ahitho- 
phel's  evil  counsel)  is  exhibited  the  general  truth 
that  God  permits  evil  to  work  out  its  own  conse- 
quence.s,  and  the  wicked  to  entangle  themselves  in 
their  own  snares,  that  He  may  reveal  His  justice 
and  holiness  in  the  self-condemnation  and  self- 
destruction  of  the  power  of  evil,  and  thus  lead  the 
wandering  and  apostate,  when  they  will  hear  His 
voice,  to  reflection  and  conversion,  as  happened 
here  to  the  people,  after  the  wickedness  of  Absa- 
lom and  Ahithophel  had  completely  worked  it- 
self out. 

2.  The  divine  justice  is  anew  revealed  in  and 
on  the  house  of  David  through  Absalom's  publicly 
committed  crime.  The  answer  to  the  question 
why  God  brought  on  David's  house  this  deed  of 
shame  of  His  own  son,  is  given  in  the  Lord's  word 
through  Nathan  (xii.  11,  121.  The  sins  of  the  fa- 
thers are  visited  not  only  on  the  children,  but 
through  them.  "Absalom's  deed  was  another  chas- 
tisement for  David  from  the  Lord,  not,  indeed,  a 
sign  of  the  divine  anger,  but  a  wholesome  paternal 
discipline,  that  was  meant  for  his  good.  In  such 
earnest  does  God  deal  with  His  children,  even 
after  He  has  taken  them  into  favor"  (Schlier). 

3.  Absalom's  rejection  of  Ahithophel's  good 
counsel  for  Hushai's  destructive  counsel  sets  forth 
the  truth  that  evil  punishes  itself  by  itself,  and 
especially  pride  and  vanity  blind  man,  so  that  he 
errs  in  the  choice  of  means  for  his  sinful  ends,  and 
secures  not  only  their  frustration,  but  also  his  own 
destruction.  But  tliis  occurs  in  the  course  of  the 
moral  government  of  the  world,  under  the  guidance 
of  the  divine  justice  and  wisdom,  which  takes  hu- 
man sin,  blindness  and  foolishness  into  its  plans 
as  a  factor,  in  order  to  frustrate  its  wicked  aims 
and  to  effect  its  own  holy  aims. 

HOMILETICAL   AND  PRACTICAL. 

Chap.  xvi.  1 5.  Schlier  ;  Poor,  deluded  fool, 
that  strives  after  popular  favor,  and  when  he  has 
found  it,  consoles  himself  therewith.  Thei-e  is 
nothing  more  changeable  than  popular  favor — no- 
thing more  transitory  than  what  is  called  public 
opinion. — Vers.  16-19.  Ceamee  :  Remain  faith- 
ful to  thy  friend  in  his  poverty,  that  thou  maye-st 
again  enjoy  thyself  with  him  when  it  goes  well 
with  him  (Ecclus.  xxii.  28,  29).— The  saints  of 
God  do  many  a  thing  with  good  intentions,  and 
yet  we  are  not  on  that  account  to  take  part  in  it 


talned  by  Steuber  (1741).  In  Dryden's  "Absalom  and 
Ahithophel"  the  latter  personage  represents  the  Earl 
of  Shaftesbury.— Tb.] 


CHAP.  XVI.  15— XVII.  23. 


521 


all.  Meantime  God  lets  it  happen,  and  knows 
how  thereby  to  carry  out  His  work  (Isa.  xxviii. 
21,  29).— ScHLlER :  What  we  say  should  be  true, 
not  merely  that  it  shall  contain  no  lie,  but  also 
that  it  be  free  from  all  double  meaning.  In  the 
times  of  the  Old  Testament,  God  the  Lord  could 
overlook  such  double-meaning;  with  us,  in  the 
times  of  the  New  Testament,  that  is  no  longer  the 
case,  but  it  holds  always  and  every  where  that  the 
Lord  will  make  the  upright  prosper. — Ver.  20  sq. 
Hedinger  :  Worldly  wisdom  and  spiritual  gifts 
do  not  always  dwell  under  one  roof. — S.  Schmid  : 
He  must  be  extremely  ungodly  who  can  openly 
do  that  of  which  nature  has  a  horror  even  in  pri- 
vate.— Schliee:  David  certainly  thought  anew 
upon  his  old  sins,  was  ashamea  and  humbled 
himself,  and  in  his  son's  sin  again  recognized  his 
own  sin,  and  anew  repented  before  the  Lord. 

Chap.  xvii.  1-4.  Cramer  :  God  blinds  the  un- 
godly, and  confounds  them  through  giddiness,  so 
that  they  can  neither  see  nor  know  what  in  human 
wise  is  wholesome  and  good  for  them ;  for  He  puts 
to  shame  the  wisdom  of  the  wise  (Isa.  xxix.  14; 
Job  xii.  17). — [Taylor:  This  plan  was  worthy 
of  Ahithophel's  reputation.  If  it  had  been  ener- 
getically followed,  it  would  have  been  completely 
successful,  and  would  have  changed  the  entire  co- 
lor and  complexion  of  Jewish  history. — Tr.] 

Vers.  5-14.  Large  talking  and  grand  schemes 
are  a  means  whereby  young  and  inexperienced 
persons  are  often  deceived  (1  Kings  xii.  10). — 
The  Lord  ensnares  the  ungodly  in  their  cunning, 
BO  that  they  are  deceived  by  that  very  thing  on 
which  they  most  relied. — S.  Schmid:  If  God  does 
not  open  and  rule  the  eyes  of  the  mind,  even  the 
most  sensible  men  are  blind  (Psalm  cxix.  18). — 
Starke  :  God  does  not  leave  His  enemies  to  ma- 
nage as  they  will,  hut  appoints  them  a  limit,  how 
far  they  shall  go.  When  they  take  hold  most 
shrewdly,  vet  God  goes  another  road  (Ps.  xxxiii. 
10;  Isa."vjii.  10;  Job  v.  12).— [Hall:  First,  to 
sweeten  his  opposition,  Hushai  yields  the  praise 
of  wisdom  to  his  adversary  in  all  other  counsels, 
that  he  may  have  leave  to  deny  it  in  this ;  his 
very  contradiction  in  the  present  insinuates  a  ge- 
neral allowance.  Then  he  suggests  certain  appar 
rent  truths  concerning  David's  valor  and  skill  to 
give  countenance  to  the  inferences  of  his  impro- 
babilities. Lastly,  he  cunningly  feeds  the  proud 
humor  of  Absalom,  in  magnifying  the  power  and 
extent  of  his  commands,  and  ends  in  the  glorious 
boasts  of  his  fore-promised  victory.  As  it  is  with 
feces,  so  with  counsel ;  that  is  fair  that  plea.seth. 
— Te.] — Schlier:  A  good  cause  always  goes  the 
way  of  truth,  and  does  not  need  scoffing  and  self- 
important  words,  but  goes  on  soberly  and  simply. 
Absalom  gave  heed  to  Hushai's  bad  counsel,  be 
cause  Hushai  knew  how  by  means  of  his  vanity 
to  bring  him  to  a  fall. — The  Lord  is  with  us  and 
lets  nothing  happen  to  us;  He  also  knows  how  to 
turn  the  wickedness  of  our  enemies  into  a  blessing 
to  us.    And  if  all  the  world  is  hostile  and  perse- 


cutes us,  the  Lord  takes  in  hand  even  our  perse- 
cutors, and  does  with  them  as  He  pleases. 

Vers.  15-22.  Schlier:  Let  us  recognize  the 
Lord's  hand  in  the  things  of  common  life  also,  but 
let  us  always  honor  His  hand  and  thankfully  ac- 
cept what  it  gives.  Circumstances  are  God's  mes- 
sengers, and  well  for  him  who  in  these  circum- 
stances recognizes  and  honors  the  hand  of  his 
Lord.  It  was  God's  hand  that  through  all  these 
littlenesses  and  casualties  caused  the  news  of  Ahi- 
thophel's counsel  to  come  safe  to  David. 

Ver.  23.  Cramer:  Ungodly  men  fall  into  the 
pit  which  they  make  for  others  (Psa.  vii.  16  [15]  ; 
ix.  16  [15];  Prov.  xxvi.  27).  [Hall:  What  a 
mixture  do  we  find  here  of  wisdom  and  madness  I 
Ahithophel  will  needs  hang  himself;  there  is 
madness :  he  will  yet  set  his  house  in  order ;  there 

is  an  act  of  wisdom How  preposterous 

are  the  cares  of  idle  worldlings,  that  prefer  all 
other  things  to  themselves,  and  while  they  look 
at  what  thejr  have  in  their  coflfers,  forget  what  they 
have  in  their  breasts. — Taylor:  This  is  the  first 
recorded  case  of  deliberate  suicide.  And  the 
feelings  which  led  to  it.  and  which  we  can  easily 
analyze,  were  very  similar  to  those  which  have 
impelled  many  in  our  own  times  to  commit  the 
same  awful  iniquity.  Chief  p.mong  them  was 
wounded  pride.  Then,  besides  this,  there  was  the 
conviction  that  Absalom's  cause  was  now  hope- 
lessly ruined  ....  Perhaps  also  there  was  a  min- 
gling of  remorse  with  those  other  emotions  of 
pride.  He  had  left  a  master  who  loved  and  va- 
lued him,  and  had  transferred  his  services  to  one 
who,  as  he  now  discovered,  had  not  the  wisdom 
to  appreciate  his  worth,  but  preferred  the  gaudy 
glitter  of  empty  rhetoric  to  the  substantial  wisdom 
of  unadorned  speech.  This  contrast,  thus  forced 
upon  him,  might  awaken  his  conscience  to  the 
value  of  the  friendship  which  he  had  forfeited 
when  he  turned  against  David,  until  remorse  and 
shame  overwhelmed  him. — Te.] 

[Chap.  xvii.  5.  It  was  not  unwise  in  Absalom 
to  seek  the  advice  of  another  experienced  coun- 
sellor also  (Prov.  xxiv.  6) ;  his  fault  was  that  he 
did  not  know  which  advice  to  follow,  and  was 
misled  by  high-sounding  and  flattering  words. 
In  choosing  counsellors,  and  in  judging  of  their 
counsel,  lies  great  part  of  the  wisdom  of  life. — 
Boldness  is  often  true  prudence;  and  "delays  are 
dangerous."— Ver.  14.  Hushai's  treacherous  craft 
and  Absalom's  silly  vanity  are  overruled  to  the 
accomplishment  of  the  Lord's  purpose.  Few 
things  are  so  consoling  as  the  frequency  with 
which  we  perceive  how  God  brings  good  out  of 
evil ;  and  doubtless  this  is  often  true  where  we  do 
not  yet  perceive  it  (Ps.  Ixxvi.  10;  Is.  xiii.  7). — 
Ver.  23.  Ahithophel  1)  A  model  of  worldly  wisdom 
(xvi.  23).  Excellence  of  his  advice  to  Absalom 
(xvi.  21 ;  xvii.  1-3).  2)  An  example  of  worldly 
wisdom  failing  because  it  ignores  God  (ver.  14; 
Ps.  xiv.  1).  3)  A  suicide;  a)  probable  causes; 
b)  folly  and  guilt.-TE.] 


522  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


3.  The  Civil  War. 

Chapteks  XVII.  24  -  XVIII.  33  [XIX.  1]. 

a.  David  at  Mahanaim.    Chap.  XVII.  24-29. 

24  Then  [And]  David  came  to  Mahanaim.     And  Absalom  passed  over  Jordan, 

25  he  and  all  the  men  of  Israel  with  him.  And  Absalom  made  Amasa  captain  of  the 
host  instead  of  Joab,  which  [and]  Amasa  was  a  man's  son/  whose  name  was  Ithra, 
an  Israelite  [the  Ishmaelite],  that  went  in  to  Abigail  the  daughter  of  Nahash,  sis- 

26  ter  to  Zeruiah,  Joab's  mother.     So  [And]  Israel  and  Absalom  pitched  in  the  land 

27  of  Gilead.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when  David  was  come  to  Mahanaim,  that  Shobi 
the  son  of  Nahash  of  Kabbah  of  the  children  of  Ammon,  and  Machir  the  son  of 

28  Ammiel  of  Lo-debar,  and  Barzillai  the  Gileadite  of  Rogelim,  Brought'  beds,  and 
basons,  and  earthen   vessels,  and  wheat,  and  barley,  and  flour,  and  parched  corn, 

29  and  beans,  and  lentiles,  and  parched  pulse  leom'],  And  honey,  and  butter  [curds], 
and  sheep,  and  cheese  of  kine,  for  David,  and  for  the  people  that  were  with  him,  to 
eat ;  for  they  said,  The  people  is  [gof]  hungry,  and  weary,  and  thirsty  in  the  wil- 
derness. 

b.  The  battle  in  the  forest  of  Ephraim.    Chap.  XVIII.  1-8. 

1  And  David  numbered   [mustered]  the  people  that  were  with  him,  and  set  cap- 

2  tains  of  thousands  and  captains  of  hundreds  over  them.  And  David  sent  forth 
[gave*]  a  third  part  of  the  people  under  [into*]  the  hand  of  Joab,  and  a  third  part 
under  [into]  the  hand  of  Abishai  the  son  of  Zeruiah,  Joab's  brother,  and  a  third 
part  under  [into]  the  hand  of  Ittai  the  Gittite.     And  the  king  said  unto  the  people, 

3  I  will  surely  [om.  surely]  go  forth  with  you  myself  also.  But  [And]  the  people 
answered  [said],  Thou  shalt  not  go  forth ;  for  if  we  flee  away,  they  will  not  care 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

'  [Ver.  25.  Probably  we  should  read:  "the  son  of  a  stranger  (foreigner)"  ('IJJ  !J?"K,  or  1J  E^'N).    Instead 

•    :  T 

of  "  Israelite  "  editors  now  generally  read :  "  Ishmaelite  "  (1  Chr.  ii.  17).  The  old  Jewish  view  is  that  Ithra  or  Ji- 
thra  or  Jether  (another  name  for  Jesse)  was  an  Israelite  by  birth,  but  had  lived  long  among  the  Ishmaelites,  or 
was  an  Ishmaelite  by  birth  and  an  Israelite  by  religion  (a  proselyte),  and  that  the  phrase  "  son  of  a  man  "  =  *'  a 
man  of  distinction"  (so  Philippson);  but  this  is  less  probable  than  that  our  text  is  corrupt.  Wordsworth  sup- 
poses that  the  name  "  Israelite  "  may  be  used  in  distinction  from' Judahite,'to  show  that  Jithra  did  not  belong  to 
the  tribe  of  Judah  ;  but  Cahen  remarks  that  this  designation  (Israelite)  seems  not  to  have  come  into  use  till  after 
the  division  of  the  kingdom. — WcUhausen  thinks  that  "  daughter  of  Nahash  "  is  for  "  son  of  Nahash,"  and  is  an 
insertion  from  ver.  27.  a  not  improbable  supposition ;  the  statement  would  then  be  :  "  Amasa  was  the  son  of  a 
foreigner  named  Jethra  the  Ishmaelite,  who  went  in  unto  Abigail,  sister  to  Zeruiah,  Joab's  mother."  Abigail  and 
Zeruiah  would  then  be  full  sisters  to  David,  and  Amasa  illegitimate  son  of  Abigail,  and  cousin  of  Joab. — The  read- 
ing of  Sept.  and  Vulg. :  "  Jezreelite  "  is  less  probable  than  the  "  Ishmaelite  "  of  I  Chr.  ii.  17,  because  our  text  in- 
dicates (by  the  maimed  phrase  :  "  son  of  a  man  ")  that  Jethra  was  a  non-Israelite.  The  Arabic  reading  ia  notice- 
able :  '•  and  Absalom  made  his  lance-bearer  in  place  of  Ahithophel,  a  man  named  Amsa,  son  of  a  rich  man  named 
Jether."— Tb.] 

2  [Ver.  28.  The  verb  does  not  occur  in  the  Heb.  till  ver.  29,  whence  it  is  proposed  to  insert  (with  the  versions) 
a  verb  or  participle  (D'N'3D)  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  28.    The  verb  in  ver.  29  may  be  retained,  and  would,  indeed, 

serve  to  govern  the  nouns  in  ver.  28,  but  for  the  phrase  "for  the  people  to  eat,"  since  the  things  mentioned  in 
that  verse  are  not  all  eatables.  The  difficulty,  however,  still  exists  if  (with  Erdmann)  we  supply  the  copula  be- 
fore the  "  brought "  of  ver.  29 ;  we  may  then  say  that  the  word  "  eat "  is  used  of  the  principal  part  of  the  things 
brought  (in  which  case  it  will  not  be  absolutely  necessary  to  supply  the  verb  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  28),  or,  we 

may  suppose  that  the  articles  last  mentioned  (ver.  29,  together  with  the  '•Sp  "  parched  corn  "  at  end  of  verse  28, 

the  repetition  of  which  would  thus  be  explained)  were  brought  ready  for  immediate  eating,  the  others  (ver.  28)  as 
a  store  of  provisions. — The  word  '■  corn  "  is  retained  in  its  proper  sense  =.  "  grain,"  tliougli  liable  to  be  misunder- 
stood by  American  readers  for  maize. — Ta.] 

3  [Ver.  29.  The  people  were  not  at  Mahanaim,  and  had  gotten  hungry  during  the  march  through  the  wilder- 
ness.—Tb.] 

*  [Ver.  2.  The  verb  does  not  mean  "  sent  forth,"  nor  had  the  army  yet  begun  its  march  (ver.  6)  •  the  phrase 

T3  nTK' means  either:  "  to  send  by  the  hand  of  some  one,"  or :  "to  give  over  to  some  one,"  here  the  latter.— 
The  adverb  "surely"  is  too  strong  for  the  signification  of  the  Infinitive  Absolute. — Tb.1 


CHAP.  XVIL  24-XVIII.  33.  523 


for  [pay  attention  to*]  us  ;  neither  [and]  if  half  of  us  die,  will  they  care  for  us  [they 
will  not  pay  attention  to  us]  ;  but  now  thou  [for  thou*]  art  worth  ten  thousand  of 

4  us ;  therefore  [and]  now  it  is  better  that  thou  succour  us  out  of  the  city.  And  the 
king  said  unto  them,  What  seemeth  you  best  I  will  do.  And  the  king  stood  by  the 
gate-side,  and  all  the  people  came  out  [went  forth]  by  hundreds  and  by  thousands. 

5  And  the  king  commanded  Joab  and  Abishai  and  Ittai,  taying,  Deal  gently  for  my 
sake  with  the  young  man,  even  with  [oto.  even  with]  Absalom.     And  all  the  people 

6  heard  when  the  king  gave  all  the  captains  charge  concerning  Absalom.  So  [And] 
the  people  went  out  into  the  field  against  Israel ;  and  the  battle  was  [_or.  took  place] 

7  in  the  wood  of  Ephraim.  Where  [And]  the  people  of  Israel  were  slain  [smitten 
there]  before  the  servants  of  David,  and  there  was  there*  a  great  slaughter  that  day 

8  of  twenty  thousand  men.  For  [And]  the  battle  was  there  scattered  over  the  face 
of  all  the  country  ;  and  the  wood  devoured  more  people  that  day  than  the  sword 
devoured. 

c.  Absalom  murdered  by  Joab.    Vers.  9-18. 

9  And  Absalom  met'  the  servants  of  David.  And  Absalom  rode  [was  riding]  upon 
a  [the]  mule,  and  the  mule  went  under  the  thick  boughs  of  a  [the]  great  oak  [tere- 
binth], aod  his  head  caught  hold  of  the  oak  [terebinth],  and  he  was  taken  up  be- 
tween the  heaven  and  the  earth,  and  the  mule  that  was  under  him  went  away 

10  [passed  on].  And  a  certain  man  saw  it,  and  told  Joab,  and  said.  Behold,  I  saw 
Absalom  hanged  in  an  oak  [the  terebinth].     And  Joab  said  unto  the  man  that  told 

11  him,  And  behold,  thou  sawest  him,  and  why  didst  thou  not  smite  him  there  to  the 
ground  ?  and  I  would  have  given  thee  ten  shekels  [pieces']  of  silver,  and  a  girdle. 

12  And  the  man  said  unto  Joab,  Though'  I  should  receive  a  thousand  shekels  [pieces'] 
of  silver  in  mine  hand,  yet  would  I  not  put  forth  my  hand  against  the  king's  son  ; 
for  in  our  hearing  the  king  charged  thee  and  Abishai  and  Ittai,  saying.  Beware 

13  that  none  touch  the  young  man  Absalom.  Otherwise'  I  should  have  wrought  false- 
hood against  mine  own  life  ;  for  there  is  no  matter  hid  from  the  king,  and  thou  thy- 

14  self  wouldest  have  set  thyself  against  me.     Then  said  Joab  [And  Joab  said],  I  may 

'  [Ver.  3.  Literally :  "  set  heart  on  us."— DflX  "  thou  "  instead  of  nO  V  "  now  "  is  read  by  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Sym., 

T  -  T    - 

^nd  by  one  or  two  MSS. — Syr.  has  "  now ;"  its  lext  here  (followed  by  Arab.)  is  badly  maimed. — Instead  of  "  out  6( 
the  city  "  Sept.,  an  anonymous  Greek  version  and  Vulg.,  have  "in  the  city,"  which  is  perhaps  merely  an  explana- 
tory rendering.    The  absence  of  the  Art.  in  "^'^^D  creates  a  difficulty.    Bib.-Com.^  taking  T'J?D  as  Hiph.  participle 

of  1^  V,  proposes  to  render  :  "  that  thou  be  to  us  a  stirrer-up  in  helping  us,"  i.  e.,  that  thou  help  us  by  stirring  us 
up.    But  the  construction  here  does  not  favor  this  rendering  ;  the  verb  (Hiphil)  is  followed  by  the  Ace.  of  the 

person  or  thing  roused,  and  frequently  by  7j;  ("  against ")  with  the  person  against  whom  it  is  roused ;  the  Infln. 
here  also  would  from  the  construction  rather  have  for  its  subject  the  roused  than  the  rouser.  It  is  better  to  sup- 
ply the  Art.  T^r\p,  or  else  to  read  Tj;3-— Kethib  TTyS  ^°'^  "''I^.D'?  ™P^-  '"''°-'  Q^"  "^^i'."!  Qa'-— Tb-] 

»  [Ve.r.  7.  Omitted  by  Sept.  as  unnecessary.  The  first  "  there  "  in  this  verse  is  retained  in  Sept.  (not  omitted, 
as  Wellh.  says).— Te.] 

'  [Ver.  9.  Wellhausen;  "from  the  connection  with  'JsS  ['in  the  presence  of]  and  from  ver.  10  it  appears 
that  the  text  K1p''l  is  incorrect;  read  perhaps  ST'1  f'aiid  Absalom  feared']."  But  the  construction  is  sup- 
ported by  Dent.  xxiL  6  (Btb.-Com.\  and  the  statement  of  ver.  10  is  properly  explained  by  this  statement  that  Ab- 
salom in  his  liight  "met,"  accidentally  came  across  some  of  David's  men. — Tr.] 

'  [Ver.  12.  Eead  the  Qeri  iS  or  xS  (—  SlS).-"  Though  I  should  weigh  ihpjtf)  into  (upon)  my  hand;"  instead 

of  the  Act.  Particip.  Wellhausen  reads'the  Pass.  SlpK?:    "though  there  were  weighed  into  my  hand,"  but  the 

man  might  easily  conceive  of  the  weighing  as  done  by  himself.— Ta.] 

»  [Ver.  13.  Eng.  A.  V.  here  follows  the  Qeri  ("  my  life,"  Kethib  "  his  life  ").  The  whole  verse  is  difBcult  in 
text  and  meaning.    The  line  of  thought  seems  to  favor  the  marginal  reading  'W3i2  "against  his  life;  but  it  is 

then  difficult  to  see  whether  the  man  presents  two  reasons  for  not  killing  Absalom  :  1)  his  regard  for  the  Ring's 
cnmmanil  (ver.  12),  2)  his  fear  of  the  consequences  to  himself  (ver.  13),  or  only  the  former.  Moreover  whether 
the  last  phrase  in  the  verse  is  to  be  rendered  "  thou  wilt  have  to  stand  before  him"  (to  give  account,  or  testi- 
mony), or  "thou  wilt  stand  (appear)  against  me  "  is  uncertain;  the  latter  is  more  probable.  In  the  first  part  of 
our  verse  the  Sept.  had  a  different  text  from  the  Heb. :  "guard  me  the  young  man  Absalom,  not  to  do  wrong 
against  his  life."  which  would  simplify  the  man's  address.  We  may  adopt  the  reading  (ilitffJ'O  instead  of 
'n'lf;!-^),  or  keep  the  Heb.  text  and  render:  "  or  if  I  acted  falsely  against  his  life,  then  nothing  is  concealed 
from  the  king,  and  thou  wouldest  take  stand  against  me."— Te.] 


524  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


not  tarry  thus  with  thee.     And  he  took  three  darts'"  in  his  hand,  and  thrust  them 
through  [into]  the  heart  of  Absalom,  while  he  was  yet  alive  in  the  midst  of  the 

15  oak  [terebinth].     And  ten  young  men  that  bare  Joab's  armour  compassed  about 

16  and  smote  Absalom,  and  slew  him.     And  Joab  blew  the  trumpet,  and  the  people 

17  returned  from  pursuing  after  Israel,  for  Joab  held  back"  the  people.  And"  they 
took  Absalom,  and  cast  him  into  a  [the]  great  pit  in  the  wood,  and  laid  a  very  great 

18  heap  of  stones  upon  him  ;  and  all  Israel  fled,  every  one  to  his  tent.  Now  [And] 
Absalom  in  his  lifetime  had  taken  and  reared  up  for  himself  a  [the]  pillar,"  which 
is  in  the  king's  dale  ;  for  he  said,  I  have  no  son  to  keep  my  name  in  remembrance; 
and  he  called  the  pillar  after  his  own  name,  and  it  is  called  unto  this  day,  Absa- 
lom's place  [monument]. 

d.  ITie  tidings  of  joy  and  grief .    Davi£ s  lament  over  Absalom.    Vers.  19-33  [XIX.  1]. 

19  Then  said  Ahimaaz,  the  sou  of  Zadok  [And  Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok  said], 
Let  me  now  run,  and  bear  the  king  tidings  how  lorn,  how]  that  the  Lord  [Jeho- 

20  vah]  hath  avenged  [delivered]  him  of  [from]  his  enemies.  And  Joab  said  unto 
him.  Thou  shalt  not  bear  tidings  this  day,  but  thou  shalt  bear  tidings  another  day; 

21  but  this  day  thou  shalt  bear  no  tidings,  because"  the  king's  son  is  dead.  Then  .=aid 
Joab  to  Cushi  [And  Joab  said  to  the  Cushite],  Go,  tell  the  king  what  thou  hast 

22  seen.  And  Cushi  [the  Cushite]  bowed  himself  unto  Joab  and  ran.  Then  said 
Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok  [And  Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok  said]  yet  again  to  Joab, 
But,  however,  let  me,  I  pray  thee,  also  run  after  Cushi  [the  Cushite]  And  Joab 
said,  Wherefore  wilt  thou  run,  my  son,  seeing  that  thou  hast  no  tidings  ready." 

23  But  howsoever,  said  Ae,"  let  me  run.  And  he  said  unto  him,  Run.  Then  [And] 
Ahimaaz  ran  by  the  way  of  the  plain,  and  overran  Cushi  [the  Cushite]. 

24  And  David  sat  [was  sitting]  between  the  two  gates ;  and  the  watchman  went  up 
to  the  roof  over  [of]  the  gate  unto  the  wall,  and  lifted  up  his  eyes,  and  looked 

25  [saw],  and  behold  a  man  running  alone.  And  the  watchman  cried  [called]  and 
told  the  king.     And  the  king  said,  If  he  be  alone,  there  is  tidings  in  his  mouth. 

^"[Ver.  14.  The  word  (Battf)  not "  dart,"  but  "  staff,"  and  is  contrasted  with  the  word  "spear"  (n'jn)  in  2 
Sam.  xxiii.  21.  Either,  then,  we  must  suppose  Joab  to  have  used  an  uncommon  weapon  (Erdmann)  or  we  must 
change  the  text.  Erdmann  states  the  objections  to  Thenius'  proposed  reading  D^H/K',  and  it  would  be  hard  to 
account  for  an  alteration  of  D'JTjn  or  nin'Dn  into  D'O^t?.— Instead  of:  "  in  the  heart  073)  of  the  terebinth  " 
Thenius  proposes  to  read  after  Syr.  and  Vulg. :  "  hung  in  (^1 7i1)  the  terebinth,"  for  which  there  seems  no  neces- 
sity ;  the  renderings  of  these  two  versions  are  merely  interpretations. — Tr.J 

"  [Ver.  16.  Sept.,  Vulg..  Thenius,  Keil,  Erdmann  render :  "  Joab  wished  to  spare  the  people,"  but  the  rende> 
ing  of  Eng.  A.  V.  seems  better  because  the  idea  of  "  wish  "  is  not  contained  in  the  Hebrew,  and  the  phrase  "  the 
people  "  in  connection  with  Joab  more  naturally  refers  to  David's  army. — Ta.] 

12  [Ver.  17.  Wellhausen  objects  to  the  order  of  vers.  14-17,  because  it  represents  Absalom,  already  half-dead 
from  hanging,  as  surviving  Joab's  stabbing  with  the  staves  or  darts,  and  finally  meeting  his  death  from  the  young 
men.    He  would  make  the  last  word  of  ver.  16  and  ver.  16  follow  ver.  14,  and  then  insert  vers.  15, 17.  so  as  to  read : 

"14,  Joab  took  three  darts,  etc in  the  terebinth,  and  killed  him,  16  and  blew  the  trumpet,  and  held  back  the 

people.  15  and  ten  young  men  compassed  about  Absalom,  17  and  took  him,  etc"  Though  this  is  ingenious,  it  is 
not  required  by  the  text.  Joab's  wounds  did  not  kill  Absalom,  and  the  zealous  armor-bearers  finished  him ;  then 
Joab  called  in  nis  soldiers,  and  they  (indef.  subject  =  Passive)  took  Absalom  and  cast  him  into  the  pit. — Ta.] 

13  [Ver.  18.  This  word  has  the  sign  of  determination  (HX),  and  yet  is  not  followed  by  a  determinative  noun ; 
whence  Wellhausen  would  supply  mtyx  (in  place  of  following  TtyX),  and  render:  "  took  the  pillar  of  the  Ashe- 
rah  [idol-image]  in  the  king's  dale  and  set  it  up."  But  (apart  from  the  fact  that  H^K^X  does  not  occur  after  a  con- 
struct n3XD,  in  1  Kings  xiv.  23 ;  xvii.  10  the  two  words  are  used  co-ordinately)  tliia  is  an  example  of  a  word  de- 
termined by  a  relative  clause,  as  in  Gen.  xl.  8.  See  Kw.  ?  277  d,  2),  and  Ges.  §  116. — At  the  end  of  the  verse  T  =. 
"  monument,"  a  different  word  from  that  rendered  "  pillar."— Tr.] 

"  [Ver.  20.  Eng.  A.  V.  here  adopts  the  Qeri  13"7j> :  "  for  the  king's  son  is  dead."  Syr.  and  Chald.,  omitting 
the  |3,  render :  "  thou  wilt  not  announce  except  that  the  king's  son  is  dead,"  which,  however,  the  present  Heb. 
will  not  bear. — |3~7J?  usually  means  "  therefore,"  but  here  =  "  because  "  («=  t3-7j?  ''2). — Te.] 

15  [Ver.  22.  Eng.  A.  V.  takes  nij'?  =  "  to  thee,"  and  flNSD  Qal.  Act.  Partioip.  fem.  of  NSD,  =  "  finding,  ready :" 

T  ;  •■  T  T 

Erdmann  renders  the  Partioip.  "reward-flnding,"  Philippson:  "profitable;"  Wellhausen  takes  it  as  Hoph.  of 

NV  (DNVD)  —  "  brought  out,  paid  out "  (Gen.  xxxviii.  25) ;  Bib.-Com. :  "  suffloiug,"  which  commends  itself  as  ap- 

T  T         ••  \  ,  *^ 

propriate. — According  to  Bottcher,  it  is  only  when  the  pronoun  is  emphatic  that  we  can  render  HD?  "  to  thee ;" 

and  here  it  is  better  =  "  go  thou  "  (=  "  and  if  thou  go  ").    But  the  pronoun  may  be  emphatic  here.— Ta.] 
"  [Ver.  23.  Insert  InX"!  at  the  beginning  of  the  verse.— Ta.] 


CHAP.  XVII.  24— XVIII.  33. 


525 


26  And  he  came  apace  and  die«i  near  [he  came  nearer  and  nearer].  And  the  watch- 
man saw  another  man  running ;  and  the  watchman  called  unto  the  porter,"  and 
said,  Behold,  another  [om.  another,  ins.  a]  man  running  alone.     And  the  king  said, 

27  He  also  bringeth  tidings.  And  the  watchman  said,  Methinketh  the  running  of 
the  foremost  is  like  the  running  of  Ahimaaz  the  son  of  Zadok.    And  the  king  said, 

28  He  is  a  good  man,  and  cometh  with  good  tidings.  And  Ahimaaz  called,  and  said 
unto  the  king,  All  is  well  [Peace !]  And  he  fell  down  to  the  earth  upon  his  face  be- 
fore the  king,  and  said,  Blessed  be  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God,  which  hath  de- 

29  livered  up  the  men  that  lifted  up  their  hand  against  my  lord  the  king.  And  the 
king  said,  Is  the  young  man  Absalom  safe?  And  Ahimaaz  answered  [said]  When 
Joab  sent  the  king's  servant  and  me  [oto.  the  king's  servant  and  me'^]  thy  servant, 

30  I  saw  a:  great  tumult,  but  I  knew  not  what  it  wag.  And  the  king  said"  unto  him 
[pm.  unto  him],  Turn  aside,  and  stand  here.     And  he  turned  aside  and  stood  still. 

31  And  behold,  Cushi  [the  Cushite]  came ;  and  Cushi  [the  Cushite]  said.  Tidings,  my 
lord  the  king,  for  the  Lord  [Let  my  lord  the  king  receive  the  tidings  that  Jehovah] 
hath  avenged  [delivered]  thee  this  day  of  [from]  all  them  that  rose  up  against 

32  thee.  And  the  king  said  unto  Cushi  [the  Cushite],  Is  the  young  man  Absalom 
safe?  And  Cushi  answered  [the  Cushite  said],  The  enemies  of  my  lord  the  king, 
and  all  that  rise  against  thee  to  do  the-e  hurt  [for  evil]  be  as  that  [the]  young  man 

33  is  [oOT.  is].  [Heb.  xix.  1].  'And  the  king  was  much  moved,  and  went  up  to  the 
chamber  over  the  gate,  and  wept ;  and  as  he  went,  thus  he  said,  Omy  son  Absalom, 
my  son,  my  son  Absalom !  would  God  [O  that]  I  had  died  for  thee,  O  Absalom, 
my  son,  my  son ! 

"  [Ver.  26.  Instead  of  '\})V  "  porter  "  Erdmann,  Then.,  Battoher,  Wellhausen  (after  Sept.  and  Syr.)  read  1^'ty 
"  gate,"  which,  however,  is  not  necessary,  and  this  statement  is  not  in  oonfliet  with  ver.  25,  where  the  w.atohman 
seems  to  apeak  directly  to  the  liing.— After  the  second  t2?'X  Thenias  and  Wellhausen  (Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.)  insert 
InN  "  another ;"  bat  BSttcher  properly  remarks  that  this  would  naturally  be  inserted  by  the  versions  (so  Eng. 
A.  V.  inserts  it)  from  the  preceding  part  of  the  verse,  while  its  omission  could  not  so  well  be  accounted  for.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  29.  Erdmann  renders  as  Epg.  A.  V.,  but  the  construction,  as  it  stands,  is  awkward  and  improbable. 

The  simplest  procedure  seems  to  be  that  of  Wellhausen,  to  omit  'H  7Bn  13j?~nx  (though  it  is  not  easy  to  account 

for  its  insertion).    Some  (so  Bib.-Ccym.)  prefer  the  Vulg.  rendering,  on  which  see  Erdmann  in  the  Exposition. 
Belated  questions,  such  as  the  person  of  "  the  Cushite,"  will  there  be  referred  to. — Tb.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND    CRITICAL. 

a.  Ch.  xvii.  24-29.  David  at  Mahanaim. 

Ver.  24.  To  Mahanaim,  east  of  the  Jordan 
(which  he  had  crossed  in  the  night,  passing 
through  the  Jordan-valley,  ver.  22),  probably  a 
fortified  place,  north  of  the  Jabbok,  suitable  for  a 
rendezvous  for  gathering  an  army,  whence  it  was 
chosen  by  Abner  as  Ishbosheth's  capital-city. 
See  on  ii.  8.  [A  well-provisioned  country, 
friendly  to  David  (Bib.-Com.). — Tb.] — Absa- 
lom's passage  over  the  Jordan  took  place  when 
he  had  had  time  to  gather  (according  to  Hushai's 
counsel)  "  all  the  men  of  Israel,"  that  is,  all  the 
military  force  of  the  country  (comp.  ver.  11  sq.). 
Ver.  25.  Whether  Amasa,  appointed  by  Absa- 
lom captain  in  place  of  Joab  (who  remained 
faithful  to  David),  is  the  same  with  the  Amasai 
of  1  Chron.  xii.  17,  18  (Ewald,  Bertheau),  must 
be  left  undetermined.  ''If  this  conjecture  were 
correct,  the  man,  so  cordially  received  by  David 
(1  Chron.  xii.  17),  would  have  committed  grave 
wrong  in  attaching  himself  to  Absalom"  (Then.). 
Elsewhere  the  phrase  "son  of  a  man  (or  woman)" 
is  defined  by  a  following  appositional  word  or 
genitive  (Bottcher) ;  but  here  the  defining  phrase 
18  introduced  by  "and"  [''and  his  name  was 
Ithra"],  BO  that  we  have  the  independent  asser- 


tion: "son  of  a  man,"  which  is  meaningless. 
Perhaps  the  text  originally  had :  ''  whose  name 
was"  (IDE'  lE'K),  and  the  relative  pronoun  baa 
fallen  out  (from  the  following  It^X).  Bottcher 
conjectures  that  "foreigner"  ("^J)  stood  after 
"  man,"  comp.  i.  13  [it  would  then  read :  ''Ama.sa 
was  the  son  of  a  foreigner,  and  his  name  was 
Ithra." — Tr.].  —  With  this  would  agree  that 
Ithra  was  an  Ishmadite,  for  so  we  must  here  read 
instead  of  "  Israelite,"  after  1  Chron.  ii.  17,  where 
Jetker  is  shortened  form  of  Ithra  (Sept. :  "  the 
Jezreelite,"  Josh.  xix.  18,  so  David's  wife  Ahi- 
noam,  1  Sam.  xxviii.  3).  The  designation  of 
Ithra  as  an  "  Israelite "  would  be  superfluous ; 
but  the  statement  that  he  was  an  ''  Ishmaelite " 
sei-ves  to  illustrate  the  fact  that  Amasa  was  an 
illegitimate  son  of  Abigail.  If  Nahash  be  taken 
as  a  man's  name,  and  the  word  "  sister  "  in  appo- 
sition with  Abigail,  then  Zeruiah  and  Abigail 
are  daughters  of  David's  mother  by  her  first  mar- 
riage with  Nahash,  step-daughters  of  Jesse,  and 
on  this  aide  step-sisters  of  David  (so  the  older 
expositors,  Michaelis  and  Schultz).  But  Nahash 
may,  with  Movers  and  Thenius  (who  refers  to  1 
Chron.  iv.  12,  where  it  is  the  name  of  a  dty),  be 
taken  as  a  woman's  name,  here  a  second  wife  of 
Jesse.  In  this  case  also  the  two,  Zeruiah  and 
Abigail,  would  be  David's  step  sisters.  Clericus 
supposes  Nahash  to  be  another  name,  or  a  sur- 


526 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


name  of  Jesse;  Capellus  would  read  "Jesse'' 
instead  of  "Nahash"  (after  a  variant  of  the 
Sept.) ;  Bottcher  puts  ''  sister  "  in  apposition  with 
"  Nahash,"  which  he  regards  as  a  woman's  name. 
[It  is  an  old  Jewish  view  that  Nahaah  is  another 
name  of  Jesse.  For  many  persons,  says  Kimchi, 
had  two  names,  and  this  (Nahash)  signifies  "a 
serpent."  From  whence  it  is  that  when  Isaiah 
(xiv.  29)  saith:  "out  of  the  serpent's  root  (or, 
the  root  of  Nahash)  shall  come  forth  a  cockatrice 
or  basilisk,"  the  Chaldee  paraphrase  expounds  it, 
"  out  of  the  root  of  Jesse  shall  come  forth  the 
Messiah;"  who  was  typified  by  the  brazen  ser- 
pent in  the  wilderness  (Patrick).  This  would  be 
baseless  allegorizing,  even  if  Nahash  were  proved 
to  be  another  name  of  Jesse,  which  is  not  proba- 
ble. The  omission  of  the  name  Nahash  in  1 
Chron.  ii.  16  is  against  the  view  that  it  belongs 
to  a  daughter  of  Jesse ;  more  probably  it  is  the 
name  of  the  otherwise  unknown  father  of  Abigail. 
See  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.]— Ver.  26.  Absa- 
lom pitched  his  camp  in  Gilead.  Nothing  is 
said  of  a  siege  (Ewald)  of  Mahanaim.  Against 
this  view  is  the  fact  that  David,  as  appears  from 
what  follows,  here  got  supplies  of  men  and  provi- 
sions, formed  an  army,  and  organized  it  in  three 
divisions,  which  required  time.  It  is  hence  evi- 
dent that  David  was  able  to  establish  himself 
strongly  at  Mahanaim  without  being  attacked  by 
Absalom's  army. — Vers.  27-29.  David  receives 
reinforcements  and  provisions.  Shobi,  the  son  of 
Nahask,  from  Rabbah,  the  capital  of  the  Ammo- 
nites; tliis  last  statement  "guards  against  the 
possible  error  that  Shobi  was  a  brother  of  Abi- 
gail" (Thenius).  Eabbah,  on  the  lower  Jabbok 
(x)i.  26-31),  belonged  to  David's  empire,  and  now 
remained  true  to  him.  Shobi,  if  not  an  Israelite, 
was  perhaps  a  son  of  the  deceased  Ammonite 
king  Nahai?h  and  brother  of  the  Hanun  (x.  1 
sqq.)  conquered  by  David  (Keil),  or  a  member 
of  the  royal  house  of  Ammon  favored  by  David 
(Ewald).  [Shobi  was  hardly  tributary  king  of 
Ammon  (Bib.-Com.),  else  he  would  have  been 
called  king. — Tb.] — Machir,  son  of  Ammiel  of 
Lodebar,  who  had  received  Jonathan's  lame  son 
Mephibosheth  into  his  house  (ix.  4). — Barsillai, 
a  Gileadite  of  Rogelim,  an  otherwise  unknown 
place,  mentioned  besides  here  only  in  xix.  32. 
The  Sept.  (alone  among  the  ancient  versions) 
inserts  "ten,"  before  "  beds  "  and  before  ''basons ;" 
but  this  does  not  agree  with  the  connection,  since 
the  articles  mentioned  were  brought  by  several 
persons  for  "the  people"  (ver.  29),  and  therefore 
certainly  in  considerable  quantities.  Ten  would 
have  been  too  few  for  David's  "court  and  army" 
(Ew.);  the  insertion  of  this  number  in  the  Sept. 
was  perhaps  suggested  by  1  Sam.  xvii.  17,  18. 
Whether  they  were  "fine  mattress-beds"  (Ew.) 
must  be  left  undecided.  "  Basons,"  metallic  ves- 
sels for  preparing  food.  "  Parched  food "  Crp, 
corap.  1  Sam.  xvii.  17.  As  not  only  corn-grains, 
but  also  pulse-beans  were  roasted  (Bochart,  Hier. 
II.  582,  Harmar,  Beobacht.  I.  255  sq.),  the  second 
word  may  refer  to  pulse,  of  which,  as  well  as  of 
corn,  two  kinds  are  named ;  and  therefore  the 

omission  of  the  second  ('"'P)  as  an  error  (Sept., 
Syr.,  Arab.)  is  unnecessary  [Eng.  A.  V.  retains 
it,   and  renders;  "parched  pulse"].     The  last 


term  in  the  list  (1p^3  niSE?)  is  variously  trans- 
lated; Vulg.:  "fat  ^Ives;"  Theod.:  "sucking 
calves;"  Chald.,  Syr.,  Eabbin.:  "cheese  of  kine 
(cows)  "  [so  Eng.  A.  V.].  The  last  sense  agrees 
better  with  the  preceding  words  [Eng.  A.  V.  incoi^ 
rectly :  "  butter  "];  the  first  sense  accords  with  the 
"  sheep  "  (small  cattle).  Sept.  transfers  the  Heb. 
word:  " saphoth  of  oxen."  The  meaning  of  the 
Heb.  phrase  is  doubtful.  The  verb  in  this  sentence 
("  brought")  stands  strangely  and  unnaturally  after 
the  long  list  of  articles ;  it  is  therefore  better,  with 
Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Arab.,  to  supply  a  verb-form 
(partcp.)  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  28,  and  then  to 
insert  "and"  before  the  verb  in  ver.  29:  "they 
brought  beds,  etc.,  and  gave  them  to  David." 
[Eng.  A.  V.  simply  transfers  the  verb  to  the 
beginning  of  ver.  28.  On  the  reading  see  "  Text, 
and  Gram."  Patrick  calls  attention  to  the  food 
of  the  times  (only  one  sort  of  meat)  as  indicated 
by  the  list  in  vers.  28,  29,  and  Bib.-Com.  remarks 
that  God's  care  for  David  was  evident  in  the 
kindness  of  these  people. — Tb.] 

6.  XVIII.  1-S.  The  baUle  in  the  forest  of 
Ephraim. 

Vers.  1,  2.  David  organises  his  army,  and  dis- 
poses it  for  battle. — Ver.  1  sq.  1)  The  mustering 
of  the  whole  body  of  people  with  David,  which 
had  been  constantly  growing  by  reinforcements 
from  the  country  east  of  the  Jordan ;  2)  the  divi- 
sion into  smaller  bodies  of  hundreds  and  thousands) 
8)  the  organization  of  the  whole  army  in  three 
grand  divisions  under  Joab,  Abishai  and  Ittai  the 
Gitti*e,  comp.  xv.  29.  He  "  gave  them  into  the 
hand  "  (Vulg.),  that  is,  put  them  under  the  com- 
mand of  Joab  and  the  others  [Eng.  A.  V.  not  so 
well:  "sent  forth  under  the  hand"]. — Vers.  3, 
4.  David!  s  attitude  in  respect  to  the  impending  battle. 
1)  David's  declaration  that  he  would  himself  go 
into  the  fight ;  2 1  the  declaration  of  the  people  that 
they  were  unwilling  to  this,  since  the  pomt  was 
to  secure  his  safety  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole 
people  in  the  battle.  "  Thou*  art  as  we  ten 
thousand,"  that  is,  equal  to  ten  thousand  of  us. 
David  was  to  remain  behind  with  a  reserve-corps, 
in  order  in  case  of  need  to  come  to  their  help 
from  the  city,  whence  it  may  be  inferred  that 
Mahanaim  was  a  strong  place,  where  a  stand 
might  be  made.  The  king  agreed  to  this  pru- 
dent propo.sition.t  and  stood  at  the  gate-side, 
while  the  army  filed  out  before  him. — Ver.  o. 
David's  ordei  •respecting  Absalom-  He  said  to  the 
generals :  Deal  genUy  with  the  young  man 
Absalom. — [Heb.  has  the  dativus  com/modi  i 
"deal  me  gently;"  Eng.  A.  V.:  "deal  gently  foi 
my  sake,"  a  fair  rendering. — Tb.]  The  peo- 
ple heard  it,  that  is,  irom  bystanders,  who 
spread  it  abroad. — [The  text  rather  says  that  the 
people  heard  the  king  give  the  order ;  the  fact  is 
mentioned  to  explain  the  answer  of  the  man  tc 
Joab  in  ver.  12;  notice  the  phrase:  "in  oui 
hearing"  there.— Tb.]  The  brief  oxclamatior 
of  David  accords  with  the  vividly  portrayet 
scene  and  with  his  feeling  when  he  saw  his  armi 
going  forth  against  his  son.— Vers.  6-8.  The  bat 
tie.     "  The  people  went  out  against  Israel,"  thn 


•  Read  riflX  instead  of  nflj?  (obviously  an  erro 
from  following  nnj?). 

T    ~ 

t  [He  was  probably  willing  not  to  have  to  eo  in  perso 
against  Absalom  (Bib.-Com^. — Ta.] 


CHAP.  XVn.  24— XVIII.  33. 


527 


is,  David's  army  made  the  attack.  The  battle  was 
in  the  v70od  of  Ephraim.  This  name  can  be 
understood  only  of  the  forest  covering  the  m(nim- 
taim  of  Ephraim,  which,  when  the  Israelites  en- 
tered Canaan,  stretched  over  the  whole  mountain 
(Josh.  xvii.  15-18:  "go  up  into  the  forest, — a 
mountain  shall  be  thine,  for  it  is  forest),  and  was 
still  extensive  in  later  times;  see  1  Sam.  xiv. 
22-26,  where  it  is  said  that  the  children  of  Israel 
first  hid  from  the  Philistines  in  mount  Ephraim 
(that  is,  in  the  mountain-gorges  and  in  caves), 
and  then  that  all  the  people  came  into  the  forest. 
We  are  thus  pointed  to  the  wooded  heights  in 
the  tribe  of  Ephraim,  not  far  west  of  the  Jordan. 
Further,  Ahimaaz  (ver.  23)  traverses  the  Jordan- 
valley  in  order  to  Ciirry  the  news  to  David  at 
Mahanaim.  "  Ahimaaz  could  not  have  gone  this 
way  if  the  battle  had  been  on  the  east  of  the  Jor- 
dan, and  he  wished  to  take  a  short  route  "  (Keil). 
Ewald  admits  that  the  name  "  forest  of  Ephraim" 
seems  certainly  to  point  to  the  west  of  the  river, 
but  yet  puts  it  on  the  east,  because  David's  army 
returned  after  the  victory  to  Mahanaim,  "  while, 
if  the  battle  had  occurred  on  the  west  side,  it 
would  obviously  have  been  much  better  to  stay 
on  that  side  and  take  possession  of  Jerusalem." 
To  this  it  need  not  be  replied  with  Vaihinger 
(Herzog,  Art.  Ephraim)  that  *'  David  wished  to 
avoid  further  shedding  of  blood,  and  prudence 
and  clemency  dictated  a  return  to  Mahanaim ;" 
rather  it  must  be  urged  that  Absalom's  defeat 
had  put  an  end  to  the  insurrection  (ver.  17,  and 
xix.  9),  his  followers  were  completely  broken  up, 
and  therefore  an  immediate  occupation  of  Jeru- 
salem was  unnecessary.  But  besides,  the  battle 
was  a  severe  one,  as  appears  from  the  fact  that 
of  Absalom's  army  (which  fought  very  bravely) 
twenty  thousand  men  fell,  and  David's  army  was 
not  in  condition  after  the  fight  to  make  a  long 
and  rapid  march  to  Jerusalem.  Moreover,  even 
in  that  case  it  would  have  been  necessary  for  the 
reserve  with  David  to  join  the  victorious  army ; 
this  junction  effected  (by  crossing  the  Jordan), 
the  whole  army  marched  to  Jerusalem  under  the 
lead  of  the  king.  Thenius  holds  that  the  forest 
of  Ephraim  was  east  of  the  Jordan,  on  the  ground 
that  nothing  is  said  of  Absalom's  re-crossing  the 
river  (according  to  xvii.  28  he  encamped  in 
Gilead,  east  of  the  river),  that,  if  he  had  re- 
crossed,  David  (who  stood  only  on  the  defensive) 
would  have  awaited  another  attack  on  his  present 
position  [Mahanaim],  and  that  the  expectation 
of  help  from  the  city  [ver.  3]  presupposes  that 
the  battle  occurred  near  Mahanaim,  to  which  it 
is  to  be  replied  that  ver.  6  shows  that  David  did 
not  act  merely  on  the  defensive  (he  marched 
against  Absalom),  and  that  David's  unexpected 
attack  on  Absalom's  army  (which  could  not 
spread  out  in  the  relatively  narrow  space  between 
Mahanaim  and  the  Jordan)  may  well  have  forced 
its  passage  across  the  river,  so  that  the  decisive 
conflict  occurred  in  the  wooded  hill-region  of  the 
tribe  of  Ephraim.  The  fact  that  David  stayed 
behivd  with  one  division  in  Mahanaim,  and  sent 
the  three  generals  with  their  divisions  against 
Absalom,  shows  clearly  that  he  acted  on  the 
offensive.  The  proposed  ''help  from  the  city" 
was  only  for  the  case  that  the  attack  was  not 
successful,  and  cannot  be  urged  in  support 
of  the  view   that  the  battle  was  near    Maha- 


naim. The  narrator  here  relates  only  the 
final  and  decisive  conflict,  it  not  being  his 
purpose  to  describe  the  previous  actions  by  which 
Absalom's  army  was  forced  across  the  Jordan. 
ThJit  the  messengers  (vers.  19-27)  had  then  to  re- 
cross  the  Jordan  in  order  to  reach  David  makes 
no  difficulty,  since  the  river  could  easily  be  crossed 
by  the  fords.  From  the  eastern  edge  of  the  wooded 
Mount  Ephraim  the  messengers  could  reach  Ma- 
hanaim by  rapid  travel  in  about  two  hours.  The 
assumption  by  some  expositors  of  a  "Forest  of 
Ephraim"  east  of  the  Jordan,  presumedly  so  called 
from  the  defeat  of  the  Ephraimites  by  the  Gilead- 
ites  ( Judg.  xii.  1-5)  is  a  mere  conjecture  untena- 
ble against  the  demonstrated  geographical-histo- 
rical significance  of  the  name.  [Another  conjec- 
ture is  that  the  "  wood  of  Ephraim"  was  so  called 
from  the  place  Ephraim  where  Absalom  had 
sheep-shearers  (2  Sam.  xiii.  23);  but  this  has 
nothing  in  its  favor,  since,  if  the  forest  is  to  be 
put  west  of  the  river,  the  region  in  the  tribe  of 
Ephraim  is  the  most  natural  here.  Most  exposi- 
tors hold  (against  Erdmann)  that  the  battle  must 
have  been  near  Mahanaim  and  on  the  east  of  the 
river,  since  the  centre  of  action  seems  to  be  Ma- 
hanaim, and  nothing  is  said  of  Joab's  crossing 
the  river.  But  in  the  absence  of  all  information 
about  a  "  forest  of  Ephraim  "  east  of  the  Jordan, 
the  question  must  be  regarded  as  unsettled.  Mr. 
Grove  suggests  (Smith's  Bib.-Dict.,  Art.  Wood 
of  Ephraim)  that  the  forest  may  have  been  called 
after  this  battle,  from  the  prominent  part  taken 
in  it  by  the  powerful  tribe  of  Ephraim  on  Absa- 
lom's side ;  but  this  is  not  probable. — If  the  battle 
were  on  the  east  of  the  river  Ahimaaz  might  still 
have  found  a  quicker  way  to  Mahanaim  through 
the  Jordan-valley ;  while,  if  it  were  on  the  west, 
it  would  seem  necessary  that  the  Cushite  also 
should  pa.?8  through  this  valley,  and  it  is  inti- 
mated that  he  did  not  go  that  way. — Tk.] — Ver. 
8.  Further  description  of  the  defeat  of  Absalom's 
army.  The  defeat  was  terrible  because  the  fight 
spread*  wide  over  the  woody  mountain-terrain, 
and  more  of  Absalom's  men  perished  in  the 
gorges  of  the  mountain  than  by  the  sword.  "The 
forest  of  Ephraim  lay  no  doubt  in  the  northeast- 
em  part  of  the  tribe-territory,  towards  the  Jordan 
and  Succoth"  (Vaihinger),  where  there  were 
deep,  narrow  gorges  and  steep  declivities  towards 
the  Jordan.  [It  is  commonly  supposed  that  Ab- 
salom's army  was  far  larger  than  David's;  but 
we  know  nothing  of  their  numbers.  Twenty 
thousand  slain  is  a  great  loss,  yet  not  improbable 
under  the  circumstances. — The  victory  may  be 
accounted  for  by  the  superior  organization  of  Da- 
vid's troops  and  the  superior  generalship  of  his 
arniy-leaders.  As  to  Amasa  see  xx-  4^6. — Tb.] 
«.  Vers.  9-18.  Absalom  murdered  by  Joab. — 
Ver.  9.  In  the  tumult  of  the  battle  Absalom  got 
into  the  neighborhood  of  "David's  servants." 
The  verbf  is  to  be  taken  as  strictly  reflexive :  "  he 
came  upon,  found  himself"  in  a  position,  where 
he  saw  himself  already  captured  or  slain.    H"  j 


*  Bead  the  Qeri  nSl'SJ,  "  scattered,"  Niph.  Partioip. 
fem.  [of  IMS],  instead  of  the  Kethib  rUSBJ;  "dispersal  " 
[Qes.  reads  niXSJ.  "was  scattered."— Te'.] 

t  «1p"  —  m'p',  Niphal.    [See  "Text,  and  Gram." 

"It-  vIt- 

— Tb.J 


528 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


therefore  entered  a  thicket,  on  the  mule  which 
he  rode  as  royal  prince  (hence  the  Art.:  "the 
mule"),  in  order  to  escape.     His  head,  however, 
caught  in  (literally:  "made  itself  fast  in")  the 
boughs  of  a  terebinth,  not  merely  from  his  large 
growth  of  hair,  but  doubtless  also  because  the 
head  was  jammed  in  between  the  branches  in  con- 
sequence of  the  entanglement  of  the  long  hair; 
thus  he  was  "  set,"  that  is,  hung  [Eng.  A.  V. : 
"was  taken  up"]  between  heaven  and  earth,  since 
the  mule  went  away  from  under  him.      [Bib.- 
Com.:  ''It  would  seem  that  the  two  things  that 
his  vain-glory  boasted  in,  the  royal  mule  and  the 
magnificent  head  of  hair,  both  contributed  to  his 
untimely  death."— Tb.] — Ver.  10.  Only  (me  of 
David's  men  saw  it  and  reported  it  to  Joab  as 
commander-in-chief.     [The  text  does  not  say  that 
"only  one  man"  saw  it,  but  that  "a  man"  saw 
it;  others  may  have  seen  it,  but  this  man  re- 
ported it. — Tb.]— Ver.  11.  Joab's  desire  of  re- 
venge prevents  him  from  regarding  David's  com- 
mand given  to  the  whole  army  (ver.  5).     He,  the 
highest  commander,  forgets  himself  in  disobe- 
dience so  far  as  to  cifiide  his  subordinate  for  not 
killing  Absalom,  and  tell  him  of  the  reward  he 
had  thus  lost.     This  accords  precisely  with  the 
rude  passionateness,  violence  and  barbarity  of 
Joab's  character,  as  before  described. — It  v^as 
my  aSair  richly  therefor  to  reward  thee  ■V7ith  ten 
silver  pieces  (=  about  seven  dollars*)  and  with 
a  girdle  (comp.  Ezek.  xxiii.  15),  as  a  valuable 
and  essential  part  of  military  dress. — Ver.  12.  The 
man's  reply.     And  thoughf  I  should  -weigh 
in  (or,  on)  my  hand  a  thousand  shekels  [or 
pieces],  that  is,  if  they  were  already  given  to  me, 
I  would  not  do  such  a  deed.     He  refers  to  the 
command  of  the  king:  Beware,  whoever  J  it 
be  [=all  of  you],  of  (touching)  the  young  man. 
Maurer:  "whoever  (of  you  shall  come  on  him"). 
[So  Eng.  A.  v.:   "beware  that  none  touch"]. 
Most  of  the  ancient  versions  and  some  [Heb.] 
MSS.  read :  "  beware  me  of  touching,"  etc.,  where 
me  is  Dalivm  commodi;  but  this  is  to  be  rejected 
as  a  conjecture  to  avoid  a  difficult  construction, 
and  suggested  probably  by  the  similar  phrase  in 
ver.  5  [Eng.  A.  V.:  "for  my  sake"].     David's 
command  was  to  all,  not  merely  to  the  generals 
(ver.  5),  and  to  the  common  soldiers,  one  of  whom 
here  shows  himself  nobler-minded  and  more  obe- 
dient than  his  commander. — Ver.  13.   The  ini- 
tial word  "or"  (IX)  indicates  a  contrasted  as.ser- 
tion.— -The  preference  is  to  be  given  to  the  text 
"his  life"  over  the  marginal  reading  "my  life." 
The  latter  is  found  in  the  Sept. :  "and  how  shall 
I  do  wrong  against  my  life?",  and  the  Vulg. :  "  if 
I  had  boldfly  acted  against  my  life,"  and  Ewald : 
"  if  I  had  lied  (acted  deceitfully)  against  my  con- 
science.",   Against  Ewald  Thenius  says  that  the 
natural  course  of  thought  here  is  that  the  man 

•  [This  sum  would  be  equivalent  to  one  hundred  dol- 
lars at  the  present  day.— On  the  various  kinds  of  ancient 
girdles  (a  neoeasary  article  of  dress  for  men  and  wo- 
men), includins  that  of  the  high-prieat,  and  on  the  cus- 
tom of  presenting  them  as  gifts  (still  found  in  Persia), 
see  Art.  Qirdle  in  Smith's  Bib.-Diot.— Ta.] 

t  Read  Qeri  O,  with  moat  ancient  versions. 

i  On  this  oonstruotion  of  "D  with  aposiopeals  see  Ex. 
xxiv.  14;  Judg.  vii.  3,  and  below,  vers.  22,  33.  Ewald,  g 
104  d,  a,    '7  for  'D  is  conjecture. 


should  first  state  the  act  itself,  and  then  its  conse- 
quences for  himself.     Or,  had  I  dealt  deceit- 
fully against  his   life,  wrought  falsehood  by 
killing  him,  inasmuch  as  I  should  thus  have  acted 
against  the  express  prohibition  of  the  king.     The 
words  "and  nothing  is  hid  from  the  king"  form 
a  parenthesis;   the  apodosis  begins  with   "and 
thou."     And  thou   wouldest  have   stood 
against  me,  that  is,  have  appeared  against  me 
before  the  king  as  accuser.     For  this  expression 
comp.  Ps.  cix.  6;  Zech.  iii.  1.     [On  other  expla- 
nations of  this  difficult  verse  see   "Text,  and 
Gram."     The  man's  reply  seems  to  be:  "In  the 
iirst  place,  I  have  too  much  respect  for  the  king's 
command  to  lift  my  hand  against  his  son  for  any 
reward ;  and  in  the  next  place,  the  reward  would 
avail  me  nothing,  for  the  king  would  find  out 
what  I  had  done  and  punish  me,  and  you  yourself 
would  be  witness  against  me,"  wherein  he  says 
plainly  that  he  does  not  trust  Joab.     That  the 
latter  does  not  resent  the  answer  by  violence  is 
perhaps  to  be  ascribed  to  his  consciousness  of 
being  in  the  wrong. — Eng.  A.  V.  follows  the  mar- 
ginal reading,  which  also  gives  a  good  sense,  as 
does  the  reading  of  the  Sept. :  "  the  king  charged 
thee,  etc.,  saying.  Beware  of  doing  the  young  man 
harm,  and  nothing  will  be  hid  from  the  king," 
etc. — Tb.] — Ver.  14.   Joab's  answer  betrays  his 
vengeful,  rudely  passionate  nature :  I  -will  not 
tarry  thus  with  thee,  that  is,  lose  time  in  mj'- 
self  doing  what  is  necessary.     He  took  three 
staffs ;  such  is  the  meaning  of  the  word  <I33Kf), 
and  not  "spear,  dart,  spit"  (comp.  xxiii.  21),  as 
Sept.  and  Vulg.  [and  Eng.  A.  V.]  give  it.     The- 
nius therefore  changes  the  text ;  but  the  word  he 
proposes  (TOJO)  is  used  (as  Keil  remarks)  in  the 
older  Hebrew  only  as  =  "  missile"  (Job  xxxiii. 
18;  XX vi.  12;  Joel  ii.  8),  and  not  till  postexilian 
times  in  the  general  sense  of  "weapon"  (2  Chr. 
xxiii.  10;  xxxii.  5;  Neh.  iv.  11);  and  moreover 
no  change  is  necessary,  since  our  text-word  signi- 
fies such  sharp  wooden  staffs  as  Joab  could  find 
in  the  hard  terebinth-wood ;  and  this  view  is  sup- 
ported by  the  fact  that  he  had  to  use  three  wea- 
pons, while  one  spear-thrust  would  have  been 
sufficient. — The  words :  "  and  he  was  still  alive," 
etc.,  are  connected  with  the  preceding,  not  with 
the  succeeding  context;  in  the  latter  case  they 
would  be  introduced  by  a  Conjunction  or  other 
Particle.     Joab  thrust  "  through  the  heart  of  the 
still  living  prince"   (Ewald).     The  hanging  in 
the  tree  did    not  immediately   produce  death, 
though  it  would  have  done  so  finally. — "  In  the 
heart  of  the  terebinth"  (Ex.  xv.  8)  =  "in  the 
midst  of  the  terebinth,"  agreeing  with  the  descrip- 
tion in  ver.  9.     This  expression  Bottcher  would 
unnecessarily  change  to:  "  in  the  thicket  (^.T)  of 
the  terebinth."— Ver.  15.  After  Joab's  thrust  in 
the  heart,  Absalom  is  killed  by  ten  of  Joab's 
young  men,  probably  at  his  command. — [Thus 
neither  the  hanging  nor  the  thrusts  in  the  heart 
produced  death.    This,  if  surprising,  is  by  no 
means  impossible.     On  Wellhausen's  unnecessary 
re-disposition  of  the  text  (putting  ver.  16  before 
ver.  15)  see  "Text,  and  Gram."— Tr.]— Ver.  16. 
By  Absalom's  death  the  end  of  the  battle  was  se- 
cured, and  Joab  therefore  called  the  people  oflT 
from  fiirther  pursuit.     The  motive  for  his  bar- 
barous slaying  of  Absalom  was  not  private  revenge 


CHAP.  XVIL  24— XVIII.  33. 


529 


(Kurtz  in  Herzog),  but  revenge  for  the  honor  of 
the  ejected  king,  and  the  conviction  that  only  his 
death  could  put  an  end  to  the  unhappy  civil  war. 
He  stopped  the  pursuit,  however,  because  he  wished 
to  spare  the  people,  that  is,  Absalom's  people.     A 
piece  of  clemency  alongside  of  his   barbarity ! 
[The  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  better:  "  he  held 
back  the  people  "  from  pursuit.     The  phrase  "  the 
people"   here  naturally  refers  to  David's   (and 
Joab's)  people. — Te.] — Ver.  17.    Absalom   cast 
aside.    And  they  threw  over  it  a  very  great 
heap  of  stones,  a  sign  of  embittered  feeling 
against  a  dead  man.    [In  his  translation  Erdmann 
has :  "  over  him." — Te.]    The  great  heap  of  stones 
over  the  pit  (the  Art.  denotes  the  well-lcnovm  pit 
into  which  Absalom's  corpse  was  thrown)  was  to 
be  a  monument  of  shame  for  his  crime  ;*  comp. 
Josh.  vii.  26  (Achan),  viii.  29  (the  king  of  Ai). 
All  Israel  bad  fled,  every  man  to  his  tent, 
that  is,  all  of  Absalom's  army  (gathered  from  all 
Israel)  that  survived  the  defeat;  this  also  con- 
firms the  view  that  the  battle  took  place  on  the 
west  of  the  Jordan.     [But  they  would  have  fled 
to  their  homes,  no  matter  where  the  battle  was 
fought. — Tb.] — Ver.  18.  In  sharp  contrast  with 
this  mention  of  the  monument  of  shame  stands 
the  following  account  of  the  monument  that  the 
vain  and  ambitious  Absalom  had  set  up  in  his 
own  honor  during  his  lifetime.   The  word  "  took  " 
[Eng.  A.  V.   "had  taken"]   (Num.  xvi.  1 ;_  1 
Kings  xi.  37)  is  pleonastic,  as  is  common  in  cir- 
cumstantial and  vivid  narration :    ["  took   and 
reared"  =  "  reared  "].    But  it  may  be  understood 
as  =  "  took  for  himself,"  not  pleonastic  ( Bottcher) . 
The  form  of  the  pillar  (probably  of  stone)  cannot 
be  determined.     In  the  king's  dale,  the  valley 
of  the  Kidron,  two  stadia  east  of  Jerusalem  (Jos. 
Ant.  7,  10,  3) ;  it  took  its  name  from  the  event 
described  in  Gen.  xiv.  17,  and  was  in  later  times 
called  also  the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat.   The  "Ab- 
salom's pillar"  of  ecclesiastical  tradition,  shown 
even  in  the  Middle  Ages,  and  to-day  called  "  Ab- 
salom's grave,"  a  pyramided  pointed  monument 
about  forty  feet  high,f  cannot  in  its  present  form 
be  the  work  of  Absalom.     See  Thenius'  excellent 
argument  against  the  view  of  Winer  and  Ewald, 
that  the  "king's  dale"  was  north  of  Jerusalem, 
perhaps  (according  as  the  Salem  in  Gen.  xiv.  18 
is  understood)  not  far  from  Salem,  a  northern 
city  on  the  Jordan. — I  have  no  son,  comp.  xiv. 
27;  his  three  sons  there  mentioned  must  have 
afterwards  died.     "  It  is  called  to  this  day  Absa- 
lom'sHamd"  (1  Sam. xv.  12), amonument  recalling 
his  memory  like  an  uplifted  hand.    This  inonu- 
ment  of  honor  (whether  it  was  ''adorned  with  a 
splendid  inscription  of  his  name"  (Ew.)  must  be 
left  to  the  imagination)  he  had  himself  erected 
during  his  life;  that  monument  of  .shame  in  the 
wood  of  Ephraira  was  set  up  by  others  after  his 
terrible  death.     A  significant  contrast! 

d.  Vers.  19-32.    The  tidings  of  joy  and  grief. 
David's  lament  over  Absalom. 

Ver.  19.  Ahimaas,  the  son  of  Zadok,  who  with 
Jonathan  (xvii.  15  sq.)  had  brought  to  David  the 


»  [The  custom  still  exists,  in  respect  to  robbers,  for 
example.    See  Thomson,  Land  and  Book,  II.  234.— Tk.J 

t  See  an  exact  description  of  it  In  Titns  Tobler's  Sir 
loahqtidle  und  der  (Elberg  (1852),  p.  287  sqq.  [Its  base  is 
surrounded  by  Ionic  pillars ;  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  is 
a  tomb.    See  Robinson  I.  350.— Te.J 

34 


information  concerning  Absalom's  design,  and  had 
remained  with  the  army.  He  wishes  to  bear  to 
the  king  the  tidings  that  the  Lord  has  judged 
the  king  [  =  done  him  justice]  from  the  hand 
of  bis  enemies — the  theocratic  conception  of  an 
immediate  divine  interposition. — Ver.  20.  Joab 
refuses  the  request.  His  reason  is :  "  because*  the 
kings  sou  is  dead."  He  says:  Thou  art  not  a 
messenger  to-day  [Eng.  A.  V. :  "  thou  shalt 
not  bear  tidings  this  day  "],  because  he  knew  tl:  at 
David,  notwithstanding  the  victory,  would  he 
deeply  moved  by  the  news  of  Absalom's  death. 
He  did  not  wish  to  expose  Ahimaaz  to  the  king'.s 
anger,  and  therefore  refused  to  let  him  carry  the 
tidings. — Ver.  21.  He  rather  committed  this  task 
to  the  Oushite,  the  Ethiopian  slave,  whom  he  had 
at  hand  for  all  sorts  of  work.  The  name  is  gen- 
tilic,  not  the  proper  name  of  an  Israelite  (Sept., 
Vulg.  [Eng.  A.V.]).  After  the  manner  of  a 
slave,  he  cast  himself  down  before  Joab.  Gro- 
tius:  "he  sent  an  Ethiopian,  thinking  it  small 
damage  if  he  received  hurt  from  the  king." — Ver. 
22  sqq.  A  remarkably  vivid  description  of  the 
lively  conversation  between  Joab  and  Ahimaaz. 
The  latter  says:  "but  happen  what  mayf  [Eng. 
A- v.:  "however"],  let  me  run;"  he  thought 
more  of  the  victory  than  of  the  death.  Joab  still 
refuses,  but  gives  an  exacter  reason  than  before. 
''  Why  wilt  thou  run  ?  if  thou  go,  the  message 
is  not  a  reward-bringing  one,"  J  not  such  a  one  as 
willbring  thee  profit  (Bottcher).  Luther:  "thou 
wilt  not  carry  a  good  message."  Thenius  alters 
the  text  after  the  Sept.,  and  renders :  "  there  is  to 
thee  no  message  leading  to  profit."  But  accord- 
ing to  the  explanation  given  above,  there  is  no 
need  for  such  insertion  and  alteration.  [Eng.  A. 
v.:  "thou  hast  no  tidings  ready,"  but  the  signifi- 
cation "ready"  is  not  easily  gotten  from  the 
Hebrew  word.  Better:  "thou  hast  no  tidings 
sufficient"  {Bib.  Com.);  that  is,  the  Cushite  has 
already  carried  the  news  ;  or,  "  thou  ha.st  no  pro- 
fitable tidings,"  none  that  can  do  any  body  good. 
The  Syr.  is  as  Erdmann's  rendering,  the  Vulg.  as 
Luther's.  See  "Text,  and  Gramm."— Tb.]— 
Ver.  23.  In  the  quick  and  lively  account  of  the 

•  Bead  the  Qeri  \3~hy_  '3  (the  [3  has  evidently 
fallen  out  by  reason  of  the  following  |3j;  it  =  "  be- 
cause "  (Gen.  xviii.  6 ;  xix.  8),  see  'res.  §  155.'  2  d.  Maurer 
[so   Syr.,    Chald.,]   retains   the    Kethib    (^j;  '3)    and 

renders:  "for  concerning  the  king's  son  as  dead  (thou 
wouldest  have  to  can-y  tidings)."  But  1)  this  addition 
[of  a  sentence  to  the  constructionj  is  suspicious,  and  2) 
if  HD  ["  dead  "]  belonged  to  "  the  king's  son  "  as  Adjec- 
tive, it  must  have  the  Article. 

t  HD  'TTI-     Comp.  Ew.  JlMd;  quidguid  id  est. 

t  PNSb  mtfa-pX  noSv  nnS  is  here  permissive 
Imperative  (Battcher,  Thenius):  "go  thou"  —  "and  if 
thou  go  "  (as  njr\>  Ps.  viii.  2  [1]).  It  can  be  taken  (with 
Preposition)   as  Pronoun—?]'?  (Gen.  xxvii.  37)  only 

where  it  is  conditioned  by  the  word-tone  (Bdtteher),  as 
Num.  xxii.  33;  1  Sam.  i.  26;  Psalm  cxli.  8.  Here,  how- 
ever, t'S,  not  713^  (as  =-  thee),  has  the  tone, for  the  mes- 
sage was  profitable  forno6odS/.  Thenius:  riKSTO  i'X37, 
Hiph.  Particp.  of  Ki".  But  the  word  is  Act.  Qal.  Par- 
ticp.  of  KSa,  "  to  come  upon  "— "  that  comes  on  (finds) " 
,  an  end  or  a  reward. 


530 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


conversation,  the  phrase  "and  he  said"  (easily 
supplied  by  the  reader)  is  omitted,  as  in  1  Sam.  i. 
20.  The  repetition  of  the  "and  be  it  as  it  may" 
shows  Ahimaaz's  ardent  desire  to  carry  the  tidings 
to  David.  Pie  went  "  by  the  way  of  the  plain,"  * 
the  Jordan  valley  (Gen.  xiii.  10-12;  xix.  17,  25, 
29;  Deut.  xxxiv.  3;  1  Ki.  vii.  47).  As  "way" 
has  hero  a  local  meaning,  it  cannot  be  explained 
as  indicating  a  particular  manner  of  running 
(Ewald:  "he  ran  in  the  manner  of  the  Kikkar 
(plain-)  running").  [Erdmann  supposes  this 
statement  to  support  the  view  that  the  battle  was 
fought  on  the  west  of  the  river ;  but  it  has  already 
been  pointed  out  (see  note  on  ver.  6)  that  it  is 
here  intimated  that  the  Cushite  did  not  go  by  the 
way  of  the  Jordan-valley,  which  he  must  have 
done  if  he  had  come  from  the  west  to  the  east 
side.  {Bih.  Com.  also  calls  attention  to  this  fact 
in  note  on  ver.  23.)  Assuming  that  the  scone  of 
battle  was  on  the  ea.st,  the  paths  of  Ahimaaz  and 
the  Cushite  cannot  be  described  with  exactness; 
but  if  it  was  south-west  of  Mahanaim  and  near  the 
river,  the  Cushite  may  have  struck  in  over  the 
hills,  wliile  Aliimaaz  took  the  more  level  north- 
ward route  along  the  river,  and  then  passed  in  to 
Mahanaim  (so  Patrick).  See  Bib.  Com.m.  in  loco. 
— Tn.]  Vers.  24-27.  That  the  two  runners  are 
seen  by  the  watchman  confirms  the  view  that  they 
both  came  through  the  Jordan-valley,  and  so 
could  lie  seen  afar  off  coming  one  after  the  other. 
The  Cusliite  is  seen  in  the  same  direction  as  Ahi- 
maaz, and  therefore  they  could  not  have  come 
different  ways  (Thenius). — Ver.  24.  David  sat 
between  the  two  gates  (that  is,  in  the  space 
between  the  outer  and  the  inner  gate)  waiting  for 
tidings.  The  'watchman  ■went  up  to  the 
roof  of  the  gate  on  the  wall. — That  is,  the 
outer  gate  connected  with  the  city-wall. — Ver.  25. 
[The  watchman  reports  to  the  king  the  approach 
of  a  runner.]  The  king  said:  If  he  be  alone, 
there  is  good  tidings  f  in  his  month. — He 
has  been  daspatched  as  a  messenger.  If  the  re- 
sult was  bad,  several  would  come  as  fugitives. — 
Ver.  26.  The  watchman,  seeing  another  man  run- 
ning, called  out  to  the  gate;X  "for  here,  at  the 
fartihest  possible  distance  from  the  outer  gate,  the 
king  must  have  ta,ken  his  position,  if  he  wished 
also  to  see  the  watchman  on  the  flat  roof"  (The- 
nius). He  also,  said  the  king,  brings  good 
tidings — namely,  since  he  comes  alone. — Ver. 
27.  The  watchman  recognizes  Ahimaaz,  probably 
by  the  swiftness  of  his  running.  The  king  said. 
He  ia  a  good  man,  whom  Joab  would  not  have 
chosen  as  the  messenger  of  evil. 


•  133  with  or  without  niTI- 

t  [The  word  (mt?3)  sometimes  means  good  tidings, 

sometimes  bad  tidings,  sometimes  simply  tidin(;s;  the 
me.aning  in  any  particular  case  must  be  decided  by  the 
context.  Here  either  "tidings"  or  "good  tidings" 
would  give  a  proper  sense.— Tb.] 

t  Bead  l;?]^  "gate"  instead  oflj/itf  "porter."   [This 

change  of  the  text  (after  Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.)  seems  hardly 
necessary.  The  watchman  may  have  called  to  the  por- 
ter, and  the  porter  to  the  king.  The  expression  "  called 
to  (or,  towards)  the  gate"  is  certainly  possible  and  in- 
*^";sibl<2,  but  still  strange  and  unexampled.  The  fact 
that  the  porter  is  not  said  to  speak  to  the  kinq;  makes 
some  difficulty,  but  not  enough  to  call  for  a  change  of 
text.— Te.] 


Vers.  28-32.  The  double  message.  —  Ahim 
called  out:  Hail!  [or.  Peace!  Eng.  A.V.  giv 
the  sense :  All  is  well !— Tr.]  The  brief  ex 
mation  corresponds  to  tlie  haste  of  the  runner, : 
gives  David  assurance  of  victory.  It  was  um 
stood,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that  Ahimaaz  wo 
report  on  this  point  first.  "  The  Lord  hath  i 
■up  (the  ground-meaning  of  the  Verb  is  to  be 
tained)  thy  enemies;"  that  is,  the  Lord  has 
bounds  to  thy  enemies  in  their  revolt,  has  e 
rounded  and  embraced  them  with  His  power 
that  they  can  no  longer  stir.  So  Sept.  and  Vi 
Comp.  1  Sam.  xvii.  46 ;  xxiv.  19  ;  xxvi.  8 ;  A 
i.  6,  9;  Ps.  xxxi.  9  [8].— Ver.  29.  To  Davi 
question  concerning  Absalom,  Ahimaaz  answ 
evasively.  I  saw,  says  he,  the  great  tumi 
— He  describes  it  from  personal  observatioi 
hence  the  Article.  In  the  first  part  of  Ahimas 
answer,  Vulg.,  Luther  and  Michaelis  rendi 
"when  the  king's  servant,  Joab,  sent  me,  tliy  s 
vant;"  but  "the  king's  servant "  is  not  the  si 
ject  of  the  verbal  form  (Infin.),  and  besides  I 
copula  {"and  thy  servant")  renders  this  trans 
tion  impossible,  unless  the  text  be  altered  and  1 
copula  omitted.  "The  king's  servant"  is  f 
Cushite,  while  Ahimaaz  calls  himself  "thy  s 
vant."  The  subject  of  the  sentence,  Joab,  star 
(as  sometimes  occurs  in  such  Infinitivc-constn 
tions)  after  the  object  (so  Josh.  xiv.  11;  Isa. 
24  ;  xxix.  23  ;  xx.  1 ;  Ezra  ix.  8  ;  Ps.  Ivi.  1  [ 
tie]  ;  2  Chron.  xii.  1.  Comp.  Ges.  J  133,  3  Eer 
[Dr.  Erdmann  renders  here  as  Eng.  A.  V.  Pi 
haps  a  better  text  would  be  :  "  when  Joab  sent  t 
servant;"  it  is  not  likely  that  Ahimaaz  would  c 
the  Cushite  "the  king's  servant,"  or  mention  h: 
at  all.  See  "  Text,  and  Gramm."— Te.]  A1 
maaz  is  un>villing  to  give  the  sad  news ;  but 
not  only  keeps  back  the  truth,  but  makes  the  fa 
impression  that  Absalom's  fate  was  not  decid 
when  Joab  sent  him  off. — Ver.  30.  Meantime  t 
Cushite  has  arrived.  At  David's  command  A! 
maaz  stepped  to  one  side  (literally:  "turn 
about").  The  Cushite  speaks  in  completely  th< 
cratic  style :  "The  Lord  hath  done  thee  justice 
thy  enemies.'' — Ver.  32  sq.  He  answers  the  qui 
tion  about  Absalom  indirectly,  yet  so  as  not  on 
clearly  to  make  known  his  dealli,  but  also  to  « 
press  condemnation  of  his  hostile  attempt  agaii 
his  father  and  king.  Tlie  Cushite  refers  to  Go( 
punitive  justice  in  Absalom's  destruction — a  fi 
that  David  in  this  moment  of  heart-rending  gri 
loses  sight  of.— Ver.  33  [Heb.  xix.  1].  "And  t 
king  was  shaken  "  *  [Eng.  A.  V. :  "  was  mu 
moved"].  David's  behaviour  is  so  vividly  a 
touchingly  portrayed  as  only  an  eye-witness  coi 
do  it.  Augustine  (cont.  Oaud.  II.  14) :  "Ah 
lom  afiiicted  his  father  more  by  his  death  tb 
by  his  life." 

HISTORICAL    AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1_.  The  rdigiom-morai  character  of  David's  d 
position  of  heart  is  clearly  expressed  in  the  Psal 


*  Vulg. :   contHstatus  est,  "  was  grieved."     [Erdmo 
gives  the  Sept.  rendering  of  this  word  (TJI'l)  aa  e8a« 

<rev  (wept),  which  he^  rightly  characterizes  as  weak;  1 
though  this  word  IS  given   in  the  text  of  Stier  t 

^^^'if-\^°'ys'S*-'''°.®''J®'^,!"=  '"^'">.  both  the  VatK 
and  the  Alexandrian  texts  h.ive  the  strong  and  apt 
priate  rendering,  erafixer,,  "violently  perturbed  "-A 


CHAP.  XVII.  24-XVIII.  33. 


531 


pertaining  to  this  gloomy  time,  through  which  the 
experiences  of  the  royal  singer  have  become  the 
common  possession  of  the  theocratic  community, 
and  the  source  of  comfort  and  strength  to  innu- 
merable pious  hearts.  While  Pss.  xli.  and  Iv. 
belong  to  the  time  of  the  development  of  Absar 
lom's  insurrection,  Pss.  Hi.  and  iv.  are  to  be  re- 
ferred to  the  time  immediately  after  David' s  flight ; 
for  the  particulars  see  Ewald,  Hengstenberg,  De- 
litzsch,  and  Moll  [in  Jjange'st  Bible-Work}.  In- 
deed, the  time  of  day  that  gives  coloring  to  each 
Psalm  may  be  determined.  They  are  not,  how- 
ever, both  evening-songs,  as  Hengstenberg  holds, 
who  refers  them  to  the  evening  of  the  day  of 
flight;  but  Ps.  Hi.  is  a  morning-song  (J.  H.  Mich., 
Ew.,  Del.,  Moll),  written  after  that  dreadful  day 
and  the  following  night  in  which  Ahithophel 
would  have  surprised  him,  and  ouly  Ps.  iv,  is  to 
be  regarded  as  an  enening-song,  whether  written 
the  day  of  the  flight  or  the  next  day.  "  There  is 
indeed,"  says  Moll  on  Ps.  iii.,  "  no  spedal  note  of 
time,  and  the  absence  of  such  note  is  felt  by  many 
expositors  to  be  a  difficulty.  But  they  fail  to  con- 
aider  that  we  have  here  a  specifically  lyrical-reli- 
gious eflTusion,  which  is  not  the  expression  of  the 
feelings  of  an  anxious  father  (as  2  Sam.  xvi.  11), 
but  sets  forth  the  complaint  and  the  confidence 
of  faith  of  a  commander  and  king  (hard-pressed 
indeed,  but  cheerful  in  prayer)  in  such  terse  sen- 
tences and  vigorous  words  that  the  reader  hears 
the  royal  singer  sigh,  cry,  weep  from  the  bottom 
of  his  heart."  The  first  strophe  of  Ps.  iii.  (the 
title  of  which  is:  "Psalm  of  David  when  he  fled 
from  Absalom  his  son"),  vers.  2,  3  [1,  2]  describes 
his  distress  by  reason  of  his  numerous  enemies, 
who  revile  him  for  his  trust  in  God.  In  the  sec- 
ond strophe,  vers.  4,  5  [3,  4]  he  indicates  his 
ground  of  lume,  namely  that  God,  who  has  lifted 
up  his  head,  will  help  and  hear  him.  In  the 
third  strophe,  vers.  6,  7  [5,  6]  he  expresses  his 
confidence  of  faith,  based  on  the  experience  of  the 
Lord's  protection  during  the  past  night,  to  which 
this  morning  bears  testimony.  The  fourth  strophe, 
vers.  8,  9  [7,  8]  contains  a  prayer  for  deliverance 
and  blessing,  growing  out  of  his  confidence  of  faith 
and  his  ground  of  hope. — Ps.  iv.,  as  an  evening-song, 
is  a  cry  of  the  sorely-pressed  singer  to  "  his  refuge 
of  righteousness,"  the  creator  and  possessor  of  right- 
eousness, the  judge  of  unrighteousness,  the  pro- 
tector and  restorer  of  persecuted  righteousness. 
Ver.  2  [1]  contains  (with  a  reference  to  already 
experienced  help)  a  prayer  that  God  would  hear 
him,  vers.  9  [8],  the  confident  conviction  of  its  ful- 
filment. "The  pillars  of  the  bridge  (vers.  3-8) 
between  distress  and  deliverance,  prayer  and  con- 
fidence, are:  1)  God's  choice  of  the  singer,  and 
the  enemies'  opposition  to  the  divine  decision ;  2) 
the  singer's  sincere  piety  (vers.  4  [3]),  the  hypo- 
critical and  external  religiosity  of  the  enemies 
(see  the  words  of  ver.  6  [5]  :  '  oflfer  the  sacrifices 
of  righteousness ')  ;  3)  the  singer's  living  trust  in 
God,  vers.  7,  8  [6,  7],  while  the  enemies  trust  in 
human  helps ;  comp.  the  '  trust  in  the  Lord, ' 
ver.  6  [5]  (Hengstenberg).  To  these  two  Psalms 
we  must  add  Ps.  Ixiii.  on  account  of  its  direct  re- 
ference to  David's  stay  as  fugitive  west  of  the  Jor- 
dan. The  title  :  "  P.sa]m  of  David  when  he  was 
m  the  wilderness  of  Judah  "  is  confirmed  by  the 
agreement  of  the  expressions,  "thirsting  in  a  dry 
land,  without   water,"   with  2  Sam.  xvi.  2,  14 ; 


xvii.  29,   compared  with  xv.  23,  28 ;    xvii.  16. 
The  mention  of  the  sanctuary,  yer.  3  [2]  and  the 
royal  office,  ver.  12  [11]  forces  us  to  refer  it  to  the 
flight  from  Absalom,  not  to  the  Sauline  persecu- 
tion.    The  singer,  "  pining  in  the  wilderness,"  de- 
sires that  God  may  be  as  near  to  him  (ver.  2  [1] ) 
as  He  formerly  was  in  the  sanctuary,  of  which  he 
is  now,  alasl  deprived  (ver.  3  [2]).    His  highest 
good  and  onlj^  comfort  is   Qod!s  grace,  which  is 
"better  than  life,"  and  his  commumton  with  God 
(vers.  2-4  [1-3]),  wherein  he  now  even  in  sufier- 
ing  rejoices   (vers.  7-9  [6-8]),  having  also  the 
joyful  hope  for  the  future  that  the  Lord  will  bless 
him*  (vers.  5,  6   [4,  5])  and  judge  his  enemies 
(vers.  10,  11  [9,  10] ),   both  of  these  being  com- 
bined in  ver.  12  [11]  :  "  But  the  king  will  rejoice 
in  God  ;  every  one  that  sweareth  by  Him  (God) 
shall  glory ;   for  the  mouth  of  them  that  speak 
lies  shall  be  stopped."     To  the  time  of  distress, 
when  he  was  on  the  east  of  the  Jordan,  belong  Pss. 
Ixi.  and  Ixii.    Ps.  Ixi.  expresses  first  the  Forrowful 
feeling  of  homelessness,  and  removal  from  the 
sanctuary,  whence  the  psalmist  is  banished  to  the 
"end  of  the  earth"  (ver.  3  [2]).     All  the  more 
earnestly  does  he  pray  from  afar  (vers.  2-5  [1-4] ) 
for  deliverance  from  the  evil,  which  he  likens  to  a 
steep  rock,  and  which  he  cannot  escape  without 
God's  guidance  (ver.  3  [2]),  appealing  to  God's 
former  acts  of  help  (ver.  4  [3]),  and  begging  for 
protection  in  the  "tabernacle"  (ver.  5  [4]).     In 
vers.  6-9  [5—8]  he  states  the  ground  of  his  confi- 
dent prayer,  referring  to  the  prophetic  word  that 
assures  him  an  everlasting  dominion,  himself  af- 
firming this  dominion  (on  the  ground  of  2  Sam. 
vii.,  especially  ver.  29),  and  closing  with  joyous 
thanksgiving  for  the  mercy  and  truth  that  would 
defend  him.     In  Ps.  Ixii.  David  first  affirms  his 
trust  in  God,  and  the  truth  (hat  rest  and  salvation 
are  in  Him  alone  (vers.  2,  3  [1,  2]).    The  wick- 
edness of  his  enemies,  who  wish  to  deprive  him 
of  his  God-given  dignity  and  of  his  life,  drives  him 
to  God  (vers.  4,  5  [3,  4]).     He  callson  his  soul  to 
seek  God  only  (6-8  [5-7]),  and  invites  all  to  trust 
Him  (ver.  9  [8]),  warning  against  trust  in  all  else 
(10,  11  [9,  10]),  and  giving  in  conclusion  a^  the 
ground  of  all  this  God's  mighty  power  and  love. 
Vers.  5,  6  [4,  5],  referring  to  attempts  of  enemies 
against  his  dignity  and  life,  touch  Pss.  iii.  and  iv., 
and  point  to  the  time  of  Absalom.    Ewald :  "  From 
ver.  5  [4]  the  enemies  seem  to  be  slanderous  fel- 
low-citizens, who,  relying  on  a  newly-established 
power,  attempt  to  cast  the  psalmist  down  to  the 
ground  and  destroy  him,  because  they  cannot  bear 
his  spiritual  superiority."      Closely  allied  with 
this  Psalm  is  Ps.  xxxix.,  which  is  therefore  pro- 
perly referred  by  several  commentators  (for  ex- 
ample, Delitzsch)  to  the  Absalomic  time.     David 
first  declares  that  in  the  presence  of  the  ungodly 
he  was  submissively  silent,  in  order  that  he  might 
avoid  sin  (vers-  2,  3  a  [1,  2  a]).     Yet  he  gave  ut- 
terance to  his  burning  grief  (3  b,  4  [2  b,  3]),  and 
prays  to  be  taught  how  brief  is  the  measure  of  his 
days  (5,  6  [4,  5]).     The  nothingness  of  human 
things  forbids  trust  in  them,  (hereforehe  will  timj 
on  the  Lord  alone  (7,  8  [6,  7]).   On  this  is  founded 
next  the  prayer  to  be  delivered  from  transgres- 
sion, and  from  the  reproach  of  the  ungodly  (9 
[8]).     He  will  not  complain,  indeed  ("for  thou, 
thou  hast  done  it"),  but  he  prays  for  deliverance, 
lest  he  be  destroyed  (10-12  [9-11]).     Since  he  is 


532 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


only  a  sojourner  and  pilgrim,  he  prays  that  help 
may  be  given  him  before  he  departs. — To  thia 
time  belong  also  Pa.  xlii.  and  xliii.,  which  toge- 
ther form  a  whole.     The  Psalmist  is  east  of  the 
Jordan  (xlii.  7  [6]),  and  sorrowfully  recalls  the 
time  when  at  the  head  of  the  rejoicing  multitude 
(oomp.  2  Sam.  vi.  14)  he  went  to  the  house  of  the 
Lord  (ver.  5  [4]),  lamenting  the  present  desola- 
tion of  the  sanctuary  by  the  enemy,  who  mock  at 
him  as  one  forsaken  by  God,  in  a  land  far  from 
any  holy  place.     With  this  is  combined  desire 
and  hope  of  sharing  in  the  service  of  the  sanctu- 
ary.    In  both  Psalms  the  enemies  are  described 
as  internal  as  in  the  Absalomic  psalms.     Comp. 
Ps.  xliii.  1 :  "  Judge  me,  O  God,  and  plead  my 
cause  against  a  people  without  love  [i.  e.,  '  un- 
godly'— Tk.]  ;  deliver  me  from  the  deceitful  and 
unjast  man."     Thrice  in  the  same  words  (xlii.  6 
[5],  12  [11],  xliii.  5)  the  Psalmist  bids  his  un- 
quiet soul ''  hope  in  God."     Not  from  the  soul  of 
David,  indeed  I  Hengst.,  Thol.),  but  from  his  own 
soul  does  the  Korahite  psalmist  [the  title  ascribes 
the  song  to  the  Sons  of  Korah]  utter  his  lamenta- 
tion.s  and  hopes ;  but  the  tones  of  the  song  are  the 
same  as  those  of  the  Davidic  psalms  of  this  time. — 
Further,  Ps.  xxiii.,  xxvi. — zxviii.  owe  their  origin 
to  the  outward  and  inward  experiences  of  the 
royal  singer  at  this  time  (Del.,  Moll).     In  all  of 
them  the  psalmist  is  far  from  the  sanctuary,  and 
longs  to  worship  God  in  His  house ;  in  all  there 
is  the  sharp  contrast  between  the  oppression  of 
enemies,  and  trust  in  God.    The  refreshing  aid 
of  friends,  narrated  in  2  Sam.  xvii.  27  sq.,  he  ex- 
tola  in  Pa.  xxiii.  as  the  kindness  of  God,  his  good 
shepherd ;  here  we  recognize  the  tones  of  Pss.  iii. 
7  [G] ;  iv.  8  [7] ;  Ixiii.— The  enemies,  described 
in  Ps.  xxvi.  are  identical  in  character  with  the 
abettors  of  the  insurrection   of  Absalom.    The 
paalmist  appeals  to  his  righteous  life,  and  to  the 
tribunal  of  God,  and  prays  not  to  be  carried  off 
with  sinners,  from  whom  he  has  ever  been  sepa- 
rate, and  by  reason  of  his  love  for  the  sanctuary 
will  still  be  separate ;  confidently  he  looks  for  help 
from  the  Lord,  and  restoration  to  the  sanctuary. 
— While  this  Psalm  closes  in  joyful  hope,  Ps. 
xxvii.  begins  with  the  expression  of  happy  confi- 
dence in  God,  afiSrms  the  hope  of  victory  over 
enemies,  and  vows  a  thank-offering  for  deliver- 
ance to  the  Lord  in  His  sanctuary. — Ps.  xxviii.  (in 
many  respects  similar  to  Ps.  xxvii.)  is  a  pa.ssion- 
ate  cry  in  the  midst  of  danger  for  requital  on  ene- 
mies, and  for  deliverance  for  the  Lord's  Anointed 
and  for  His  people.     It  closes  with  :  "  the  Lord  is 
the  saving  strength  of  His  Anointed.     O  help  thy 
people  and  bless  thy  heritage,  and  feed  them  and 
bear  them  up  forever."* 

2.  In  these  psalms  are  contained  the  following 
truths,  valid  for  all  times  and  relations  of  the 
kingdom  of  God,  especially  for  times  of  depres- 
sion and  convulsion.  The  Lord  permits  sucli 
times  to  come  to  purify  His  people,  and  by  sifting 
to  determine  who  are  for  Him  and  who  against 
Him,  and  for  both  these  classes  they  contain  lea- 
sons.     The  former  [God's  people]  are,  as  David, 


*  [It  i''  cloar  that  the  internal  proofs  here  adduced  by 
the  author  of  the  origination  of  these  Psalms  (especially 
xxiii,,  xxyi. — xxviii.,  xlii.,  xliii.)  in  the  insurrection  of 
Absalom  are  of  a  very  general  nature,  and  cannot  be 
considered  as  a  demonstration.  The  lessons  drawn  from 
them,  however,  are  nob  the  less  valid  from  the  uncer- 
tainty of  the  authorship.— Tb.] 


1)  in  humble  penitence  to  confess  that  their  o 
sins  have  helped  to  bring  distress  on  God's  kii 
dom  ;  2)  to  learn,  for  the  strengthening  of  th 
faith,  that  not  human  power  and  wisdom,  1 
God's,  conduct  and  further  the  affairs  of  His  kii 
dom  ;  3 )  to  see,  for  their  consolation,  that  no  I 
man  power  shall  long  hinder,  or  even  destroy  tl 
kingdom,  and  4)  to  recall,  for  their  joy,  Goi 
deeds  in  the  past,  which  He  has  not  performed 
vain,  and  His  sure  promises,  which  will  not  be  1 
unfulfilled. — On  the  other  hand,  the  enemies 
God's  kingdom  are  to  reflect  that  they  are  on 
instruments  in  His  hand  for  chastising  His  honi 
that  their  anti-godly  work  has  its  limits  in  t 
will  and  command  of  the  Almighty  God,  and  th 
they  can  escape  His  wrath  only  by  humbly  bo 
ing  under  His  hand  and  giving  Him  the  honor 

3.  The  faithfulness  of  hvman  love,  strengthenii 
in  need  and  cheering  in  misfortune,  is  not  on 
the  copy,  but  also  the  means  and  instrument  cf  tl 
faithfulness  of  the  divine  love,  granted^ to  those  th; 
bow  humbly  beneath  God's  hand*  and  whol 
trust  Him. 

4.  In  the  contest  for  the  holy  cause  of  the  hingdo 
of  God  all  those  that  are  called  to  defend  it,  mu 
thoroughly  combine  all  the  forces  that  willing] 
offer  themselves,  in  order  to  overcome  the  pow< 
of  evil.  But,  with  all  bravery  and  all  angi 
against  evil,  the  servant  of  God  must  guar 
against  sinful  fleshly  anger,  and  bring  God's  me 
ciful  love  as  near  as  possible  to  the  authors  of  tl; 
evil,  in  order  to  afford  them  the  opportunity  an 
means  of  conversion,  and  to  save  them  from  di 
struction.  While  their  evil  cause  falls  under  th 
divine  judgment,  through  human  hands,  the  huma 
hand  is  not  arbitrarily  and  self-led  to  be  laid  o 
their  persons,  but  to  commend  them  to  God,  whi 
ther  they  may  not  be  brought  to  repentance  b 
His  long-suffering,  by  the  failure  of  their  wicke 
undertakings  and  the  exhibition  therein  given  o 
God's  punitive  justice. 

5.  He  who  (as  Joab),  self-determined,  angrj 
merely  executing  strict  justice,  anticipating  God 
judgment,  aits  in  judgment  on  his  neighbor  an 
executes  judgment  on  him,  himself  falls  unJe 
the  divine  judgment.     Comp.  1  Ki.  ii.  28-34. 

6.  David's  lament  over  Absalom,  as  a  father 
lament  over  his  lost  son,  was  not  in  itself  in  cor 
flict  with  his  theocratic  calling,  with  all  his  fora 
to  restore  the  kingdom  of  God,  on  the  ground  o 
God's  promises  to  him,  again.st  his  son,  even  i 
the  cost  of  his  destruction.  Peter  Martyr :  "  i 
his  heart  two  feelings  met,  grief  for  his  son  an 
joy  in  the  divine  judgment,  so  that  he  could  say 
just  art  thou,  O  Lord,  thy  judgment  is  right.  Bi 
these  feelings  of  joy  and  grief,  being  contrary  t 
one  another,  could  not  have  place  together  in  hi 
mind."  It  is  psychologically  perfectly  natnrs 
and  ethically  unexceptionable  to  feel  grief  at  th 
judicial  destruction  of  a  human  life  and  soul  nea 
and  dear  to  us,  as  David  here  for  Absalom,  an 
at  the  same  time  to  give  place  to  anger  at  the  ui 
authorized  intrusion  of  a  violent  human  hand  int 
the  course  of  divine  judgment  on  a  lost  man,  whos 
soid_  mi^ht  else  have  been  saved.  But  one  ma 
easily  sin  (as  David  did)  in  such  justifiable  soi 
row  and  anger,  by  weakly  yielding  to  passional 
excitement,  and  holding  merely  to  the  humai 
so  that  the  eye  of  the  spirit  loses  sight  of  th 
earnestness  of  the  divine  justice,  which  permii 


CHAP.  XVn.  24-XVIII.  33. 


533 


unauthorized  human  intrusion  into  its  plans,  jn 
order  thuB  to  complete  itself,  and  to  secure  its 
ends  over  all  human  thoughts  and  weakly  human 
feelings.  Kurtz  (Hers.  111.  304):  "Absalom's 
sin  and  shame  had  two  sides  :  there  was  in  it  the 
curse  that  David's  sin  brought  on  David's  house 
(2  Sam.  xii.  10),  the  misdeed  of  the  fathers,  that 
is  visited  on  the  children  {Ex.  xx.  5),— and  not 
less  Absalom's  own  wickedness  and  recklessness, 
which  made  him  the  bearer  of  the  family-curse. 
David  looks  at  Absalom's  deed  not  on  the  latter 
side,  but  on  the  former  (for  his  own  guilt  seems  to 
him  so  great,  that  he  looks  little  at  Absalom's) ; 
hence  his  deep,  boundless  compassion  for  his  mis- 
guided son." — This  king's  path  was  full  of  tears. 
He  wept  when  he  parted  from  Jonathan  and  went 
into  banishment;  he  wept  when  Saul  and  Jona- 
than perished  ;  he  wept  over  the  death  of  the  son 
of  Bathsheba  begotten  in  adultery  ;  he  wept  over 
'  the  murder  of  his  sou  Aranon  by  Absalom ;  he 
wept  when,  a  dethroned  fugitive,  he  ascended  the 
Mount  of  Olives ;  he  mentions  the  tears  that  he 
BO  often  shed  on  his  lonesome  bed ;  he  weeps  most 
violently  and  longest  over  Absalom's  terrible  end, 
since  he  saw  herein  the  culmination  of  God's 
judgments  on  his  house,  which  he  had  incurred 
by  his  sin.  Augustine :  "  Not  in  his  life  does  he 
weep  for  him,  but  when  he  is  dead,  because  all 
hope  of  salvation  for  him  was  then  cut  off."  But 
his  unrestrained  tears,  his  immoderate  grief,  as  the 
following  narrative  shows,  obscured  his  view  of 
the  divine  judgment,  that  of  necessity  came  upon 
Absalom  on  account  of  his  own  reckless  wicked- 


HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Chap.  xvii.  24 — xviii.  8.  The  proof  of  genuine 
Mdity  in  troubled  tim^:  1)  By  willing  gifts  of 
love  to  relieve  bodily  need ;  2)  By  swift  help  in 
battle  against  an  evil  foe;  3)  By  offering  our 
own  person  to  save  the  dear  life  of  our  friend ; 
and  4)  By  tenderly  showing  forbearance  towards 
his  wounded  heart  in  the  conflict  against  the 
author  of  his  distress. — God  wonderfully  helps  Sis 
people  in  battling  for  the  interests  of  Sis  kingdom, : 
1)  By  awakening  and  revealing  hidden  and 
faithful  love,  which  consoles  and  refreshes  (xvii. 
24r-29) ;  2)  By  collecting  brave  soldiers,  who 
shrink  not  from  taking  part  in  the  battle  (xviii. 
1-4);  3)  By  securing  glorious  victory  even 
agamst  the  apparently  superior  foe  (vers.  5-8). 

XVni.  5-16.  Divine  righteousness  and  human 
compassion  towards  the  adversaries  of  God's  kingdom: 
1)  Divine  righteousness  in  executing  its  judgment 
upon  wickedness  and  the  wicked  goes  its  own 
way,  independently  of  the  feelings  of  human 
compassion  for  their  purification  and  rectification. 
Yet  2)  Hrnnan  compassion  is  not  excluded  by 
thinking  of  the  earnestness  of  the  divine  right- 
eousness ;  but  as  a  daughter  of  the  divine  com- 
passion, when  engaged  in  delivering  a  human 
life  from  eternal  ruin,  it  has  a  right  to  ask  that  it 
may  glory  against  judgment,  so  far  as  in  the 
counsel  of  God  patience  and  long-suffering  is  still 
resolved  on. 

Vers.  9-18.  Seaven-wide  opposites  that  cannot  be 
reconciled:  1)  God!s  strict  righteousness,  when  the 
measure  of  His  holy  wrath  is  full,  and  human 
compassion,  when  the  measure  of  the  divine  pa- 


tience and  long-suffering  is  full ;  2)  Bude  exercise 
of  power,  which  in  self-will  and  recklessness  de- 
stroys a  human  life,  and  tender  conscientiousness, 
which  fears  to  strive  against  God  by  attempts 
upon  a  human  life ;  3)  The  honm;  which  man  in 
his  pride  prepares  for  himself  before  the  world, 
and  the  shame,  with  which  God  punishes  such 
pride. 

Vers.  19-33.  Sweet  amd  bitter  in  the  leadings  and 
dispensations  of  God;  1)  From  erne  source— the 
Lord's  wise  counsel;  2)  For  one  and  the  same  hu- 
man heart — in  order  to  humble  and  exalt  it;  3)  To 
a  like  end — the  Lord's  glory. 

Fb.  Ahndt  ;  David's  victory  over  Absalom — how 
it  is  1)  prepared,  2)  gained,  and  3)  crowned. 

Chap.  vii.  27-29.  Schlieb:  Inthe  fidelity  of  men 
David  was  to  recognize  the  fidelity  of  the  Lord; 
he  was  to  take  courage  from  the  fact  that  the  Lord, 
who  is  such  a  friend,  and  in  the  midst  of  his 
wretchedness  has  cared  for  him,  will  also  care  for 
him  still  further,  and  help  him  out  of  all  his 
wretchedness.  Precisely  thus,  at  the  present  day 
also,  the  Lord  our  God  deals  with  His  children. 
He  leads  us  into  trouble,  it  is  true,  but  in  the 
midst  of  trouble  He  sends  us  refreshing  again. — 
Stabke:  So  God  knows  how  to  refresh  His  peo- 
ple in  time  of  need,  even  through  strangers,  from 
whom  nothing  would  have  been  expected  (Psalm 
xxxiv.  11  [10]  ;  xxxvii.  19).— S.  Schmid:  A 
righteous  cause  finds  everywhere  its  supporters 
and  defenders. 

Chap,  xviii.  1  sqq.  Fe.  Abndt:  Owhenaman 
first  leaches  the  point  that  he  is  lord  of  his  pain, 
that  no  longer  sorrow  rules  over  him,  but  he  rules 
over  his  sorrow,  that  thonghtfulness,  quiet  and 
peace  returns  into  his  heart,  then  he  is  again  in  a 
good  way,  no  more  brought  to  a  stand  but  in  pro- 
gress, and  a  door  is  opened  for  all  help  and  deli- 
verance.— Osiandbr:  Though  we  ought  to  trust 
God,  yet  we  ought  in  so  doing  to  neglect  nothing 
that  we  have  and  can  fitly  use  to  turn  away  the 
evil. — [Henby:  It  is  no  piece  of  wisdom  to  be 
stiff  in  our  resolutions,  but  to  be  willing  to  hear 
reason,  even  from  our  inferiors,  and  to  be  over- 
ruled by  their  advice,  when  it  appears  to  be  for 
our  own  good.  Whether  the  people's  prudence 
had  an  eye  to  it  or  no,  God's  providence  wisely 
ordered  it  that  David  should  not  be  in  the  field 
of  battle ;  for  then  his  tenderness  had  certainly 
interposed  to  save  Absalom's  life,  whom  God  had 
determined  to  destroy. — Tb.] 

Vers.  4-8 :  Schiier  :  Easy  gained,  easy  lost. 
Absalom's  example  shows  that.  And  to-day  also, 
in  great  as  in  small  things,  how  can  it  be  other- 
wise than  according  to  the  saying,  Easy  gained, 
easy  lost.  But  another  thing  we  also  clearly  see 
from  this  history  :  If  God  is  left,  we  are  not  for- 
saken. David  held  fast  ,to  his  God,  even  when 
the  world  stormed  in  upon  him  from  all  sides. 
Let  us  hold  fast  to  the  Lord,  let  us  perseveringly 
wait  for  His  help.  To  us  also  He  will  at  the 
right  time  assuredly  send  help. — [Henbt  :  Ab- 
salom and  David each  did  his  utmost,  and 

showed  what  he  could  do ;  how  bad  it  is  possible 
for  a  child  to  be  to  the  best  of  fathers,  and  how 
good  it  is  possible  for  a  father  to  be  to  the  worst 
of  children ;  as  if  it  were  designed  to  be  a  resem- 
blance of  man's  wickedness  towards  God,  and 
God's  mercy  toward  man,  of  which  it  is  hard  to 
say  which  is  more  amazing. — Tb.] 


534 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Ver.  9.  Stabke:  God  punishes  the  disobedi- 
ence of  children  to  their  parents  very  severely 
(Prov.  XXX.  17;  xx.  20;  Deut.  xxvii.  16).— Osi- 
ANDER :  Those  who  are  puffed  up  with  the  gifts 
that  God  has  granted  them,  and  misuse  them  for 
the  ends  of  arrogance  and  luxury,  are  often 
brought  by  these  very  gifts  to  ruin. — S.  Schmid  : 
A  man  whom  the  divine  vengeance  is  pursuing 
does  not  escape. — Vers.  14  sqq.  S.  Schmid  :  He 
must  be  a  very  bad  man  who  is  not  attracted  to 
what  is  good  by  the  good  example  of  his  subordi- 
nates.— Ver.  17  sq.  Cramer  :  As  the  death  of  the 
saints  is  precious  (Psa.  cxvi.  15),  so  on  the  con- 
trary the  death  of  the  ungodly  is  little  esteemed 
and  horrible  (Psa.  xxxiv.  22). — Starke:  As  the 
memory  of  the  just  is  blessed  (Prov.  x.  7),  so  the 
memory  of  the  ungodly  abides  in  dishonor  and 
shame. 

Vers.  19 sq.  Starke:  Joy  is  always  the  begin- 
ning of  sorrow,  and  good  and  evil  fortunes  are  in 
this  world  always  mingled. — Hedingeb  [from 
Hall]  :  O  how  welcome  deserve  those  messengers 
to  be  that  bring  us  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation, 
that  assure  us  of  the  foil  of  all  spiritual  enemies, 
and  tell  us  of  nothing  but  victories,  and  crowns, 
and  kingdoms. — Ver.  28.  Starke:  When  one 
has  obtained  a  victory,  he  should  ascribe  it  to 
God  Himself,  and  not  to  human  powers  (2  Chron. 

XX7.  8). 

Ver.  29.  Schlier  :  David  knows  well  how  to 
bring  his  duty  as  ruler  into  harmony  with  his 
duty  to  his  family ;  for  he  has  a  kingly  heart  full 
of  kingly  thoughts,  and  yet  has  also  a  faithful  fa- 
therly heart,  full  of  love  and  compassion,  and  who 
should  not  be  glad  to  learn  from  such  a  man  ? 
We  recognize  the  upright  man  in  the  fidelity  he 
shows  to  both  his  calling  and  his  kinsmen,  and 
he  who  little  esteems  the  one  or  the  other  does  not 
rightly  do  his  duty.  [It  is  not  necessary  to  main- 
tain that  David  did  just  right  in  the  matter.  Cer- 
tainly he  sometimes  erred  very  greatly ;  and  in 
this  case  his  parental  fondness  seems  to  have  over- 
balanced his  sense  of  duty  as  a  king. — Tr.] — 
Vers.  42  sq.  S.  Schmid:  Pious  parents  are  justly 
more  anxious  for  their  dissolute  children  than  for 
the  pious  and  obedient,  because  they  are  nearer  to 


ruin.— Bebl.  Bible:  God  is  the  true  and  on 
source  of  all  parental  love  and  all  the  compassi( 
which  parents  maintain  even  towards  their  ui 
godly  Absaloms. — [Taylor:  But  the  worst  ii 
gredient  in  this  cup  of  anguish  would  be,  I  thinl 
the  consciousness  in  David's  heart  that  if  he  ha 
himself  been  all  he  ought  to  have  been,  his  so 

might  not  thus  have  perished Davi 

now  professes,  and  I  believe  with  truth,  to  desii 
that  he  had  died  for  Absalom ;  but  that  was  a  vai 
wish.  He  ought  to  have  lived  more  for  Absalon 
He  ought,  by  his  own  character,  to  have  taugl 
him  to  love  holiness,  or,  at  all  events,  he  ought  t 
have  seen  that  there  was  nothing  in  his  own  coc 
duct  to  encourage  his  son  in  wickedness,  or  t 
provoke  him  to  wrath ;  and  then,  though  Absa 
lorn  had  made  shipwreck,  he  might  have  had  th 
consolation  that  he  had  done  his  utmost  to  preveu 
such  a  catastrophe. — ^Tb.] 

[Ver.  14.  The  death  of  Absalom:  1)  He  ha 
missed  his  golden  opportunity.  (He  slight© 
Ahithophel's  counsel,  and  now  David  has  organ 
ized  a  strong  army.)  2)  He  has  fought  despei 
ately,  but  in  vain  (ver.  6).  3)  The  very  object 
of  his  vanity  have  occa.sioned  his  ignominy  (ridini 
the  royal  mule,  his  long  hair).  4)  His  father' 
often  abused  fondness  continues  to  the  end,  but  n 
longer  avails  him  (xiii.  39;  xviii.  5,  11-15,  33] 
5)  His  splendid  gifts  and  reckless  ambition  hav 
brought  him  only  ruin,  and  destined  him  to  im 
mortal  infamy  (vers.  17,  18). — Tb.] 

[Ver.  33.  David  moaming  aver  Absalom:  1 
Wherein  it  was  right,  a)  Parental  love  is  iode 
structible.  b)  Absalom  was  not  wholly  bad,  am 
his  faults  had  been  aggravated  by  the  misconduc 
of  others,  c)  David  was  conscious  that  all  thi 
was  a  chastening  required  by  his  own  sins.  2 
AVherein  it  was  wrong,  a)  In  that  it  excludei 
gratitude  to  his  faithful  and  brave  followers  (xis 
1  sqq.).  6)  In  preventing  attention  to  the  pres.s 
ing  dutiesof  his  po.sition  (xix.  7).  c)  In  causini 
him  to  overlook  the  fact  that  as  long  as  Absalon 
lived,  the  kingdom  could  have  no  peace,  d)  In  si 
far  as  it  was  not  tempered  by  submission  to  th 
will  of  Jehovah. — Tb.] 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-40. 


535 


THIRD    SECTION. 

The  Restoration  of  David's  Royal  Authority,  which  was  now  Endangered  by  Dis- 
sension between  Judah  and  Israel  and  by  the  Insurrection  of  Sheba. 

Chapters  XIX.— XX. 

I.  Tlie  Way  opened  for  the  Restoration  of  DamtTs  Kingdom  by  Joab's  Reproof  of  his  Immoderate  Orief 

for  Absalom.    Chap.  XIX.  1-8  [Heb.  2-9]. 

1  And  it  was  told  Joab,  Behold,  the  king  weepeth  and  mourneth  for  Absalom. 

2  And  the  victory  [deliverance]'  that  day  was  turned  into  mourning  unto  all  the 
people ;  for  the  people  heard  say  that  day  how  [om.  how,  im.  :  ]  The  king  was  [is] 

3  grieved  for  his  son.     And  the  people  gat  them  by  stealth  that  day  into  the  city,  as 

4  people  being  ashamed  steal  away  when  they  flee  in  battle.  But  [And]  the  king 
covered'  his  face,  and  the  king  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  O  my  son  Absalom,  O 

5  Absalom,  my  son,  my  son !  And  Joab  came  into  the  house  to  the  king,  and  said, 
Thou  hast  shamed  this  day  the  faces  of  all  thy  servants,  which  [who]  this  day  have 
saved  thy  life,  and  the  lives  of  thy  sons  and  of  thy  daughters,  and  the  lives  of  thy 
wives,  and  the  lives  of  thy  concubines,  in  that  thou  lovest  thine  enemies,  and  hatest 

6  thy  friends.  For  thou  hast  declared  this  day  that  thou  regardest  neither  [not] 
princes  nor  [and]  servants ;  for  this  day  I  perceive  that,  if  Absalom  had  lived 

7  and  all  we  had  died  this  day,  then  it  had  pleased  thee  well.  Now,  therefore  [And 
now],  arise,  go  forth,  and  speak  comfortably  unto  thy  servants ;  for  I  swear  by  the 
Lord  [Jehovah],  if*  thou  go  not  forth,  there  will  not  tarry  one  with  thee  this 
night ;  and*  that  will  be  worse  unto  thee  than  all  the  evil  that  befel  [hath  befallen] 

8  thee  from  thy  youth  until  now.  Then  [And]  the  king  arose,  and  sat  in  the  gate. 
And  they  told  unto  all  the  people,  saying.  Behold,  the  king  doth  sit  in  the  gate ; 
and  all  the  people  came  before  the  king.  \_Transfer  the  rest  of  this  verse  to  the  next 
verse.'^ 

II.  David  prepares  for  his  Return  by  Negotiations  vnth  the  Men  of  Judah.   "Vers.  9-14  [Heb.  10-15]. 

9  For  [And]  Israel  had  fled,  every  man  to  his  tent.  And  all  the  people  were  at 
strife  throughout  all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  saying,  The  king  saved  us  out  of  the 
hand  of  our  enemies,  and  he  delivered  us  out  of  the  hand  of  the  Philistines ;  and 

TEXTUAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 
1  [Ver.  2.   nj7K?fl,  properly  "  salvation,  deliverance,"  not  the  idea  of  a  conquering  of  enemies,  but  of  being 
saved  from  them.-^TE.l 

*  [Ver.  4.  Instead  of  0«S,  Wellhausen  would  write  BN*?  as  if  from  BiS  (1  Sam.  xxi.  10).— Tb.J 

'  [Ver.  6.  Conditional  sentence,  in  which  condition  and  consequence  are  represented  as  non-existent;  the 

protasis  with  nS  ( —  iS)  and  Adjective  (or  Participle),  the  apodosis  with  the  Perfect.    The  action  is  stated  in 

the  simplest  form ;  "if  Absalom  is  living,  it  is  right,"  it  being  otherwise  understood  that  Absalom  is  not  living. 
— Ta.] 

*  I  Ver.  7.  Conditional  sentence,  in  which  both  members  are  undetermined,  put  as  mere  possibilities.    The 

protasis  is  in  the  form  of  simple  assertion  qj'X  DX),  the  apodosis  has  the  Imperf.  (pV)  with  future  sense. 
-Ta.]  '  "       ' 

»  [Ver.  7.  Sept.:  " and  know  thou  that,"  sic,  reading  probably  ^_  T\y^  for  ^1  n;?"1;  but  it  had  the  latter 
reading  also.— Instead  of  r\r^y-'\]l  some  VSS.,  EDD.  and  MSS.  have  nii;7-n;^l>  which  would  not,  however, 
alter  the  translation.  The  1  in  this  ease  merely  carries  on  the  sequence  of  time  up  to  the  limit,  and  is  not  to  be 
rendered  "  even  "  (as  if  emphatic),  as  Eng.  A.  V.  often  does.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  8.  So  Thenius,  Wellhausen,  Bib.-Com.,  Erdmann.— Te.J 


536  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

10  now  he  is  fled  out  of  the  land  for  [from']  Absalom.  And  Absalom,  whom  we 
anointed  over  us,  is  dead  in  battle.  Now,  therefore  [And  now],  why  speak  ye  not 
a  word  of  bringing  the  king  back*  ? 

11  And  king  David  sent  to  Zadok  and  to  Abiathar  the  priests,  saying,  Speak  unto 
the  elders  of  Judah,  saying,  Why  are  ye  [will  ye  be]  the  last  to  bring  the  king 
back  to  his  house?  seeing  the  speech  of  all  Israel  is  come  to  the   king  even  [pm. 

12  even]  to  his  house.'  Ye  are  my  brethren,  ye  are  my  bones  [bone]  and  my  flesh ; 
wherefore,  then  are  ye  [and  why  will  ye  be]   the  last  to  bring   back   the   king  ? 

13  And  say  ye  to  Amasa,  Art  thou  not  of  [om.  of]  my  bone  and  of  [pm.  of]  ray  flesh? 
God  do  so  to  me  an'd  more  also,  if  thou  be  not  captain  of  the  host  before  me  con- 

14  tinually  in  the  room  [instead]  of  Joab.  And  he  bowed  [inclined]  the  heart  of  all 
the  men  of  Judah  even  [om.  even]  as  the  the  heart  of  one  man ;  so  that  [and]  they 
sent  this  word  unto  the  king,  Return  thou,  and  all  thy  servants. 

III.  David! s  Passage  over  the  Jordan  under  the  Escort  of  the  Men  of  Judah,  with  Three  Incidents. 
Vers.  15-iO  a  [Heb.  16^1  a]. 

1.  Pardoning  of  Sliimci.  Vers.  15-23  [Heb.  16-24]. 

15  So  [And]  the  king  returned,  and  came  to  [ins.  the]  Jordan.  And  Judah  came 
to  Gilgal,  to  go*  to  meet  the  king,  to  conduct   the   king  over   [ins.  the]   Jordan. 

16  And'"  Shimei,  the  son  of  Gera,  a  [the]   Benjamite  [Benjaminite],  which   was  of 

17  Bahurim,  hasted  and  came  down  with  the  men  of  Judah  to  meet  king  David,  And 
there  were  [om.  there  were]  a  thousand  men  of  Benjamin  with  him,  and  Ziba  the 
servant  of  the  house  of  Saul,  and  his  fifteen  sons  and  his  twenty  servants  with  him ; 

18  and  they  went  over  [ins.  th*']  Jordan  before  the  king.  And  there  went  over  a 
ferry-boat  [And  the  ferry-boat  went  over]  to  cany  over  the  king's  household,  and 
to  do  what  he  thought  good.     And  Shimei  the  son  of  Gera  fell  down  before  the 

19  king  as  he  was  come  over  [ins.  the]  Jordan  ;  And  said  unto  the  king,  Let  not  my 
lord  impute  iniquity  unto  me,  neither  do  thou  remember  [and  remember  not]  that 
which  thy  servant  did  perversely  the  day  that  my  lord  the  king  went  out  of  Jeru- 

20  salem,  that  the  king  should  take  it  to  his  heart.  For  thy  servant  doth  know  that 
I  have  sinned ;  therefore  [and]  behold,  I  am  come  the  first  this  day  of  all  the 

T  [Ver.  9.    7^»D  is  rendered  by  Gesenius :  "  from  on,"  as  conveying  the  notion  that  David  had  been  a  burden 

on  Absalom ;  but  it  also  sometimes  .=  **  from  the  presence  of,"  as  in  Gen.  xvii.  22.  There  is  not  sufficient  ground, 
therefore,  for  Bottcher'a  remark  that  the  phrase  is  not  Hebrew,  and  should  at  least  be  ^J3D,  or  for  regarding 

the  7J^D  as  the  remnant  of  an  original  lilJTDQD^,    "  and  from  his  kingdom  "  (Sept.),  wiiich  may  be  merely  a 

marginal  explanation.    Syr.:  "come  now,  let  us  flee  from  the  land  from  after  Absalom,"  reading  ni3J.— Te.] 

8  [Vers.  10,  It.  The  expression :  '*  to  his  house,"  at  the  end  of  ver.  11  is  here  inappropriate ;  for  the  talk 
among  the  people  had  certainly  not  come  to  the  king's  house  (i.  e.  dwelling,  as  the  context  shows);  it  was  per- 
haps repeated  from  the  previous  clause  after  the  ^ 7l3n.  Moreover  this  last  clause  seerns  to  be  better  put  at  the 
end  of  ver.  10;  it  sounds  more  like  the  statement  of  the  narrator  than  like  a  part  of  the  king's  speech  to  Judah. 
In  ver.  10  it  may  have  fallen  out  by  similar  ending,  two  successive  clauses  there  ending  in  Ij^Qn.  See  Erd- 
mann's  remarks  in  the  Exposition. — Ta.] 

»  [Ver.  15.  Instead  of  riD^S  some  ancient  EDD.  and  MSS.  have  Hl'h,  "to  descend;"  but  the  weight  of 

VVT  VVT  I 

authority  is  on  the  side  of  the  text.— The  Hiph.  Inf.  with  Prep,  is  in  this  verse  written  Taun?,  in  ver.  18  (Heb. 
19)  TpjjS.-Ta.]  ■    '"  ' 

w  [Ver.  16  sqq.  Wellha'isen  regard."  the  statement  about  Ziba  as  a  sort  of  parenthesis  (ver.  IS  b  being  con- 
nected with  ver.  16),  and  makes  some  changes  in  the  text:  he  omits  the  1  before  ^nSif,  and  at  the  beginning 
ofver.  18(Heb.  19)reads  n^y  (soVulg.;  Syr.  ^^^2V),  instead  of  ni2U.'  The  accountVould  then  read:  "And 

J     T  T :     T  , 

Shimei,  etc.,  came  to  meet  David,  and  one  thousand  Benjaminites  with  him.    And  Ziba,  ete.^  pressed  (^H /S)  to 

the  Jordan  be/ore  the  king,  and  crossed  (03^*)  the  ford,  etc.    And  Shimei  fell  down,"  etc.    The  reading  of  Vulg. 

at  beginning  of  ver.  18 :  "and  they  crossed  the  ford,"  commends  itself  as  appropriate,  for  we  should  not  expect 
the  statement  about  the  ferry-boat  to  be  inserted  in  the  middle  of  the  account  of  Sheba.    But  there  seems  to  be 

no  good  ground  for  omitting  the  1  before  ?nSs  and  thus  confining  this  action  to  Ziba  and  his  party.    Shimei 

(with  whom  Ziba  was)  may  have  managed  the  arrangements  for  the  transportation  of  the  king's  household. 
Ziba  may  have  assisted ;  but  it  is  not  necessary  to  suppose  that  it  was  out  of  gratitude  for  this  service  that  David 
made  the  decision  in  ver.  29  (Heb.  30).— Te.] 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-40.  537 


21  house  of  Joseph  to  go  [come]  down  to  meet  my  lord  the  king.  But  [And]  Abi- 
shai  the  son  of  Zeruiah  answered,  and  said,  Shall  not  Shimei  be  put  to  death  for 

22  this,  because  he  cursed  the  Lord's  [Jehovah's]  anointed  ?  And  David  said.  What 
have  I  to  do  with  you,  ye  sons  of  Zeruiah  [ins.  ?  ]  that  ye  should  [for  ye  will]  this 
day  be  adversaries  unto  me  ?  [om.  ?  ]  shall  there  any  man  be  put  to  death  this  day 

23  in  Israel  ?  for  do  I  not  know  that  I  am  this  day  king  over  Israel  ?  Therefore 
[And]  the  king  said  unto  Shimei,  Thou  shalt  not  die.  And  the  king  sware  unto 
him. 

2.  Mephibosheth's  Apology.  Vers.  24^30  [Heb.  25-31]. 

24  And  Mephibosheth  the  son  of  Saul  came  down  to  meet  the  king,  and  had  neither 
dressed  his  feet,^'  nor  trimmed  his  beard,  nor  washed  his  clothes,  from  the  day  the 

25  king  departed  until  the  day  he  came  again  in  peace.  And  it  came  to  pass,  when 
he  was  come  to  [better  from]  Jerusalem  to  meet  the  king,  that  the  king  said  unto 

26  him.  Wherefore  wentest  thou  not  with  me,  Mephibosheth?  And  he  answered 
[said].  My  lord,  O  king,  my  servant  deceived  me ;  for  thy  servant  said,  I  will  sad- 
dle me  an  [the]  ass,  that  I  may  [and]  ride  thereon,  and  go  to"  the  king,  because 
thy  servant  is  lame.     And  he  hath  slandered  thy  servant  unto  my  lord  the  king. 

27  But  my  lord  the  king  is  as  an  angel  of  God ;  do,  therefore,  what  is  good  in  thine 

28  eyes.  For,  all  of  my  father's  house  were  but  dead  men  before  my  lord  the  king ; 
yet  didst  thou  [and  thou  didst]  set  thy  servant  among  them  that  did  eat  at  thine 
own  table ;  what  right,  therefore,  [and  what  right]  have  I  yet  to  cry  any  more 

29  unto  the  king  ?    And  the  king  said  unto  him,  Why  speakest  thou  any  more  of  thy 

30  matter  ?  I  have  said  [I  say].  Thou  and  Ziba  divide  the  land.  And  Mephibosheth 
said  unto  the  king,  Yea,  let  him  take  all  [Let  him  also  take  all]  forasmuch 
as  [after]  my  lord  the  king  is  come  again  [om.  again]  in  peace  unto  his  own 
house. 

3.  Barzillai's  Greeting  and  Blessing.    Vers.  31-40  a  [Heb.  32-41  a]. 

31  And  Barzillai  the  Gileadite  came  down  from  Eogelim,  and  went  over  [ins.  the] 

32  Jordan  with  the  king,  to  conduct  him  over  [ins.  the]  Jordan."  Now  [And]  Bar- 
zillai was  a  very  aged  man,  even  [om.  even]  fourscore  years  old ;  and  he  had  pro- 
vided the  king  of  sustenance  while  he  lay"  at  Mahanaim ;  for  he  was  a  very  great 

33  man.     And  the  king  said  unto  Barzillai,  Come  thou  over  with  me,  and  I  will  feed 

34  thee  with  me  iu  Jerusalem.  And  Barzillai  said  unto  the  king,  How  long  have  I 
to  live  [How  many  are  the  days  of  the  years  of  my  life]  that  I  should  go  up  with 

35  the  king  to  Jerusalem?  I  am  this  day  fourscore  years  old;  and  [om-  and]  can  I 
discern  between  good  and  evil  ?  can  thy  servant  taste  what  I  eat  or  [and]  what  I 
drink  ?  can  I  hear  any  more  the  voice  of  singing  men  and  singing  women  ?  where- 
fore then  [and  why]  should  thy  servant  be  yet  a  burden  unto  my  lord  the  king? 

36  Thy  servant  will  go  a  little  way  over  [ins.  the]  Jordan'^  with  the  king ;  and  why 

37  should  the  king  recompense  it  me  with  such  a  reward  [do  me  this  favor^*]  ?    Let 

"  [Ver.  24.  The  two  verbs  in  the  Sept.  eflepaireucre  and  mi/vviVoto  may  be  two  renderings  of  the  same  Heb. 
word  (Wellh.).  As  Wellhausen  remarks,  to  express  both  Terbs,  the  Heb.  would  use  the  expression:  he  did  not 
dress  the  nails  ('J13X)  of  his  hands  and  of  his  feet,"  which  hardly  stood  in  our  text.— Other  points  m  the  ac- 
count of  Mephibosheth  are  referred  to  by  Brdmann  in  the  Exposition.— Te.] 

w  [Ver.  26.  Instead  of  HX  some  very  good  EDD.  and  MSS.  have  '7K,  which  is  a  more  natural  reading,  but  is 
unsupported  by  ancient  versions.— Ta.] 

>2  [Ver.  31.  The  HK  is  omitted  in  some  EDD.  and  MSS.  j  others  have  the  Qeri.— Te.] 

"  [Ver.  32.  'ina'E'il.  The  ancient  versions  and  a  few  Heb.  MSS.  have  the  Infin.  in3t!?3,  which  is  the  usual 
construction.  Another  reading  given  by  De  Eossi  from  some  MSS.  is  \nTW^,  "  iu  his  old  age,"  which  he 
thinks  gives  a  good  sense,  but  which  will  hardly  commend  itself. — Ta.] 

«  [Ver.  36.  Wellhausen  unnecessarily  regards  the  words  "the  Jordan"  as  an  addition  to  the  text,  on  the 
ground  that  the  expression :  "  I  will  go  a  little  way  over  the  Jordan."  is  inappropriate,  and  that  it  was  clearly  not 
Barzillai's  purpose  to  cross  the  river.  But  ho  may  well  have  desired  to  do  the  king  the  honor  of  escorting  mm 
across  the  boundary-line,  the  river,  while  he  would  not  attach  himself  to  the  court  by  entering  Jerusalem.— ie.j 

1'  [Ver.  36.  The  verb  SdJ  means  in  general :  "  to  perform  an  act  towards  one,"  whether  of  good  or  of  evil. 
The  context  here  indicates  that  it  is  a  favor  that  is  done :  but  the  idea  of  reward,  which  is  not  properly  contained 
in  the  word,  is  here  better  omitted  in  the  courtly  speech  of  Barzillai.— Te.] 


538 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


38 


39 
40 


thy  servant,  I  pray  thee,  turn  back  again /[return],  that  I  may  die  in  mine  own 
city  and  be  buried  [om.  and  be  buried]  by  the  grave  of  my  father  and  <^  ™y 
mother.  But  behold  thy  servant  Chimham,  let  him  go  over  [let  thy  servant  Chim- 
ham  go  over]  with  my  lord  the  king ;  and  do  to  him  what  shall  seem  good  unto 
thee.  And  the  king  answered  [said],  Chimham  shall  go  over  with  me,  and  I  will 
do  to  him  that  which  shall  seem  good  unto  thee ;  and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  require 
of  me,  that  will  I  do  for  thee.  And  all  the  people  went  over  \ins.  the]  Jordan. 
And  when  the  king  was  come  over,  the  king  kissed  Barzillai,  and  blessed  him ; 
and  he  returned  unto  his  own  place.  Then  [And]  the  king  went  on  to  Gilgal, 
and  Chimham  went  on  with  him. 


"  f  Ver  40  The  Heb.  haa  '•  Chimhan,"  which  B6ttoh  (though  with  scarcely  any  ground)  regards  as  a  Judaized 
form  of  the  native  name  "  Chimham."  There  may  have  been  different  pronunciations  of  proper  names  (there 
are  signs  of  this  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testament),  or  this  different  writing  may  be  a  soribal  madvertenoe  (the 
difference  is  not  retained  in  the  ancient  versions),  proper  names  being  especially  liable  to  corruption.— Tb.J 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CEITICAL. 

I.  Vers.  1-8.  David's  immodercUe  grief  for  Absa^ 
lorn  stopped  by  Joah's  earnest  representations. — Ver. 
1.  And  it  was  told  Joab,  comp.  xviii.  33. 
The  purpose  of  the  informant,  it  seems,  was  to  ex- 
plain to  Joab  and  the  army  why  the  king  did  not 
come  forth  to  greet  his  returning  victorious  war- 
riors. [Joab  had  apparently  just  returned  from 
the  field  of  battle.— Tb.].— Vers.  2,  3.  Touching 
description  of  the  impression  made  on  the  people 
by  David's  violent  grief,  and  their  quiet  and  re- 
pressed behaviour.  The  deliverance  that  was 
achieved  by  the  victory  changed  into  mourning 
for  the  whole  people. — The  news  spread  every- 
where ( "  the  people  heard  that  it  was  said  " ) : 
"  The  king  mourns  for  his  son."  But  these  men's 
hearty  participation  in  the  sorrow  of  llie  beloved  king, 
for  whom  they  had  perilled  their  lives,  soon 
changed  to  gloomy  dissatisfaction  at  the  fact  that 
the  king,  absorbed  in  his  private  grief,  did  not 
deign  to  bestow  a  look  on  them.  The  description 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  troops,  thus  dissatis- 
fied, returned  to  the  city,  is  psychologically  very 
fine.  They  stole  away  to  enter  the  city,  i.  e., 
not:  avoided  entering  the  city  (Vulgate,  Luther, 
Mich.,  Niemeyer),  but,  instead  of  entering  in  mili- 
tary order  as  a  victorious  host,  scattered  and  en- 
tered individually  or  in  small  groups,  unobserved, 
as  people  steal  in  that  have  disgraced 
themselves  by  fleeing  in  battle,  as  disgraced 
fugitives.  Mourning,  therefore,  instead  of  joy  of 
victory,  seeming  shame  instead  of  honor. — Ver. 
4.  Continued  violent  grief  of  David,  who,  over- 
mastered by  his  feelings,  forgets  what  he  owes  not 
only  to  the  army,  but  also  to  his  people  and  his 
royal  position.  "  Certainly  the  army,  which  had 
perilled  goods  and  life  to  win  the  fugitive  king 
back  his  kingdom,  is  very  much  concerned  at  his 
immoderate  afHiction,  and  Joab,  who  was  doubt- 
less conscious  of  having  acted  with  a  proper  ap- 
prehension of  the  public  situation,  takes  the  liberty 
by  an  earnest  word  to  remind  the  king  of  his  go- 
vernmental duty"  (Bauragarten).  [The  king 
covered  his  face,  a  sign  of  extreme  grief  or  shame  ; 
comp.  Isa.  liii.  3  :  "he  was  as  one  hiding  his  face 
from  us."  He  cried,  mth  a  lovd  voice,  according 
to  the  open  and  violent  mode  of  expressing  grief 
common  in  the  East  (and  so  also  the  heroes  of  the 
Iliad) ;  there  are  striking  illustrations  of  this  in 
the  Arabian   Nights. — Te.]. — Vers.   5-7.  Joab's 


representations  to  David,  and  first,  aceusatory  re- 
proof (vers.  5,  6),  which  is  only  partially  just  (ver. 
5).  David  had  certainly,  contrary  to  his  duty  as 
king  and  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  done 
what  Joab  reproaches  him  with  in  the  words  : 
Thou  hast  to-day  shamed  the  faces  of  all 
thy  servants,=  "  Thou  hast  destroyed  the  hopes 
(thy  army's  of  praise,  thy  nearest  friends'  oijoy") 
(Thenius).  It  behooved  the  king  to  give  the  vic- 
torious army  a  reception  in  keeping  with  the  vic- 
tory. "Who  have  saved  thy  life  and  the 
life  of  all  thine,  for  this  they  put  their  lives  at 
stake.  [If  Absalom  had  conquered,  David  and 
his  whole  household  would  probably  have  been 
slain,  such  being  the  Oriental  custom.^ — Te.]. — 
But  Joab's  reproof  goes  on  to  what  is  partially 
untrue,  ver.  6 :  in  that  thou  lovest  them  that 
hate  thee,  etc.  This  was  true,  certainly,  for  Ab- 
salom, who  was  his  father's  enemy,  was  now  the 
object  of  his  father's  love  ;  but  it  was  a  bitter  un- 
truth when  Joab  added  :  and  hatest  them  that 
love  thee ;  David  had  not  deserved  such  a  mis- 
apprehension of  his  heart  and  disposition,  though 
his  conduct  had  given  occasion  to  it.  That  lead- 
ers and  servants  are  not  for  thee,  that  is, 
not:  that  they  are  nothing  (worth  nothing)  to 
thee  (De  Wette,  Keil),  bvi:  are  for  thee  as  if  they 
do  not  exist ;  Vulg. :  ''  because  thou  carest  not 
for  thy  leaders."  I  perceive  to  day  that,  if* 
Absalom  lived,  and  we  were  all  dead  to- 
day, then. — As  Absalom,  if  he  had  conquered, 
would  certainly  have  slain  with  his  father  all  his 
household  also  (ver.  5),  so,  says  Joab,  if  Absalom 
had  lived  (as  David  in  his  lamentation  desired) 
and  he  himself  (Joab)  had  been  slain  in  his  place, 
David's  whole  army  would  have  shared  in  his 
destruction.  Joab  dissects  David's  words  of  la- 
mentation with  inexorable  cruelty,  and  draws 
thence  with  his  intellectual  acuteness  and  the 
grim  bitterness  of  his  rude  nature  consequences 
that  are  seemingly  logical,  yet  lay  far  from  Da- 
vid's nature,  though  his  conduct  looked  like  what 
he  was  reproached  with. — Happily,  Joab's  speech 
— which  bears  the  stamp  of  military  rudeness,  dis- 
appointed ambition,  cruei  hard-heartedness  and 
bitter  resentment,  and  finds  its  justification  only 
in  the  fact  that  it  set  aside  David's  weak  grief- 
softens  in  the  following  words  (ver.  7),  wherein 
he  earnestly  presses  good  counsel  on  David,  and 

»  Instead  of  x"?  read  xS  —  ^. 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-40. 


539 


thus  deserves  well  of  him  and  the  people.  Arise, 
go  forth,  tear  thyself  from  the  grief  in  which  thou 
art  lost.  Speak  to  che  heart  of  thy  servants 
{Homer's  naTuOu/ua  [comp.  Eng.  encourage']),  in 
friendly  fashion,  satisfy  and  refresh  their  minds  ; 
so  the  Vnlg.  (comp.  Gen.  xxxiv.  3 ;  1.  21  and  many 
other  pa.ssages).  The  meaning  is  not :  "  speak  of 
their  heart,"  i.  e.,  their  courage  =:  praise  them 
for  their  bravery  (Jos.),  which  is  against  the  usual 
signification  of  the  words.  I  swear,  if  thou  go 
not  forth  .  .  .  Joab  does  not  threaten  that  he  will 
lead  the  army  away  [Josephus],  but  he  describes 
the  indubitable  result  of  the  dissatisfaction  in  the 
army  :  it  will  not  stay.  Thus  he  points  out  what 
consequences  David's  behaviour  will  have  for  his 
throne.  Worse  than  all  the  evil,  Joab  rightly 
says,  that  would  be  ;  for  by  abandonment  to  grief 
he  would  give  up  the  kingdom  that  God  had  a 
second  time  bestowed  on  him.  Clericus  :  "  He 
intimates  that  the  troops  would  abandon  David, 
who,  from  silly  weakness  and  foolish  love  of  Ab- 
salom, acted  as  if  he  were  angry  with  the  victori- 
ous army,  and  elect  another  king." — Ver.  8.  The 
effect  of  joab's  sharp  words  was  that  David  shook 
ofl  his  grief,  and  seated  himself  in  the  gate.*  The 
news  goes  quickly  through  the  people.  All  the 
people  came  before  the  king,  who,  in  ac- 
cordance with  Joab's  counsel,  expressed  to  them 
his  thanks  and  his  kind  feeling.  Thus  was  the 
danger  to  David's  throne  from  the  spirit  of  disin- 
tegration (which,  as  the  succeeding  history  shows, 
continued  after  the  victory)  set  aside  by  Joab's 
sharp  and  bitter  word,  which  David  took  pa- 
tiently, because  he  was  obliged  to  acknowledge 
its  justness. 

n.  Vers.  9-14.  Negotiations  for  Davids  return. 
The  last  part  of  ver.  8  must  be  combined  with 
ver.  9  into  one  sentence:  And  when  Israel  had 
fled,  every  man  to  his  tent  (comp.  xix.  19) 
all  the  people  strove  together  in  all  the 
tribes  of  Israel. — It  is  the  other  tribes,  excepting 
Jvdah,  that  are  meant.  Among  them,  after  their 
terrible  defeat,  the  revolutionary  excitement  had 
soon  passed  away,  and  by  this  victory ,_  whereby 
the  land  was  saved  from  grievous  misfortune, 
men's  minds  were  turned  to  David,  as  they  re- 
called his  heroic  deeds  at  home  and  abroad.  All 
the  people  strove  together,  reproaching  one 
another  with  delay  in  bringing  back  the  king. 
Why  do  ye  keep  quiet  about  bringing 
back  the  king  ?— The  people  are  reassembled 
after  their  dispersion  ;  their  representatives  con- 
sult together  zealously  about  the  restoration  to 
the  throne,  to  which  they  had  rai.sed  the  insurgent 
Absalom  by  the  act  of  anointing.  They  reproach 
one  another  for  doing  nothing  to  restore  the  king. 
In  their  kearU,  therefore,  they  fed  the  grievous 
wrong  they  have  done  an  anointed  of  the  Lord, 
as  is  shown  indirectly  by  their  words,  in  which 
David's  great  deeds  and  the  misfortunes  of  the 
terrible  time  just  past  are  mentioned ;  and  now 
they  prepare  for  the  deed  of  solemnly  going  to 
meet  David,  whereby  they  will  declare  that 
their  hearts  have  returned  to  him  in  the  old  love 
and  fidelity.— In  ver.  9  after  the  word  "land," 
the  Sept.  adds:  "and  from  his  kingdom  and," 
meant  doubtless  as  an  explanatory  statement. — 


»  [The  gate  was  the  place  of  asspmbly  and  business, 
e  Ruth  iv.  1,  2 ;  2  Kings  yii.  2 ;  Job  xxix.  7.— Tr.) 


At  the  end  of  ver.  10  [Heb.  11]  the  Sept.,  Vulg. 
(some  MSS.)  and  Syriac  have:  "and  the  word  of 
all  Israel  came  to  the  king,"  which  occurs  in  the 
Heb.  at  the  end  of  ver.  11  [Heb.  12],  and  is 
there  repeated  by  the  versions  [except  Syr. — Tb.] 
only  the  "to  his  house"  is  not  added  in  ver.  10. 
If  these  words  belonged  at  the  end  of  ver.  10,  they 
would  assign  the  motive  of  David's  message  in 
ver.  11  (Then.,  Bottoh.,  Ew.);  but  we  must  hold 
(with  Keil)  that  the  difficulty  that  was  found  in 
them  in  ver.  11  (as  an  explanatory  sentence) 
occasioned  their  insertion  in  ver.  10  as  the  ground 
of  David's  me.ssage  in  ver.  11.* — Ver.  11.  David 
sent,  not  "  the  two  high-priests  Zadok  and  Abia- 
thar  to  the  elders"  (Ewald),  but  a  message  to 
these  two  priests,  who  had  remained  in  Jerusa- 
lem (xv.  27),  to  say  to  the  elders :  W^hy  will  ye 
be  the  last  to  bring  the  king  back  to  his 
house?  The  rest  of  the  verse  declares  that 
David's  message  was  occasioned  by  information 
of  the  procedures  in  the  other  tribes.* — ^Ver.  12. 
My  brethren  are  ye,  my  bone  and  my 
flesh  are  ye,  that  is,  my  nearest  kindred,  and 
the  sharers  of  my  name.  The  backwardness  of 
Judah  in  the  movement  to  restore  David  is  ex- 
plained by  the  fact  that  the  insurrection  started 
in  Judah,  and  Absalom  was  first  recognized  aa 
king  in  Jerusalem.  Cornelius  a  Lapide :  "  Con-, 
scions  that  they  had  offended  David,  and  fearing 
Absalom's  garrison  in  Zion,  they  did  not  dare  to 
recall  him." — Ver.  13.  David  sends  to  Amasa, 
Absalom's  general  (xvii.  25),  referring  to  their 
relationship  (1  Chr.  ii.  16,  17),  and  promises  him 
with  solemn  oath  the  chief  command  of  the  army 
in  place  of  Joab.  Ewald  well  says  that  this  "  wa.s 
not  only  a  wise  and  politic  act,  but  strictly  con- 
sidered no  injustice  to  Joab,  who,  long  notorious 
by  his  military  roughness,  had  now  shown  such 
disobedience  to  the  royal  command  in  the  case  of 
Absalom,  as  could  not  be  pardoned  without  offence 
to  the  king's  dignity."— Ver.  14.  And  he  in- 
clined, that  is,  David  (who  is  the  subject  in  the 
preceding  verse),  not  Amasa  or  one  of  the  priests. 
It  is  conjectured  by  Thenius,  and  regarded  as  cer- 
tain by  Bottcher,  that  a  passage  has  fallen  out  be- 
fore ver.  14,  because  otherwise  there  is  no  mention 
of  the  carrying  out  of  David's  instructions  and 
the  lefiect  of  the  promise  tQ  Amasa,  whereby  the 
change  in  Judah  was  produced ;  but  such  an  in- 
sertion is  not  indicated  in  any  of  the  ancient  ver- 
sions, and  is  not  required  by  the  conneotion.-- 
After  telling  what  David  did  in  order  to  rouse  his 
own  tribe  in  consequence  of  the  information  re- 
ceived from  the  other  tribes,  the  niirrative  states 
briefly  that  his  wise  procedure  was  crowned  with 
complete  success.  He  turned  to  him  the  heart 
of  all  the  men  of  Judah  as  that  of  one 
man.  With  one  accord  they  answered  that  they 
awaited  his  return,  and  made  arrangements  to 
bring  him  solemnly  back.  ["David  was  saga- 
cious enough  to  see  that  to  go  back  to  his  own 
people  by  force  had  its  dangers,  and  that  to  wait 
long  for  a  universal  invitation  had  equal  dangers. 
His  own  tribe  ought  to  be  foremost  in  welcoming 
him  home,  but  they  had  rebelled  with  Absalom. 
He  resolved  at  once  to  reassure  them  of  his  favor, 
and  ....  even  to  make  some  concessjion  to  them. 

«  rSee  "Text,  and  Gram."  In  any  case  the  words: 
"  to tas  house"  at  the  end  of  ver.  11  (Heb.  12)  seem  out 
of  place.— Te.J 


540 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


....  This  master-stroke  of  policy  and  of  magna- 
nimity was  successful.  The  hearts  of  the  people 
melted  as  one  heart.  It  was  the  old  David  of 
Engedi  and  Ziklag.  They  sent  a  prompt  invita- 
tion to  him"  (Knox,  David,  the  King,  pp.  377, 
378). — Throughout  this  narrative  the  tribal  feel- 
ing, which  never  wholly  disappeared,  is  apparent; 
see  ver.  12 ;  xi.  4 ;  xvi.  8. — Tb.] 

III.  Vera.  15—40.  David's  return  over  the  Jor- 
dan under  the  escort  of  the  men  of  Judah.  Ver.  15. 
The  king  returned,  namely,  from  Mahanaim 
with  his  army  and  all  his  retinue,  and  came  to 
the  Jordan,  comp.  xvii.  22 ;  what  a  contrast  to  his 
situation  when  he  went  over  the  Jordan  as  a  fu- 
gitive !  On  the  other  side  Judah  came  to  Oil- 
gal,  which  (lying  west  of  the  Jordan-valley,  be- 
low Jericho)  was  the  rendezvous  for  the  men  that 
were  solemnly  to  conduct  David  across  the  river 
from  his  position  on  the  eastern  bank.  Thus  is 
clearly  given  the  scene  of  the  following  three  in- 
cidents of  the  transit. 

1.  Vers.  16-24.  Shime^s  meeting  with  David, 
and  his  pardon. 

Ver.  16.  Shimei — of  Bahurim,  comp.  xvi.  5  sq., 
1  Kings  ii.  8  sq. — "came  down"  from  the  moun- 
tainous table-land  into  the  Jordan-valley,  having 
joined  the  men  of  Judah  as  they  advanced  to 
.Gilgal  to  meet  the  king.— Ver.  17.  The  thou- 
sand Benjaminitea  with  him  (who  had, 
therefore,  joined  the  proc&ssion  of  the  Judahites) 
show  the  consideration  he  enjoyed  in  the  tribe  of 
Benjamin,  and  testified  that  a  change  had  taken 
place  in  the  former  hostile  feeling  in  this  tribe 
towards)  David  (comp.  ver.  21).  He  brought  this 
large  band  in  order  to  do  greater  honor  to  the 
king  (S.  Schmid).  Among  the  Benjaminites, 
Ziba  (who,  at  David's  flight,  had  acted  a  part  so 
injurious  to  Mephibosheth)  is  specially  men- 
tioned, because  he,  with  Shimei,  represented  the 
former  adherents  of  Saul's  house.  He  came  with 
his  fifteen  sons  and  twenty  servants  probably  with 
a  bad  conscience,  in  order  to  ward  oflf  betimes 
the  efliect  of  Mephibosheth's  counter-statements. 
For  Shimei  and  Ziba,  with  their  attendants,  sliow 
themselves  very  quick  and  eager  to  come  to  the 
king,  who  was  still  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
river;  not:  "they  went  over"  (Then.  [Eng.  A. 
V.]),  nor:  " came  prosperously  to"  (S.  Schmid), 
but :  "  they  went  quickly  (pressed)*  over  the  Jor- 
dan," just  as  they  had  hastened  down  into  the 
valley ;  and  they  did  this  in  the  presence  of 
the  king,t  who,  they  meant,  should  learn  their 
zeal  from  their  ha.ste. — Ver.  18.  Meantime,  the 
ferry-boat,  appointed  to  carry  over  the  king's 
household,  wa.s  in  motion.  While  this  was  going 
on,  Shimei  fell  down  before  the  king,  as  ho 
(Shimei)  ■wraa  come  over  the  Jordan;  the 
prostration  was  synchronous]:  with  the  comple- 
tion of  the  transit     David  cannot  be  the  subject 

*  nSs,  "to  go  over  a  thing,"  with  Si',  Sn  and  Aec: 

-T  - 

Sept. :  KarevQvvav  en-l  Toy  ^lopSdvy}v  ;  Vulg. :  et  irrumpentes 
Jordanem  traneierunt. 

t  [Others  render:  '-to  meet  the  king;"  more  exactly: 
"into  the  presence  of  the  Idng." — Tr.T 

t  This  is  shown  by  the  3  in  'n^i'S.— [The  phrase: 

:  !     T: 

"  in  his  crossing  over  "  means  ''during  the  general  fact 
of  crossing."  and  may  very  well  here  apply  to  David. 
While  the  crossing  was  going  on  (the  statements  of 
time  are  quite  general  and  loose)  Shimei  fell  down,  etc. 
For  remarks  on  the  arrangement  of  these  verses  (15-19) 
see  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Te.] 


[of  the  verb  ''was  come  over"],  as  Keil  and 
Bunsen  suppose,  for  then,  either  it  must  read: 
"  as  he  wa-s  purposing  to  go  over,"  which  is  gram^ 
matically  inadmissible,  or:  "when  he  had  gone 
over,"  which  would  not  be  according  to  the  fact, 
since  the  king  was  still  on  the  left  [eastern]  bank, 
and  did  not  cross  till  after  tliese  incidents,  comp. 
vers.  40,  41. — Ver.  19.   The  iniquity^  for  which 
Shimei  asks  pardon  is  his  curse  (xvi.  5  sq.) ;  he 
begs  the  king  not  to  remember  it,  to  forgive  and 
forget,  not  to  take  it  into  hia  heart  and  keep  it 
there   (the  translation  of  Keil  and  De  Wette: 
"that  the  king  should  take  note  of  it"  ie  too 
weak) ;  not  to  make  it  the  object  of  memory  and 
thought. — Ver.   20.    The  ground  of  hia   request, 
namely,  the  confession:   I  acknowledge  my 
sin,  and  the  substantial  proof  of  his  penitence : 
I  am  come  the  first  of  the  house  of  Jo- 
seph.    Bottcher  and  Theuius,  from  the  reading 
of  the  Sept. :  "  of  all  Israel  and  of  the  house  of 
Joseph,"  adopt  ''  of  all  the  house  of  Israel"  as  the 
true  text,  regarding  the  "  Joseph "  aa  the  inser- 
tion of  a  later  hand,  in  the  time  of  the  divided 
kingdom,  when  Israel  and  Judah  were  distin- 
guished from  one  another.     But  not  oidy  do  we 
find  (Keil)  in  Solomon's  time  the  ''house  of  Jo- 
seph" used  as  equivalent  to  the  ''ten  tribes" 
(1  Kings   xi.   28),   but  in   Ps.   Ixxviii.   67,   68 
(which  belongs  to  David's  time)   we  have  the 
contrast  between  the  tent  of  Joseph  and  the  tribe 
of  Ephraim  on  the  one  side  (as  rejected  by  God), 
and  the  tribe  of  Judah  on  the  other  (as  chosen 
by  God).     "The  designation  of  the  tribes  op- 
posed to  Judah  by  the  name  of  the  principal 
tribe  Joseph  (Josh.  xvi.  1)  is  as  old  as  the  jeal- 
ousy of  these  tribes  towards  Judah,  which  did 
not  begin  with  the  division  of  the  kingdom,  but 
was  only  thereby  permanently  confirmed"  (Keil). 
[As  Shimei  was  a  Benjaminite,  it  would  seem 
that  the  ''  house  of  Joseph  "  here  is  equivalent  to 
"Israel"  (the  ten  tribes).    It  is  commonly  sup- 
posed that  this  designation  points  to  the  time  of 
the  divided  kingdom,  and  thus  so  far  fixes  the 
date  of  authorship  of  this  passage  (unless  Bolt- 
Cher's  emendation  of  text,  above-stated,  be  adopt- 
ed).    Erdmann's  examples  do  not  show  that  the 
designation  was  in  use  earlier  than  the  division 
of  the  kingdom ;  for  the  Book  of  Kings  belongs 
to  the  time  of  the  Exile,  and  Ps.  Ixxviii.  was 
probably  written  after  Solomon's  time  (comp.  the 
tone  of  ver.  1).     Still  it  is  quite  passible  that, 
with  the  old  tribal  feeling  coming  down  from  the 
time  of  the  Judges  (when  there  was  probably  a 
double  hegemony  of  Judah  and  Ephraim),  Shi- 
mei may  have  used  this  phrase,  which,  therefore, 
cannot  be  held  to  be  perfectly  decisive  of  the  date 
of  authorship.    Bible-Commentary  augge.sts  tliat  he 
employed  it  in  order  to  exculpate  his  own  tribe  by 
intimating  that  it  was  drawn  away  by  the  pre- 
ponderating influence  of  the  great  house  of  Joseph. 
Tr.]  Whether  Shimei's  request  for  forgiveness  was 
a  sign  of  sincere  repentance,  must  be  left  undeter- 
mined ;  it  majr  be  doubted,  when  one  reflects  on 
his  precipitation  in  seeking  to  be  the  first  to  do 
homage  to  David,  and  on  the  fact  that  his  some- 
what passionate  cry  for  mercy  coincided  exactly 
with  the  happy  turn  in  David's  fortunes.     Cer- 
tainly he  desired,  now  that  David  had  regained 
power,  to  secure  his  forfeited  life  and  avoid  pun- 
ishment.—Ver.  21.  Abishai  storms  out  against  Shi- 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-40. 


541 


inei  (as  in  xvi.  9),  doubting  the  genuineness  of 
his  penitence,  and  demands  his  death. — Ver.  22. 
David  refuses,  as  in  xvi.  10  sq.  Though  Abishai 
(in  Joab's  name  also,  for  David  addresses  the 
"  sons  of  Zeruiah  ")  rightly  characterizes  Shimei's 
offence  as  cursing  the  ''  Lord's  Anointed,"  for 
which  he  deserved  death  (Ex.  xxii.  27  ;  Lev. 
xxiv.  14  sq. ;  2  Kings  xxi.  10),  David  will  this 
day  not  employ  the  rigor  of  the  law.  "  Ye  will  be 
to  me  an  adversary,"  literally,  a  satan  (so  Numb. 
xxii.  22,  comp.  Matt.  xvi.  23),  not  a  ''  peace-de- 
stroyer" (Bunsen),  or  "  tempter"  (Ewald).  He 
says :  "  you  will  be  a  hindrance  to  me  in  the  way 
of  joy  that  I  go  to-day."  Clericus  :  "  to  injure 
me  by  your  ill  timed  severity."  He  lays  stress  on 
the  to-day.  "Should  any  one  be  put  to  death  to- 
day in  Israel  ?  for,  do  I  not  know  that  to-day  I  am 
become  king  over  Israel?"  David  will  show 
mercy,  not  because  he  is  now  become  king  and  has 
the  right  to  pardon,  but  because  he  sees  in  his  res- 
toration to  his  kingdom  a  proof  of  restoration  to 
the  divine  favor,  and  by  showing  favor  to  Shimei 
as  his  right  will  fulfil  the  obligation  of  gratitude  to 
the  Lord.— Ver.  23.  David's  oath  to  spare  Shi- 
mei shows  that  his  mercy  was  occasioned  by  his 
present  experience  of  the  divine  mercy.  But  his 
injunction  to  Solomon  (1  Kings  ii.  8  sq.)  to  punish 
Shimei  for  his  reviling  contradicts  this  promise. 
This  contradiction  is  not  removed  by  saying  that 
Shimei  was  not  promised  immunity  in  the  follow- 
ing reign  (Hess),  nor  by  the  observation  that  he 
was  a  dangerous  man  capable  of  repeating  under 
Solomon  what  he  had  done  under  David.  David 
now  pardoned  Shimei,  chiefly,  no  doubt,  for  poli- 
tical reasons,  in  order  not  to  disturb  the  favorable 
feeling  of  the  people,  especially  of  Benjamin.* 

2.  Vers.  24-30.  Mephibosheth's  apology. — Ver. 
24.  Comp.  ix.  6.  He  "  came  down"  from  Jeru- 
salem to  the  Jordan.  His  feet  and  his  beard 
he  had  not  made  ;  the  word  make  [=  "  dress ' '  ] 
(Deut.  xxi.  12)  is  so  used  in  German  also  [comp. 
similar  use  of  do  in  English. — Tb.].  The  addi- 
tion of  the  Sept. ;  "  nor  cut  his  nails,"  is  merely 
explanatory  (Bunsen),  and  is  not  to  be  put  into 
the  text.  He  had  not  washed  his  feet  or  dressed 
his  beardf — thus  he  had  mourned  for  David  ;  in 
these  signs  of  deep  grief  comp.  Ezek.  xxiv.  17. 
This  was  a  sign  of  his  sincere,  faithful  attachment 
to  the  house  of  David,  not  a  sign  (Buns.,  Ewald) 
that  his  hopes  had  not  been  fulfilled  in  connection 
with  the  new  government  [Absalom's]. — Ver.  25. 
As  novT  Jerusalem  camej  to  meet  the 
king. — Jerusalem  here  stands  for  its  inhabitants 
or  their  representatives ;  this  is  often  the  case, 
and  the  expression  here  cannot  be  called  "  strange." 
The  rendering  of  the  Arabic :  ''  and  when  he  came 
from  Jerusalem  "  introduces  a  repetition,  Mephi- 
bosheth's coming  having  been  already  stated  [ver. 


*  [David's  charge  to  Solomon  fl  King.s  ii.  8,  9)  ig  de- 
fended as  the  act  of  a  prudent  ruler,  or  as  that  of  a  right- 
eous theocratic  jadee ;  but  on  neither  ground  can  it 
be  seen  why  he  should  break  his  promise.  Perhaps,  if 
we  knew  the  circumstances  more  fully,  there  would  be 
some  explanation  ;  at  present  we  can  only  say  that  D»- 
vld'a  conduct  was  wrong,  like  many  other  acts  of  his. 

t  [Jjiterally  his  "lip-beard,"  moustache  (and  perhaps 
the  beard  at  the  lower  lip),  Sept.  iLv<rTajc<i,  Chald.  "  lip- 
beard."— Tk.]  ,  ,      ^       -.    ..  . 

X  N3,  masc,  referring  to  the  mnabitants.    On  this 


gender  ad  sensum  see  Ew.  §  318  a. 


24]  ;  it  is  therefore  the  less  warrantable   (with 
Thenius)  to  change  the  text  on  the  sole  authority 
of  this  version.     The  translation :  "  when  Mephi- 
bosheth  came  to  Jerusalem  to  meet  the  king" 
(Sept.,  Luther,  Michaelis,  Maur.)  contradicts  the 
"  came  down "  of  ver.  24,  and  the  whole  connec- 
tion from  which  it  appears  that  during  this  con- 
versation David  was  still  at  the  Jordan.     [This 
rendering  of  Erdmann's  is  improbable,  1)  because 
it  has  already  been  stated  that  Judah  had  come  to 
meet  the  king   (ver.  15),  and  2)  because  it  does 
not  appear  why  the  coming  of  the  Jerusalemites 
should  be  the  occasion  of  David's  addressing  Me- 
phibosheth. — The  rendering  "  to  Jerusalem  "  (as 
in  Eug.  A.  V.)  would  change  the  scene  abruptly 
and   without  connection.     It  is  ea.sier  to  read 
"  from  Jerusalem,"  which  makes  good  sense,  and 
agrees  with  the  context.     It  is  not  a  mere  repeti- 
tion of  the  "  came  down"  of  ver.  24,  since  the  fact 
is  here  added  that  he  came  from  Jerusalem.     It 
may  be,  however,  that,  while  he  set  out  and  came 
down  to  meet  the  king,  the  meeting  did  not  actu- 
ally occur  till  the  latter  had  advanced  on  his  march 
as  far  as  Jerusalem.-TB.]-David's  question :  Why 
■wentest  thou  not  Twith  me  ?  presupposes  the 
impression  made  on  him  by  Ziba's  words  (xvi.  3), 
and  also  contains  a  reproof. — Ver.  26.  Mephibo- 
sheth's answer:   my  servant  deceived  me, 
injured  me  by  lies,  deceived  me  (Bottcher) ;  this  is 
the  common  meaning  of  the  word  (Gen.  xxix.  25; 
Josh.  ix.  22;  1  Sam.  xix.  17  ;  xxviii.  12;  1  Chr. 
xii.  17).     The  ground  of  this  assertion :  For  thy 
servant  (=Ij  said  (not  "thought,"  as  most  ex- 
positors render,  for  it  appears  from  what  follows 
that  Mephibosheth  had  given  an  order  that  Ziba 
did  not  execute),  I  will  have  the  ass  saddled 
and  ride  thereon  and  go  to  the  king. — Cer- 
tainly the  larm  prince  could  not  have  thought  of 
going  himself  to  paddle  the  ass,  an  objection  that 
Thenius  urges  against  the  text  as  he  renders  it: 
"  and  I  thought,  I  will  saddle  me  the  ass."     He 
then  adopts  the  text  of  the  ancient  versions  (ex- 
cept Chaldee) :  "  Thy  servant  had  said  to  him : 
saddle  me  the  ass."     But  this  change  of  text  is 
unnecessary;  the  renderings  of  the  versions  are 
merely  explanations.     How  often  in  all  languages 
the  expression  "  to  do  a  thing  "  =  "  to  have  it 
done"  (this  very  verb  is  so  need  in  Gen.  xxii.  3)! 
To  refuse  to  translate :  "  I  will  cause  to  be  sad- 
dled" is  merely  to  make  a  difficulty  where  none 
exists.     The  phrase:  "I  solid;  I  will "  character- 
izes the  circnmstantialness  of  the  narrative.   [Ac- 
cording to  Mephibosheth's  statement,  then,  Ziba, 
instead  of  obeying  his  master's  order,  had  carried 
off  animals  and  provisions,  and  used  them  in  his 
own  interests.— Te.].— Ver.  27.   And  he  slan- 
dered thy  servant. — No  sentence  has  fallen  out 
before  these  words,   explaining  (Bottcher)  how 
Mephibosheth  was  deceived  by  his  servant.     "  It 
is  already  involved  in  the  word  '  deceived '  that 
Ziba  had  not  obeyed  the  order"  (Thenius).    Me- 
phibosheth had  heard  of  Ziba's  slander  (xvi.  3), 
and  found  it  confirmed  by  the  execution  of  Da- 
vid's order  that  all  the  property  should  belong  to 
Ziba.     David's  reproachful  question  was  a  new 
confirmation  of  what  he  already  knew.    There  is 
no  trace  here  of  "  a  confused  way  of  defending 
himself"  (Bunsen) ;  his  curt,  summary  mode  of 
expression  is  explained  by  his  excitement  and  by 
the  situation  of  David  who,  occupied  with  his 


542 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


transit  and  the  solemn  escort  of  the  people,  had 
no  time  to  listen  to  a  long  narrative.  Mephibo- 
sheth's  statements  were  sufficient  to  establish  his 
innocence,  and  to  show  how  Ziba  had  deceived 
and  slandered  him. — My  lord  the  king  is  as  the 
angel  of  God  (comp.  xiv.  17)  to  know  what  is 
truth  and  right. — Ver.  28.  Mephibosheth  refers 
to  David's  former  kindness  and  commits  to  him 
his  fate,  remarking  that,  though  innocent,  he 
could  not  rightfully  demand  anything,  since  he 
was  a  member  of  Saul's  house,  all  of  whom  were 
"  only  dead  men  for  the  king,"  that  is,  all,  him- 
self included,  might  have  been  slain ;  being  thus 
mthout  rights,  he  could  not  complain  or  ask  for 
help  against  the  wrong  done  him. 

Ver.  29.  And  the  king  said  to  him :  Why 
speakest  thou  further  of  thy  aSairs  ? — This 
means :  there  is  no  need  of  further  excuse  on  thy 
part  (Thenius),  but  also  expresses  displeasure  at 
Ziba,  whose  deception  David  now  saw  through. 
Wrongly  Bunsen :  "  David  saw  through  the  com- 
plainant [Mephibosheth],  and,  wishing  him  well, 
made  no  further  investigation."  David  is  con- 
vinced of  Mephibosheth's  innocence.  But  the 
words:  I  say  (=  1  decide)  thou  and  Ziba  shall 
di7ide  the  land,  are  onlya  Aa//'exculpation  of 
the  poor,  innocent  man.  For  they  do  not  "  in  any 
case"  (Buns.)  contain  the  confirmation  of  his  first 
arrangement  (ix.  7-10)  and  the  retraction  of  his 
hasty  decision  in  xvi.  4,  as  if  he  meant  to  say: 
Everything  remains  as  I  ordered  at  first  (Then.). 
The  statement  is  simply:  Divide  the  land  between 
you,  that  is,  Ziba  and  his  sons  (to  whom  David  in 
xvi.  4  gives  all)  are  now  to  possess  a  part  of  the 
property ;  neither  is  the  decision  of  chap.  xvi.  4 
entirely  set  aside,  nor  that  of  chap.  ix.  7-10, 
whereby  Mephibosheth  was  made  sole  possessor, 
re-established.  Thenius  thinks  that  the  original 
arrangement  (ix.  7-10)  is  here  restored,  "insofar, 
namely,  a-s  Ziba  and  his  song  had  of  course  lived 
on  the  produce  of  the  estate  ;"  but  a  servant's  be- 
ing maintained  from  the  p-oduce  of  the  estate  is' a 
dilfercnt  thing  from  his  being  part-oamcr.  David 
now  sees  the  error  of  his  decision  in  xvi.  4,  and 
wishes  publicly  to  recognize  Mephibosheth's  in- 
nocence, but  not  factually  and  expres-tily  to  ac- 
knowledge his  own  over-haste  by  completely  re- 
voking that  decision  ;  and  so  open  wrong  is  done 
Mephibosheth,  who  gets  only  a  part  of  the  estate. 
David  was  herein  probably  controlled  by  political 
considerations,  being  unwilling  to  make  the  re- 
spectable and  influential  Ziba  his  enemy.  That 
Ziba  does  not  attempt  to  rebut  Mephibosheth's 
statements  proves  his  own  guilt  and  the  innocence 
of  the  latter. — Ver.  30.  He  said  to  the  king:  Let 
him  take  all  also.— Cornelius  a  Lapide :  "  Me- 
phibosheth seems  to  have  said  this,  not  from  de- 
sire to  insult  David  and  murmur  against  God,  but 
in  the  bitterness  of  his  heart."  The  words  express, 
not  necessarily  indeed  resentment,  but  still  Mephi- 
bosheth's feeling  that  wrong  had  been  done  him ;  at 
the  same  time  he  indicates  that  he  is  not  concerned 
about  property,  but  that  his  heart  rather  goes  out 
to  his  king,  who  will  show  him  again  his  former 
kindness.  Let  Ziba  have  all  the  land,  I  am  only 
glad  that  my  lord  the  king  is  come  again  in  peace 
to  his  own  house;  as  his  guest,  I  do  not  need  the 
land  for  my  support.  Mephibosheth  could  not 
more  touchingly  and  unselfishly  express  his  faith- 
fulness to  David.     [David's  feeling  and  motive 


in  this  procedure  are  not  clear.  If  he  thought 
Mephibosheth  innocent,  he  was  unjust  towards 
him ;  if  he  thought  the  whole  afiair  too  uncertain 
to  permit  an  absolute  decision,  he  can  hardly  be 
defended  against  the  charge  of  carelessness  and 
precipitancy  in  making  a  decision.  Perhaps  he 
suspected  the  prince's  fidelity,  but  thought  it  not 
worth  while  to  push  the  investigation;  he  was 
tired  of  intrigues  and  conflicts.  Opinions  differ  as 
to  Mephibosheth's  innocence,  but  the  tone  of  his 
defence,  the  silence  of  Ziba,  and  the  absence  in  the 
narrative  (xv.-xviii.)  of  any  hint  of  defection  on 
his  part,  concur  with  his  lamenass  in  inclining  us 
to  absolve  him  from  the  charge  of  actual  or  in- 
tended rebellion. — Tb.] 

3.  Vers.  31-40.  BarzillaHs  greeting  and  blessing. 
— Ver.  31.  BarziUai  (seexvii.  27)  "came  down" 
from  the  high  region  in  which  RogeUm  in  Gilead 
lay.  Went  -with  David  over  the  Jordan — 
anticipatory  statement  of  what  did  not  take  place 
till  ver.  39,  after  the  following  conversation.  To 
conduct  him  defines  the  statement  in  ver.  39; 
he  intended  to  go  with  him  only  to  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  and  then  return.* — Ver.  32.  And 
he  provided  (xvii.  27-29)  for  the  king  during 
his  long  stay,  abodef  in  Mahanaim.  He  was  a 
''very  great"  man,  that  is,  rich,  well  thought  of 
(Ex.  XI.  3;  Lev.  xix.  1.5).— Ver.  33.  The  king 
said,  Thou  come  over  with  me.  The  word  "  thou  " 
is  by  its  position  emphatic,  the  king  being  chiefly 
concerned  to  take  hira  along.  That  I  may  pro- 
vide for  thee. — The  "provide"  here  answers  to 
that  in  ver.  32.  David  wished  to  requite  his 
kindness. — Ver.  34.  With  modest  thanks  Barzil- 
lai  declines  the  king's  invitation:  1)  referring  to 
the  shortness  of  his  remaining  life.  "  How  many 
days  have  I  to  live  ?"  my  life  is  too  short  to  go  to 
court.  2)  Eeferring  to  his  senile  weakness,  which 
unfitted  him  for  court-life.  Eighty  years  old,  he 
says,  he  is  intellectuaily  too  dull  to  be  useful  as  a 
counsellor  in  distinguishing  between  good  and  evil. 
(For  similar  constructions  see  Lev.  xxvii.  12; 
Jon.  iv.  11 ;  1  Ki.  iii.  9 ;  Ezek.  xliv.  23 ;  Gen.  xxvi. 
28;  Isaiah  lix.  2). — But  also  his  bodijy  senses,  he 
says  (taste  and  hearing),  are  too  weak  to  enjoy  the 
pleasures  of  court-life;  3)  he  objects  that,  being 
such  a  weak  old  man,  he  would  be  only  a  burden 
to  the  king. — Ver.  36.  "  For  a  short  while,"  for 


*  This  is  the  meaning  of  ni'a-nN.  If  this  Kethib  be 
retained,  ON  is  to  be  tal^en  as  sign  of  Ace.  of  space  with 
an  exaoter  definition  by  3.  So  Ge.s.  (Thes.) :  "  that  ho 
might  accompany  him  in  crossing  the  river;  the  words 
l.?"*!?"^??  designate  the  bed  of  the  Jordan,  and  flX  de- 
notes the  Ace.  of  place  or  space  after  a  verb  of  going." 
So  Maurer:  "  that  he  might  accompany  him  rb  (£  e.,  ■riii' 
iSbv  =  t4s  ttn/SdcrcisJ  iv  tu  'lopSivji,"  and  BSttcher: 
~nX  —  "id  quod,  to  conduct  him  what  (the  piece  of 

way)  was  In  the  Jordan  (but  not  fartherl."  It  does  not 
appear  how  this  explanation  leads  to  the  absurd  state- 
ment (Then.)  that  the  octogenarian  BarziUai  "went  in 
the  Jordan  alongside  of  the  ferry-boat,"  for  the  'ri3~nN 

=  "the  in  the  Jordan,"  denotes  the  space  that  makes 
the  breadth  of  the  Jordan.    The  Qeri  'n^nx  is  adopted 

by  Thenius,  who  appeals  to  the  Sept ,  Chald.  and  Arabic 
(holding  that  the  Keth.  comes  from  miswriting  j  for 
n),  andT renders:  "to  escort  him  the  Jordan"  rAco.l: 
this  gives  the  same  sense,  but  is  an  attempt  to  liehteo 
the  certainly  diiHcult  Kethlb. 

t  na'B'  for  na'fe';  (Maur.,  BOttoh.,  Ew.  ?163,  2!i). 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-40. 


543 


the  present  moment,  will  thy  servant  go  over  Jor- 
dan with  the  king ;  his  purpose,  he  says,  was 
merely  to  escort  the  king  across  the  river,  as  ap- 
pears from  the  context,  vers.  32, 37.  The  "short 
while "  does  not  refer  to  the  time  he  would  have 
had  to  spend  at  court.  [The  word  may  also  be 
rendered,  as  in  Eng.  A.  V.,  "a  little  way." — Tb.] 
"  Why  will  the  king  requite  me  this  requital  or 
kiudness  ?"  namelj',  with  reference  to  Barzillai's 
maintenance  of  the  king  (ver.  32). — Ver.  37.  As 
the  king  might  have  commanded  him  to  go  with 
him,  he  regitesta  permission  to  return  home.  He 
is  done  with  life,  and  wishes  to  die  by  the  grave 
of  his  father  and  mother.  F.  W.  Krttmmacher  : 
"Can  any  thing  be  more  amiable  than  these  sim- 
ple and  sensible  words  ?  What  a  cheerful  and 
peaceful  spirit  they  breathe  on  us !" — But  in  hia 
stead  he  oners  the  king  his  son  Chimham,  (1  Kings 
li.  7),  not  to  ask  a  fevor  for  him,  but  to  put  him 
into  his  service.  The  Syr.,  Arab,  and  Josephus 
add  "my  son"  after  "Chimham,"  which  is  a  pro- 
per explanation,  but  not  to  be  adopted  into  the 
text.  In  ver.  41  the  name  is  written  Chimhan — 
comp.  Jer.  xli.  17.  [Jer.  xli.  17  mentions  a  ge- 
ruth  or  sojourning-plaee  of  Chemoham  or  or  Chim- 
ham. Stanley  {Jewish  Chwch,  II.  201)  thinks 
that  this  was  a  caravanserai  (it  was  on  the  south 
of  Bethlehem)  for  travellers  to  Egypt,  and  the 
same  in  which  Joseph  and  Mary  found  shelter 
(Luke  ii.  7).  The  connection  between  the  names 
is,  however,  not  certain. — ^Tb.] — Ver.  38.  David 
receives  Chimham,  and  promises  BarzUlai  farther 
to  do  all  that  he  desires.  "  I  will  do  whatever 
thou  shalt  choose  [require]  of  (literally,  v/pon) 
me,"  where  the  upon  expresses  David's  sense  of 
obligation.  He  does  not  here  regard  Barzillai  as 
a  suppliant  for  a  favor.  So  Clericus.  Comp. 
Judg.  xix.  20. — Ver.  39.  Not  till  after  this  con- 
versation does  the  passage  across  the  river  take 
place ;  why  it  must  have  occurred  during  the  con- 
versation (Then.,  Keil)  does  not  appear  from  the 
context ;  and  the  space  of  transit  was  not  great 
enough  for  the  length  of  the  talk.  It  is  not  merely 
"  almost "  (Thenius),  but,  from  the  fresh  and  in- 
dividual touches  of  the  picture,  quite  certain  that 
this  is  the  account  of  one  who  himself  heard  the 
conversation.  And  when  the  king  was  come 
over,  be  kissed  Barzillai. — That  is,  took  leave 
of  him,  comp.  Ruth  i.  9.  This  shows  that  Bar- 
zillai merely  intended  to  accompany  the  king 
over  the  Jordan,  and  not  further. — Ver.  40.  The 
king  went  on  to  QH-gal,  a  noted  place  in  the  his- 
tory of  Israel,  and  specially  fitted  by  its  position 
to  be  a  rendezvous  for  large  bodies  of  men ;  comp. 
Josh.  iv.  19;  v.  1-12;  ix.  6;  x.  6;  xiv.  6;  1  Sam. 
vii.l6;  x.  3;  xi.14,1.5;  xiii.  7-9.— And  Chim- 
han went  on  w^ith  him. — Ewald's  remark 
that  "  this  account  of  Barzillai  is  given  at  so  great 
length  obviously  because  his  son  Chimham  and 
his  family  were  afterwards  renowned  in  Jerusa- 
lem," impairs  the  inherent  significance  of  this 
episode  (taken  in  connection  with  xvii.  27-29)  in 
David's  life,  which  displays  in  the  most  vivid  and 
beautiful  way  the  unchangeable  fidelity  of  this  no- 
ble and  influential  Gileadite  land-owner,  as  a  re- 
prssentative  of  the  transjordanic  region,  and  the 
grateful  love  and  demotion  of  the  hard-proved  but 
now  once  more  highly  favored  king,  who  in  Bar- 
zillai's love  and  faithfiilness  saw  a  proof  of  the  di- 
vine grace  and  truth. 


HISTORICAL   AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  Might  and  wrong  are  remarkably  mingled  in 
the  conduct  of  David  and  Joab,  and  in  the  afiair 
between  them  immediately  after  Absalom's  death. 
While  the  father's  grief  for  the  lost  son  was  alto- 
gether justifiable,  the  king  by  the  immoderate- 
ness  of  his  sorrow  neglected  his  duty  towards  his 
people,  through  whom  God  had  given  him  the 
victory ;  by  his  passionate  grief,  also,  he  disturbed 
the  clearness  of  his  mental  view,  and  lamed  his 
manly  strength  ;  and  finally,  absorbed  in  his  loss, 
forgot  to  thank  the  Lord  that  He  had  avenged 
the,  honor  of  His  name  by  the  restoration  of  the 
theocratic  kingdom,  to  the  well-being  of  the  whole 
people ;  the  whole  kingdom  of  God  in  Israel,  as 
the  bearer  and  instrument  of  which  he  was 
chosen  and  called  for  the  present  and  the  future, 
disappears  for  him  in  the  gloomy  depth  of  grief, 
wherein  he  had  buried  himself  with  his  feelings 
and  thoughts. — F.  W.  Krummacher :  "  It  is  a 
reproach  to  him  that  he  subordinated  his  kingly 
consciousness  too  much  to  his  feelings  as  head  of 
a  family.  In  view  of  the  general  weal,  he  ought 
at  least  to  have  moderated  his  grief,  given  thanlcR 
to  the  Lord,  and  made  acknowledgment  of  the 
faithful  devotion  of  his  brave  soldiers."  Over 
against  this  wrong  Joab  is  altogether  right  in  re- 
minding the  king  of  the  danger  of  such  a  course, 
and  reproving  huu  with  severe  words.  But  the 
savage  and  bitter  manner  in  which  he  approaches 
the  king  (though  it  was  God's  means  of  averting 
a  great  evil  from  David  and  the  nation)  is  to  be 
condemned.  His  undisciplined  word  became  a 
means  of  discipline  to  David,  and  the  king  turned 
from  the  destructive  path  into  which  unbridled 
feeling  had  led  him. 

2.  David's  situation  after  his  splendid  victory 
was,  in  spite  of  the  change  of  popular  feeling  in 
Israel,  a  critical  one,  on  account  of  the  hesitation 
of  Judah,  the  most  powerful  tribe,  and  the  real 
historical  foundation  of  the  theocratic  liingdom, 
as  it  was  founded  in  David.  For  the  sins  of  its 
bearer,  God  had  before  men's  eyes  permitted  this 
kingly  structure,  reared  by  His  hand,  to  fall,  in 
order  to  show  that  human  sin  must  obstruct  and 
ruin  His  cause,  but  to  make  manifest  at  the  same 
time,  that  the  maintenance  of  His  kingdom  is  not 
dependent  on  human  power  and  wisdom.  IThe 
point  now  was  the  restoration  of  the  ethical 
foundations  of  the  theocratic  kingdom,  which  were 
destroyed  by  the  revolution  first  in  the  tribe  of 
Judah,  where  the  revolution  began;  this  tribe 
must  be  brought  back  to  its  faithful  obedience  to 
David,  its  defection  having  been  punished  by  the 
divine  judgment  on  Absalom.  Eecognizing  this, 
David  showed  discretion  and  wipoom  in  his 
negotiations  with  the  elders,  which  had  the  de- 
sired result.  He  saw  through  the  grounds  of 
action  of  the  other  tribes,  and  perceived  how 
dangerous  it  might  be,  if  his  own  tribe  Judah, 
his  home  and  support,  should  be,  as  it  were,  con- 
quered by  the  others,  especially  as  the  insurrec- 
tion had  found  powerfal  aid  among  them.  He 
therefore  approached  Judah  with  mildness.^  But 
he  went  beyond  ordinary  bounds  in  appointing 
the  general  of  the  insurrection,  Amasa,  his  com- 
mander-in-chief in  place  of  Joab,  who  had  won 


544 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


him  the  victory.  This  act  of  political  shrewd- 
ness, brought  back  Judah  to  him  as  one  man. 
Peter  Martyr  :  "  I  would  not  altogether  defend 
David  in  this,  but  I  regard  it  as  an  arrangement 
of  divine  providence,  which  purposed  through 
Amasa  to  turn  Judah  to  David." 


3.  When  Shimei  meets  David  with  confession 
of  his  fault,  Abishai  is  the  same  hot-blooded  zea- 
lot for  David's  royal  honor  as  in  xvi.  9,  and  is 
repulsed  now,  as  then.     He  (with  Joab,  who  was 
like  him  in  character)  is  a  type  of  fleshly  zeal,  as 
it  is  seen  in  the  "  Sous  of  Thunder,"  who  would 
call  down  fire  from  heaven  on  the  Samaritans. 
But,  in  contrast  with  the  law  which,  regarding 
reviling  the  king  as  reviling  God,  punishes  it 
with  death,  David,  by  sparing  the  reviler  passes 
out  of  the  sphere  of  the  Old  Testament  into  that 
of  the  New    Testament.     The    decision    as    to 
Shimei's  sincerity  he  leaves  to  God,  but,  in  view 
of  the  Lord's  pardoning  mercy  and  goodness  to 
himself,  is  led  by  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  to  accept 
Shimei's    actual    confession,   and    pardon    him. 
Thus  he  is  the  type  of  the  merciful  love  of  the 
New  Testament  kingdom  of  heaven  in  Christ, 
which  blots  out  all  guilt  of  sin  on  condition  of 
true  repentance ;  and  he  is  also  the  type  of  for- 
giving love  of  enemies.     He  who  has  himself  re- 
ceived forgiveness  of  sin  from  God,  and  can  only 
praise  God's  mercy  as  the  source  of  all  that  he  is 
and  has,  will  also  forgive  his  neighbor  his  sins. 
The  antitype  of  the  forgiving  David  is  the  king 
of  the  New  Testament  kingdom  of  God.    Matt, 
xviii.  23-25.     David  had  accorded  Shimei  mercy 
byan  oath,  without  reservation  and  mthout  limi- 
tation to  his  own  reign,  as  some  hold  against  the 
sense  of  his  words.     His  command  to  Solomon 
shortly  before  his  death,  to  execute  Shimei,  is  a 
falling  back  to  the  strictly  legal  standpoint,  above 
which  he  had  lifted  himself  here  on  the  Jordan, 
andean  be  explained  only  from  the  fact  that  David 
distinguished  between    his  own  personal  interest 
and  motive,   which  led  him  to  pardon  Shimei 
without  taking  the  theocratic-legal    standpoint! 
and  tike-  theocratic  interests  of  the  kingdom,  of  wliich 
Solomon  was  the  representative,  and  so  held  him- 
self bound    on    theocratic-political    grounds,   to 
commit  to  his  successor  the  execution  of  the  legal 
prescription,  which  he  himself  had  passed  over. 
4.  Half-way  reparation  of  a  hastily  committed, 
and  afterwards  recognized  wrong  (as  in  David's 
conduct  to  Ziba  and  Mephibosheth )  is  as  great 
an  injustice  as  complete  neglect. '  While  he  par- 
doils  the  criminal  Shimei,  he  gives  the  innocent 
Mephibosheth  only  half  his  rights,  and  the  other 
half  he  gives  to  the  unrepentant  slanderer  Ziba, 
without  a  word  of  reproof,  evidently  in  order  to 
avoid  making  enemies  of  Ziba's  not  uninfluential 
family  in  Benjamin.     Peter  Martvr  :    "David's 
acta  are  not  only  unjust,  but  self-contradictory ; 
there  he   pardons  a  wicked  man,  here    he  op- 
presses a  good    man.     Yet,  though  he   sins  so 
often,  he  does  not  abandon  his  faith  ;  he  is  a  weak 
man,  but  holds  on  to  God's  word."— Mephibo- 
sheth is  an  illustration  of  humility  patiently  bear- 
ing   wrong.     Peter     Martyr:     "Mephibosheth 
thought  perhaps,  of  the  word  of  the  law,  that  God 
visits  sins  on  children  to  the  third  and  fourth  gen- 
eration." 


HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 


Chap.  xix.  1-8.  The  sinfulness  of  vm/measurei 
gri^.  I.  Wherein  it  consists  and  manifests  itself 
I'j  As  regards  the  Lord,  in  ignoring  the  gracioui 
gifts  which  He  sends  us  along  with  and  amid  puj 
sufferings,  and  in  frustrating  His  gracious  design 
to  purify  us  by  suffering  from  all  selfishness ;  2j 
As  regards  our  neigJibor,  in  slighting  and  viola- 
ting the  duties  of  love  that  we  owe  him ;  3)  Ai 
regards  our  own  heart  and  conscience,  in  reckoning 
the  powers  of  spirit  and  will  by  exhausting  emo- 
tion and  enervating  inactivity.  II.  Sow  it  must 
be  overcome :  1)  Through  the  word  of  earnest  ad- 
monition, which  gives  pain ;  2)  By  energetically 
rising  up  to  new  life  and  faithful  discharge  of  the 
duties  of  our  calling ;  3)  By  accepting  the  con- 
solation and  strength  which  come  from  above 
through  the  Spirit  of  God. 

Vera.  9-15.  What  wins  for  a  king  his  peoples 
heartf  1)  Kisking  his  life  for  their  welfare  in 
fighting  against  external  foes ;  2j  Deeds  of  deli- 
verance in  the  overthrow  of  internal  foes;  3) 
Titnely  words  of  hearty,  reconciling  love,  which 
anticipates  and  makes  advances. 

Vers.  16-40.  The  righteousness  of  love,  show- 
ing itself  in  the  fact  that  after  the  divine  ordi- 
nance and  after  the  example  of  divine  righteous- 
ness it  gives  to  every  one  his  own:  1)  As  forgiving 
love,  pardon  to  the  enemy  who  confesses  his 
wrong  and  begs  forgiveness,  vers.  16  sqq. ;  2)  As 
rebuking  love,  earnest  admonition  to  the  unloving 
zealot,  vers.  21  sq. ;  3)  As  self-denying  love,  which 
makes  good  the  wrong  done  to  our  neighbor,  and 
unreservedly  restores  him  what  belongs  to  him, 
vers.  24  sqq. ;  4)  As  thankful  love,  ready  every 
moment  to  reqiiite  to  our  neighbor  by  word  and 
deed  the  benefits  he  has  done  us,  vers.  31  sqq. 

Banillai  the  picture  and  example  of  a  venerable 
and  pious  old  age :  1)  Blessed  of  God,  it  devotes 
the  temporal  goods  it  has  received  to  the  service 
of  compassionate  brotherly  love,  far  from  all 
avariee;  2)  Honored  by  men,  it  desires  not  the 
vain  honor  of  this  world,  far  from  all  .ambition; 
3)  Near  the  graxe,  it  longs  only  for  home,  far  from 
all  disposition  to  find  blessedness  in  this  life;  4) 
But  as  long  as  God  grants  life,  even  with  failing 
powers  it  still  serves  the  Lord  and  His  kingdom, 
and  in  this  service  honors  him  by  the  devotion 
even  of  its  dearest— far  from  all  self-seeking.— 
[SAtTRiN  has  a  good  sermon  on  Barzillai  and 
Chimham,  as  suggesting  and  illustrating  the  fact 
that  court  life  is  m  certain  respects  proper  for  the 
young  and  improper  for  the  aged.— Te.] 

Fr.  Arndt:  Vera.  9-^0.  How  David  crowns 
his  triumph,  and  prepares  for  himself  a  new  and 
delightful  future.  1)  By  forgiveness  of  the  evil 
that  has  been  shown  him,  and  2)  By  thankful- 
ness for  the  good  that  he  had  likewise  received. 

Vers.  1-8.  When  once  a  man  has  overcome 
his  feelings  of  grief  and  gives  himself  up  to 
fresh  activity,  then  the  struggle  is  soon  over,  the 
evil  IS  wholly  conquered,  the  fountain  of  suffering 
IS  thoroughly  stopped,  the  sting  of  suffering 
broken ;  reconciled  with  past  and  present  there 
arises  to  ns  for  the  future  a  new  life.— Osiander- 
God  often  so  mingles  joy  and  sorrow  together, 
that  thepous  hare  m  this  world  no  complete  joy 


CHAP.  XIX.  1-40. 


645 


in  order  that  they  may  the  more  earnestly  long 
after  things  eternal.  Psa.  xlii.  3  [2] .— Sohlibe  : 
Let  us  never  forget  modesty,  but  always  with 
genuine  respect  say  what  is  necessary.  Yet  when 
we  do  that,  let  us  also  freely  utter  the  truth,  and 
never  keep  back  through  fear  of  men  or  men- 
pleasing. — Wtjert.  B.  :  When  men  do  wrong 
and  are  overhasty,  we  should  indeed  reprove 
them,  but  not  unseasonably,  nor  with  bitterness, 
envy,  reviling,  and  too  great  violence.  Psa.  cxli. 
5.— S.  Schmid:  A  man  of  sense  must  bear  a 
slight  evil  in  order  that  a  greater  may  be  averted. 
— ScHLiER :  How  many  sore  and  bitter  experi- 
ences we  might  spare  ourselves,  if  we  always 
made  it  our  first  wisdom  to  let  ourselves  be  ad- 
vised. 

Vers.  9-14.  [Taylor  :  David  had  been  called 
to  the  throne  at  first  by  the  choice  of  the  people, 
as  well  as  by  the  designation  of  Jehovah,  and  he 
would  not  move  in  the  direction  of  resuming  his 
regal  dignity  until,  in  some  form  or  other,  the 
desire  of  the  tribes  had  been  indicated  to  him. — 
Tb.]— WuEBT.  Bible:  Men  do  not  commonly 
recognize  the  good  while  they  possess  it,  but  only 
afterwards,  when  they  have  lost  it  and  would 
like  to  have  it  again. — [Henry  :  Good  services 
done  to  the  public,  though  they  may  be  forgotten 
for  a  while,  yet  wiU  be  remembered  again  when 
men  come  to  their  right  minds.— Tr.] — It  is 
always  better  to  be  too  gentle  than  too  sharp ;  for 
a  good  word  finds  a  good  place,  and  gentleness 
wins  hearts.  Judg.  viii.  3;  xii.  3.— Schlieb: 
Let  us  also  remember  our  sins  and  more  and 
more  humble  ourselves,  then  we  shall  also  be 
mild  and  gentle  toward  friend  and  foe,  and  so  re- 
ceive the  blessing  promised  to  all  the  merciful. — 
Beel.  B.  :  For  such  a  God,  whose  goodness  is  as 
infinite  as  His  power,  it  is  not  so  hard  to  win 
hearts ;  He  knows  the  true  secret  of  winning  them 
in  the  right  way ;  because  He  knows  how  to  touch 
them  inwardly.  Thus  hast  Thou,  O  love,  inclined 
the  heart  of  all  believers  as  if  it  were  only  one 
man. 

Vers.  15-23.  [Taylor  :  In  all  this  procedure 
David  was  not  actuated  by  his  usual  sagacity ; 
and  the  result  of  his  apparent  preference  of 
Judah  over  the  other  tribes  not  only  provoked 
another  rebellion  after  his  return  to  Jerusalem, 
but  also  prepared  the  way  for  the  division  of  the 
kingdom,  which  took  place  in  the  days  of  his 
grandson,  Eehoboam.— Tb]. — There  is  no  true 
forgiveness  till  the  thought  of  the  ofiences  is 
wholly  efiaced  from  the  heart.  Psa.  xxv.  7. — 
Stabke:  By  honest  confession  and  earnest  re- 
pentance one  may  obtain  mercy  and  forgiveness 
from  men,  how  much  more  from  the  merciful 


God.  James  iv.  9,  19.— Schlieb:  God's  mercy 
should  open  our  hearts,  should  make  us  gentle 
and  mild  toward  others;  for  the  Lord's  sake  who 
has  forgiven  us,  we  should  also  forgive  others. — 
Bebl.  B.  :  God  cannot  suffer  such  men  as  under 
the  appearanoe  of  righteousness  oppose  His  mercy. 
— [Henby:  David  had  severefy  revenged  the 
abuses  done  to  his  ambassadors  by  the  Ammon- 
ites J  xii.  31),  but  easily  passes  by  the  abuse  done 
to  himself  by  an  Israelite.  That  was  an  affront 
to  Israel  in  general,  and  touched  the  honor  of 
his  crown  and  kingdom ;  this  was  purely  personal, 
and  therefore  (according  to  the  usual  disposition 
of  good  men)  he  could  the  more  easily  forgive  it. 
— Scott  :  Our  best  friends  must  be  considered  as 
adversaries,  when  thej^  would  persuade  us  to  act 
contrary  to  our  conscience  and  our  duty.  Matt, 
xvi.  21-23.— Tb.] 

Vers.  24^30.  Stabke:  For  reviling  and  slan- 
der the  first  and  chief  occasion  is  given  by  sel- 
fishness and  envy. — God  does  not  let  the  truth 
remain  always  defeated,  but  causes  it  at  the  pro- 
per time  to  come  to  light. — Schlier  :  When  a 
man  does  us  good,  we  should  remember  him  for 
it,  and  if  sometimes  wrong  is  done  us,  we  will 
quickly  forget  the  wrong,  but  the  good  that  has 
befallen  us  we  will  not  forget.  A  thankful  man 
is  sure  to  come  to  honor,  even  if  in  the  mean- 
while evil  times  do  occasionally  intervene ;  while 
ingratitude  always  comes  to  shame. — [Ver.  29. 
Taylor:  Every  one  knows  that  when  he  has 
been  entrapped  into  the  doing  of  an  ungenerous 
or  unjust  thing,  there  springs  up  in  him  an  irrita- 
tion at  himself,  which  is  apt  to  betray  itself  in 
hastiness  of  speech  and  manner  quite  similar  to 
that  here  manifested  by  David.  But  both  the 
temper  and  the  decision  were  unworthy  of  David. 
— Tb.] 

Vers.  31-40.  Stabke:  Our  gratitude  to  our 
neighbor  should  be  shown  not  only  by  words,  but 
also  by  the  most  devoted  affection  of  the  heart, 
and  by  actions  themselves. — Beel.  B.  :  That  is  an 
honorable  old  age,  which  dies  to  the  lusts  and 
vanities  of  the  world,  seeks  peace  and  quiet,  ear- 
nestly thinks  of  the  end  and  prepares  for  death. 
— OsiANDEB :  If  we  cannot  requite  our  benefac- 
tors in  their  life-time  for  their  good  deeds,  we 
should  at  any  rate  make  their  posterity  enjoy  it. 

[Vers.  7,  8.  In  a  time  of  overwhelming  cala- 
mity the  necessity  for  exertion  is  often  a  great 
blessing. — Vers.  9,  10.  The  safety  of  popular 
institutions  is  in  reaction. — Vers.  16,  17.  Among 
the  sore  trials  of  high  station  is  the  necessity  of 
bearing  with  men  who  are  grossly  unworthy,  but 
manage  to  command  influence. — Tb.] 


35 


546  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


IV.  Strife  between  Judah  and  Israel  mer  bringing  David  bach.     Chap.  XIX.  40  6-43. 

[Heb.  41  6-44.] 

40  And  all  the  peop'e  of  Judah  conducted^  the  king  [ins.  over]  and  also  half  the 

41  people  of  Israel ;  And  behold,  all  the  men  of  Israel  canoe  to  the  king,  and  said 
unto  the  king,  Whv  have  our  brethren  the  men  of  Judah  stolen  thee  away,  and 
have  brought  the  king,  and  his  household,  and  all  David's  men  with  him,  over 

42  Jordan?  And  all  the  men  of  Judah  answered  the  men  of  Israel,  Because  the 
king  is  near  of  kin  to  us  [is  near  to  me]  ;  wherefore  then  be  ye  [and  why  art  thou] 
angry  for  ih's  matter?  have  we  eaten  at  all  of  the  king's  cost?  or  hath  he  given  us 

43  any  gift?^  And  the  men  of  Israel  answered  the  men  of  Ju'^ah,  and  said.  We  [I] 
have  ten  parts  in  the  king,  and  we  have  also  more  right  in  David  than  ye  [and  also 
in  David'  I  have  more  than  thou]  ;  why  then  did  ye  despise  us  [and  why  hast  thou 
despised  me],  that  our  [my]  advice  should  not  be  [was  not]  first  had  in  bringing 
back  our  [my]  king  ?  And  the  words  of  the  men  of  Judah  were  fiercer  than  the 
words  of  the  men  of  Israel. 

V.  Sheba's  insurrection  and-  IsraeVs  defection  occasioned  by  this  strife  between  Judah  and  Israel.     Both 
quelled  by  Joah  after  his  murder  of  Amasa.     Chap.  XX.  1-22. 

1  And  there  happened  to  be  there  a  man  of  Belial  [a  wicked  man],  whose  [and 
his]  name  was  Sheba,  the  s  u  of  Bichri,  a  Benjamite  [Benjaminite],  And  he  blew 
a  [the]  trumpet,  and  .'aid.  We  have  no  pirt  in  D  vid,  neither  have  we  [and  we 

2  have]  no  inheritance  in  the  son  of  Jesse ;  every  man  to  his  tents,*  O  Israel.  So 
every  man  [And  all  the  men]  of  Israel  went  up  from  after  David,  and  followed 
Sheba  the  .son  of  Bichri ;  but  the  men  of  Judah  clave  unto  their  king,  from  Jordan 

3  even  [om.  even]  to  Jerusalem.  And  David  came  to  his  house  at  Jerusalem ;  and 
the  king  took  the  ten  women  his  concubines,  whom  he  had  left  to  keep  the  house, 
and  put  them  in  ward,  and  fed  [maintained]  them,  but  went  not  in  unto  them  ; 
BO  [and]  they  were  shut  up  unto  the  day  of  thtir  death,  living  in  widowhood  [in 
lifelong  widowhood"]. 

TEXTUAL   AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  40.  Eng.  A.  V.  here  adopts  the  Qeri,  so  Erdmann,  Vulg.  This  reading  is  supported  by  Sept.,  Syr., 
Arah.,  Chald.,  and  by  a  number  of  Heb.  M8S.  and  printed  editions.— Te.] 

»  [Vcr.  42.  Bottciier  .ind  Erdmann  :  '  has  anything  been  taljen  by  u.i  ?"  The  rendering  of  Eng.  A.  V.  is  that 
of  the  ancient  versions,  Gosen.,  Philippson,  Cahen.    In  defence  of  it  may  be  said  that  VWi  occurs  elsewhere  as 

Kel  (1  Kings  ix.  11),  and  that  the  parallelism  does  not  absolutely  demand  the  Infln.  Absol.  in  the  second  mem- 
ber.   On  the  other  hand,  Bdttcher's  rendering  of  7  as  introducing  the  agent  is  strange. — Th.1 

'  [Ver.  43.  The  ma.soretio  text  is  here  supported  by  all  the  ancient  Torsions  except  Sept.,  which  gives  1133, 
irpuTOToitcii,  but  this  word  would  hardly  be  followed  in  Heb.  by  the  comparative  jD— "  I  am  firstrborn  over  thee  •" 
it  would  be  simply  "  I  am  the  first-born  "  or,  "  I  am  older  (JpT)  than  thou."  The  material  argument  against  the 
Sept.  reading  is  given  by  Erdmann.— After  ^HD  B6ttcher  inserts  HT  from  the  Sept.  toSto  ;  but  (as  he  says)  this 

exprea.iion  is  not  found  elsewhere,  and  the  frequency  of  the  Sept.  ijari  toSto  would  account  for  it  here  without 
the  supposition  of  a  HT  in  the  Hebrew. — Te.] 

<  [Ver.  1.  This  verse  is  one  of  those  cited  among  the  "  Corrections  of  the  Scribes."    The  exact  nature  of  the 

correction  is  not  staled,  but  Tanchum  states  that  in  Chron.instead  of  V^HkS  "  to  his  tents  "  is  written  vrt'?^^ 

"  to  his  gods  "  (Buxtorf ).  Geiger  ( Urschrift,  pp.  290,  315)  adopts  this  latter  reading,  and  sees  in  it  a  trace  of  an- 
cient Israelitish  idolatry,  to  conceal  which,  he  thinks,  our  text  has  been  changed.  But,  as  our  reading  is  fullv 
siipiiorted  externally  and  internally,  there  is  as  little  ground  for  this  as  for  most  other  ohanEes  proposed  by 
Geiger.- Te.]  o      t-    1-  j 

■  ,  ^y^''\l-  ?.5*5?''^''  *i"?  Erdmann  (retaining  the  masoretic  pointing) :  "  in  a  widowhood  during  lifetime,"  that 
IS,  during  the  lifetime  of  the  husband,  which  while  it  avoids  a  repetition  is  somewhat  violent.  The  same  sense 
IS  gotten  by  Wellhausen,  who  for  niTl  (which  he  thinlcs  a  doubtful  form)  writes  n^'H,  and  renders:  "living 

widows  "  ==  widows  of  a  living  husband,  which  is  also  hard.  The  phrase  "  widowhood  of  life  "  (as  in  the  maso- 
retic pointing)  naturally  means  "  lifelong  widowhood,"  and  so  Bwald  (Gesch.  III.  262)  understands  it :  "  widows 
thai  could  never  be  married  again."— Te.] 


CHAP.  XIX.  40— XX.  26.  547 


4  Then  said  the  king  [And  the  king  said]  to  Amasa,  Assemble  me  the  men  of  Ju- 

5  dah  within  three  days,"  and  be  thou  here  present.  So  [And]  Amasa  went  to  as- 
semble the  men  of  [im.  the  men  of]  Judah  ;  but  he  tarried  longer  than  the  set  time 

6  which  he'  had  appointed  him.  And  David  said  ti>  Abishai,  Now  shall  [will]  Sheba 
the  son  of  Bichri  do  us  more  harm  than  did  Absalom  ;  take  thou'  thy  lord's  ser- 

7  vants,  and  pursue  after  him,  lest  he  get  him  fenced  cities,  and  escape  us.  And 
there  went  out  after  him  Joab's  men,  and  the  Cherethites  and  the  Pelethites  and 
all  the  mighty  men ;  and  they  went  out  of  Jerusalem,  to  pursue  after  Sheba  the 

8  son  of  Bichri.  When  they  were  at  the  great  stone  which  is  in  Gibeon,  Amasa  went 
before  them  [came  towards  them].  And  Joab's  garment  that  he  had  put  on  was 
girded  unto  him  [And*  Joab  was  girded  wiih  his  military  dress  as  his  garment], 
and  upon  it  a  girdle  mth  [of]  a  swDrd  fastened  upon  his  loins  in  the  sheath  thereof 

9  [its  sheath],  and  as  he'"  went  forth,  it  fell  out.  And  Joab  said  to  Amasa,  Art  thou 
in  health,  my  brother  ?     And  Joab  took  Amasa  by  the  beard  with  the  right  hand 

10  to  kiss  him.  But  [And]  Amasa  took  no  heed  to  the  sword  that  was  in  Joab's  hand  ; 
so  [and]  he  smote  him  therewith  in  the  fifth  rib  [into  the  belly],  and  shed  out  his 
bowels  to  the  ground,  and  struck  him  not  again  ;  and  he  died.     So  [And]  Joab  and 

11  Abishai  his  brother  pursued  after  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri.  And  one  of  Joab's 
men  [young  men]  stood  by  him,  and  said,  He  that  favoureth  Joab,  and  he  that  is 
for  David,  let  him  go  after  Joab.     And  Amasa  wallowed  in  blood  in  the  midst  of 

12  the  highway.  And  when  [om.  when]  the  man  saw  that  all  the  people  stood  still, 
[ins.  and]  he  removed  Amasa  out  of  the  highway  into  the  field,  and  cast  a  cloth 
upon  him,  when  he  saw  that  every  one  that  came  by  him  stood  still  [or,  because 

13  every  one  that  came  on  him  saw  and  stood  still].  When  he  was  removed  out  of 
the  highway,  all  the  people  [every  man]  went  on  after  Joab  to  pursue  after  Sheba 

14  the  son  of  Bichri.  And  he  went  through  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  unto  Abel  and 
to  Beth-maachah  and  all  the  Berites  ;"  and  they  were  gathered  together,  and  went 
also  after  him. 

15  And  they  came  and  besieged  him  in  Abel  of  Beth-maachah  [Abel-beth-maa- 
chah],  and  they  cast  up  a  bank  against  the  city,  and  it  stood  in  the  trench  [at  the 
outer  wall]  ;  and  all  the  people  that  were  with  Joab  battered"  the  wall  to  throw  it 

•  [Ver.  4.  Before  "  three  days  "  Wellh.  thinks  1  ("  and  "1  necessary,  since  the  HDJ?  is  defined  by  this  term  of 
days.  But  as  Amasa  is  ordered  to  present  himself  immediately  after  assembling  the  troops,  the  time  assigned  to 
this  assembling  will  of  course  apply  also  to  his  coming,  so  that  the  insertion  of  '•  and  "  is  unnecessary.— Tr.] 

'  [Ver.  5.  As  subject  of  the  verb  Sept.  supplies  "  David,"  Vulg.  "  the  king,"  and  Syr.  "  king  David,"  which  seem 
to  be  explanatory  insertions,  and  do  not  call  for  correction  of  the  simpler  Heb.  text  (against  BSttoher).— Tk.] 

'  [Ver.  6.  Instead  of  nnx  some  MSS.  and  printed  editions  have  npl^  "now"  (Vulg.  igitur),  and  the  ancient 

versions  (except  Ohald.)  add  the  Dat.  ammodi  'h  "  me."— Instead  of  the  Sing.  ?jr^  some  MSS.  and  EDD.  have 

the  Plural  "  eyes."  Eng.  A.  V.  follows  the  Vulg.  in  rendering :  "  escape  us."  This  phrase  and  the  reading  "Joab  " 
insteadof  "Abishai"  are  discussed  in  the  Exposition.— Tb.1  . 

»  [Ver.  8.  This  is  the  only  possible  translation  of  the  Heb.  text;  but  the  whole  sentence  is  difficult.    Ihe 

word  tJ^iab  "  garment,"  occurs  only  in  poetical  passages  (so  2  Kings  x.  22  perhaps)  and  in  late  prose  (Esth.),  and 
the  no  —'"garment"  (especially,  military  dress)  is  construed  with  the  verb  W2l,  not  with  Ijn.  see  1  Sam. 
xvii.  38,  39 ;  Lev.  vi.  3.  It  viould  be  simpler  to  read :  fta  (or,  inn)  E/uS  3XV1  "  and  Joab  was  dressed  in  his 
military  dress,"  the  rest  of  the  verse  following  as  in  the  Heb.,  except  that  instead  of  the  substantive  lUH  "  gir- 
dle "  we  should  read  the  adjective  11  Jfl  (or  the  fem.)  "  girded  :"  "  and  on  it  was  girded  a  sword,  etc"  The  first 
lUn  may  have  been  repeated  from  the  second.  Wellhausen  quotes  the  Itala :  "  et  Jnab  tndiUus  est  Tmmlyamm- 
dutoriam  mam  super  se  et  qladiwm  rudentem  in  vagina  sua  cinctus  erat  ad  lumbos  suos  "  and  gets  a  Heb.  text  that  reads : 
"  and  Joab  was  clothed  in  his  military  dress  on  him,  and  with  a  sword  fastened  In  his  sheath  he  was  girded  upon 

his  loins,"  where  the  reference  of  the  vhj;  to  mib  is  not  good,  and  the  change  of  order  in  the  latter  part  of  the 

^"  m  [Ve^^^ErSra'^''"  and  it  ((i.  e.,  the  sheath)  came  out,  and  it  (the  sword)  fell."  But  this^ohange  of  subject 
is  harsh,  and  it  is  better  to  read  nXS'  N'n  :  " it  (the  sword)  came  out  (of  the  sheath)  and  iell.      ineJing.A.  v., 

referring  the  coming  out  to  Joab,  makes  no  sense.  We  may  see  also  how  appropriately  the  word  i^'^^J^^^  " '» its 
sheath  "  stands  at  the  end  of  the  sentence,  just  before  the  statement  that  the  sword  fell  out  of  the  ahcath.-TE.l 
"  [Ver.  U.  Or,  "all  Berim  "  (Philippson),  as  the  name  of  aregion.  Sept..  eij  x«PP',Syr.  ]  ip  cities  (misreaa- 
ing),  Chald.  Berim  (a  region)  Vulg.  electi,  from  ni3  "  to  choose  "  (Philippson),  or  -  D""im3  (Bflttoher,  Thenius, 
Wellh.,  Erdmann).  Sib.-Com.  suggests  that  O'la  means  "  fortresses  "  (from  TTvyi),  but  no  such  form  occurs.  It 
is  better  to  read :  "  and  all  the  choice  young  men  were  gathered  together,  etc."  The  rendering  "  gathered  "  is 
of  the  Qeri,  which  is  supported  by  the  versions,  and  by  many  MSS.  and  EDD.    Chandler  adopts  as  Kelhib  in'^p^' 

"  they  were  ardently  excited,"  pursued  ardently  after  him  "— Tk.]  ,  „  „  „  .,,„„„„  o-,nrPRsinn     Hence 

12  [Ver.  16.  Literally :  "  were  razing  (or,  casting  down)  to  make  the  wall  fall,"  a  strange  expression,    iience 


548 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OE  SAMUEL. 


16  down.     Then  cried  a  wise  woman  out  of  the  city,  Hear,  hear ;  say,  I  pray  you,  unto 

17  Joab,  Come  n-'ar  hither,  that  I  may  speak  with  thee.  And  when  he  was  come 
[And  he  came]  near  unto  her.  [ins.  and]  the  woman  said,  Art  thou  Joab  ?  And 
he  answered  [said]  I  am  he.     Then  [And]  she  said  unto  him,  Hear  the  words  of 

18  thine  handmaid.  And"  lie  answered  [said],  I  do  hear.  Then  she  spake  [And  she 
said],  saying.  They  were  wont  to  speak  in  old  time,  saying.  They  shall  surely  [Let 

19  them]  ask  counsel  at  Abel ;  and  so  they  ended  the  matter.  I  am  one  of  them  that 
are  peaceable  and  faithful  in  Israel ;  thou  seekest  to  destroy  a  city  and  a  mother 

20  [a  mother-city]  in  Israel ;  why  wilt  thou  swallow  up  the  inheritance  of  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  ?     And  Joab  answered  and  said,   Far  be  it,  far  bi  it,  from  me,  that  I 

21  should  swallow  up  or  destroy.  The  matter  is  not  so ;  but  a  man  of  Mount  Eph- 
raim,  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri  by  name,  hath  lifted  up  his  hand  against  the  king, 
even  [om.  even]  against  David ;  deliver  him  only,  and  I  will  depart  from  the  city. 
And  the  woman  said  unto  Joab,  Behold,  his  head  shall  be  thrown  to  thee  over 

22  [through]  the  wall.  Then  [And]  the  woman  went  unto  all  the  people  in  her  wb- 
dom.  And  they  cut  off  the  head  of  Sheba  the  son  of  Bichri,  and  cast  it  out  to  Joab. 
And  he  blew  a  [the]  trumpet,  and  they  retired  [dispersed]  from  the  city,  every  man 
to  his  tent  [tents].     And  Joab  returned  to  Jerusalem  unto  the  king. 

VI.  David!  s  chief  officers  after  the  restoration  of  his  royal  authority.    Vers.  23-26. 

23  Now  [And]  Joab  was  over  all  the  host  of  Israel;  and  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoi- 

24  ada  was  over  the  Cherethites  and  over  the  Pelethites ;  And  Adoram  was  over  the 

25  tribute  ;  and  Jehoshaphat  the  son  of  Ahilud  was  recorder ;  And  Sheva  was  scribe  ; 

26  and  Zadok  and  Abiathar  were  the  \om.  the]  priests ;  And  Ira  also  the  Jairite  was 
a  chief  ruler'^*  about  [to]  David. 

Ewttld,  Bdfctcher,  Thenius  and  Erdmann  make  the  participle  a  denominative  from  nnt?  "  a  pit,"  and  render : 

"were  digging  ditches  to  throw  down  the  wall."  But  the  form  is  elsewhere  unknown  (and  none  of  the  ancient 
versions  suggest  it  here),  and  the  military  practice  thus  described  is  doubtful.  As  tlie  text  stands  the  word 
hardly  yields  a  fair  sense.  But  Chald.  renders  rnE^J^DD  "were  thinking,  purposing,"  which  agrees  with  the 
Sept.  erooOtrav,  and  perhaps  represents  the  Heb.  D*'3E^nD  (Wellh.);  "the  people  were  devising  to  throw  down  the 

wall."— Th.] 

13  I  Ver.  18.  The  Sept.  \£  the  only  ancient  version  that  offers  material  for  alteration  of  the  text  of  the  woman's 
speech,  and  this  is  discussed  by  Erdmann.  Chald.  paraphrases :  "  And  she  said,  saying,  Bemember  now  wliat  is 
written  in  the  book  of  the  law  to  ask  of  the  peace  of  a  city  (Walton's  Polygl  :  to  ask  ofa  city)  in  the  beginning, 
saying,  was  it  in  this  wise  thy  duty  to  ask  of  Abel,  whether  they  are  peaceable  ?  We  are  peaceable,  in  fidelity 
with  Israel,  etc. ;"  on  this  interpretation  see  further  in  notes  to  the  Exposition.  Syr. :  "  The  woman  said,  They 
used  to  say  of  old  time  that  they  asked  the  prophets,  and  then  they  destroyed ;  am  1  to  make  satisfaction  for  tlie 
sins  of  Israel,  that  thou  desirest  to  slay  the  child  and  his  motlier  in  Israel  ?"  where  the  misreadinge  (□''N^J3J  for 
7DX  and  ^^'i  for  "l^J?)  are  obvious.    These  versions  (and  the  Vulg.)  confirm  the  Heb.  text,  which,  with  all  its 

difficulties,  seems  preferable  to  the  Sept.  variation  adojjted  by  Ewald  and  Wellhausen. — Tb.J 
1*  [Ver.  26.  vr\2  the  word  ordinarily  rendered  "priest."    See  on  viii.  18. — Te.J 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

Vera.  41-43.  Strife  between  Judah  and  Israel 
about  bringing  David  back. 

Ver.  41  [40  b,  Heb.  41  i].  The  text  {"^) 
would  be  rendered :  "  and  aa  to  the  whole  people 
of  Judah,  they  had  conducted,"  etc.  (Keil).  But 
this  would  be  a  strange  and  heavy  construction, 
and  the  Qeri  or  margin  is  preferable  ["  and  .  .  . 
Judah  conducted,"  as  in  Eng.  A.  V.].  This  last 
clause  is  to  be  connected  with  the  following  verse 
(Thenius) :  "  and  when  all  the  people  of  Judah 
had  conducted  the  king,  and  also  half  the  people 
of  Israel,  behold,  then  came  all  the  men  of  Israel," 
etc.  Besides  Judah,  half  the  people  of  Israel  also 
acted  as  David's  escort  over  the  Jordan.  This 
part  of  Israel  consisted  first  of  the  thousand  Ben- 
jaminites  that  had  come  with  Shimei,  and  then 
of  others  living  near  by,  especially,  it  is  probable, 
from  the  east-jordanio  district  (S.  Schmid).    The 


passage  over  the  Jordan  was  completed,  and 
David  (as  appears  from  the  connection)  with  his 
escort  had  reached  OUgal  (Bunsen),  when  there, 
not  "at  the  Jordan"  (Then.,  Ew.),  "all  the  men 
of  Israel,"  that  is,  the  body  of  deputized  repre- 
sentatives of  the  other  tribes  (Clericus)  arrived 
and  made  their  complaint  to  David  :  Why  have 
our  brethren  the  laen  of  Judah  stolen 
thee  away?  escorted  thee  over  so  secretly, 
without  informing  us  of  their  purpose?  By  di- 
recting this  question  to  David,  they  at  the  same 
time  reproached  him,  for  ''very  probably  it  had 
been  learned  that  he  had  a  hand  in  the  move- 
ment, see  vers.  11,  12"  (Then.).  "All  Dam/Ts 
mm  "  are  the  faithful  followers  that  had  fled  with 
him  from  Jerusalem  (xv.  17  sqq.).  In  all  this 
we  see,  on  the  one  hand,  the  discord  between  the 
main  divisions  of  the  nation,  Judah  and  Israel, 
and  on  the  other  the  eager  rivalry  in  the  exhibi- 
tion of  devotion  to  the  king,  which,  however, 
contained  in  itself  the  seeds  of  further  disorder. 


CHAP.  XIX.  40— XX.  26. 


549 


Grofius :  "  an  honorable  contest — but,  heated  by 
bitter  words,  it  afforded  opportunity  to  those  that 
desired  revolution.  '  Plonorable  indeed,'  says 
Tacitus,  'but  the  source  of  the  worst  things' 
(Annal.I.)."— Ver.  42.  Not  David,  but  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  tribe  of  Judah  answered  the 
reproach.  Literally :  "  the  men  of  Judah  an- 
swered against  (Bottcher)  the  men  of  Israel," 
they  met  them  with  an  answer. — There  is  no  need 
to  insert  (Thenius,  after  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab.)  ''and 
said"  after  the  word  "Israel,"  as  in  ver.  43; 
Bottcher  remarks  that  the  "  and  said"  is  omitted 
also  in  1  Sam.  ix.  17 ;  xx.  28. — Because  the 
king  is  nearer  to  me  {riot:  "the  king  is  near 
to  me");  the  "because"  is  the  answer  to  the 
"  why  ?"  of  ver.  41.  Near  =  near  of  kin,  comp. 
V.  1.  Why  art  thcu  angry?  there  is  no 
ground  for  it.  [The  Singular  Pronoun  here  used 
(Eng.  A.  V.  substitutes  the  Plural)  perhaps  refers 
to  the  individual  speaker,  who  represented  the 
nation  or  tribe,  or  the  nation  or  tribe  may  be 
regarded  as  a  unit. — Tb.] — Have  -we  eaten 
of  the  king  ?  To  eat  of  the  king  =  to  be  fed 
by  the  royal  bounty  (Clericus).  Have  we  en- 
joyed advantages  from  him  ?  Have  you  reason 
to  be  envious  of  us  because  we  have  enjoyed 
advantages  that  you  were  deprived  of?  Whether 
this  is  also  a  side-hit  at  the  Benjaminites  (Mich., 
Then.,  Buns.,  Keil),  who  enjoyed  many  favors 
from  Saul  (comp.  1  Sam.  xxii.  7),  must  be  left 
undecided ;  nothing  of  this  sort  is  indicated  in 
the  words  or  the  connection.  "  Or,  has  anything 
been  taken  by  us  ?"  not :  "  has  he  given  us  any 
gift?"*  [so  Eng.  A.  v.,  whose  rendering  is  de- 
fended in  "Text,  and  Gram."— Tk.] .—Ver.  43. 
The  men  of  Israel's  answer  to  this  hot  discourse 
of  the  Judahites  is  still  hotter.  Over  against  the 
lattei-'s  qualitalive  relation  to  David  (''  he  is  nearer 
to  us")  they  Bet  the  numerical  qiumtitative :  Ten 
parts  have  I  in  the  king,  and  also  in 
David  more  than  thou. — The  "ten  parts" 
are  the  fen  tribes  as  against  the  two,  "Judah  and 
Benjamin"  (Theodoret) ;  "  the  tribe  of  Benjamin 
might  already  after  the  removal  of  the  royal  resi- 
dence to  Jerusalem  have  attached  itself  more  to 
Judah,  as  indeed  it  now  came  a  thousand  strong 
with  Judah,  and  afterwards  with  this  tribe  formed 
the  Judah-liingdom,  1  Kings  xii.  21"  (Thenius). 
Add  to  this  that  Jerusalem  v/as  within  the  tribe 
of  Benjamin  just  on  the  border  of  Judah.  The 
king  belonged  to  the  vjhole  nation,  and  therefore 
Israel,  with  its  ten  tribes,  had  a  ten-fold  part  in 
and  claim  on  the  king. — And  also  in  David 
more  than  thou. — The  above  general  state- 
ment is  here  specialized  and  individualized  in 
respect  to  the  person  of  David.  The  men  of  Is- 
rael had  indeed  "  deserved  very  ill  of  him."  But 
this  cannot  be  urged  against  the  genuineness  of 
the  reading:  ''in  David"  (Then.),  for  the  men 


*  Xjyj  is  not  Piel,  and  PiiWJ  Pi.  Partioip.  ("  hath  he 

given  us  a  gift?"),  for  the  Pi.  is  elsewhere  NK'J,  and  this 

constructionwould  require  Nin.  And  though  3  '3  NESJ 

="  "  to  help  one  with  gifts  "  (I  Kings  ix.  11),  our  phrase 
does  not  tncrofore  mean  "to  give  to  one"  (BSttoher). 
Eather  we  have  liere  the  Perf.  Nipli.  with  Absol.  Infin. 

(fem.,  as  verbs  n  '7,  Ewald  g  240  d),  corresponding  to 

l3ii,  literally  :  "  has  anything  been  as  to  taking  taken 

T 

by  us  ?"=has  any  thing  at  all  been  taken  by  us  ? 


of  Judah  had  behaved  still  worse,  since  the  in- 
surrection originated  among  them.  But  Israel's 
claim  to  superiority  to  Judah  in  having  ten  parts 
"also  in  David"  "does  not  refer  to  the  fact  that 
the  insurrection  began  in  Judah"  (O.  v.  Ger- 
lach),  for  they  (Israel)  had  straightway  joined 
the  rebellion.  The  words  are  to  be  taken  simply 
in  closest  connection  with  the  previous  numerical 
statement  in  reference  to  the  king.  The  sense  is ; 
in  the  kingdom  of  Israel  you  have  no  claim  to  a 
nearer  relation  to  the  king,  who  is  put  there  for 
all  the  tribes,  and  to  whom  as  king  all  the  tribes 
stand  equally  near,  so  that  we,  with  our  ten,  have 
a  ten-fold  claim  on  him.  As  this  is  true  of  every 
king,  so  also  of  David.  Seb.  Schmid :  "  David  is 
here  considered  not  as  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  but 
as  king.  But  nmo  we  have  ten  parts  in  the  king, 
therefore  also  in  David  as  king,  and  so  your  argu- 
ment from  consanguinity  is  worthless."  This 
hair-splitting  calculation  and  passionate  assertion 
of  the  mere  numerical  relation  to  David  is  psy- 
chologically quite  characteristic  of  the  iU  feeling 
towards  Judah  that  prevailed  in  Israel.  Instead 
of  ''  and  also  in  David  more  than  thou,"  Bottcher 
and  Thenius  adopt  the  reading  of  the  Sept.: 
"  and  I  am  first-bom*  (more)  than  thou."  But 
this  reading  is  suspicious  at  the  outset,  because 
the  Sept.  has  also  the  reading  of  the  Heb.  text. 
Then  Thenius'  explanation  of  the  term  "firsts 
born"  from  the  tribes  of  Reuben  and  Simeon, 
whose  ancestors  were  born  before  Judah,  does  not 
apply  to  the  other  tribes,  whose  stem-fathers  were 
born  after  Judah ;  and  to  understand  the  terra  as 
meaning  at  the  same  time  (Thenius))  that  "  Isa-ael 
after  Said's  death  had  held  to  his  dynasty  and 
continued  the  national  name,"  seems  very  far- 
fetched.— Why  hast  thou  despised  me  ? — 
The  men  of  Israel  felt  that  they  had  been  made 
little  of  in  that  they  had  not  been  informed  of 
the  restoration  and  permitted  to  take  part  in  it. 
In  contrast  with  the  solidarity  of  the  revolution- 
ary movement,  which  had  united  both  sections, 
they  here  emphasize  the  jointness  of  the  desire 
for  and  return  to  the  old  fealty. — And  was  not 
my  word  the  first  to  bring  back  my  king? 
Literally :  "  and  was  not  my  word  first  to  me  to 
bring  back  my  king  ?"  On  Israel's  "  word," 
comp.  xix.  10,  11.  "The  ''to  me"  is  not  to  be 
attached  (Keil)  against  the  accents  (and  against 
the  order  of  the  words)  to  "  bring  back "  [  = 
"bring  back  to  me"],  but  is  apposition  to  "my 
word,"  to  emphasize  the  possessive  pronoun 
"  my  "  (Ges.,  ?  121,  3),  and  to  bring  out  strongly 
the  thought  that  Israel  had  first  spoken  of  and 
counselled  the  king's  restoration. — Judah's^  reply 
to  Israel's  words  was  still  harder,  more  violent, 
than  they.  A  violent  war  of  words  flamed  up, 
wherein  Israel,  as  feeling  itself  the  aggrieved 
party,  was  led  to  a  new,  evil  purpose,  which 
shaped  itself  into  a  repetition  of  the  rebellion 
just  crushed.  Comp.  a  Lapide:  "This  scene 
paved  the  way  to  Sheba's  war.  Learn  from  this 
proud  quarrel  of  Judah  and  Israel  how  true  is 
the  proverb  in  Prov.  xv.  1." 

Ch.  XX.  1-22.  Sheba's  insurrection,  IsraePs  de- 
fection, both  quelled  by  Joab. — Ver.  1.  There 
wasf  there,  namely,  in  Gilgal  at  the  assembly 

*  "103  instead  of  1113. 

t  NIpJ  "there  happened,"  Kiph.  of  Xlp  =  mp  "to 


550 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


of  the  tribes ;  the  word  "  there  "  indicates  directly 
the  plcKe,  indirectly  the  tiTtie  of  the  following  his- 
tory, so  that  the  causal  connection  between  it  and 
the  precedihg  scene  is  obvious.    On  the  person 
of  Sheba,  Luther  remarks  (probably  correctly)  in 
his  marginal  notes :  "  he  was  one  of  the  great 
rogues  of  the  high  nobility,  who  had  a  large  reti- 
nue among  the  people,  and  consideration  or  name, 
as  Catiline  at  Eome-"*    He  was  a  ''  wicked  "  man 
(Luther:  heUloser   [Eng.   A.  V.  wrongly:  "son 
of  Belial]),  comp.  1  Sam.  xxr.  17,  25.     A  Ben- 
jaminite,  probably  (to  judge  from  his  conduct) 
one  of  the  rabid  Sauline  party,  if  he  were  not  (as 
is  possible)  of  Saul's  own  family — We  have  no 
part  in  David. — This  is  said  in  contrast  with 
xix.  42,  43,  and  with  a  sharp  emphasis  on  the 
"no"    I'' there  is  not  to   us   part   in    David"]. 
David  is  called  the  son  of  Jesse  contemptu- 
ously in  contrast  with  Saul.     "  We  have  nothing 
in  common  with  him,  nothing  to  do  with  him," 
comp.  Deut.  x.  9.     From  his  blomng  the  trumpet 
it  may  be  surmised  that  he  was  a  military  com- 
mander, having  control  of  a  somewhat  large  body 
of  men. — Every  man  to  his  tents,  that  is, 
home,  as  in  xviii.  17 ;  xix.  9.     The  expression  is 
an  echo  from  the  tent-life  of  the  people  in  the 
wilderness. — Ver.   2.      All    Israel    "went   up" 
from  David,  namely,  from  the  plain  of  Gilgal  to 
the  hill-country  of  Ephraim.     The  whole  repre- 
sentation of  Israel  listens  to  Sheba's  rebellious 
signal,  and  follows  him,  which  is  to  be  explained 
only  by  the  anger  against  Judah,  freshly  excited 
by  the  quarrel  over  bringing  the  king  back.  The 
men  of  Judah  "  clave  to  their  king,"   crowded 
close  around  him  [rather,  faithfully  adhered  to 
him — Tb.]  and  escorted  him  "  from  the  Jordan 
to   Jerusalem."     The    expression :     "  from    the 
Jordan  "  does  not  contradict  the  fact  that   the  as- 
sembly took  place  in   Oilgal  (as  Thenius   holds 
from  this,  that  it  took  place  on  the  Jordan) ;  it  is 
not  to  be  explained  (with  Keil  against  Thenius) 
by  the  remark  that  the  "  Judahitea"  had  already 
escorted  the  king  over  the  Jordan,  but   (Gilgal 
being  near  the  Jordan)  is  to  be  taken  as  a  general 
designation,  such  as  we  often  use  in  respect  to 
rivers. 

Vcr.  3.  Dam^s  return  to  his  house  at  JerusaJem. 
The  ten  concubines  (xv.  16;  xvi.  20  sqq.) 
that  he  bad  left  behind — he  put  in  a  house 
of  ward,  and  maintained  them,  but  remained 
apart  from  them.f  Grotius:  ''He  pardoned 
their  fear  indeed  [i.  e.,  their  fault  committed 
through  fear],  but  would  not  approach  them, 
since  they  were  impure  for  him  (having  been  ap- 
proached by  his  son),  nor  let  others  approach 
them,  as  they  were  royal  concubines."  They 
lived  in  "  widowhood  of  life,"  t  that  is,  "  whereas 


meet,"  not  from  Nip  "to  call,  name  "  _  "  a  noted,  fa- 
mous man  "  fLuther). 

*  [So  Patrick,  after  Victorinus  StriReliue ;  but  we  know 
nothmg  defimtely  about  it.— As  Aphiah  (I  Sam.  ix.  1)  is 
the  same  as  Abiah  (I  Chr.  yii.  8),  Sheba  was  so  far  of  the 
same  family  as  Saul.— Tn.] 

^  ^H'!???.'  ™ss<'-  s'lffix  foi  fem.,  the  general,  less  de- 
termined instead  of  the  more  determined,  Gen    xxxi 

'  J  ??^VJ-  ^j  S.  Kings  xiy.  13,  Ew.,  ?  184  c.  [Some  MSS. 
and  EDI),  of  De  Rossi  haye  the  Fem.— Tb.} 

t  nWDlN,  adverbial  Aoc.  defined  by  r\VT\ ;  one  cod. 

of  Kennicott  has    'bsS  (BOttoher).    LThis  reading  is 

giyen  by  De  Rossi.— Ie.] 


death  had  entered  the  house,  widowhood  during 
the  lifetime    of  the  husband."      (Bottch.),   comp. 
Deut.  xxiv.  1  sqq. ;  Isa.  i.  1.  [So  Targum,  Gill, 
Philippson.     It    may  also    be    rendered:  "in  a 
lifelong  widowhood,"  i.  e.,  as  long  as  they  lived; 
but  the  objection  to  this  is,  that  it  repeats  the 
statement  of  the  preceding  clause. — Tb.] — Ver. 
4.     And  the  king  said  to  Amasa,  Call  me, 
etc.,  namely,  to  follow  and  attack  the  insurgent 
Sheba.  In  giving  Amasa  this  commission,  David's 
purpose  is  to  fulfil  to  him  his  promise,  xix.  44. 
And  do    thou  present  thyself  here,  after 
three  days,  when  the  men  of  Judah  shall  have 
assembled,   that  thou  mayest  lead  them  out  to 
battle.      Then  David    intended  formally  to  ap- 
point him   commander-in-chief,  and  assign  him 
the  more  important  duties.     In  various  respects 
David  here  acted  unwisely  :  1 )  in  bestowing  on 
the  late  insurgent  leader,  Amasa  an  unbounded 
confidence,  that  was  soon  proved  to  be  misplaced, 
vers  5,  6 ;  2)  in  respect  to  Joab  who,  with  all 
his  rudeness  and  cruelty,  had  remained  faithful 
to   David,   and  by   his    splendid    victory  over 
Amasa,  had  saved  the  kingdom  ;  3)  in  respect  to 
his  faithful  tribe  of  Judah,  who  must  have  been 
oifended  by  this  preference  shown  for  the  leader 
of  the  revolution.     [On  the  other  hand,  the  in- 
surgent Judahites  might  be  pleased  by  this  honor 
done  their  general  (comp.  xix.  14),  and  the  men 
of  Israel  affected  by  seeing  their  former  general 
in  David's  service  (Patrick) ;  Amasa  had  proba- 
bly shown  himself  an  efficient  commander,  and 
Joab  was  not  undeserving  of  punishment. — Tb.). 
— Ver.   5.     He   tarried  *  over  the  set  time, 
(three  days),  either  because  he  met  with  distrust 
and  opposition  among  the  people,  and  could  not 
so  soon  execute  his  commission,  or  because  he 
did  not  wish  to  make  haste,  and  nourished  in  his 
breast  traitorous  designs,   [or,  possibly,  because 
of  natural  lack  of  vigor.— Tb.]. — Ver.  6.    And 
David  said  to  Abishai.  Instead  of  "Abishai," 
Thenius  (after  Syr.  and  Josephus)  would  read 
"  Joab,"  since  from  the  present  text  we  cannot 
account  for  the  appearance  of  Joab  in  ver.  8,  (he 
is  previously  not   mentioned — only  his   people 
mentioned  in  ver.  7)  ;  the  "men  of  Joab"  would 
certainly  not  have  marched  out,  unless  Joab  had 
had  the  supreme  command.     He  takes  the  ori- 
ginal reading  (after  the  Sept.)  in  ver.  7  to  be: 
■'  and  there  marched  out  after  him  Abishai  and 
the  men  of  Joab,"  and   thinks  that  from  this, 
"  Abishai "  got    into  ver.    6  instead  of  "  Joab," 
while  in  ver.  7  the  word  "Abishai"  fell  out  from 
its  likeness  to  the  following  word  C^JX).  Against 
which  Bottcher  rightly  says  that  the  Syriac  and 
Josephus  here  made  an  arbitrary  change  in  the 
Hebrew,  and   put  "Joab"  instead   of  Abishai, 
because  they  thought  (from  what  follows)  that 
the  former  ought  to  be  named  here.      "  How," 
asks  Bottcher,   "  if  Joab  had  originally  stood  in 
the  text,  could  Abishai  have  been  aecidentaily  or 
purposely  written  for  it,  since  the  two  names  ai-e 
very  different,  and  Abishai  is  not  mentioned  till 
ver.  10  ?"     Rather  in  the  Sept.  (Cod.  Vat.)  the 
Abishai  might  have  gotten  from  ver.  6  (beginning) 
into  ver.  7  (beginning) ;  indeed  its  insertion  is  evi- 


*  Kethib  nn:'l_  is  Impf.  Pi.  of  in'  -  inS,  Qeri 
in'|i1  is  Impf  Hiph.  or  Qal  of  the  same  verb;  the  lat- 
ter is  unnecessary. 


CHAP.  XIX.  40-XX.  28. 


551 


dently  due  to  the  exception  that  was  taken  to  the 
omission  of  his  name  in  ver.  7  while  in  ver.  6  he 
is  entrusted  with  the  command.  To  get  rid  of 
the  difficulties,  Bottcher  proposes  to  read  in  ver. 
6 :  ■'  And  David  said  to  Joab :  behold,  the  three 
days  are  past,  shall  we  wait  for  Amctsa  ?  now  will 
Sheba,  etc.,"  (Sept.  Vat.  reading :  ''  and  David 
said  to  Amasa").  But  this  adoption  of  a  varia- 
tion of  the  Sept.  (which  clearly  came  from  a  mis- 
understanding), and  the  supposed  omission  of  a 
wliole  line  by  the  error  of  a  transcriber  is  artifi- 
cial and  untrustworthy.  There  remains  nothing 
but  to  retain  the  masoretic  text  ( which  is  con- 
firmed by  all  the  Versions  except  the  Syriac)  : 
"aad  David  said  to  Abiskai."  Joab  was  still 
David's  official  commander-in-chief,  though  the 
latter  had  unwisely  promised  the  command  to 
Amasa;  the  sending  of  Amasa  to  collect  the 
troops  was  indeed  occasioned  by  that  promise; 
but  Joab  was  not  yet  deprived  of  the  command. 
But  David  speaks  to  Abishai  about  Amasa's  delay 
and  not  to  Joab,  because  he  wished  to  have  noth- 
ing to  do  with  the  latter  on  account  of  his  crab- 
bedness,  and  further  knew  that  he  would  take 
Amasa's  appointment  ill.  David  expresses  the  ap- 
prehension: Now  win  Sheba  .  .  .  become 
more  hurtful  (dangerous)  than  Absalom,  the 
revolution  will  become  more  widespread  and 
powerful  than  before,  unless  we  march  im- 
madiately  against  Sheba.  Take  thou  thy 
Lord's  servants,  the  troops  with  the  king  in 
Jerusalem,  the  standing  army  (the  particular 
parts  of  which  are  mentioned  in  ver.  7),  in  dis- 
tinction from  the  levy  of  the  people,  for  which 
Amasa  was  sent.  And  pursue  after  him,  for, 
as  Sheba  had  gotten  a  good  start  in  these  three 
days,  everything  depended  on  quickly  overtaking 
him.  Lest  he  get  him  fenced  cities, — this 
he  fears  has  already  happened  (as  the  form  of  the 
Hebrew  verb*  shows).  And  turn  avtray  our 
eye;  the  verb  (Vsri)  means  "to  take  away" 
(Gen.  xxxi.  9, 16;  Ps.  cxix.  43;  1  Sam.  xxx.  22; 
Hos.  ii.  11),  "lest  he  take  away  our  view,"  de- 
ceive us  (Maurer) ;  Vulg.  ;  "and  escape  us  ''  [so 
-Eug.  A.  v.]  ;  G-esen.  and  De  Wette :  "  that  he 
may  not  escape  our  eye  by  throwing  himself  with 
his  followers  into  fortified  cities "  (as  actually 
happened,  ver.  15).  Maurer  well  compares  the 
similar  expression:  "  to  steal  one's  heart  (mind)," 
i.  e.,  to  deceive  him.  Gen.  xxxi.  20 ;  2  Sam.  xv.  6. 
Ewald  translates :  "  lest  he  trouble  our  eye,"  de- 
riving the  verb  from  a  stem f  =  "to  be  shaded  " 
"  (Neh.  xiii.  19,  comp.  Ezek.  xxxi.  3),  that  is,  lest 
he  cause  us  care  and  vexation;  so  also  Bunsen,  and 
so  already  the  Sept. ;  "  Lest  he  darken  (shade)  our 
eyes."  Certainly  this  translation  gives  too  weak  a 
sense  (Then.).  But,  with  this  derivation  of  the 
verb,  the  meaning  might  still  be :  "  that  he  darken 
not  our  sight,"  hiding  himself  from  us  in  fortified 
cities,  so  that  our  sight  of  his  hostile  preparations 
is  obscured,  and  we  cannot  clearly  follow  and 
overcome  him. — Bottcher,  Thenius  and  Keil,  re- 
ferring to  Deut.  xxxii.  10 ;  Zech.  ii.  10.  where  the 
"apple  of  the  eye"  is  the  figure  of  valuable  pos- 
session,  render :  "  and  pluck  out  our  eye,"  i.  e., 
*  J3  with  the  Perf.,  in  expressions  "  of  fear  of  a  thing 

that,  as  is  almost  certainly  conjectured,  has  already  hap- 
pened :=  ixij,  2  Kings  ii.  16  ;  x.  i!3  "  (Ew.  ?  33T  b). 

t  7'Sn  as  Hiph.  of  bSS' 


severely  injure  us ;  but  it  is  the  eye,  not  the  i  ^^ 
of  the  eye,  that  is  here  spoken  of,  nor  is  there  any- 
thing here  that  is  compared  to  the  apple  of  the 
eye,  since  the  "  fortified  cities "  could  not  be  so 
meant.— Ver.  7.  "After  him,"  that  is,  after 
Abishai.  The  men  of  Joab=his  immediate 
military  followers,  under  his  special  control.  Yet 
they  were  not  the  less  "  David's  servants."  This 
view  is  favored  by  the  expression :  "  Joab's  peo- 
ple." If  the  phrase  were  intended  to  indicate  a 
body  of  men  "  that  Joab  in  this  emergency  had 
collected  at  his  own  costs,  and  with  whom  as 
volunteers  he  himself  as  volunteer  intended  to  go 
into  this  war"  (Ewald),  this  fact  would  neces- 
sarily have  been  mentioned  in  the  narrative. 
The  Cherethites  and  Pelethites,  the  royal 
body-guard  (see  on  viii.  18),  whom  "  the  neces- 
sity of  the  case  now  brought  out "  (Ewald).  TAe 
Oibborim  [mighty  men]  are  the  six  hundred 
heroes,  (xv.  8)  who  with  the  body-guard  accom- 
panied David  when  he  fled  from  Absalom.  These 
two  bodies  together  with  the  "men  of  Joab" 
formed  the  only  troops  now  at  the  king's  disposal, 
whom  he  calls  "the  servants  of  thy  lord"  (ver. 
6).  As  the  case  required  the  greatest  haste  (ver. 
C),  he  ordered  Abishai  to  follow  Sheba  for  the 
present  with  those  troops  (Ew.).  The  words  "  out 
of  Jerusalem,"  are  added  because  of  the  local 
statement  that  follows. — Ver.  8.  When  they 
came  to  the  great  stone  of  Gibeon — which 
was  doubtless  an  isolated  rock  of  considerable 
size.  Gibeon  lay  northwest  of  Jerusalem  in  the 
mountains  of  Ephraim,  whither  Sheba  (ver.  2) 
had  gone.  Amasa  came  towards  them,  lite- 
rally "before  their  face"  (De  Wette).  He  was 
(ver.  4)  to  have  proclaimed  the  arriere-ban  [sum- 
moned the  people  to  war]  in  Judah.  Here  he  is 
found  in  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  As  he  meets  the 
troops  advancing  to  the  northwest,  he  must  be 
coming  from  the  opposite  direction,  as  we  should 
expect  from  David's  order.  The  cause  of  his 
delay  thus  was  that  he  had  gone  northward  from 
Judah  into  Benjamin.  Coming  thence  on  hb 
way  to  Jerusalem  ( ver.  4)  with  the  troops  he  had 
raised,  he  meets  these  others  at  "  the  great  stone 
in  Gibeon."  Here  Joab,  before  mentioned,  sud- 
denly comes  on  the  scene.  As  David  had  not 
deprived  him  of  the  command,  we  must  suppose 
that  he  was  advancing  with  the  permanent  force 
under  Abishai  to  the  field,  where  Amasa's  re- 
tarded levies  were  to  join  him.  Joab  regarded 
himself  as  still  commander-in-chief,  and,  that 
Amasa  might  not  attain  this  honor,  he  put  him 
out  of  the  way  (ver.  10)  by  murder.  It  is  not  to 
be  assumed  that  David  (ver.  6)  had  ordered  Abi- 
shai to  march  out  with  Joab,  and  that  this  is  not 
mentioned  for  brevity's  sake  (Keil),  nor  that 
David  had  given  Joab  the  command  (omitted  in 
this  compendious  account)  to  go  along  to  the 
field. — The  minute  description  of  Joab's  military 
dress  and  arms  is  intended  to  make  it  clear  how 
the  latter  could  suddenly  kill  Amasa  without 
any  one's  noticing  his  purpose.  "  And  Joab"  was 
girded  with  his  military  coat  as  his  clothing,* 


*  WpS  "  his  clothing  "  is  descriptive  addition  to  'HD 

"his  niilitary  garment,"  over  which  he  had  put  the 
sword-girdle.  It  is  unnecessary  (with  Then.,  after  Sept. 
and  Vulg.)  to  point  nUH  "girded"  instead  of  lUPI 

"  girdle." 


552 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


and  on  it  the  girdle  of  the  sword,  which  was  fas- 
tened on  his  loins  in  its  sheath ;  and  this  [the 
sheath]  came  out,  and  it  [the  sword]  fell  down." 
The  girdle  is  expressly  mentioned  in  order  to 
show  how  the  sword  did  not  depend  from  it  as 
usual,  but,  with  its  sheath,  was  thrust  in  and 
held  by  it  (Thenius).  "  And  it  (referring  to  the 
preceding  "sheath  ")  came  out"  of  the  girdle,  as 
if  accidentally  in  consequence  of  a  movement, 
"and  it  (the  sword)  fell  to  the  ground";  so 
Maurer,  Bottcher.  Mich.,  Dathe,  Schulz  render : 
"he  brought  (Hiphil)  it  (the  sword)  out,  so  that 
it  fell"  ;  but  this,  inasmuch  as  it  is  supported  by 
no  ancient  version,  is  arbitrarv.  To  render  "and 
he  (Joab)  went  forth"  (De 'Wette,  Keil  [Eng. 
A.  v.,  'Phllippaim,  Bib.-Oom-I)  is  against  the  con- 
nection, since  it  does  not  appear  whence  Joab 
went  forth.  [A  slight  change  in  the  Hebrew, 
making  pronoun  and  verb  feminine  (after  Sept., 
and  substantially  Vulg.)  will  give:  and  it  (the 
sword)  came  out  and  fell  down,"  which  is  much 
simpler  and  more  natural. — Te.] — Ver.  9.  Joab 
performed  this  manipulation  with  the  sword  just 
before  he  met  Amasa,  making  such  a  movement 
that  the  sword  should  fall,  as  it  were  accidentally, 
to  the  ground,  and  he  could  take  it  up  in  his  left 
hand,  so  as  with  the  right  hand  to  lay  hold 
of  Ama<5a's  beard  in  friendly  greeting.  No  sur- 
prise would  be  felt,  therefore,  at  his  holding  the 
sword  in  his  left  hand,  with  which  he  had  taken 
it  up  from  the  ground.  Prom  the  friendly  ad- 
dress: Art  thou  in  health,  my  brother? 
Amasa  would  all  the  less  suspect  anything  evil, 
since  he  was  Joab's  rival.  The  grafting  the  beard 
with  the  right  hand  is  not  for  tlie  purpose  of 
kissing  the  beard-  (Winer,  Art.  Bart),  but  is  a. 
caressing  gesture,  like  an  embrace,  intended  to 
draw  down  the  face  to  kiss  it  [so  Eng.  A.  V.,  to 
kiss  him].  So  Amasa  could  suspect  no  evil. 
["  My  brotlier  " — he  was  his  first  cousin,  1  Chr. 
iii.  IC,  17  (Bii.-Com.).— Tb.]— Ver.  10.  And 
Amasa  took  no  heed  to  the  sword  that 
was  in  Joab's  (left)  hand.  The  murder  of 
Amasa  by  Joab  was,  therefore,  a  cleverly  con- 
trived and  malicious  act,  the  product  of  jealousy 
and  desire  of  revenge.  "  Thus  this  rude  soldier's 
friendship  and  repose  was  merely  a  pretence,  that 
he  might  take  his  revenge  at  the  first  oppor- 
tunity" (Ewald).  "He  did  it  not  the  second 
lime,"  did  not  repeat  the  blow ;  his  stroke  w.as 
mortal  1  [He  stabbed  him  in  the  belly  (not  "in 
the  fifth  rib,"  as  in  Eng.  A.  V.),  so  that  his  bowels 
came  out. — Te.].  With  the  same  violence  that 
he  had  shown  in  the  murder,  Joab,  with  his 
brother  Abishai,  now  rushes  after  Sheba,  without 
bestowing  a  moment's  notice  on  Amasa  struggling 
in  the  agonies  of  death.  The  words :  Joab  and 
Abishai  his  brother,  from  the  connection  favor 
the  view  that  Joab  had  gone  out  at  the  head 
(together  with  Abishai)  of  the  body  of  troops 
under  Abishai. — Ver.  11.  One  of  Joab's  hench- 
men remained  by  (pH)  Amasa;  no  doubt  at  Joab's 
command,  in  order  to  send  j\masa's  levies  on  to 
Joab  and  Abishai  with  the  cry :  ''  He  that  hath 
pleasure  in  Joab,  etc."  ;  pleasure:  Joab,  used  to 


*  [Hnwevor    it  is  a  cnstom  iti  the  East  to  kiss  the 
board  (d'Arvieux  in  Philippsoa). — Tn.] 


victory,  doubtless  inspired  more  confidence.  "  And 
he  that  is /or  David" — this  refers  to  the  defection 
from  David  into  which  Amasa  had  led  the  peo- 
ple, [and  is  intended  to  identify  Joab's  cau.se  with 
David's. — Tb.]. — Ver.  12  sqq.  How  vivid  and 
touching  the  picture  here  of  Amasa  wallowing  in 
his  blood  on  the  road,  the  advancing  crowd  of 
people  stopping  by  him,  his  con.sequent  hasty  re- 
moval from  the  rood,  and  the  throwing  a  cloth 
over  him  to  hide  him  from  the  sight  of  the  passers- 
by,  and  so  to  prevent  their  stopping,  and  avoid 
the  possible  unfavorable  impression  for  Joab  and 
hLs  caase  that  the  sight  of  the  body  would  make 
on  the  people !  [Nobody  knew  the  cause  of  his 
death,  in  the  hurry  there  was  no  time  to  inqnire, 
the  danger  from  Sheba  was  imminent,  and  so  the 
crowd  passed  on  without  investigating  the  matter. 
— Te.]— Ver.  1 3.  Only  now,  it  is  expressly  stated, 
do  the  people  follow  on  after  Joab  without  delay. 
"Every  man  (or,  all  the  men)  went  on."  As  it 
is  clear  from  the  context  that  these  are  Amasa's 
levies  out  of  Israel,  it  is  not  nece.'ssary  (with  Then., 
after  Sept.)  to  insert  "of  Israel"  after  "all  the 
men." — Ver.  14.  "And  he  went  through."  This 
refers  to  Joab,  who  now,  as  general-in-chief  of  the 
army,  rushed  through  all  the  tribes  of  Israel  north- 
ward from  Ephraim  (Manasseh,  Issachar,  Zebu- 
Ion,  Naphtali),  Sheba  flying  before  him  and  first 
reaching  a  strong  position  in  the  extreme  north. 
[Others  (Patrick,  Wellhau.sen)  think  that  jSAeia 
is  here  the  subject,  and  this  is  favored  by  the  fact 
that  the  "him"  in  ver.  15  (and  so  in  ver.  14,  end) 
which  refers  to  Sheba,  seems  to  represent  the  same 
person  as  the  subject  of  the  verb  "went  through ;" 
moreover  this  verb  would  naturally  refer  to  the 
person  last  mentioned  in  ver.  13. — Tb.]  To 
Abel  and  Beth-Maachah. — Abel,  in  the  north 
of  Naphtali,  very  near  Beth-Maachah,  the  two 
being  near  and  west  of  Ijon  [lyyon]  and  Ban  (1 
Kings  XV.  20 ;  2  Kings  xv.  29) ;  in  2  Chron.  xvi. 
4  it  is  called  Ahe\-mayim,  from  the  neighboring 
lake  Merom  on  the  .south,  or,  more  probably,  from 
the  well  watered  Merj  Ayun,  the  present  village 
Abil  el  JCamh,  i.  c.  Wheat-meadow.  On  account 
of  its  proximity  to  Beth-Maachah,  it  is  often  com- 
bined with  this  =Abel-Beth-ilaacah,  ver-  1.5;  1 
Kings  XV.  20;  2  Kings  xv.  29;  but  the  ''and" 
here  connecting  the  two  names  is  not  for  that  rea- 
son to  be  stricken  out  (Ewald,  Thenius).  By  the 
addition  "Beth-Maachah"  and  Mayim  (2  Chron. 
xvi.  4)  it  is  distinguished  from  several  other  places 
of  this  name  [Abel],  which  signifies  "meadow." 
If  the  word  Berim  (D'13)  indicates  a  region  of 
country  [Eng.  A.  V.:  Berites]  it  must  be  con- 
nected with  the  preceding  verb:  and  he  w^ent 
through  all  Berim,  though  then  the  absence  of 
the  proposition  [in  the  Ileb.,  aa  in  Eng.  A.  V.], 
and  still  more,  this  appended  statement  of  place 
after  it  has  been  mentioned  to  what  point  Joab 
went,  would  be  surprising.  But  no  such  region 
is  known  in  northern  Palestine,  nor  any  similar 
name  of  a  place.  We  are  therefore  justified  in 
Bupposinga  corruption  of  the  text.  A  su^estion  for 
an  emendation  of  the  text  is  given  by  the  Sept. : 
"  to  Beth-Maachali,  and  all  in  Char'ri  [this  sug- 
gests the  Heb.  bachurim,  "  choice,  cliosen  young 
men"],  and  they  were  gathered  together,''  etc.; 
nnd  bv  the  Vulg. ;  "  and  all  the  choi^cn  men  were 
assembled  to  him."     Clericus  remarks  that  this 


CHAP.  XIX.  XX.  26. 


553 


looks  as  if  they  read  "chosen"  (O'linan),  but 
declines  to  express  a  judgment  in  the  matter.  We 
must  probably  read:*  and  all  kinds  of  arms- 
bearing  men"  (Then.,  Winer,  s.v.,  Saharm),  or: 
''and  all  the  (there  residing)  young  men"  (Ew., 
Bottoh.).  Bottoher  thinks  it  probable  (but  with- 
out sufficient  ground)  that  we  should  add:  "who 
were  in  the  cities."  We  may  render  then  (changing 
to  Perfect  the  following  verb) :  "  and  all  the  young 
men  were  gathered  together,"  t  etc.,  or  (keeping 
tlie  form  in  the  text) :  "and  all  the  young  men, 
and  (as  an  additional  fact)  they  were  gathered  to- 
gether and  went  also  after  him,"  i,  e.,  in  his  march 
through  all  the  tribes  to  Abel  and  Beth-Maachah. 
That  IS,  the  young  men  as  far  as  the  extreme  north 
gathered  about  him;  the  "also"  refers  to  the 
statement  in  ver.  13  that  "  every  man  went  on  af- 
ter Joab,"  that  is,  all  that  had  assembled  in 
Ephraim  at  Gibeon  [ver.  8] ;  to  these  were  added 
all  the  young  men  in  the  other  tribes.  Thereby 
the  victory  was  already  decided  for  Joab. 

Ver.  15  sqq.  Sheba  besieged. — Sheba  had  found 
refuge  in  Abel  X-Betli-MaacJiah — a  strongly  forti- 
fied place,  which,  as  fortress,  served  by  the  quan- 
tity of  water  about  it,  also  as  a  protection  towards 
the  north  and  east.  In  this  city  they  besieged 
him. — He  had  therefore  thrown  himself  into  it. 
It  cannot  be  gathered  from  the  connection  that 
the  inhabitants  (who  could  have  done  nothing 
against  his  sudden  seizure  of  the  city)  took  part 
with  Sheba  against  David ;  we  may  rather  infer 
from  the  procedure  of  the  "wise  woman"  that 
they  were  opposed  to  the  insurgent.  They  thre  vr 
up  an  embankment  against  the  city ;  and 
it  (the  embankment)  stood — that  is,  rose  at  [  = 
joined  on  to]  the  wall  of  the  outer  works  of  the 
fortress,  the  outer  wall  (Sept.  npoTscxiaf^aTi  [the 
pomerium,  or  open  space  without  the  wall,  in 
which  the  embankment  was  placed  in  order  the 
more  easily  to  batter  the  city-walls. — Tk.]  ) .  The 
rest  of  ver.  15  is  to  be  taken  as  protasis,  the  apo- 
dosis  beginning  with  ver.  16 :  "And  as  all  the 
people,  etc.,  then  cried  a  wise  woman."  The  usual 
rendering :  "as  they  destroyed,  in  order  to  throw 
down  the  wall"  [so  Eng.  A.  V.]  involves  a  con- 
tradiction ;  for  if  they  destroyed,  what  was  left  to 
be  thrown  down  ?  and  this  verb  (nnty)  is  used 
(Ezek.  xxvi.  4)  of  the  complete  tearing  down  of 
walls  (Then.).  Also  in  ver.  20  Joab  says:  "Far 
be  it  from  me  to  destroy.''  It  is  better  with  Ew- 
ald  and  Bottcher  ?  to  take  the  Participle  as  a  de- 
nominative (from  nnK?,  "a  pit,  ditch"),  and  ren- 

*  D'ina-Sa  (Then.)  or  D'in3n-S3  (Ew.).  Sept. : 
iroi/T«  iv  xopp',  as  if  'in3~73.  [On  this  reading  see 
further  in  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Tr.] 

t  Instead  of  the  Kethib  171/ p'1  we  are  to  read  the 

Qerinnp'KSept.,Valg.,  Chald.).  If,  instead  of  changing 

this  to  Perfect  ?SnpJ,  we  keep  the  Impf.  iSrip'!,  the  1 

must  be  regarded  as  adding  a  new  statement,  as  in  Gen. 
xxii.  24;  1  Sam.  xxv.  27  (Bottoher). 

X  On  the  ri-  in  n73>?3  BSttoher  remarks :  "  where 

the  relation  remains  purely  local  (which  is  not  the  case 
in  yer.  18),  the  adverbial  n_  in  innumerable  cases  re- 

T 

mains  with  the  Preposition  in  names  of  cities." 
§  Battoher:  r\X\m  may  easily,  along  with  its  proper 

Hiph.,  have  had  a  denominative  Hiph.  from  JVV^,  = 


der :  "  they  dug  ditches  to  throw  down  the  wall," 
by  undermining.  Josephus :  "  he  ordered  them 
to  undermine  the  walls."  Then  cried  a<wise 
woman  (comp.  xiv.  2sq.;  1  Sam.  xxv.  3sq.) 
from  the  city. — This  expression  gives  a  suffi- 
ciently vivid  picture  of  the  situation,  and  there  is 
no  need  (with  Thenius)  to  change  the  text  after 
Syr.  and  Arab. :  "  down  from  the  wall  of  the  city," 
and  Sept. :  ''  from  the  wall,"  where  the  differences 
of  wording  show  these  renderings  to  be  e.^planatory 
local  descriptions. — Ver.  18  sqq.  The  woman's 
words  to  Joab  are  variously  explained.  Maurer 
(after  Dathe:  "inquiry  ought  first,  said  she,  to 
have  been  made  of  Abel,  and  then  it  ought  to 
have  been  decided  what  is  to  be  done")  renders: 
"  and  she  said :  it  should  first  have  been  said : 
'  let  the  city  be  consulted ;'  so  they  would  have 
finished  the  matter."  So  also  De  W'ette:  "one 
should  first  have  said :  one  must  inquire  in  Abel, 
and  so  the  end  would  have  been  reached."  But 
this  is  too  artificial  an  expression  for  the  situation. 
The  same  remark  is  to  be  made  of  Bottcher's 
translation ;  "  And  she  said,  as  if  she  would  say : 
One  should  first,  however,  speak,  speak,  as  if  she 
would  say :  '  One  should  ask,  ask  in  Abel ;  and  so 
the  matter  would  be  finished ;' "  that  is,  the  woman 
protested  against  Joab's  violent  procedure  with- 
out previous  negotiation.  Certainly  such  a  pro- 
test is  to  be  supposed  in  the  woman's  words.  But 
these  are  to  be  translated  (with  Thenius)  simply 
after  the  text  as  follows:  "They  used  to  say  in 
old  time :  let  Abel  be  inquired  of;  and  so  they 
ended  (the  matter)."  Vulg.*:  "It  was  said  in 
the  old  proverb:  those  that  ask,  ask  in  Abel; 
and  so  they  finished."  Sept. :  "  It  was  formerly 
said,  They  shall  ask  in  Abel,  and  so  they  left 
off."  The  sense  is:  It  was  formerly  a  prover- 
bial saying :  "  inquire  at  Abel,"  and  if  the  deci- 
sion there  made  was  acted  on,  the  affair  was 
satisfactorily  concluded;  so  now,  the  inhabitants 
of  Abel  ought  first  to  have  been  communicated 
with,  instead  of  straightway  investing  and  be- 
sieging the  city;  then  your  design  respecting 
Sheba  would  have  been  accomplished.  It  is  as- 
sumed and  affirmed  that  Abel  was  proverbial  for 
the  discretion  and  wisdom  of  its  inhabitants. 
This  wisdom  the  "  wise  woman"  illustrates  fac- 
tually by  her  discourse.  It  is  to  be  noted  also 
that  the  negotiation  before  laying  siege  to  a  city 
(and  a  foreign  city,  indeed)  such  as  the  woman 
here  refers  to,  is  prescribed  in  the  law.  Dent.  xx. 
10  sqq.,  comp.  Num.  xxi.  21. — Some  codices  of 
the  Sept.  read:  "It  was  formerly  said.  It  was 
asked  in  Abel  and  in  Dan  if  they  left  oSwhat  the 
faithful  of  Israel  established-,"  after  which  Ewaldf 
adopts  as  original  text :  "  Let  it  be  asked  in  Abel 
and  in  Dan,  whether  what  the  devout  men  of 


"to  make  ditches;"  comp.  O'lSH,  proper  Hiphil  of 

0*13,  ^^^  ^^3°  denominative  from  HD^S  =  "to  cleave 

the'hoof,"  and  TStyn,  Hiph.  of  13iJ'  and  denom.  from 

•^3^,  =  "to  sell  grain."    [On   this  and  the  proposed 

rendering :    "  they  thought  (=  were  trying)  to  throw 
down  the  wall,"  see  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Te.] 

*  Vulg. :  Sergio,  inquii,  dicebatur  in  veteri  proverbio :  qui 
interrogant,  interrogant  in  Abela,  et  ^c perfidebant.    Sept. : 

Kal  elire   Adyos  e\a\i^9ri  iv  jrpwTOts,  ^eyovrtov'      'EpwTucTe? 
enepmrriffoviTiv  ev  'A^e'A,  koX  oiirw^  e^e^Lirov. 
■f-  Sept.  et  s$e\tirov  a.  edevTO  oX  TTto-Tot  Tov  Itrpa^A.    Ew. : 

■■  T :        ••      •.■:         T       V  -1         :    I  T  :         '*  T  : 


554 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Israel  formerly  ordained  has  there  gone  out  of 
use"  [that  is,  if,  when  a  new  custom  comes  up, 
one  wishes  to  find  out  whether  old  IsraeEtish 
usage  exists  anywhere,  he  must  go  to  Abel  and 
Dan ;  the  implication  being  that  Joab  is  violating 
old  custom.— Tr.]  But  Keil  rightly  remarks  that 
this  addition  of  the  Sept.  ("  what  the  devout  men," 
etc.),  which  is  critically  of  so  little  value  that 
Tisch.  in  his  edition  of  the  Sept.  does  not  think  it 
worthy  of  mention,  is  evidently  a  gloss  or  para- 
phrase of  the  last  words  of  the  verse :  ''and  so  they 
finished"  [in  connection  with  the  "faithful  in  Is- 
rael" of  the  next  verse. — Tr.]  [Tisch.  in  his  Sept. 
(4th  ed.)  does  give  these  words  as  a  part  of  the 
text  of  the  Vatican  manuscript;  but  they  seem  to 
be  clearly  a  duplet  or  double  rendering. — Tb.] — 
Ver.  19.  I  am  of  the  peaceable,  faithful  ones 
of  Israel.  The  woman  says  "I"  in  the  name 
of  the  city;  the  plural  predicates  ["peaceable, 
faithful"]  refer  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  city. 
ClericuB :  "  I  am  of  the  number  of  the  peace- 
able and  faithful  in  Israel,  says  our  city."  The 
meaning  is :  We  are  peaceable  and  faithful  people, 
averse  to  insurrection;  you  ought  first  to  have 
communicated  with  us,  and  then  the  thing  would 
have  been  understood.  It  is  herein  indirectly 
stated  that  the  city  had  no  thought  of  taking  part 
with  Sheba,  who  had  thrown  himself  into  it. 
Whether  this  was  the  feeling  in  the  city  from  the 
beginning,  or  was  reached  only  when  it  was 
threatened  with  destruction  by  the  siege,  cannot 
be  determined.  Anyhow  the  woman  was  able 
cleverly  to  avert  the  threatened  evil.— Bottcher 
changes  the  text,  so  as  to  read:  "people*  (that 
are)  the  peaceablest,  truest  in  Israel  thou  seekest 
to  kill,"  and  Ewald :  "  we  are  (or  better,  we  are 
still)  peaceable,  etc.,  and  thou  seekest,"  etc.;  but 
there  is  no  necessity  for  any  change. — Thou 
seekest  to  kill  a  city  and  mother  in  Israel, 
that  is,  one  of  the  chief  cities  of  Israel,  comp. 
viii.  1.  Why  wilt  thou  destroy  the  inhe- 
ritance of  the  Lord  ?  The  city  pertained  to 
the  people  that  the  Lord  had  chosen  for  His  pos- 
session. Comp.  the  discourse  of  the  wise  woman 
of  Tekoah,  xiv.  16.  [Though  the  Heb.  text  of 
the  woman's  discourse  here  is  harsh  and  obscure, 
no  proposed  changes  better  it.  As  it  stands,  she 
seems  to  say:  "Abel  is  proverbial  for  its  wis- 
dom. You  should  have  entered  into  negotiations 
with  ns  instead  of  attempting  to  destroy  an  im- 
portant city  in  Israel."  The  margin  of  Eng;  A. 
V.  reads:  "they  plainly  spake  in  the  beginning, 
saying.  Surely  they  will  ask  of  Abel,  and  so 
make  an  end,"  that  is,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
siege  the  inhabitants  expressed  the  expectation 
that  Joab  would  communicate  with  them,  and 
this  rendering  is  approved  by  Patrick  as  more 
literal  than  the  text  of  Eng.  A.  V. ;  but  it  does 
not  give  the  proverb-like  coloring  of  the  ori- 
ginal. Philippson  mentions  among  other  Jewish 
renderings  that  of  the  Midrash  which  haggadis- 
tically  identifies  the  wise  woman  with  Serah,  the 
daughter  of  Asher  (Gen.  xlvi.  17),  who  is  made 
to  refer  in  her  sharp  discourse  with  Joab  to  Deut. 
XX.  10,_  the  law  of  sieges.  Erdmann  also  holds 
that  this  law  is  here  alluded  to ;  but  there  is  no 


*  Bettoher:    ''C/jx   instead  of  'pjN.  Ewald:  IjnJX 
or  ?3l;',  and  1  before  nriN.  '    ^  '      ' 


intimation  of  this ;  the  woman  intimates  only 
generally  that  it  would  have  been  conducive  to 
a  proper  understanding  if  Joab  had  communi- 
cated with  the  besieged.— Tb.] — Ver.  20  sqq. 
Joab,  impressed  by  the  woman's  words,  declare.i 
that  it  is  not  his  purpose  to  destroy  the  city,  but 
only  to  get  "possession  of  the  insurgent  Sheba, 
who  [ver.  21]  has  lifted  up  his  hand  against 
the  king.  Perhaps  the  woman  first  learned 
from  these  words  the  real  state  of  the  case  and 
the  guilt  of  Sheba.  She  said  immediately  that 
his  head  should  be  thrown  through  the  wall,  through 
one  of  the  openings  in  the  wall,  where  the  be- 
sieged might  watch  and  shoot  at  the  enemy,  and 
through  which  perhaps  she  spoke  with  Joab. 
[Eng.  A.  v.,  wrongly :  "  oi'er  the  wall." — Tb.] — 
Ver.  22.  She  went  to  all  the  people,  to 
report  concerning  her  interview  with  Joab — a 
self-evident  fact  that  it  was  unnecessary  to  men- 
tion in  the  text.  After  ''  people "  Sept.  adds : 
''and  spoke  to  the  whole  city,"  a  correct  explana- 
tory remark,  but  not  to  be  inserted  in  the  text 
(as  Ew.  and  Then,  think).  Equally  unnecessary 
is  Bottcher's  alteration :  ''  and  the  woman  went 
into  the  dty,  and.  spoke  to  all  the  people."  The 
words  of  the  text:  She  came  ...  in  her 
'Wisdom  (i.  e.,  with  her  proposition  to  Joab, 
which  she  persuaded  the  people  to  accept)  are 
indeed  of  laconic  cnrtness ;  but  this  quite  suits 
this  rapid  narration.  By  the  delivery  of  the  trai- 
tor's head  Joab's  end  was  gained.  He  ordered 
the  trumpet  to  be  sounded,  as  sign  that  the 
army  should  retire  fi-om  the  .siege,  and  set  ont  on 
the  return-march.  And  they  dispersed  from 
the  city,  namely,  the  warriors  that  had  joined 
him  (ver.  13).  And  Joab  returned,  with  the 
warriors  with  whom  he  had  left  Jerusalem  (ver. 
7),  to  the  king,  to  announce  to  him  the  end  of 
the  insurrection.  "  The  issue  of  this  occurrence, 
how  David  received  the  victorious  Joab,  is  omitted 
in  our  present  narrative ;  he  was  doiibtless  now 
also  forbearing  to  a  man  who  as  a  soldier  was  in- 
dispensable to  him,  and  who,  with  all  his  punish- 
ment-deserving savagery,  always  meant  well  for 
his  government"  (Ewald). 

Vers.  23-26.  List  of  DaiMs  highest  officers 
after  the  restoration  of  his  authority.  See  the 
Introduction,  p.  18  sq.,  as  to  the  relation  between 
this  list  and  that  in  viii.  16-18,  and  their  position 
and  significance  in  respect  to  the  two  chief  periods 
of  the  history  of  David  and  his  kingdom,  of 
which  history  they  form  the  conclusion.  [The 
two  lists  are  appropriately  placed  at  the  two  be- 
ginnings of  David's  kingdom,  and  the  difl!erences 
between  them  are  explained  by  the  changes 
brought  by  time.— Tr.]— Ver.  23.  1)  Joab,  com- 
mander of  the  whole  army*  of  Israel, — as  in  viii. 
16,  except  that  the  "  Israel "  is  not  inserted  there. 
Joab  remained  commander-in-chief  notwithstand- 
ing David's  overhasty  decision,  xix.  3.-2)  Ben- 
aiah,  son  of  Jehoiada,  commander  of  the  body- 
guard, as  in  viii.  18.  Comp.  1  Kin.  ii.  25-46, 
where  he  performed  the  execution  ordered  by 
Solomon,  and  ver.  35,  where  he  is  namsd  com- 
mander-in-chief in  Joab's  place,  and  as  such  is 


*  N3Sni  Abs.  instead  of  Const.,  probably  "  from  the 

error  of  a  transcriber,  who  wrote  this  frequently-occnr- 
ring  form  before  he  noticed  that  the  word  '  Israel'  fol- 
lowed" (Thenius). 


CHAP.  XIX.  40— XX.  26. 


555 


mentioned  in  the  list  of  Solomon's  state-officers, 
iv.  1-6.  He  was  over  the  Cherethites  and  Pele- 
thites.  Cherethites  is  the  marginal  reading,  for 
which  the  text  has  the  equivalent  Cari  *  (2  Kin. 
xi.  1,  19) ;  see  on  viii.  18. — Ver.  24. — 3)  Adoram 
(1  Kin.  xii.  18)  =Adoniram  (1  Kin.  iv.  6;  v.  28), 
and  =  Hadoram  (2  Chr.  x.  18).  He  was  not 
"  rent-master"  (Luther)  [Eng.  A.  V.,  "  over  the 
tribute"],  for  the  word  (DD)  never  f  means  "tri- 
bate,  tax,"  but  overseer  of  the  public  works  or 
tribute- work  [Germ,  frohn,  manorial  work],  a 
new  office  (not  mentioned  in  viii.  16  sq.),  the 
nature  of  which  is  indicated  in  1  Kin.  v.  27  sq. 
compared  with  1  Kin.  iv.  6.  Adoram,  put  into 
this  office  in  the  latter  years  of  David,  held  it  till 
Eehoboam's  time,  1  Kin.  xii.  18.  [The  name 
Adoram,  if  it  be  correct  (Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab,  liave 
Adoniram,  Vulg.  and  Chald.  as  Heb.)  must  be 
considered  an  unusual  contraction  of  the  longer 
form;  possibly  it  is  an  imitation  (though  an  in- 
correct one)  of  such  names  as  Jehoram. — Tr.] — 
4)  Jehoshojphat,  son  of  Ahilud  was  ''chancellor" 
[Eng.  A.  v.,  less  well:  recorder]  ;  see  on  viii.  16. 
—Ver.  25. — 5)  She:va  (or,  Sheya)  =  Seraiah  (viii. 
17 )  was  scribe  or  state-secretary. — 6)  Zadok  and 
Abiathar,  high-priests,  viii.  17. — Ver.  26. — 7)  Ira, 
the  Jairite,  confidential  counsellor  to  David,  a  new 
officer;  in  viii.  18  "sons  of  David"  are  said  to 
have  held  this  office.  [The  word  here  rendered 
"counsellor"  (Eng.  A.  V.:  "chief  ruler")  is  the 
ordinary  term  for  "priest,"  which  rendering  some 
would  here  retain.  See  on  viii.  18  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  meaning. — Tb.]  Instead  of  "Jair- 
ite" Thenius  (after  Sj^r.)  reads  "Jattirite"  (of 
Jattir),  especially  aa  this  city  Jattir  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Judah  (Josh.  xv.  48;  xxi.  14)  is  men- 
tioned in  1  Sam.  xxx.  27  among  those  particu- 
larly friendly  to  David.  But  the  rendering  of 
the  Syriac  is  derived  from  xxiii.  38  on  account 
of  the  name  Ira  there  found,  which,  however, 
represents  a  different  person  from  this.  Thenius, 
holding  that  the  narrator  wrote  the  history  chaps, 
xi.-xx.  in  David's  life-time,  since  he  here  breaks 
off  without  relating  the  history  up  to  David's 
death,  concludes  from  the  way  in  which  Ira  is 
introduced  ("and  also  Ira,''  etc.)  that  the  author 
[Ira]  here  at  the  close  appends  his  own  name ; 
but  this  latter  assumption  is  unwarranted,  oven 
granting  the  other. 

HISTORICAL   AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  truthfidness  anAjtistice  of  the  theocratic 
historical  narrative  is  shown,  as  everywhere  in 
the  frank  statement  of  the  sins  of  God's  instru- 
ments, so  here  in  the  unveiled  narration  of 
David's  errors  in  the  way  whereby  God  brought 
him  back  to  his  kingdom,  and  also  of  th*  un- 
happy results  of  his  overhasty  measures.  His 
message  to  Judah,  after  he  heard  of  Israel's  pre- 
parations to  bring  him  back  (xix.  ii.  12)  was  a 
mistake,  since  it  was  of  such  a  natare  as  to  kindle 
anew  the  fire  of  jealousy  between  the  two  sec- 
tions of  the  people ;  he  thereby  put  Judah  before 
Israel  (who  had  begun  the  movement  for  restora- 
tion), and  the  result  was  the  violent  war  of  words, 

*  'ISn,  from  113  " todig." 

■  T  - 

t  fit  seems  to  have  this  meaning  in  Bsth.  x.  1,  but  is 
commonly  used  as  Dr.  Erdmann  says.— Tk.J 


xix.  41-43.  His  mistake  in  holding  out  to  the 
rebel  Amasa  the  certain  pro.spect  of  tbo  chief 
command,  led  to  the  murder  of  the  latter  by 
Joab.  David  had  made  Joab  the  companion  and 
instrument  of  his  crime  against  Uriah ;  and  this 
community  in  crime  was  a  coUatviral  cause  of  the 
retention  of  the  latter  in  the  highest  military 
office  (XX.  23). 

2.  God  the  Lord,  as  king  of  His  people,  permits 
sin  to  work  out  its  extremest  evil  consequences, 
in  order  to  reveal  His  justice  in  the  punishment 
of  sin  by  sin,  and  in  wise  ways  hidden  from  men 
to  further  the  ends  of  His  kingdom,  by  making 
human  sin  serviceable  thereto.  By  one  bad  man 
the  greater  part  of  the  nation  is  seduced  into  in- 
surrection, after  David  had  erred  in  looking  too 
much  to  his  own  honor  at  his  restoration,  and  re- 
garding flesh  and  blood  (xix.  12),  neglecting  to 
make  the  Lord's  honor  his  highest  point  of  view, 
and  to  subordinate  everything  to  it.  By  the 
second  sudden  failure  of  his  hopes,  ba.sed  on  the 
popular  favor,  and  his  natural -fleshly  relations  to 
the  people,  he  is  to  be  brought  again  to  know 
that  the  Lord  alone  is  his  strength,  his  protection 
and  his  help.  The  unjustly  displaced  Joab  be- 
comes a  second  time  the  saviour  and  restorer  of 
the  theocratic  kingdom,  striding  over  the  corpse 
of  the  murdered  ex-traitor  to  victory  over  the  in- 
surrection ;  whence  David  was  to  learn  anew, 
that  the  ways  of  the  Lord  are  not  our  ways,  and 
His  thoughts  not  our  thoughts,  and  that  He  in 
Sis  wisdom  and  might  in  the  ways  that  He 
chooses  and  to  the  goal  that  lie  has  fixed,  per- 
forms things  that  in  men's  eyes,  and  through 
men's  sins  are  most  involved  and  confused. . 

3.  The  greatest  confusion  of  affairs  suddenly 
arises  by  the  concatenation  of  various  sins  and 
crimes,  just  after  the  certain  prospect  of  restora- 
tion to  kingdom,  and  peace  dawns  on  David. 
Jealous  quarreling  divides  the  people  into  two 
hostile  parts.  The  king  is  powerless  to  extinguish 
the  fire  of  anger  and  hatred.  An  insurgent 
quickly  carries  the  greater  part  of  the  people  off 
from  David.  Civil  war  once  more  rages  through- 
out the  whole  nation.  The  army-leader  ap- 
pointed by  the  king  is  treacherously  murdered 
by  the  unwisely  aggrieved  Joab.  But  in  this 
confusion  God's  wisdom  goes  its  quiet,  hidden 
way,  and  His  almighty  hand  leads  the  sorely  tried 
king,  who  in  this  chaotic  whirl,  must  see  the  con- 
sequences of  his  own  errors,  back  to  complete  and 
triumphant  royal  dominion.  While  to  men'.s 
eyes  the  co-operation  of  many  evil  powers  seems 
to  endanger  the  kingdom  of  God  to  the  utmost, 
and  its  affairs  appear  to  be  confused  and  dis- 
turbed in  the  unhappie-st  fashion,  the  wonderful 
working  of  the  living  God  reveals  itself  most 
gloriously  in  the  unravel  ment  of  the  worst  en- 
tanglements, and  in  the  introduction  of  new  and 
unexpected  triumphs  for  His  government. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PEACTICAL. 

Chap.  xix.  41-43.  Envy  and  jealousy  among 
God's  people  always  spring  from  a  passionate 
self-interest,  which  puts  one's  oiim  honor  in  place 
of  Ood's  honor,  and  often,  under  tlie  pretence  of 
zeal  for  the  one,  makes  the  other  the  aim  of  all 
its  striving ; — they  froduee  a  spiritucd  blinding  in 
which  it  becomes  impossible  to  recognize  God's 


556 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


designs  in  the  matters  of  His  kingdom,  an  embit- 
tering of  hearts  and  minds,  whereby  brotherly  love 
is  clianged  into  hate,  and  a  rending  of  the  divinely 
joined  bonds  of  union,  from  which  follow  wrang- 
ling, discord  and  party  hostility.— [Hbnky  :  If 
a  good  work  be  done,  and  well  done,  let  us  not 
be  displeased,  nor  the  work  disparaged,  though 
we  had  no  hand  in  it.— Tr.].— From  hearts  full 
of  bitterness,  and  rancor  flow  evil  words;  these 
roact  upon  the  hearts  of  those  who  quarrel,  and 
nurse  tlie  flame  of  hate  and  discord.— An  unlov- 
ing disposition  ends  in  hard  and  injurious  words ; 
and  from  evil  words  it  is  but  one  step  to  evil  deeds. 

XX.  1.  sq.  The  ambition  of  one  man  often  pulls 
down  what  many  with  united  forces  have  built 
up  in  a  state,  and  may  from  one  spark  of  discord 
kindle  a  great  fire  of  uproar  and  insurrection, 
whereby  a  whole  people  is  plunged  into  ruin. — 
The  traitorous  voice  that  leads  to  uprising  against 
the  divinely  ordered  authorities  is  followed  by 
all  that  will  not  recognize  in  these  authorities  the 
ordination  and  action  of  God,  and  that  have 
turned  their  hearts  away  from  the  living  God. — 
OsiANDER :  God  tempers  with  a  cross  the  pros- 
perity of  His  elect,  in  order  that  they  may  be 
kept  in  His  foar.  Kom.  v.  3  sq. — Schlieb  : 
David  must  learn  from  every  new  experience, 
what  grief  and  heart-pain  it  brings  to  forsake 
the  Lord  and  not  fear  Him.  And  assuredly 
David  did  recognize  in  all  these  chastisements 
that  again  and  again  broke  over  him,  not  merely 
the  hand  of  men,  but  above  all,  the  hand  of 
the  Lord. — Stakke:  It  is  righteous  in  God  to 
requite,  and  to  measure  with  the  mea.sure  where- 
with we  have  measured,  Luke  vi.  38.  [From 
Hall]  :  He  had  lift  up  his  hand  against  a  faith- 
ful subject ;  now  a  faithle.ss  dares  to  lift  up  his 
hand  against  him. — That  is  the  way  of  ihe  world: 
now  it  exalts  one  to  heaven,  now  casts  him  down 
to  earth ;  let  us  not  then  trust  in  men,  but  in  God. 

Ver.  3.  ScHLiER :  David  well  knew  that  nothing 
more  surely  and  quickly  brings  in  the  Lord's 
help  than  to  put  away  what  is  unbecoming. 
When  trouble  rises  let  us  turn  to  the  Lord,  and 
put  away  what  is  an  offence  in  His  eyes,  and 
cleanse  heart  and  house  of  all  that  is  displeasing 
to  Him. 

Ver.  4.  The  Lord  forsakes  not  His  people  even 
when  they  make  mistakes,  and  does  not  inflict  on 
us  the  penalty  even  when  we  go  astray. 

Ver.  6.  WuEET.  B. :  Pious  men  are  not  always 
steadfast  and  strong  in  faith,  but  amid  assaults 
and  trouble  often  grow  pu.'.illanimous,  often  as 
weak  as  if  they  had  never  met  and  withstood  an 
assault.  Then  let  us  diligently  pray :  Lord,  in- 
crease our  faith. 

Vers.  8-10.  Starke  :  The  world  is  full  of  in- 
sidious courtesies  and  flatteries,  a  love-token  is 
the  sign  and  the  design  is  to  betray.  Ps.  Iv.  22 
[21]. — HEDrNGER  [from  Hall]  :  There  is  no 
enmity  so  dangerous,  as  that  which  comes  masked 

with  love Thus  spiritually  deals  the  world 

with  our  souls,  it  kisses  us  and  stabs  us  at  once : 


if  it  did  not  embrace  us  with  one  hand,  it  could 
not  murder  us  with  the  other. 

Vers.  13-15.  Sohlier:  From  this  we  may 
learn  how  much  a  man  that  does  his  duty  at  the 
right  time  can  perform ;  that  which  does  most 
harm  is  not  the  evil  men  do,  but  their  weakness 
in  respect  to  doing  good.— Stabke  :  Let  the  un- 
godly flee  where  they  will,  and  seek  shelter  for 
themselves  and  their  sins,  yet  the  divine  ven- 
geance pursues  them,  Ps.  cxxxix.  7. 

Vers.  16,  17.  Wisdom  is  better  and  mightier 
than  all  weapons.  Prov.  xi.  14.  [Hall:  There 
is  no  reason  that  sex  should  disparage,  where  the 
virtue  and  merit  are  no  less  than  masculine. 
Surely  the  soul  acknowledgeth  no  sex,  neither  is 
varied  according  to  the  outward  frame.  How  oft 
have  we  known  female  hearts  in  the  breasts  of 
men,  and  contrarily  manly  powers  in  the  weaker 
vessels. — Te.]  Vers.  18, 19  Ceamee  :  The  best 
bulwark  of  a  city  is,  in  addition  to  the  true  Fer- 
vice  of  God,  to  hold  fast  its  fidelity  to  the  autho- 
rities, to  study  peace  and  avoid  insurrection  and 
revolt;  for  he  who  lives  in  innocence  lives  in 
safety.  Prov.  x.  9.— Vers.  20,  21.  WtiEET.  B. : 
Often  a  single  ungodly  man  can  bring  whole  cities 
and  churches  into  great  distress  and  misfortune, 
and  a  single  pious  man  can  preserve  them.  Gen. 
xxxiv.  5;  1  Sam.  xxii.  18.  [BEiiKY:  A  great 
deal  of  mischief  would  be  prevenied,  if  ccniend- 
ing  parties  would  but  undersfand  one  another. 
The  city  obstinately  holds  out,  believing  Joab 
aims  at  its  ruin ;  Joab  furiously  attacks  it,  be- 
lieving all  its  citizens  confederates  with  Sheba; 
whereas  both  were  mistaken ;  let  both  sides  be 
undeceived,  and  the  matter  is  soon  accommo- 
dated.—Te.]— Ver.  22.  He  that  takes  the  sword 
shall  perish  by  the  sword,  Matt.  xxvi.  52,  and  he 
that  sets  himself  against  the  authorities  deserves 
to  pay  the  penalty  with  his  life.  Bom.  xiii.  2. 
When  we  punish  the  wicked  we  should  spare  Ihe 
innocent.  Ezek.  xviii.  20;  Gen.  xviii.  25.— Vers. 
25,  26.  OsiANDEE :  The  counsellors  of  princes 
should^  be  priests  of  righteousness,  that  is,  should 
administer  justice  and  righteousness. 
_  [Vers.  1,  2.  Shela  the  parly-leader.  1)  The 
times  call  out  the  man.  Envy,  mutual  reviling, 
repeated  and  increasing — only  a  leader  wanted 
now.  2)  There  is  always  a  wicked  leader  ready 
when  wicked  deeds  are  to  be  done.  3)  Violent 
and  reckless  leaders  often  for  a  time  gain  a  large 
following  (ver.  2).  4)  But  at  last  they  are  apt  to 
be  selfishly  abandoned  (vers.  21,  22).— Te.] 

[Vers.  16-22.  T?ie  peacemaJcer.  A  worthy  task 
for  a  "wise  woman."  1)  She  approaches  with  great 
courtesy  (vers.  16,  17).  2)  She  reminds  how 
often  wise  counsel  has  ended  strife  (ver.  18).  S) 
She  shows  what  evil  would  follow  from  the  pio- 
posed  violence  (ver.  19).  4)  Having  obtained 
concessions  on  one  side  she  goes  to  the  other, 
wisely  explaining,  arguing,  exhorting — and  ends 
the  conflict,  so  that  no  innocent  blood  is  shed 
(vers.  20-22).  Great  is  wisdom.  Blessed  are 
the  peacemakers. — Tk.] 


CHAP.  XXI.  1-22.  CJ7 


THIRD  DIVISION. 

ECLECTIC  APPENDIX  TO  THE  CONCLUSION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF  DAVID'S  KEIGN. 

Chaps.  XXI-XXIV. 

FIRST    SECTION. 

Three  76318*  Famine  on  account  of  Saul's  Crime  against  the  Gibeonites,  and  Expi- 
ation of  the  Crime. 

Chap.  XXI.  1-14. 

1  Then  [And]  there  was  a  famine  in  the  days  of  David  three  years,  year  after 
year.  And  David  inquired  [sought  the  face]'  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah] ;  and  the 
Lord  answered  [Jehovah  said],  It  is  for  Saul  and  for   his  bloody  house  [for  the 

2  blood-guilty  house^],  because  he  slew  the  Gibeonites.  And  the  king  called  the 
Gibeonites,  and  said  unto  them ;  (now  [and']  the  Gibeonites  were  not  of  the  chil- 
dren of  Israel,  but  of  the  remnant  of  the  Amorites  ;  and  the  children  of  Israel  had 
sworn  unto  them  ;  and  Saul  sought  to  slay  them  in  his  zeal  to  the  children  of  Israel 

3  and  Judah.)  Wherefore  [And]  David  said  unto  the  Gibeonites,  What  shall  I  do 
for  you  ?  and  wherewith  shall  I  make  the  atonement,  that  ye  may  bless  the  inheri- 

4  tauce  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ?  And  the  Gibeonites  said  unto  hira,  We^  will  have 
no  silver  nor  gold  of  Saul,  nor  of  his  house;  neither  for  us  shalt  thou  kill  any 

5  man  in  Israel.  And  he  said,  What  ye  shall  say,  that  will  I  do  for  you.  And  they 
answered  [said  to]  the  king,  The  man  that  consumed  us,  and  that  devised  against 
us  that  we  should  be  destroyed  from  remaining  in  any  of  the  coasts  [in  any  region] 

6  of  Israel,  Let  seven  men  of  his  sons  be  delivered'  unto  us,  and  we  will  hang  them 
up  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  in  Gibeah  of  Saul,  whom  the  Lord  did  choose  [the 

7  chosen  of  Jehovah'] .  And  the  king  said,  I  will  give  them.  But  [And]  the  king 
spared  Mephibosheth,  the  son  of  Jonathan,  the  son  of  Saul,  because  of  the  Lord's 
[Jehovah's]  oath  that  was  between  them,  between  David  and  Jonathan  the  son  of 

TEXTtTAL  AND   GRAMMATICAL. 

1  rVer.  1.  The  phrase :  "  to  seek  the  face  "  is  simply  "  to  go  to  one,"  while  " to  inquire  of  GoJ  "  (p'rij? JJ3  WyVl 
is  "to  investigate,  seek  wisdom"  at  His  hands.    The  two  verbs  iyp3  and  Jy^^  are  often  coupled.— Pe.] 

=  [Ver.  1.  It  is  better  to  express  in  the  translation  the  idea  of  "  guilt "  contained  in  the  D'D^-  Sept.  renders  : 
"on  (^y)  Saul  and  on  his  house  (in'S)  is  iniquity  [in  death]  of  blood,"  where  we  may  omit  tv  Oavi-rit  and  airoS 
the  D'D'in  being  taken  as  subject  and  rendered :  "  iniquity  of  blood."  Bottcher,  Thenius  and  Wellhausen 
adopt  tiifs  text,  and  render :  "  On  Saul  and  on  his  house  is  blood-guiltiness."  This  translation  avoids  the  hard 
expression:  "the  house  of  blood-guiltiness,"  where  we  should  expect  the  possessive  pronoun.    On  tne  otner 

hand  the  ^N  —  "  concerning  "  (Eng.  A.  V. :  "  for  ")  is  a  correct  expression,  and  the  hardness  of  the  phrase  is  not 

unsuitable  to  an  oracular  response ;  the  Heb.  text  is  supported  also  by  Vulg.,  Syr.  and  Chald.— Tb.] 

»  fVer.  2.  Bottcher's  view,  that  this  parenthesis  is  a  later  insertion,  may  be  correct,  for  ancient  editors  were 
accustomed  to  make  such  insertions.  But  there  is  no  necessity  for  reearding  it  as  an  insertion  (particularly,  as 
a  marginal  gloss),  because  the  Hebrew  historical  style  permits  such  interposed  remarks.  Bottcher  is  untortu- 
nate  in  charging  a  historical  error  on  our  text  in  that  it  has  "Amorites"  where  Josh.  ix.  1  sqq.  has  nivites,- 
for  the  name  "  Amorite  "  is  sometimes  a  general  one,  given  to  the  dwellers  over  a  large  area  (see  Art.  Amorite 
In  Smith's  Bib.-Dict.).  On  the  other  hand  Winer  thinks  that  instead  of  "  Hivites  "  in  Josh.  ix.  7  should  be  read 
"Amorite."— Te.I 

*  [Ver.  4.  Properly:  "There  is  not  to  us  silver  and  gold  with  Saul  and  with  his  house,  and  there  is  not  to  us 
a  man  to  kill  in  Israel,"  that  is,  as  some  (Thenius,  Erdmann) :  "  we  have  no  right  to  these  things,"  or,  aooorditig 
to  others  (Bottcher,  Bih.-Ckmi.,  Eng.  A.  V.):  "we  lay  no  claim  to  them."— The  Qeri  "to  us"  is  better  than  the  Ke- 
thib"tome."— Te.1 

'  [Ver.  6.  The  Kethib  is  Niph  Impf.,  the  Qeri  Hoph.  Impf.— Tb.] 

•  [Ver.  8.  This  phrase  is  a  strange  one,  and  various  attempts  have  been  made  to  amend  the  text.  Three  are 
mentioned  by  Erdmann ;  Wellhausen  proposes  another,  to  read  "  Gibeon  "  instead  of  "  Gibeah,"  and  to  suppose 


558  THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 

8  Saul.  But  [And]  the  king  took  the  two  sons  of  Eizpah  the  daughter  of  Aiah, 
•whom  she  b  ire  unto  Saul,  Armoni  and  Mephibosheth,  and  the  five  sons  of  Michal 
[Merab']  the  daugrhter  of  Saul,  whom  she  brought  up  for  [bare  to]  Adriel  the  son 

9  of  Barzillai  the  Meholathite ;  And  he  [om.  he]  delivered  them  into  the  hands  of 
the  Gibeonites,  and  they  hang?d  tliem  in  the  hill  before  the  Lord  [Jehovah] ;  and 
they  fell  all  seven  together,  and  were  put  to  death  in  the  days  of  harvest,  in  the 

10  first  days,  in  the  beginning  of  the  barley-harvest.*  And  Rizpah  the  da'^ghter  of 
Aiah  took  sackcloth,  and  spread  it  tor  her  upon  the  rock,  from  the  beginning  of 
the  harvest  until  water  dropped  [poured]  upon  them  out  of  heaven,  and  suffered 
neither  [not]  the  birds  of  the  air  to  rest  on  tbem  by  day,  nor  the  beasts  of  the  field 

1 1  by  night.     And  it  was  told  David  what  Eizpah  the  daughter  of  Aiah,  the  concu- 

12  bine  of  Saul,  had  done.  And  David  went  and  took  the  bones  of  Saul  and  the 
bones  of  Jonathan  his  son  from  the  men  [citizens']  of  Jabesh-gilead,  which  [who] 
had  stolen  them  from  the  street  [square]  of  Beth-shan,  where  the  Philistines  had 

13  hanged  them,  when  the  Philistines  had  slain  Saul  in  Gilboa;  And  he  brought  up 
from  thence  the  boues  of  Saul  and  the  bones  of  Jonathan  his  son  ;  and  they  gathered 

14  the  bones  of  them  that  were  hanged.  And  the  bones  of  Saul  and  Jonathan  his 
son^°  buried  they  in  the  country  [land]  of  Benjamin  in  Zelah  in  the  sepulchre  of 
Kish  his  father ;  and  they  performed  all  that  the  king  commanded.  And  after 
that  God  was  entreated  [  =^  listened  to  entreaties]  for  the  land. 

SECOND  SECTION. 

Accoants  of  Victorious  Battles  against  the  Philistines. 
Vers.  15-22. 

15  Moreover  [And]  the  Philistines  had  yet  [om.  yet]  war  again  with  Israel;  and 
David  went  down,  and  his  servants  with  him,  and  fought  against  the  Philistines ; 

16  and  David  waxed  faint.     And  Ishbi-benob,"  which  was  of  the  sons  of  the  giant, 

the  rest  of  the  verse  an  insertion  from  the  "  in2  of  ver.  9.  It  is,  however,  impossible  to  say  whether  the 
Gibeonites  would  think  Gibeon  or  Gibeah  the  fitter  place  for  the  execution,  and  the  most  natural  emendation 
wonid  seem  to  be  to  adopt  the  phrase  of  ver.  9,  and  read :  "  In  Gibeah  of  Saul,  in  the  mountain  in  the  presence 
of  Jehovah."  The  phrase :  "  mountain  of  Jehovah,"  would  require  us  to  suppose  some  particular  mountain  at 
Gibeah  (or  Gibeon)  dedicated  to  Jehovah,  and  we  do  not  know  of  such  arone.— Tr.1 

'  [Ver.  8.  "  Michal "  is  clerical  error  for  "  Merab,"  perhaps,  as  Bottcher  suggests,  from  the  full  form  aTD-— 
The  "  brought  up  "  of  Eng.  A.  V.  instead  of  "  bare  "  is  an  unwarranted  mistranslation,  intended  (after  the  Chal- 
dee)  to  account  for  the  name  "Michal." — Tr.] 

8  [Ver.  9.  As  Sept.  adds  the  word  "barley"  after  "harvest"  in  ver.  10,  Wellhausen  would  regard  this  last 
phrase  in  ver.  9  as  a  false  repetition,  especially  as,  if  any  preposition  is  to  be  supplied  here,  it  would  most  natu- 
rally be  |0  (smoe  the  preceding  word  ends  with  □— but  the  Qeri  supplies  p),  and  this  would  not  suit  here. 

But  the  phrase  is  so  natural  a  one  that  there  is  no  good  ground  for  rejecting  it.— BStteher's  explanation  of  the 

Kethib  Wrs^yp  as  dual  is  accepted  by  Erdmann,  though  the  resulting  sense  is  not  clear  (see  Ewald,  J  269  t). 

The  Qeri  Qpp^l^,  "  the  seven  of  them  "  (Eng.  A.  V. :  "  all  seven  ")  seems  better.— Te.] 

•  [Ver.  12.  The  word  S^5  occurs  in  the  sense  of  "  citizen  "  in  the  Books  of  Joshua,  Judges  and  Samuel  only. 

As  it  in  such  cases  means  (in  the  plural)  "  possessors  of  the  city,"  it  may  throw  light  on  the  civil-political  oon- 
stitutTon  of  ancient  city-life.    It  seems  not  to  occur  in  this  sense  in  any  other  Shemitic  language.— Te.1 

i»  [Ver.  U.  Sept.  here  inserts :  "  and  the  bones  of  the  exposed  "  (—  impaled,  hanged),  a  very  natural  insertion 
(and  adopted  by  BSttcher,  Thenms  and  Wellhausen),  but  suspicious  from  its  naturalness.  Bottcher  thinks  that 
the  words  were  purposely  omitted  in  what  he  calls  the  "priestly  recension  "  of  the  Book  of  SamUel,  because 
ottenoe  was  taken  at  the  burial  of  those  persons  (who  were  slain  as  an  expiation)  along  with  Saul  and  Jonathan; 
against  which  Thenius  remarks  that  the  omission  would  have  been  very  unwise  in  the  face  of  the  preceding 
narrative.  But  the  bones  of  the  seven  may  have  been  gathered  at  the  same  time  with  those  of  Saul  and  Jona- 
than without  being  interred  m  the  same  place  with  them.— Tn.] 

"  [y^r.  IC.  The  strange  form  of  this  name  has  suggested  emendations  of  the  text.  The  Syriac  (followed  bv 
Its  copyist  the  Arabic)  omits  It  altogether,  Vulg.  and  Chald.  are  as  Heb.,  Sept.  has  Jesbi.  Wellhausen  proposes 
to  read :  a  J3  l^t?'!.  "  and  they  sat  down  m  Gob  "  (taking  Nob  as  error  for  dob),  and  to  place  this  after  the  '^with 
him    in  ver.  15;  and  in  the  niT  t|^»i  he  would  see  the  name  of  the  giant,  and  perhaps  some  verb,  as  "and  he 

arose."  The  sentence  would  then  read :  "  David  went  down  and  his  servants  with  him,  and  they  sat  down  [  — 
took  position]  in  Gob,  and  fought  against  the  Philistines ;  and  there  arose  [here  the  man's  namel,  who  was  of 
{,„u^S°r''  ;  .Similar  to  this  is  the  emendation  proposed  in  Bib.-Com.:  "And  David  waxed  faint.  So  they 
?hi."T.W/*i„JiTi'•°M?^  And  there  was  a  man  (in  Gob),  which  was  of  the  .sons,"  etc.;  instead  of  changing 
T^fese  »rp  boTh^SL^^'"'     "".^yi"l.l"*T"  does),  this  reading  supplies  the  phrase:  "and  there  was  a  min." 

1  hese  are  both  ingenious,  and  to  both  there  are  objections.  The  dislocation  of  a  phrase  supposed  bv  Wellhau- 
^JH  '^^t°^  accounted  for ;  and  in  the  other  reading  the  statement  that  the  man  was  in  Gob  is  unnatural  (since  he 
was  not  residing  there,  but  had  come  with  the  army  ,  and  David's  weariness  (which  more  naturally  explains  the 
?o^S  Vh""^"''  on  him)  is  given  merely  as  the  reason  for  the  army's  halting.  It  is  likely  that  the  text  ?8  corrupt 
Cand  the  corruption  must  have  been  made  before  the  Sept.  translation  was  made),  the  phrase :  "  David  was  weMV'' 
Zlfk"^^  ''°  ^/'P'rv?"™  as  it  stands,  and  the  'IDN'l  supposes  another  verb  before  it ;  but  a  sSaotorv  emen- 
dation has  not  yet  been  proposed,  though  Wellhausen's  seems  the  least  objeotionable.-Instead  of  the  seSmd 

'Pptp  we  should  probably  read  SpE?  (so  perhaps  Sept.).— Ta.] 


CHAP.  XXI.  1-22. 


559 


the  weight  of  whose  spear  weighed  [was]  three  hundred  shekels  of  brass  in  weight 
[pm.  in  weight],  he  being  girded  with  a  new  sword,  thought  to  have  slain  David. 

17  But  [And]  Abishai  the  son  of  Zeruiah  succored  him,  and  smote  the  Philistine  and 
killed  hira.     Then  the  men  of  David  sware  unto  him,  saying,  Thou  shalt  go  no 

18  more  out  with  us  to  battle,  that  thou  quench  not  the  light  of  Israel.  And  it  came 
to  pass  after  this,  that  there  was  again  a  battle  with  the  Philistines  at  Gob ;  then 

19  Sibbechai  the  Hushathite  slew  Saph,  which  was  of  the  sons  of  the  giant.  And 
there  was  again  a  battle  in  Gob  with  the  Philistines,  where  [and]  Elhanan"  the 
son  of  Jaare-oregim  [Jair],  a  [the]  Bethlehemite,  slew  the  brother  of  [urn.  the  bro- 
ther of]  Goliath  the  Gittite,  the  staflF  of  whose  spear  was  like   a  weaver's  beam. 

20  And  there  was  yet  a  battle  in  Gath,  where  [and  there]  was  a  man  of  great  stature,  • 
that  had  on  every  [each]  hand  six  finders,  and  on  every  [each]  foot  six  toes,  four 

21  and  twenty  in  number;  and  he  also  was  born  to  the  giant.  And  when  [am.  when] 
he  defied  Israel,  [im.  and]  Jonathan  the  son  of  Shimeah  the  brother  of  David  slew 

22  him.  These  four  were  born  to  the  giant  in  Gath,  and  fell  by  the  hand  of  David, 
and  by  the  hand  of  his  servants. 

12  rVer.  19.  The  text  here  ia  generally  regarded  as  corrupt,  the  oregim  being  manifestly  a  repetition  of  the 
last  word  of  the  verse.  Whether  then  we  are  to  adopt  the  text  of  1  Chron.  xx.  5 :  "  And  Elhanan  the  son  of  Jair 
slew  Lahmi  the  brother  of  Goliath  the  Gittite,"  or  to  regard  the  latter  as  a  conjectural  emendation  of  ours,  or, 
finally,  to  consider  them  both  as  corruptions  of  one  original,  it  is  hard  to  decide.  Bottcher  reads :  "  Elhanan  the 
son  of  Jesse  the  Bethlehemite  slew  Goliath,"  etc.,  and  identifies  Elhanan  with  David,  on  which  see  translator's 
note  in  the  Exposition.  Against  the  reading  of  "  Chronicles  "  is  the  fact  that  it  is  the  easier,  against  onrs  is  the 
improbability  of  the  existence  of  two  Goliaths,  or  of  the  identity  of  Elhanan  and  David.  But  these  presupposi- 
tions are  all  manifestly  untrustworthy.  See  Erdmann's  discussion  in  the  Exposition,  and  for  various  other 
views  see  Poole's  Synopsis. — Here  and  in  ver.  18  some  M8S.  have  Nob  instead  of  Gob.—lR.} 


EXEGETICAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

On  the  section  Chg.  xxi.-xxiy.  and  its  relation 
to  the  preceding  narration,  see  Introduction,  p. 
21  sqq.  [Though  Dr.  Erdmann's  statement  of 
his  view — that  these  chapters  present  six  sections 
arranged  in  elaborate  symmetry,  from  the  point 
of  view  of  theocratic  historiography — is  very  in- 
genious, a  comparison  between  these  sections  and 
similar  ones  in  "  Chronicles "  and  "  Judges," 
makes  it  at  least  not  improbable,  that  they  consti- 
tute an  appendix  of  materials  for  which  no  con- 
venient place  was  found  in  the  body  of  the  his- 
tory. This  appendix  is  thus  not  accidental,  is 
truly  theocratic  (since  it  gives  various  sides  of 
David's  character  and  life,  as  theocratic  king), 
only  has  not  the  somewhat  artificial  arrangement 
that  Dr.  Erdmann  proposes. — Tr.]. 

1.  Ch.  xxi.  1-14.  The  three  years'  famine,  and 
the  expiation  of  a  crime  committed  by  Saul 
against  the  Gibeonites. — Ver.  1.  In  the  days 
of  David,  an  indefinite  phrase,  which  does  not 
help  us  to  fix  the  date  of  the  following  occur- 
rence. *  The  mention  of  Mephibosheth  in  ver.  7 
shows  that  it  must  be  subsequent  to  the  narrative 
of  ch.  ix.,  where  David's  first  acquaintance  with 
the  young  prince  is  described.  It  is  to  be  put 
perhaps  before  Absalom's  conspiracy  (Ew.),  since 
Shimei's  words  (xvi.  7,  8)  may  refer  to  the  exe- 
cution here  narrated,  though  also  to  the  deaths 
of  Abner  and  Ishbosheth. — And  David  sought 
the  face  of  the  Lord — by  prayer  he  endea- 
vored to  learn  the  cause  of  this  judgment.  The 
answer  is  given  by  the  oracle  [Urim  and  Thum- 
mim]  consulted  through  the  high-priest:  "con- 
cerning Saul  and   the  house  of  blood-guilt,"  f 

*  [The  whole  phrase  rather  indicates  that  the  chro- 
nological order  is  here  not  observed  {Bib.-Com.). — Tr.] 

t  1  Sept. :  "  on  Saul  and  on  his  house  is  blood-guilti- 
ness."   See  "  Text,  and  Gram."— Te.1 


the  house  on  which  rested  blood-guiltiness ;  comp. 
the  phrases  "  city  of  blood  "  Ezek.  xxii.  2 ;  xxiv. 
6,  9,  "man  of  blood"  2  Sam.  xvi.  7,  8.— Be- 
cause he  slew  the  Gibeonites,  a  fact  of 
which  we  have  no  account.*  Ver.  2  states  only 
the  motive  of  this  act  of  Saul.f  The  Gibeonites 
are  here  termed  a  remnant  of  the  Amorites.  Ac- 
cording to  Josh.  ix.  3-27  an  oath  was  sworn  to 
these  Non-Israelites"  that  they  should  not  be 
slain;  comp.  especially  ver.  20.  They  are  there 
called  "  Hivites,"  while  here  they  are  designated 
by  the  general  name  "  Amorites  "  (Ew.),  under 
which  all  the  Canaanitish  tribes  are  often  em- 
braced (Keil)  [though  in  other  cases  the  Amo- 
rites are  distinguished  as  a  separate  tribe  from  the 
Hivites. — ^Tb.]  And  Saul  sought  to  slay 
them,  that  is,  to  exterminate  them.  Thenius 
regards  this  statement  as  contradictory  of  the  fact 
narrated  [since  he  would  not  incur  blood-guilti- 
ness by  merely  seehing  to  slay  them],  and  pro- 
poses to  read  "exterminate"!  instead  of  "  slay," ; 
but  no  contradiction  exists,  for,  as  Bottcher  re- 
marks, ''  it  is  intended  in  the  words  '  in  his  zeal ' 
only  to  give  the  motive  of  the  attempt  [and  it  is 
not  said  that  the  attempt  did  not  succeed.]." 
Saul's  zeal  "  for  the  children  of  Israel  and  Ju- 
dah"?  consisted  in  an  attempt  (in  accordance 
with  Deut.  vii.  2,  24)  to  cleanse  the  Lord's  people 


*  [Abarbanel  (in  Patrick)  thinks  they  were  slain  when 
the  priests  were  put  to  death  (1  Sam.  xxii.)  in  Nob ;  but 
there  is  no  trace  of  this  in  the  history.— Tr.J 

t  [The  way  in  which  this  statement  is  introduced : 
"And  the  Gibeonites  were  not  Israelites,"  shows  not  so 
much  that  the  Book  of  Joshua  was  not  a  part  of  the 
same  work  as  the  Books  of  Samuel  {Bib.  Com.),  as  that 
the  present  Book  of  Joshua  was  not  in  existence  when 
our  narrative  was  written. — Ta.j 

I  on'^jn'?  instead  of  DnSn'?. 

S  [The'word  "  Judah  "  is  perhaps  a  later  addition  after 
the  division  of  the  kingdom,  since  the  phrase  "  children 
of  Israel "  would  in  Saul  and  David's  time  include  the 
whole  nation. — Te.] 


560 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


from  the  remnant  of  the  heathen,  as  He  purified 
the  land  from  the  necTomaneers  and  soothsayers 
(1  Sam.  xxviii.  3)  according  to  the  law.  He  thus 
"sought"  to  exterminate  the  Gibeonites,  but  his 
attempt  did  not  succeed,  as  the  presence  of  these 
Gibeonites  shows.  Wherewith  shall  I  ap- 
pease? namely,  the  anger  of  the  Lord  against 
this  deed,  comp.  Josh.  ix.  19,  20.  ''  So  that  ye 
may  then  bless  tlie  Lord's  inheritance,"  literally : 
"bless  ye."  The  Imperative  "is  a  curt  and 
vigorous  expression,  indicating  a  certain  result,  a 
Future  Imperative,  as  it  were  "  (Ew.  J  347  a).— 
,  Ver.  4.  Literally  :  "  there  is  not  to  me  *  silver 
and  gold  with  Saul  and  with  his  house,"  that 
is,  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  it,  have  no  right  to 
it,  according  to  Numb.  xxxv.  31.  [They  would 
not  take  money  as  compensation  for  murder. 
The  custom  of  so  compensating  by  money  was 
common  in  ancient  times,  and  its  existence  is 
supposed  in  the  law  above  quoted.  See  Art. 
Blood,  Revenger  of,  in  Smith's  Bib.-Bici. — Tr.]. 
And  -we  have  no  right  to  kill  any  one  in 
Israel,  that  is,  it  is  not  permitted  us  without 
more  ado  to  execute  blood-revenge  for  the  murder 
of  our  people ;  their  wrong,  they  thus  intimate, 
must  be  expiated  by  blood,  but  they  cannot  pro- 
ceed without  the  consent  and  command  of  the 
king!  The  king's  question :  What  say  ye 
then  thatj  I  shall  do  for  you  ?  assumes  the 
necessity  of  blood-expiation,  and  asks  them  to 
explain  themselves  more  distinctly,  since  it  is 
His  duty  thus  to  make  expiation,  and  so  relieve 
the  land  of  the  famine-  [We  may  also  render, 
as  in  Eng.  A.  V.:  ''what  ye  say,  I  will  do." — 
Tr.].— Ver.  5.  As  to  the  man?  (Saul)  that 
consumed  us;  it  appears,  then,  that  Saul  had 
broken  the  power  of  this  tribe  by  his  bath  of 
blood.  "  And  who  devised  against  us,  that  we 
should  be  destroyed,  ||  so  as  not  to  stand  in  all 
the  territory  of  Israel."  Comp.  Josh.  ix.  15, 
26.— Ver.  6.  The  Apodosis.  For  the  blood 
wrongfully  shed  by  Saul,  blood  must  flow  from 
his  house  in  return  ;  according  to  Numb.  xxxv. 
31,  33  homicide  was  to  be  expiated  by  death 
[but  the  death  of  the  murderer,  not  of  his  kin- 
dred; it  is,  however,  intimated  in  ver.  1  that 
Saul's  kindred  had  shared  in  the  murderous 
act. — Tb.].  The  execution  was  to  be  by  hang 
ing  with  extended  limbs,  crucifixion  [impaling, 
so  the  term  aravpda  used  for  the  crucifixion  of 
Christ.— Tr.].  They  demand  se^en  men  of  Saul's 
sons.  The  sacred  number  seven  is  determined 
by  the  significance  of  this  punishment,  as  work  in 

*  The  Kethib  Sing,  "to  me"  (indicating  the  one  per- 
son speaking  for  allj  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  Qeri  Plu. 
"  to  us  "  [as  in  Eng.  A.  V.],  which  is  an  imitation  of  the 
following  "  to  us." 

t  [According  to  others  {Bib.-Com.)  their  meaning  is 
that  it  is  not  against  the  nation  Israel,  but  against  the 
individual  Saul,  that  they  cry  for  vengeance,  which  is 
better.— Tr.] 

%  '3  is  omitted  before  the  Imperf.,  as  sometimes  oc- 
curs when  the  dependent  sentence  expresses  a  process 
or  obligation;  comp.  Lev.  ix.  6;  Ew.  §336  6. 

§  t?'Nn  is  asyndetioally  proposed  Aoous.  Absolute, 

■   T 

defined  by  "  his  sons  "  in  ver.  6.    Ges.  g  145,  2. 

1  ^yvydi  depends  on  niDT  with  omission  of  '3.  It 
is  unnecessary  to  supply  the  1  oonsec  of  the  Perfect, 
•Then.),  or  to  read  XyvO^h  (Ew.,  Bdttoher). 


the  service  of  God,  whereby  God's  wrath  was  to 
be  appeased.  They  were  to  be  hung  up  to  the 
Lord  (comp.  ver.  9  '•  before  the  Lord,"  Numb. 
XXV.  4),  in  God's  honor,  to  appease  His  anger, 
in  Gribeah  of  Saul,  because  that  was  the 
home  of  Saul's  house,  on  which  the  blood-guilt 
rested.  The  anointed  of  the  Lord  need  not 
be  regarded  as  '''  holy  irony  "  (Keil).  Saul  was 
really  the  anointed  of  the  Lord ;  all  the  more  must 
there  be  such  expiation  by  blood  to  the  Lord  for 
his  sin  as  the  Lord's  Anointed.  Exception  has 
been  taken  to  this  designation  of  Saul  by  non- 
Israelites,  and  various  conjectures*  made  to  set  It 
aside :  Bottcher  makes  the  adjective  plural :  "  we 
will  hang  them  as  the  Lord's  chosen  ones " 
(after  the  Sept.) ;  Houbigant  [and  Dathe]  :  "ac- 
cording to  the  word  (oracular  utterance)  of  the 
Lord;"  Then.,  Ew.  [Bih.-Oom.]  :  "in  the  moun- 
tain of  the  Lord,"  the  place  of  prayer  on  the 
mountain  at  Gibeah  (1  Sam.  x.  5) ;  if  any  change 
is  to  be  made,  the  last  conjecture  is  preferable, 
because  it  demands  only  the  dropping  of  a  single 
letter. — David  declares  himself  ready  to  satisfy 
this  demand  immediately. — Ver.  7.  From  the 
members  of  Saul's  house  he  excepts  only  Mephi- 
bosheth  on  account  of  his  oath  to  his  father  Jona- 
than (1  Sam.  xviii.  3 ;  xx.  8, 16 ;  xxiii.  18). — Ver. 
8.  Members  of  Saul's  house  doomed  to  death : 
tvro  sons  of  Rizpahf,  Saul's  concubine  (comp. 
ver.  11  and  iii.  7),  and  five  sons  of  Merab. 
The  name  Michal  in  our  text  is  obviously  a  copy- 
ist's error,  for  Saul's  oldest  daughter,  given  in 
marriage  to  the  Meholathite  Adriel  of  Abel- 
Meholah  in  Issachar,  and  named  Merab,  1  Sam. 
xviii.  19.  The  Chald.  has :  "  the  sons  of  Merab, 
whom  Michal  had  brought  up,"  aba-seless  attempt 
to  retain  the  text- reading.  [This  is  followed  by 
Eng.  A.  V.  Bender:  sons  of  Merab,  whom  she 
bare  to  Adriel. — Tb.].— Ver.  9.  And  they 
crncified  them  on  the  mountain,  namely, 
near  Gibeah  (1  Sam.  x.  5)  before  the  Lord,  at 
the  place  there  devoted  to  the  worship  of  God, 
which  was  indicated  by  an  altar.  Eetaining  the 
text  J,  render:  "they  fell  sevenfold  at  once,"  that 
is,  " by  sevens,  in  the  same  manner"  (as  the  Dual 
denotes).  [This  rendering  of  the  Kethib  or 
text:  "by  sevens"  is  not  appropriate  here,  since 
there  was  only  one  ".seven,"  and  it  is  better  to 
adept  the  Qeri  or  margin:  "the  seven  of  them" 
(Philippson)  or  "  all  seven "  (Eng.  A.  V.,  Cahen). 
— Tk]. — The  execution  occurred  at  the  time  of  ike 
harvest  i  (Keil,  Bib.  Arch.  11.  i  118,  Winer  L  340 
[Smith's  Bib.-Dict.,  Art.  Agriculture}).  This 
chronological  statement  serves  to  define  the  fol- 
lowing procedure  of  Eizpah  (Thenius). — ^Ver.  10. 
Touching    picture  of  Eizpah's    maternal  grief. 

*  BSttoh. :  'Tna ;  Houb. ;  1313 ;  Then. :  1713-  [See 

"  Text,  and  Gram.''— Tr.] 

t  [Sib  Com.  suggests  that,  as  Aiah  occurs  as  a  [mascu- 
line] Horite  name  (in  Gen.  xxxvi-  24),  Rizpah  may  have 
been  a  foreigner,  and  this  may  liave  been  the  reason  for 
selecting  her  sons  as  victims. — Tb.] 

t  Kethib. :  D;n^32?  is  with  Battoher  to  be  retained 
against  the  Qeri  Dr\^2tO,  since  the  Dual  properly  de- 
notes what  is  repeated  in  equal  measure  according  to  the 
number  (BSttcherJ. 

§  nbnr*  (not  Qeri  with  3)  is  adverbi.il  Accusative' 
Ges.  ?  118,'  2. 


CHAP.  XXI.  1-22. 


501 


She  took  the  sackcloth,  a  rough,  hairy  cloth 
used  in  mourning  (the  Art.  points  out  that  it  was 
the  cloth  usual  on  such  occasions)  and  spread 
it  out  on  the  rock,  for  a  bed  for  herself;  she 
wished  to  remain  all  the  time  by  the  corpses,  in 
order  to  protect  them  against  beasts  and  birds ; 
it  was  regarded  as  the  greatest  disgrace  for  corpses 
to  be  left  unburied,  a  prey  to  ravenous  birds  and 
beasts,  1  Sam.  xvii.  44. — The  law  (Deut.  xxi.  22 
sq.)  tliat  the  hanged  were  not  to  be  left  overnight 
on  the  stake,  but  to  be  buried  before  the  evening, 
did  not  apply  here,  because  the  exhibition  of  the 
executed  persons  as  a  propitiatory  offering  was 
necessary  till  the  appearance  of  the  sign  that  the 
plague  had  ceased.  From  the  beginning  of 
harvest  till  water  poured  down  on  them 
from  heaven,  i.  c,  the  bodies  hung  till  rain  de- 
scended on  the  parched  land  as  sign  that  God's 
anger  was  appeased.  The  text  says  neither  that 
the  rain  came  immediately  after  the  execution 
(Josephus,  Cler.,  Ew.,  Bottcher),  nor  that  it  did 
not  come  till  the  usual  rain-season,  October  (Th  en- 
ius).  [We  therefore  do  not  know  how  long  Kiz- 
pah  kept  her  watoh. — ^Ts.] — Vers.  11-14.  Hear- 
ing* of  Biizpah's  touching  care  of  the  bodies, 
David  provided  for  their  burial  together  with  the 
bones  of  Saul  and  Jonathan,  which  for  this  pur- 
pose he  caused  to  be  brought  from  Jabesh  in 
Gilead.  [He  thus  honored  the  maternal  faithful- 
ness and  showed  that  he  cherished  no  ill-will 
against  the  house  of  Saul  (Patrick). — Te.]. — 
Ver.  12.  [David  takes  part  personally  in  the 
matter].  He  took  the  bones  of  Saul  and  Jona- 
than from  the  citizens  of  Jabesh,  see  1  Sam. 
xxxi.  8  sq.  There  it  is  said  (ver.  10)  that  the 
Philistines  fastened  the  corpses  on  the  wall  of 
Bethahan.  This  is  not  contradicted  by  the  state- 
ment here  that  the  Jabeshites  had  stolen  the 
corpses  (i.  e.,  taken  them  away  secretly)  from  the 
square;  for  this  "public square"  (Sri"})  is  not  the 
market-place  in  the  middle  of  the  city,  but  the 
open  place  at  or  before  the  gate  (2  Chr.  xxxii.  6 ; 
Neh.  viii.  1,  3,  16),  where  the  people  were  accus- 
tomed to  assemble,  and  where  they  might  see  the 
bodies  hungf  on  the  wall.— '' When  (0V3)  the 
Philistines  had  slain  Saul,"  not  "on  the  day 
when,"  but  "  at  the  time,"  since  (1  Sam.  xxxi.  8 
sqq.)  the  hanging  up  of  the  corpses  did  not  take 
place  till  the  day  after  the  battle. — ^Ver.  14. 
They  buried  the  bones  of  Saul  and  Jona- 
than ;  from  ver.  13  we  must  suppose  that  the 
bones  of  the  seven  executed  men  were  also  buried. 
[Sept.  adds:  "and  the  bones  of  the  hanged," 
which  some  critics  insert  in  the  Hebrew  text ; 
Dr.  Erdmann  thinks  the  insertion  unnecessary, 
because  the  fact  would  be  taken  for  granted.  But 
it  is  not  clear  that  the  bones  of  the  seven  were 
interred  along  with  those  of  Jonathan  and  Saul : 


*  On  the  construction  of  IPI  with  HN  see  Gea.  J  143, 

1  a.    [According  to  Geaenius  the  nX  here  introduces 

the  Accusative  of  limitation;  according  to  others  (not 
so  well)  the  Nominative. — Tb.] 

t  Eethib  DiSfl  is  the  Heb.  form  (from  PlSfl),  the 
Qeri  01X7^1  theAramaizlngform;  aee  Gtea.gTS,  22;  Ew. 
?252o— Instead  of  Keth.  'an  DIS  read  Qeri  '3  nSty 
the  .irt.  being  oat  of  place  before  ^2- 

36 


they  may  have  been  put  into  a  separate  sepulchre. 
— Tk.]— In  Zelah ;  the  locality  of  this  city  is 
unknown.     Comp.  Josh,  xviii.  28. 

2.  Vers.  15-22.  Individ.ual  heroic  deeds  in  the 
Philistine  wars-  This  chronicle-like  section  (and 
so  the  similar  section  xxiii.  8-39)  is  probably 
taken  from  a  writing  that  contained  a  historical- 
statistical  collection  of  David's  wars  and  of  the 
exploits  of  his  warriors.  As  the  three  deeds  here 
described  (vers.  18-22)  are  attached  in  1  Chr.  xx. 
4-8  to  the  history  of  the  Ammonite-Syrian  war 
(comp.  xii.  26-31),  this  collection  may  be  conjec- 
tured to  belong  to  a  fuller  chronicle  of  David's 
wars,  to  which  may  have  belonged  also  the  sec- 
tions V.  17-25;  viii.  1-14;  x.  1-9;  xii.  26-31,  in 
which  the  wars  against  the  Philistines  and  other 
nations  are  narrated. 

a.  Vers.  15-17.  Exploit  of  Abishai  in  a  new 
war  against  the  Philistines.  The  "  again"  cannot 
possibly  refer  chronologically  to  the  immediately 
preceding  narrative,  but  indicates  that  the  follow- 
ing is  a  fragment  from  a  history  of  Philistine 
wars.  Comp.  the  "again"  in  v-  22.  Probably 
thisfragment  belongs  chronologically  in  theeroup 
V.  18-25,  in  favor  of  which  is  the  fact  that  David 
is  here  already  king  of  all  Israel,  since  he  is 
called  (ver.  17)  the  "light  of  Israel."  Comp.  v. 
1-3. — And  David  was  weary.  A  Philistine 
giant  essayed  to  take  advantage  of  this  weariness 
of  David,  and  kill  him.  His  name  was  Ishbobe- 
nob,  not  Ishbo  at  Nob  (De  Wette),  ''for  neither 
the  fact  that  he  was  born  at  Nob,  nor  that  the 
incident  occurred  at  Nob  (there  is  no  third  sup- 
position) could  be  so  expressed"  (Thenius).  The 
name  (not  to  be  read  with  Vulg.  [and  Eng.  A. 
v.]  Jisbibenob)  perhaps  means:  "thedwelleron 
the  height"  (Gesen.) ;  he  probably  lived  on  a 
high,  inaccessible  rock.  [The  name,  which  has 
a  strange  appearance,  is  probably  a  corrupt  read- 
ing, but  it  is  difiScult  to  restore  the  text.  See 
"  Text,  and  Gram. "— Tk.]— "Who  belonged  to 
the  scions  of  the  Kapha,  one  of  the  giant-race 
of  the  Saplmites  [Eephaim] ,  who  formed  part  of 
the  primitive  inhabitants  of  Canaan,  comp.  Gen. 
xiv.  5 ;  XV.  20 ;  Deut.  ii.  11,  20 ;  iii.  11,  13 ;  Josh, 
xii.  4 ;  xiii.  12.  The  name  the  Rapha,  "the  giant " 
designates  the  ancestor  of  this  race.  [Bather  the 
name  Harapha  seems  here  to  designate  simply 
the  father  of  the  four  giants  here  mentioned,  since 
it  is  said  (ver.  22)  that  they  were  born  to  him  in 
Gath.  On  the  old  races  of  Canaan  see  Art. 
Giants  in  Smith's  Bib.  Diet. — Th.)  The  brazen 
head*  of  his  lance  weighed  three  hundred  she- 
kels, =  eight  pounds,  half  the  weight  of  Go- 
liath's, 1  Sam.  xvii.  7.— He  was  girded  with 
a  nev7  suit  of  armor — so  with  Bottcher  we  are 
to  take  the  Feminine  Adjective  (HE/in  "new") 

in  a  collective  sense ;  comp.  Judg.  xviii.  11 ;  Deut. 
i.  41.  [The  Heb.  has :  "  he  was  girt  with  a  new," 
to  which  Eng.  A.  V.  supplies  sword ;  Philippson 
renders  as  Bottcher :  "  he  was  newly  armed,"  and 
Wellhausen  suggests  that  the  word  means  not 
"new,"  but  some  weapon,  not  otherwise  known. 
— -Th.]  "And  he  thought  [  =  purposed]  to  smite 
David  "  (Ew.  J  338  a). -Ver.  17.    Abishai  inter- 


*  iyp  =ferrum  hastes  (Vulg). 


662 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


posed,  and  alew  *  the  giant.  Thereupon  the  men 
of  Israel  swore  that  David  should  not  go  into  bat- 
tle with  them.  Thou  sbalt  not  quench  the 
light  of  Israel,  thoa  shalt  not  abandon  thyself 
to  death,  and  so  quench  the  light  and  well-being 
that  the  Lord  has  given  Israel  in  thee.  On  the 
designation  of  David  as  the  light  of  Israel,  comp. 
xxii.  29  and  Ps.  xviii.  29  (28). 

b.  Ver.  18.  The  exploit  of  the  Hushathite 
iSiibechM.  Comp.  1  Chr.  xx.  4.  On  Sibbechai, 
one  of  David's  heroes  (1  Chr.  xi.  29)  comp.  1 
Chr.  xxvii.  11,  where  he  is  mentioned  as  leader 
of  the  eighth  army-division.  On  "  the  Huahathi " 
a.?  patronymic  from  Hushah  comp.  1  Chr.  iv.  4. 
[Tlie  "  Mebunnai "  of  2  Sam.  xxiii.  27  is  pro- 
bably (see  Dr.  Erdraann's  note  there)  corruption 
for  "Sibbechai." — TjR,.]. — Instead  of  Gob,  an  un- 
known place,  the  chronicler  has  Gezer,  which 
Thenius  adopts  here.  But  as  Oob  is  mentioned 
also  in  ver.  19  it  is  better  to  .suppose  (Keil)  that 
Gob  was  perhaps  a  small  place  near  Oezer,  the 
old  Canaanitish  royal  city  (Josh.  x.  32;  xii.  12). 
Perhaps  the  name  may  be  recognized  in  El  Kviab 
on  the  road  from  Ramleh  to  Yalo  [Rob.  III.  143, 
144]. — Saph  =  ^ip^jai  of  Chron.,  which  is  the 
"older  form"  (Bottcher). 

c.  Ver.  19.  The  exploit  of  Elhanan.  He  is 
called  the  son  of  Jaaie-oregim.  1  Chr.  xx.  5 
has  "son  of  Jair"  without  the  "Oregim."  This 
latter  is  here  evidently  a  repetition  by  error  from 
the  following  linjs.  Further,  instead  of  "  Elhanan 
the  Bethlehemite  slew  OoUalh,"  Chron.  has  "  El- 
hanan slew  Lahmi  the  brother  of  Goliath."  f  The 
question  is,  whether  our  text  gives  the  original 
re.ading,  and  Chron.  has  changed  it  (Berth., 
Bottch.,  Ew.,  Then.,  the  last  against  his  former 
view),  or  Chron.  has  the  original  and  our  text 
has  been  changed  (Piscator,  Cler.,  Mich.,  Movers, 
formerly  Then.,  Keil).  In  the  former  case,  the 
change  of  text  in  Chron.  is  attributed  to  the  diffi- 
culty felt  in  the  statement  that  Elhanan  killed  a 
giant  Goliath,  in  connection  with  David's  combat 
with  Goliath  (1  Sam.  xvii.),  it  being  maintained 
that  our  text  could  not  have  originated  from  that 
of  Chron.  But  the  supposition  of  a  designed 
falsification  of  text  by  the  Chronicler  is  to  be 
rejected  so  long  as  the  origination  of  our  text 
admits  of  explanation.  If  the  above-mentioned 
error  [insertion  of  Oregim]  crept  into  our  text 
even  in  the  statement  of  Elhanan's  descent, 
this  liivors  the  conjecture  that  the  following 
words  also  (given  correctly  in  Chron.)  have  under- 
gone change.  Now_ there  is  an  Elhanan  of  Beth- 
lehem, who  is  mentioned  among  David's  army- 
leaders,  xxiii.  24  (comp.  1  Chr.  xi.  26).  When 
the  error  above-mentioned  had  gotten  in,  the 
result  might  easily  be  that  a  transcriber  thinking 
of  the  Elhanan  of  xxiii.  24,  would  add  the  local 
designation  Bethlehemite,  and,  having  in  mind  the 
verbal  agreement  of  the  descriptions  of  LahmUs 
spear  and  Goliath's  (1  Sam.  xvii.  7),  would  change 
the  "  brother  of  Goliath  "  into  "  Goliath."     Fur- 


*  [Patrirk  would  render:  "Abishai  helped  him,  and 
he  (David)  slew  the  Philistine,"  in  order  to  explain  the 
rsention  of  David  in  vor.  22.  The  Heb.  does  not  cer- 
tainly decide  this  point,  but  more  probably  Abiahai  is 
said  to  be  the  slayer.— Tr.] 

t  Sam. :  n'Sj  Hx  'oribn  r\'3 ;  Chron. ;  'pnS-ns 


ther,  it  is  not  probable  that  there  were  two  giants 
named  Goliath.     As  for  the  view  that  vers.  19, 21 
"  contain  the  true  old  model  of  the  elaborate  de- 
scription in  1  Sam.  xvii."  (Then.),_and  that  the 
latter  (notwithstanding  the  historical  fact  that 
underlies  it),  has,  it  may  be  conjectured,  borrowed 
especially  the  giant's  name  from  these  verses  ( Ew., 
Then.) — against  this  is  that  (apart  from  the  men- 
tion here  of  two  giants,  and  the  description  of  the 
giant  in  ver.  20,  which  does  not  suit  tne  Goliath 
of  1  Sam.  xvii.)  neither  in  ver.  19  or  ver.  21  is 
David  named  as  the  victorious  warrior,  but  two 
heroes,  Elhanan  and  Jonathan,  are  the  conquerors. 
[The  old  opinion  (Chald. .  "and  David,  son  of 
Jesse  the  veil-weaver  of  the  sanctuary,  of  Beth- 
lehem, killed  Goliath,"  and  so  Eashi)  that  El- 
hanan is  David,  is  adopted  and  pressed  by  Bott., 
who  renders :  "  and  Elhanan,  son  of  Jesse,  killed 
Goliath."     After  referring  to  the  fact  that  a  man 
often  had  two  names,  he  gives  six  reasons  for  his 
identification  of   Elhanan   and   David :    1)  the 
mention  of  David  in  ver.  22  can  not,  he  says,  be 
otherwise  explained. — But  see  note  on  ver.  17, 
and,   further,  this  insertion  of  David  does  not 
necessarily  imply  more  than  a  general  sharing  by 
him  in  the  exploits.     2)  Two  other  sons  of  Jesse 
have  names  containing  El- — This  proves  nothing 
for  the  remaining  sons.     3)  Persons  ill-disposed 
towards  David  call  him  simply  "son  of  Jesse" 
(Ben-Jesse),  having  forgotten  his  old  name  (El- 
hanan),  and  avoiding  his  later,  happier  name 
(David).     Here  that  an  earlier  name  was  forgot- 
ten is  a.ssumed  without  a  shadow  of  evidence. 
4)  In  our  pas.sage,  something  must  have  stood  in 
the  place  of  the  corrupt  Oregim,  and  what  can  it 
have  been   but :  "  he  is  David "    (in  Xin)  ?— 
There  is  no  need  to  suppose  that  anything  stood 
there.     5)  In  xxiii.  24  we  find:  "Elhanan  the 
son  of  Dodo,"  which,  says  Bottcher,  is  for  "  El- 
hanan, son  of  David,"   and   this   (combining  1 
Chron.  xi.  26)  is  for:  "Elhanan,  son  of  Je.s.se,  he 
is  David  of  Bethlehem." — But  the  change  of 
Dodo  into  David  is  unwarranted,  and  the  rest 
arbitrary.     6)  The  text  of  Chron.  is  corrupt,  for 
ours  could  not  have  come  from  it. — Thus  Bottcher 
builds  his  opinion  on  a  series  of  arbitrary  assump- 
tions.    As  Thenius  remarks,  this  sudden  and  iso- 
lated change  of  name  (from  David  to  Elhanan) 
would  be  in  the  highest  degree  strange  and  mis- 
leading.—The  text  is  difficult,  and  no  satisfactory 
account  of  it  has  been  given.    All  that  is  clear'is 
that  Elhanan  killed  a  giant.     See  "Text,  and 
Gram."— Tb.] 

_  d.  Ver.s.  20,  21.  The  exploit  of  Jonathan,  Da- 
vid's nephew.  There  was  again  a  battle  with 
the  Philistines  in  Oath.  According  to  the  text* 
probably:  "there  was  a  man  of  measures,  exten- 
sions" [Eng.  A.  V. :  of  great  stature],  so  Do  Dieu, 
Maurer,  Movers,  Ew.,  g  177  a.  Bertneau  and 
Thenius  render :  "a.  m.in  of  length;"  Bottcher: 
"a  man  of  strife,"  a  quarrelsom^e  fellow,  buUy. 
Six  fingers  and  six  toes,  an  abnormity  that 
has  always  occurred,   and  still   occurs.     Pliny 


*  Kethib: 


13  probably  _  |'^o,  as  archaic  or  Ara- 
maic Plural  (for  which  Chron.  has  Sing,  mo),  "esten- 
sions ;"  Berth,  and  Then,  take  Qeri  |lln  (=  niD  of 
Chron),  "length;"  BSttchcr;  kethib  po  -^t'^O 
"  oontentioD."  ''        '     '' 


CHAP.  XXI.  1-22. 


563 


{Hist.  Nat.  XL  43)  mentions  aedigiti,  six-fingered 
Romans. — Ver.  21.  He  was  killed  by  Jonathan, 
son  of  Shimea  (called  Shimeah  in  xiii.  3,  and 
Sliammah  in  1  Sam.  xvi.  9),  Jesse's  third  son. — 
[In  our  text  he  is  called  Shimei,  in  the  margin 
Shiraea. — Te.] 

Ver.  22.  Concluding  remark.  These  four. 
Literally:  "as  to  these  four  (Accus.),  they  were 
the  scions  of  the  Bapha,"  descendants  of  the  race 
of  Rephaim  at  Gath,  remains  of  the  pre-Canaan- 
itish  inhabitants,  distinguished  by  their  gigantic 
.size.  See  Josh.  xi.  22.— The  phrase:  "by  the 
hand  of  David,"  refers,  not  to  his  personal  con- 
flict with  Ishbobenob,  ver.  16  (Then.,  Keii),  but 
to  the  fact  that  hLs  heroes  killed  these  giants  un- 
der him  as  commander. 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  blood-guilt  that  Saul  had  brought  on 
his  house  by  slaying  the  Gibeonites  was  pro- 
duced by  his  perverted  zeal  for  the  purity  of 
Grod's  people  and  for  the  Lord's  honor;  the 
means  he  chose  thereto  were  violation  of  oath 
(Josh,  ix.)  and  murder.  The  result  of  this  crime 
of  the  king  of  Israel,  the  repre-sentative  of  the 
people  of  God,  was  God's  wrath  on  the  land 
announced  in  the  famine.  A  dark  shadow  here 
passes  from  Saul's  time  over  into  David's,  in  the 
account  of  which  the  following  fundamental 
thoughts  are  interwoven.  1 )  Zeal  for  the  Lord 
and  His  cause  must  not  be  conjoined  with  sin ; 
if  the  good  end  makes  holy  the  bad  means,  the 
bad  means  makes  unholy  and  void  the  good  end. 
2)  God's  anger  cannot  fail  against  crime  com- 
mitted in  ostensible  zeal  for  the  honor  of  His 
kingdom ;  in  men's  eyes  the  evil  may  assume  the 
appearance  of  the  alleged  holy  end,  in  God's  eyes 
the  evil  impulses  in  the  human  heart  are  evident ; 
the  punishment  may  delay,  but  comes  in  its  time 
in  all  its  severity.  3^  He  who  sheds  man's  blood, 
by  man  shall  His  blood  be  shed  (Gen.  ix.  5,  6), 
because  man  is  made  in  God's  image,  and  murder 
is  therefore  a  crime  against  the  holy  God  Him- 
self. Such  a  crime  Saul  committed  against  the 
Gibeonites,  for  the  law  of  extermination  did  not 
apply  to  them  (Josh,  ix.),  and  if  they  were  not 
members  of  God's  people,  they  were  men,  made 
in  God's  image.  4)  Saul's  guilt  becomes  also  the 
guilt  of  his  house  and  people.  The  land  must 
expiate  its  king's  wrong.  'This  is  rooted  in  the 
idea  of  the  solidarity  of  the  people  and  the  theo- 
cratic king  a.s  representative  of  God's  people, 
whence  comes  solidarity  of  guilt  between  king 
and  people.  If  through  the  fault  of  an  individual 
member  of  the  theocratic  people,  the  whole  theo- 
cratic State  is  unhallowed  and  exposed  to  God's 
anger,  how  much  more  must  this  be  the  result  of 
a  sin  committed  by  their  king.  [Kitto :  If  it  be 
asked — and  it  has  been  asked — why  vengeance 
was  exacted  rather  for  this  slaughter  of  the  Gibe- 
onites, than  for  Saul's  greater  crime,  the  massacre 
of  the  priests  at  Nob  ? — the  answer  is,  that  the 
people,  and  even  the;  family  of  Saul,  had  no  sym- 
pathy with  or  part  in  this  latter  tragedy,  which 
none  but  an  alien  could  be  found  to  execute. 
But  both  the  people  and  Saul's  family  had 
made  themselves  parties  in  the  destruction  of  the 
unhappy  Gibeonites,  by  their  sympathy,  their 
concurrence,  their  aid — and  above  all,  as  we  must 


believe,  by  their  accepting  the  fruits  of  the  crime. 
Yet,  although  this  be  the  intelligible  public 
ground  on  which  the  transaction  rests,  it  is  im- 
possible to  withhold  our  sympathy  for  these  vic^ 
tims  of  a  public  crime  in  which  it  is  probable 
that  none  of  them  had  any  direct  part. — Th.] 

2.  Blood-vemyeance  was  ordered  in  the  Law  only 
in  case  of  inttntional  killing.  The  fundamental 
law  is  given  in  Gen.  ix.  6,  6  ;  the  preciser  state- 
ments are  made  in  Ex.  xxi.  12-14 ;  JSumb.  xxxv. 
9-34 ;  Deut.  xix.  1-13.  The  Lord  is  the  proper 
avenger  of  blood,  Gen.  ix.  6,  6  ;  Ps.  ix.  13  [1]  ; 
[Rom.  xii.  19J.  And  no  other  means  of  absolu- 
tion or  expiation  may  be  substituted  for  the  blood 
of  the  guilty.  Numb.  xxxv.  31.  For  the  inten- 
tional murderer  there  is  no  protection  against 
blood-vengeance,  not  even  at  the  altar,  Ex.  xxi. 
14 — in  such  ease  only  the  blood  of  the  slayer  can 
atone.  And  so  in  consequence  of  this  crime  Saul 
was  exposed  to  blood-vengeance  according  to  the 
divine  Law. 

3.  According  to  the  law,  blood-vengeance  was 
to  be  executed  only  on  the  crimincd  ImmsdJ,  "  The 
legislation  of  the  middle  books  of  the  Pentateuch 
[Ex.,  Lev.,  Numb.]  never  permits  the  avenger 
of  blood  to  go  beyond  the  murderer,  and  seize  his 
family"  (Oehler  in  Herzog,  II.  262).  Comp.  2 
Sam.  xiv.  6-11.  When  the  Gibeonites  demanded 
seven  descendants  of  Saul  (who  was  fallen  under 
the  divine  judgment)  David  was  under  no  legal 
obligation  to  yield  to  the  demand.  When  now 
he  neoertheless  yielded,  and  no  complaint  was 
made  against  him,  this  points  to  the  fact  that 
ewstom  had  originated  a  practice  going  beyond  the 
law,  based  on  the  oriental  notion  of  the  solidarity 
of  thefamUy,  and  on  tl^idea  (found  in  the  law) 
of  guUt  inherited  by  children  from  parents — and 
that  David  acted  in  accordance  with  this  practice; 
the  words  of  Deut.  xxiv.  16  (comp.  2  Kings  xiv. 
6),  as  supplement  to  earlier  legislation,  may  be 
directed  against  this  practice  (Oehler,  as  above, 
Kleinert  on  Deuteronomy,  1872,  p.  133).  Kurtz 
(Herz.  III.  305) :  "  David  yields  to  their  request, 
and  the  persons  delivered  up  are  hanged.  To 
understand  this  procedure,  we  mast  bear  in  mind 
the  ancient  oriental  ideas  of  the  solidarity  of  the 
family,  strict  retaliation  and  blood-vengeance, 
ideas  that,  with  some  limitation,  remained  in 
force  in  the  legislation  of  the  Old  Covenant." 
[David  certainly  did  wrong,  if  he  yielded  to  a- 
mere  custom  against  the  prescriptions  of  the  law ; 
the  custom  was  a  cruel  one.  Nothing  is  said  in 
the  text,  indeed,  about  a  conflict  between  custom 
and  law ;  it  seems  strange  that  neither  priest  nor 
prophet  raises  his  voice  against  a  public  crime. 
But  the  brevity, of  the  account  withholds  the  cir- 
cumstances that  might  throw  light  on  the  inci- 
dent.—Te.] 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Vers.  1  sq.  Schliek  :  A  famine  in  the  land  is 
a  sign  of  the  divine  wrath.  The  Lord  our  God 
has  every  thing  in  His  hand,  even  natural  pheno- 
mena depend  on  Him;  even  dew  and  rain  come 
from  Him.  [Hall:  Justly  it  is  presupposed  by 
David  that  there  was  never  judgment  from 
God  where  hath  not  been  a  provocation  from 
men  ;  therefore,  when  he  sees  the  plague,  he  in- 
quires for  the  sin.     Never  man  smarted  cause- 


664 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


lessly  from  the  hand  of  divine  justice.  O  that, 
when  we  suffer,  we  could  ask  what  we  have  done, 
and  could  guide  our  repentance  to  the  root  of  our 
evils.— Tb. J — J.  Langb:  God  does  indeed  put 
ofl  His  judgments;  but  He  does  not  therefore  an- 
nul them,  Exod.  xxxii.  34.  [Henby  :  Time  does 
not  wear  out  the  guilt  of  sin ;  nor  can  we  build 
hopes  of  impunity  upon  the  delay  of  judgments. 
There  is  no  statute  of  limitation  to  be  pleaded 

against  God's  demands Let  parents  take 

heed  of  sin,  especially  the  sin  of  cruelty  and  op- 
pression, for  their  poor  children's  sake,  who  may 
be  smarting  for  it  by  the  just  hand  of  God,  when 
they  are  in  their  graves.  Guilt  and  a  curse  are  a 
bad  entail  upon  a  family. — Tb.] 

Fb.  Abndt:  a  secret  judgment  of  God  goes 
through  history,  and  he  who  is  spared  by  time  is 
certainly  judged  by  eternity.  That  so  many  years 
lie  between  the  sin  and  the  punishment,  and  the 
expiation  comes  not  in  Saul's,  but  in  David's 
time,  is  only  a  sign  of  the  divine  patience.  God 
often  waits  long  before  He  punishes ;  He  not  sel- 
dom makes  the  whole  life  a  day  of  grace,  and  only 
in  the  day  of  judgment,  long,  long  after  the  guilt 
was  incurred,  does  the  threatened  punishment  be- 
gin.— Osiandeb:  It  often  happens  that  God  in 
His  righteous  judgment  visits  a  wicked  man's 
great  sins  not  on  him,  but  on  His  posterity. — 
Hall  :  Every  sin  hath  a  tongue,  but  that  of  blood 
over-cries  and  drowns  the  rest.  Gen.  iv.  10. — 
Osiandeb:  A  common  prayer  and  a  common 
curse  have  very  great  power ;  for  the  sighing  of 
them  that  suffer  violence  pierces  through  the 
clouds  and  draws  divine  vengeance.  Fcclus. 
xixv.  [xxxii.l  21-23. — Fe.  Abndt:  There  are 
also  well-founded  complaints  against  us,  occasioned 


by  our  behaviour,  and  woe  to  us  if  as  secret  and 
frightful  accusers  against  us  they  go  up  before 
God's  throne  of  judgment.  [Hall:  Little  did 
the  Gibeonites  think  that  God  had  so  taken  to 
heart  their  wrongs,  that  for  their  sakes  all  Israel 
should  suffer.  Even  when  we  think  not  of  it  is 
the  Kighteous  Judge  avenging  our  unrighteous 
vexations. — ^Tb.] 

Vers.  6  sq.  Schliee  :  Our  time  does  indeed 
think  of  the  rights  of  the  criminal;  but  of  the 
rights  of  those  whom  the  criminal  maltreats  or 
threatens,  people  no  longer  think  much,  and  still 
less  do  they  think  now-a-days  of  duty  towards  the 
criminal  himself. — Ver.  9.  Mercy  and  righteous- 
ness do  not  exclude  each  other.  He  who  fears 
God  should  exhibit  both  at  the  same  time  right- 
eousness in  mercy,  and  also  mercy  in  righteous- 
ness.— [Vers.  10,11.  "  One  touch  of  nature  makes 
the  whole  world  kin."  The  king  is  moved  by  the 
lowly  mother's  devotion.  The  passage,  vers.  1- 
14,  is  impressively  treated  by  Taylor. — Tb.] 

Vers.  15  sq.  The  conflict  of  the  world-power  against 
Ood^s  kingdom  is  1)  A  continual  conflict,  ever 
again  renewed;  2)  A  conflict  carried  on  with  ma- 
licious cunning,  frightfijl  power  and  mighty  wea- 
pons; 3)  A  conflict  perilous  to  the  people  of  God, 
demanding  all  the  power  given  them  by  the  Lord 
and  their  utmost  bravery ;  4)  A  conflict  that  by 
God's  help  at  last  'ends  in  the  victory  of  His 
kingdom. 

[Vers.  1-3.  The  solidarity  of  human  society  (comp. 
above,  "Hist,  and  Theol.,"  No.  3).  1)  As  to  guilt. 
2)  As  to  punishments.  3)  As  to  expiations. — 
Ver.  14.  "And  after  that  God  was  entreated  for 
the  land."  ReparaMon  of  wrong-doing  a  condition 
of  being  heard  in  prayer. — Tb.  j 


THIRD  SECTION. 

David's  song  of  thanksgiving  for  the  victories  that  the   Lord   gave  him  over  his 
enemies  through  his  deeds  of  might. 

Chaptee  xxn. 

1  And  David  spake  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  the  words  of  this  song  in  the  day 
that  the  Lord  (Jehovah)  had  delivered  him  out  of  the  hand  of  all  his  enemies,  and 

2  out  of  the  hand  of  Saul :  And  he  said, 

The  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  my  rock,  and  my  fortress,  and  my  deliverer, 

3  The  God  of  my  rock  [My  Eock-God],  in  him  will  [om.  will]  I  trust, 

He  is  [om.  he  is]  my  shield  and  the  horn  of  my  salvation,  my  high  tower  [fortress], 

and  my  refuge, 
My  Saviour,  thou  savest  me  from  violence. 

4  I  will  [om.  will]  call  on  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  who  is  worthy  to  be  praised. 
So  shall  I  [And  I  shall]  be  saved  from  mine  enemies. 

5  When  [For]  the  waves  of  death  compassed  me, 

The  floods  of  ungodly  men  [streams  of  wickedness]  made  me  afraid, 

6  The  sorrows  [toils]  of  hell  [Sheol]  compassed  me  about. 
The  snares  of  death  prevented  [encountered]  me. 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-51.  565 


7  In  my  distress  I  called  upon  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 
And  cried  to  my  God  [And  to  my  God  I  cried], 

And  he  did  hear  [heard]  ray  voice  out  of  his  temple  [palace], 
And  my  cry  did  enter  lentered']  into  his  ears. 

8  Then  [And]  the  earth  shook  and  trembled, 
The  foundations  of  heaven  [the  heavens]  moved 
And  shook,  because  he  was  wroth. 

9  There  went  up  a  smoke  out  of  [in]  his  nostrils 
And  five  out  of  his  mouth  devoured, 

Coals  were  kindled  by  it  [Red-hot  coals  burned  from  him]. 

10  He  bowed  the  heavens  also  [And  he  bowed  the  heavens],  and  came  down. 
And  darkness  [cloud-darkness]  was  under  his  feet. 

11  And  he  rode  upon  a  cherub,  and  did  fly. 

And  he  was  seen  [And  appeared]  upon  the  wings  of  the  wind. 

12  Aud  he  made  darkness  pavilions  round  about  him, 

Dark  waters  [Gathering  of  waters],  and  [om.  and]  thick  clouds  of  the  skies. 

13  Through  [Out  of]  the  brightness  before  him 
Were  coals  of  fire  kindled  [Burned  coals  of  fire]. 

14  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  thundered  from  heaven. 
And  the  Most  High  uttered  his  voice. 

15  And  he  sent  out  arrows,  and  scattered  them. 
Lightning,  and  discomfited  them. 

16  And  the  channels  [beds]  of  the  sea  appeared. 

The  foundations  of  the  world  [earth]  were  discovered 

At  the  rebuking  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 

At  [By]  the  blast  of  the  breath  of  his  nostrils. 

17  He  sent  [reached]  from  above  [on  high],  he  took  me, 
He  drew  me  out  of  many  [great]  waters. 

18  He  delivered  me  from  my  strong  enemy. 

And  [om.  and]  from  them  that  hated  me,  for  they  were  too  strong  for  me. 

19  They  prevented  [came  upon]  me  in  the  day  of  my  calamity. 
But  the  Lord  [And  Jehovah]  was  my  stay. 

20  He  brought  me  forth  also  [And  he  brought  me  forth]  into  a  large  place, 
He  delivered  me,  because  he  delighted  in  me. 

21  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  rewarded  [rendered]  me  according  lo  my  righteousness. 
According  to  the  cleanness  of  my  hands  hath  he  recompensed  me. 

22  For  I  have  kept  the  ways  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 
And  have  not  wickedly  departed  from  my  God. 

23  For  all  his  judgments  were  [are]  before  me, 

And  as  for  his  statutes  I  did  [do]  not  depart  from  them. 

24  I  was  also  [And  I  was]  upright  before  [perfect  towards]  him, 
And  have  kept  myself  from  my  iniquity. 

25  Therefore  the  Lord  [And  Jehovah]  hath  recompensed  me  according  to  my 

righteousness. 
According  to  my  cleanness  in  his  eyesight. 

26  With  the  merciful  thou  wilt  show  [showest]  thyself  mereiful. 

And  [om.  and]  with  the  upright  [perfect]  man  thou  wilt  show  [showest]  thyself 
upright  [perfect]. 

27  With  the  pure  thou  wilt  show  [showest]  thyself  pure. 

And   with   the  froward  [perverse]  thou  wilt  show  [showest]   thyself   unsavory 
[perverse]. 

28  And  the  afficted  people  thou  wilt  save  [savest], 

But  [And]  thine  eyes  are  upon  [against]  the  haughty,  that  thou  mayest  bring  them 
down. 

29  For  thou  art  my  lamp,  O  Lord  [Jehovah], 

And  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  will  lighten  [lightens]  my  darkness. 

30  For  by  thee  I  have  run  [I  run]  through  a  troop  [troops]. 
By  my  God  have  I  leaped  over  [I  leap  over]  a  wall  [walls]. 


566 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


31  Ad  for  God,  his  way  is  perfect ; 

The  word  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  is  tried  [pure], 
He  is  a  buckler  to  all  them  that  trust  in  him. 

32  For  who  is  God  save  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  ? 
And  who  is  a  rock  save  our  God  ? 

33  God  is  my  strength  and  power  [strong  fortress]. 
And  he  maketh  my  way  perfect. 

34  He  maketh  my  feet  like  hinds'  feet  (like  the  hinds), 
Aud  setteth  me  upon  my  high  places. 

35  He  teacheth  my  hands  to  war. 

So  that  [And]  a  bow  of  steel  is  broken  by  mine  arms  [my  arms  bend  a  bow  of  bronzej 

36  Thou  hast  also  [And  thou  hast]  given  me  the  shield  of  thy  salvation, 
And  thy  gentlene,ss  [hearkening]  hath  made  me  great. 

37  Thou  hast  enlarged  my  steps  under  me, 

So  that  [And]  my  feet  did  not  slip  [my  ankles  did  not  tremble]. 

38  I  have  pursued  mine  enemies,  and  destroyed  them. 
And  turned  not  again  until  I  had  consumed  them. 

39  And  I  have  consumed  them,  and  wounded  [crushed]  them, 
That  [And]  they  could  [did]  not  arise, 

Yea  [And]  they  art  fallen  under  my  feet. 

40  For  [And]  thou  hast  girded  me  with  strength  to  battle, 
Them  that  rose  up  against  me  hast  thou  subdued  under  me. 

41  Thou  hast  also  [And  thou  hast]  given  me  the  necks  of  mine  enemies, 
That  I  might  destroy  [And  I  destroyed]  them  that  hate  [hated]  me. 

42  They  looked,  but  there  was  none  to  save  [and  there  was  no  saviour], 

Even  \_om.  even]  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  but  [and]  he  answered  them  not. 

43  Then  did  [And]  I  beat  them  as  small  as  the  dust  of  the  earth, 

I  did  stamp  [crushed]  them  as  the  mire  of  the  street,  and  [om.  and]  did  spread 
them  abroad  [stamped  them]. 

44  Thou  also  [And  thou]  hast  delivered  me  from  the  strivings  of  my  people, 
Thou  hast  kept  me  to  be  head  of  the  heathen, 

A  people  which  I  knew  not,  shall  lorn,  shall]  serve  me. 

45  Strangers  shall  submit  themselves  unto  me  [Strangers  fawn  on  me]. 
As  soon  as  they  hear,  they  shall  be  [are]  obedient  unto  me. 

46  Strangers  shall  fade  away. 

And  they  shall  be  afraid  out  of  their  close  plares  [strongholds]. 

47  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  liveth,  and  blessed  be  my  rock, 
And  exalted  be  the  God  of  the  rock  of  my  salvation. 

48  It  is  God  [The  God]  that  avengeth  me. 

And  that  [om.  that]  briugeth  down  the  people  [peoples]  under  me, 

49  And  that  [om.  that]  bringeth  me  forth  from  mine  enemies. 

Thou  also  [And  thou]  hast  lifted  me  up  on  high  above  them  that  rose  up  against 

me  [hast  exalted  me  above  my  adversaries]. 
Thou  hast  delivered  me  from  the  violent  man. 

50  Therefore  will  I  give  thanks   unto  thee,   O  Lord  [Jehovah],   among  the 

heathen. 
And  I  will  sing  praises  unto  thy  name. 
61  He  is  the  tower  of  salvation  for  his  king, 
And  showeth  mercy  to  his  Anointed, 
Unto  [To]  David  and  to  his  seed  for  evermore. 


EXEGETIOAL  AND   CRITICAL. 

Thia  song  of  praise  and  thanksgiving  is  (a  few 
deviations  excepted,  which  will  be  examined  in 
the  exposition)  identical  with  Ps.  xviii.  The 
swperscripiion  is  substantially  the  same  in  the  two 
productions.     In  the  Psalm  the  opening  words: 


"  to  the  precentor,  by  the  servant  of  Jehovah,  by 
David,",  are  like  the  title  of  Ps.  xxxvi. ;  then  fol- 
lows (in  the  form  of  a  relative  sentence:  "who 
spake  to  Jehovah")  the  historical  introduction  in 
the  same  words  as  in  ver.  1  of  our  chapter  (ex- 
cept only  that  the  second  "  hand"  is  given  by  dif- 
ferent words):  "And  David  spake  to  the  Lord 
the  words  of  this  song,"  etc.     The  Bavidia  origin 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-51. 


507 


of  the  song,  which  is  universally  recognized  (except 
by  01shajj3n  and  Hupfeld)  is  thus  doubly  attested. 
The  redactor  of  our  Books  regards  this  as  equally 
indubitable  as  in  the  other  sayings  and  poems 
attributed  to  David,  iii.  33,  34;  v.  8;  vii.  18-29; 
xxiii.  1-7-     The  high  antiquity  of  the  song  is 
favored  by  its  use  in  Ps.  cxvi.,  cxliv.,  and  the  quo- 
tation of  ver.  31  in  Prov.  xxx.  5,  and  of  ver.  34 
in  Hab.  iii.  19 ;  and  especially  the  early  recogni- 
tion of  its  Davidic  origin  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
the  author  of  the  Books  of  Samuel  found  the  su- 
perscription, which  ascribes  the  song  to  David, 
already  in  the  hisiorical  authority  whence  he  took 
the  narrative  (comp.  Hitzig  on  Psalms,  I.  95  sqq.). 
The  source,  whence  Ps.  xviii.  also  with  its  identi- 
cal historical  introduction  was  taken  into  the 
psalter  (since  it  was  evidently  not  taken  from  2 
Sam. )  is  doubtless  one  of  the  theocratic-prophetic 
historical  works,  from  which  Sam.  has  drawn. 
See  the  Introduction,  pp.  31-35.     The  content  also 
of  the  song  puts  its  genuineness  beyond  doubt. 
The  victories  that  God  has  given  the  singer  over 
internal  and  external  enemies,  so  that  he  is  now 
a  mighty  king,   the    individual    characteristics, 
which  agree  perfectly  with  the  Davidic  Psalms, 
and  especially  the  singer's  designation  of  himself 
by  the  name  David  (ver.  51),  compel  us  to  regard 
the  latter  as  the  author.   "  Certainly,"  says  Hitzig, 
"  this  opinion  will  be  derived  from  ver.  51.    And 
rightly ;  for,  if  the  song  was  not  by  David,  it  must 
have  been  composed  in  his  name  and  into  his 
soul ;  and  who  could  this  contemporary  and  equal 
poet  be?" — On  the  position  of  the  song  in  this  am- 
nection  midway  among  the  sections  of  the  con- 
cluding appendix,  see  Introduction,  pp.  21-23. 
The  insertion  of  the  epLsodes  from  the  Philistian 
wars  (xxi.  15-22)  gives  the  point  of  connection 
for  the  introduction  of  this  song  of  victory,  which 
David  sang  in  triumph  over  his  external  enemies. 
And  the  reference  at  the  close  of  this  song  (ver. 
51)  to  the  promise  of  the  everlasting  kingdom  (2 
Sam.  vii.  12-16,  26,  29),  which  David  now  .sees  is 
assured  by  his  victories,  has  obviously  given  the 
redactor  the  point  of  connection  for  David's  last 
prophetic  song  (xxiii.  1-7),  wherein  is  celebrated 
the  imperishable  dominion  of  his  house,  founded 
on  the  covenant  that  the  Lord  has  made  with  him. 
Noticeable  also  is  the  bond  of  connection  between 
the  two  songs  in  the  fact  that  David  calls  himself 
by  name  in  ver.  51  and  xxiii.  1  just  as  in  vii.  20. 
— The  time  of  composition  (the  reference  in  ver.  51 
to  2  Sam.  vii.  being  unmistakable)  cannot  be  be- 
fore the  date  when  David,  on  the  ground  of  the 
promise  given  him  through  Nathan,  could  be  sure 
that  his  dominion  despite  all  opposition  was  im- 
movable, and  that  the  throne  of  Israel  would  re- 
main forever  with  his  house.     The  words  of  the 
title:  "in  the  day  when  the  Lord  had  saved  him 
from  the  hand  of  all  his  enemies"  agree  with  the 
description  of  victories  in  vers.  29-46,  and  point 
to  a  time  when  David  had  established  his  king- 
dom by  war,  and  forced  heathen  princes  to  do 
homage  (comp.  vers.  44r-49).     But,  as  God's  vic- 
torious help  against  external  enemies  is  celebrated 
in  the  second  part  of  the  song,  and  the  joyous  tone 
of  exultation  shows  that  David's  heart  is  taken 
up  with  the  gloriousness  of  that  help,  it  is  a  fair 
assumption  that  the  song  was  written  not  after  the 
turmoil  of  Absalom's  conspiracy  and  the  succeed- 
ing events  (Keil),  but  immediately  after  the  vic- 


torious wars  narrated  in  chaps,  viii.  and  x.  Vers. 
44,  45  may  without  violence  be  referred  (Hitzig) 
to  the  fact  related  in  viii.  9  sqq.,  that  Toi,  king 
of  Hamath,  presented  lii.-i  homage  to  David  through 
his  sou  Joram.  So  the  reference  to  viii.  6,  where 
the  Syrians  are  said  to  have  been  conquered  and 
brought  gifts,  is  obvious.  The  conviction  of  the 
iheooratic  narrator  (as  expressed  in  the  repeated 
remark,  viii.  6,  14:  "the  Lord  helped  David, 
wherever  he  went")  that  David  had  the  Lord's 
special  help  in  these  wars  with  Syria  and  Edani, 
accords  with  the  free,  joyous  praise  of  the  Lord's 
help  in  our  song.  The  song  was  therefore  very 
propably  produced  after  the  victories  over  the 
Syrians  and  Edomites,  which  were  epoch-making 
for  the  establishment  and  extension  of  David's 
authority.  David  composed  it  doubtless  at  the 
glorious  end  of  this  war,  looking  at  the  same  time 
at  God's  mercies  to  him  in  the  early  period  of  the 
Sauline  persecution,  and  the  internal  wars  with 
Saul's  adherents  (ii.  8-iv.  12),  and  making  these 
subject-matter  of  praise  and  thanks  to  the  Lord. 
The  poet's  imagination,  in  its  contemplation  of 
the  two  principal  periods  of  war,  moves  back- 
wards, presenting  first  the  external  wars,  which 
were  the  nearest,  and  then  the  internal,  with  Saul 
and  his  house.  The  designation  of  time  ''  in  the 
day"  (i.  e.,  at  the  time,  as  in  Gen.  ii.  4  and  else- 
where) "when  the  Lord  had  saved  him  fiom  the 
hand  of  Saul,"  points  to  the  moment  of  David's 
victory  over  all  his  enemies,  when  he  could 
breathe  freely  and  praise  God.* — The  form  of 
the  superseription  is  similar  to  that  of  the  super- 
scriptions of  the  songs  that  are  inserted  in  the 
history  in  Ex.  xv.  1 ;  Numb.  xxi.  17  ;  Deut.  xxxi. 
30.  In  Ps.  xviii.,  as  here,  the  song  is  introduced 
with  the  words  :  "  and  he  said." 

Vers.  2-4.  The  prologue  of  the  song.  With 
an  unusually  great  number  of  predicates,  David 
out  of  his  joyously  thankful  heart,  praises  the 
Lord  for  His  m.any  deliverances.  The  numerous 
designations  of  God  in  vers.  2,  3  are  the  summary 
statement  ot  what,  as  the  song  exhibits  in  detail, 
the  Lord  has  been  to  him  in  all  his  trials.  In 
ver.  4  the  thankful  testimony  to  the  salvation  that 
God  (as  above  designated  in  vera.  2,  3)  has 
vouchsafed  him,  is  set  forth  as  the  theme  of  the 
whole  song.  The  opening  words  of  Ps.  xviii. 
(ver.  2  [1]  ) :  "I  love  thee,  O  Lord,  my  strength," 
are  wanting  in  our  passage.  The  originality  of 
this  introduction,  which  the  Syriac  [of  2  Sam. 
xxii.]  contains,  and  which  ''carries  its  own  justi- 
fication" (Thenius),  is  not  to  be  doubted ;  it  has 
here  fallen  out  either  "from  illegible  writing" 
(Thenius),  or  through  mistake.  "  I  deeply  lovef 
thee;"  David's  deep  love  to  his  God  is  the  fruit 
of  God's  manifestations  of  love  to  him.  Luther : 
"  Thus  he  declareth  his  deepest  love,  that  he  de- 
lighteth  in  our  Lord  God ;  for  he  feeleth  that  his 
benefits  are  unspeakable,  and  from  this  exceeding 


*  n*T'I2'  instead  of  the  usual  "VV  ',  "  from  this  already 

T 

it  appears  that  the  historical  part  of  the  title  is  from  an- 
other source." — r^7^  introduces  a  relative  sentence, 
which  is  in  stat.  const,  with  D^^5-    Ges.  §  116,  3.    Comp. 

Ex.  vi.  28 ;  Numb.  iii.  1 ;  Ps.  cxxxviii.  3. 

t  DTT^,  elsewhere  only  in  Piol  in  sense  of  "pif^," 
here  in  Qal  (as  often  in  Aramaic)  in  sense  of  "  hearty 
love,"  for  which  the  usual  word  is  3nX. 


568 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


great  delight  and  love  it  coraeth  that  He  giveth 
him  so  many  names,  as  in  what  foUoweth." 
These  words  of  P«.  xviii.  2  have  occasioned  the 
noble  hvrans  :*  "  With  all  my  heart,  O  Lord,  I 
love  Thee"  (M.  Schalling),  and  :  "Thee  will  I 
love,  my  strength"  (J.  Sclieffler)._ — The  phrase: 
"my  strength "t  denotes  not  the  inner  power  of 
heart  received  by  David  from  God  (Luther),  but 
(as  is  shown  by  the  following  names  of  God,  which 
all  refer  to  outward  help)  the  manifestations  of  the 
might  of  God  amid  the  trials  brought  on  him  by 
cnimies. — My  rock  and  my  fortress;  the 
same  designation  is  found  in  Ps.  xxxi.  4  [3]  and 
Ixxi.  3.  "  Mv  rock,  properly  cleftj  of  a  rock, 
which  gives  concealment  from  enemies,  =  he 
who  conceals  me  to  save  me.     So  in  Ps.  xlii.  10 

[9]  the  strong  God  (^X),  is  called,  over  against 
pressing  en'mies,  "my  rock." — My  fortress,^  a 
place  difficult  of  access  from  its  height  and  strength, 
offering  protection  against  ambush  and  attack,  a 
watchtower.  The  natural  basis  for  these  figures 
is  found  in  the  frequent  rock-clefts  and  steep,  in- 
accessible hills  of  Palestine.  Comp.  Judg.  vi.  2 ; 
Job  xxxix.  27,  28 ;  Isa.  xxxiii.  16.  The  Ais- 
torical  basis  is  furnished  by  David's  experiences 
in  Saul's  time,  when  he  was  often  obliged  to  be- 
take himself  to  clefts  and  hills.  Comp.  1  Sam. 
xxii.  5;  xxiii.  14.  19;  xxiv.  1,  23. — The  meaning 
of  these  concrete  figures  is  indicated  in  the  added 
expre-ssion :  My  deliverer.  Bottcher  would 
change  the  pointing  and  read:  "My  deliver- 
a»«e;"(|  but  there  is  no  good  ground  for  this, 
either  in  the  occurrence  of  this  latter  word  in  Ps. 
]v.  9  [8]  and  cxliv.  2,  or  in  the  abstract  expres- 
sions of  ver.  4  [3].  JBather  the  indication  of  the 
Lord's  personal,  active  help  in  the  words  saviour 
and  savest,  favors  the  reading  "deliverer." — Ver. 
3.     God  of  my  rock,  of  my  house,  my  rock-Ood. 

Pb.  xviii.  3  [2]  has :  "  my  strong  God  ( 'N),  my 
rock ;"  these  separated  predicates  are  here 
united  into  one  expression.  The  word  "rock" 
(comp.  stone  in  Gen.  xlix.  24),  denotes  the 
firmness  and  unshakabteness  of  Ood's  failhful- 
ness,  which  is  founded  on  the  unchangeableness  of 
His  being  (comp.  Isa.  xxvi.  4  sqq.)  and  gives 
assurance  of  imendangered,  certain  security.  So 
in  Deut.  xxxii.  4,  37  God  is  called  the  rock  as  the 
God  of  faithfulness,  whom  one  securely  builds  on 
and  trusts  (Ps.  xoii  16  [I!)]).  Comp.  ver.  47, 
where  the  name  "  rock-God  "  again  occurs. — In 
whom  I  trust  (the  construction  is  relative). 
The  '_'  trust "  as  firm  confidence  answers  to  the 
rock-like  firmness  of  the  divine  faithfulness,  on 
which    one   may  rely.— My  shield,  figure  of 


■•  ["BertJich  lieb  hab  ich  dich  o  Herr,"  and  "Ich  willdich 
lieben,  meine  Starke"  | 
t  'Pin,  a  oir.  Kty. 

*  y^O  "rook-cleft,"  after  Arab,  jj^ty   "to  cleave." 

[Pee  Delitzsoh  on  Pss.  in  loco ;  but  this  derivation  is  not 
cej-taiii.— Te.1 

§  mwp,  and  80  the  mase.  HIVD,  IVS.  [See  Del.  on 
Psalms,  and  Fleischer's  note.— Tn!] 

I   BSttoher:  'bSso.— The  'S  (wanting  in  Pa.  xviii.  3 

[2],  found  in  Ps,  cxliv.  2),  is  a  strengthenini;  of  the  suf- 
fix ''_,  and  expresses  deep  feeling  of  the  Lord's  gracious 

help  to  him  personally. 


covering  against  the  attacks  of  enemies,  protec- 
tion against  dangers.     So  in  Gen.  xv.  1  God  calls 
Himself  Abraham's  shield,  and  in  Deut.  xxxiii. 
29  He  is  the  shield  of  the  help  [  =  the  saving 
shield]  of  Israel.     The  figure  is  frequent  in  the 
Psalms;  see  iii.  4  [3]  ;  vii.  11   [10,  Eng.  A.  V.: 
defence]  ;  xxviii.  7  ;  lix.  12  [11],  and  elsewhere. 
— And  born  of  my  salvation,  denotes  God's 
might  and  strength,  which  gives  not  only  protec- 
tion, but  also  help  and  salvation  in  the  over- 
coming of  enemies.     The  figure  refers  not  to  the 
horns  of  the  altar  (Hitzig,  Moll),  as  if  protection 
were  the  only  thing  involved,  but  to  the  horns  of 
beasts,  in  which  their  strength  is  shown  in  the 
victorious  repulse  of  an  attack  [or,  in  making  an 
attack]   (see  1  Sam.  ii.  1,  10;  Job  xvi.  15;  Ps. 
Ixxv.  5,  6,  11  [4,  5,  10]  ;  Ixxxix.  18  [17]  ;  xcii. 
11   [10];  cxii.  9;  cxlviii.  1).     The  Lord  is  not 
only  protection  against  attacks,  but  also  "  a  trusty 
shield  and  weapon"  ("ein'  gutewehrund  wafie") 
for  victoriously  combating  and  repelling  iliem. 
Comp.  Deut.  xxxiii.  29,  where  the  God  of  Israel 
is  called  the  shield  of  their  help  and  the  sword 
of  their  excellency.    Tlie  reference  of  the  "  horn" 
to  a  mountain  peak  has  small   support  from  Isa. 
V.  1,  and,  as  the  compari.=on  with  the  strength  of 
horned  beasts  is  so  frequent,  must  be  rejected. — 
My   stronghold   [Eng.  A.  V. :  high   tower], 
steep,  lofty  place,  inaccessible  and  therefore  safe, 
see  Ps.  ix.  10  [9  Eng.  A.  V.:  refuge].     And  my 
refuge,  my  Saviour,  who  saves  me  from 
violence.     These  words  are   wanting   in    Ps. 
xviii.     Their  insertion  is  not  to  be  explained 
from  the  desire  to  give  rhythmical  completeness 
to  the  strophe  left  imperfect  by  the  omission  of 
the  "  Ilove  Thee,  Jehovah  "  (Keil).  but  from  the 
efibrt  (in  accordance  with  the  position  of  the  song 
here  in  the  midst  of  the  history)  to  explain  the 
preceding  declarations  about  God  in  respect  to 
the  help  actually  given  by  Him.    As  a  testimony 
to  the  deliverance  vouchsafed  David  by  God  as  his 
rock,  etc.,  the  words  make  the  transition  to  ver.  4. 
— Most  modern  expositors  regard  all  these  appel- 
latives as  in  apposition  with  "  Jehovah,"  putting 
the   latter  in  the  vocative  (so  also  Hitzig  and 
Delitzsch)    ["O  Jehovah,   my   rock    ...   my 
Saviour,  Thou  sa  vest  me  from  violence"].  But  as 
Hupfeld  (on  Ps.  xviii.  S  [2])   rightly  remarks, 
this  would  produce  too  long  and  heavy  an  address. 
The  "Jehovah"  is  therefore  (with  tlie  older  ex- 
positors and  the  ancient  versions)  to  be  taken  as 
subject,   and  the   appellations    as    declarations:   . 
"  Jehovah  is  my  rock  and  mv  fortress,"  etc. — Ver. 
4.    As  the  praised  one  l"  call  on  the  Lord, 
or:  I  call  on  the   praised  one,  the  Lord. 

The  participle  (^^DH)  does  not  mean  "glorious" 
(Hengst.,  Hupf.),  but  (conformably  to  the  fre- 
quent hallelujah)  =  " blessed,"  Ps.  xlviii.  2  [1]  ; 
xcvi.  4 ;  cxiii.  3 ;  cxlv.  3,  comp.  1  Chr.  xvi.  25 ; 
nor  does  it  mean  laudandm,  "praiseworthy." 
[The  Participles  may  have  the  force  of  the  Lat. 
Fut.  Passive;  Eng.  A.  V.:  '•  worthv  to  be 
praised,"  Vulg. :  laudabilem  ;  Sept. :  aiverdv.  The 
Chaldee  (which  paraphrases  largely  in  ver.  3) 
takes  it  as  active,  and  renders :  "  Said  David, 
With  praise  I  will  prajr  before  Jehovali."  Ewald 
(on  Ps.  xviii.)  renders  it :  "  worthy  to  be  praised." 
— Tr.]  It  is  not  vocative,  but  Accusative,  and  is 
put  at  the  beginning  of  the  sentence  for  the  sake 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-51. 


569 


of  emphasis,  as  in  ver.  2 ;  vii.  16 ;  x.  7,  14,  17. 
David  has  actually  praised  the  Lord  in  the  pre- 
ceding predicates  :  they  form  the  content  of  the 
praise.  The  rendering:  "Praised  be  Thou,  I 
cry,  0  Jehovah  "  (G.  Baur,  Olshausen)  does  not 
accord  with  the  following  member:  ''and  from 
my  enemies  I  am  saved."  The  verbs  are  not 
(with  many  old  expositors)  to  be  taken  as  future: 
"  I  will  call,  shall  be  saved,"  but  as  expressing 
undefined  past  time,  comp.  Ps.  iii.  5  [4]  [or,  bet- 
ter as  indefinite  as  to  time,  the  Eng.  general  pre- 
sent.— Tb.].  David  prefaces  his  song  with  this 
general,  all-embracing  declaration  (based  on  all 
his  experiences  of  the  Lord's  help),  of  which  the 
sense  is:  "as  often  as  (  =  when)  I  call  on  the 
Lord,  I  am  saved ;"  and  he  now  proceeds  to  exhi- 
bit its  truth  by  the  citation  of  his  experiences. 
He  bases  his  confident  appeal  to  the  Lord  for  help 
on  His  manifestations  of  might,  wherein  he  recog- 
nizes and  praises  God  as  his  deliverer. 

Vers.  5-28.  First  part  of  the  description  of 
the  divine  manifestation  of  help,  experienced  by 
David  in  the  time  of  SavZ's  persecutions. 

Vers.  5-7.  From  the  description  of  the  dangers 
that  pressed  on  him  (vers.  5,  6),  he  proceeds  to 
the  avowal  that  he  called  on  the  Lord  for  help, 
and  was  heard  (ver.  7). — Ver.  5.  For  breakers 
of  death  had  surrounded*  me.  The  "for" 
(lacking  in  Ps.  xviii.  5  [4])  introduces  the  fol- 
lowing as  the  ground  of  the  declaration  of  ver.  4. 
Instead  of  "  breakers"  thePs,  has  "cords  (bands)," 
representing  death  under  the  image  of  a  hunter, 
comp.  Ps.  xci.  3.  The  "breakers"  here  corres- 
pond better  to  the  ''  floods"  of  the  next  member. 

"Floods  of  wickedness;"  the  word  {'lly2)  means 
properly  "  uselessness,  worthlessness,"  commonly 
found  in  an  ethical  sense :  ''  wickedness,"  comp. 
xvi.  7  ;  XX.  1  ;  xxiii.  6  ;  1  Sam.  ii.  12 ;  x. 
27;  XXV.  17,  25.  It  is  found  also  in  the 
physical  sense  of  "destruction,  harm,"  Nah. 
i.  11 ;  Ps.  xH.  9  [8,  Eng.  A.  V.  -.  evil  dis- 
ease]. So  it  must  be  taken  here  also,  on  account 
of  the  parallels :  "  breakers  of  death,  nets  of  hell, 
snares  of  death."  ''Had  terrifiedf  me"  (sud- 
denly come  upon  me).  [Dr.  Erdmann  in  his 
translation,  renders :  "  floods  of  wickedness,"  but 
his  preceding  statement  requires  :  "  floods  of  de- 
struction," (so  Delitzsch). — Tk.] — Ver.  6.  Nets 
of  hell  [better:  SheoLJ—Tn.]— snares  of 
death.  From  the  figure  of  water-waves  the  poet 
passes  to  that  of  the  hunter,  under  which  is  repre- 
sented the  suddenly  and  treacherously  attacking 
power  of  death.  "  Snares  of  death  fall  on  me" 
(Dip)  comp.  ver.  19 ;  Ps.  xvii.  13 ;  Job  xxx. 
27. — The  words  of  vers.  5,  6  describe  not  all  the 
dangers  of  David's  life  up  to  this  time  (Keil,  Ew., 
Hupf.,  Thol.),  but  the  snares  and  persecutions 
that  befell  him  in  Saul's  time.  The  description 
of  peril  of  life  agrees  only  with  this  time,  which 


*  'ISN,  not:  "press,  drive"  (after  the  Arab.),  but,  af- 
ter indubitable  tradition  (comp.  tS'lK  "  a  wheel  "),  "  en- 
circle, surround,"  as  poetic  synonym  of  ^I'Dn,  "1B3, 
330  (Del.  on  Ps.  xviii.). 

-   T 

t  ^  jnj?3^,  Impf.  interchanging  with  Waw.  consec.  and 

Impf.,  because  it  describes  condition  (Hupf.). 

i  [Sheol,  the  underworld,  place  of  departed  spirits. 
— Ta.] 


the  title  also  expressly  mentions.  This  view  is 
favored  also  by  the  relation  between  the  two  sec- 
tions, vers.  5-28  and  29-46,  "in  the  first  of  which 
David  is  saved  by  God  without  effort  on  his  part, 
while  in  the  second,  he  is  both  object  and  instru- 
ment of  che  divine  deliverance"  (Hengst.).  In 
the  same  direction  Riehm  (in  Hupfeld)  well  re- 
marks that  David  in  the  whole  of  the  first  part  is 
only  passive,  not  active  (only  God's  hand  saves 
him),  but  in  the  second  part  on  the  contrary  him- 
self as  a  warrior,  wards  off  his  enemies. — Ver.  7. 
Looking  back  at  those  deadly  dangers,  David  af- 
firms that  he  was  driven  by  them  to  call  on  Ood, 
and  was  heard  by  him.  In  my  distress*  I 
called  upon  the  Lord,  and  to  my  God  I 
called.  Instead  of  "  called ''  the  Ps.  has  "  cried," 
answering  to  the  distress  that  forced  such  a  cry 
from  him.  And  he  heard  my  voice  out 
of  his  palace,  out  of  God's  heavenly  dwelling, 
as  contrasted  with  the  depth  of  distress  on  earth, 
out  of  which  he  sent  up  to  God  his  cry  for  help. 
Comp.  Ps.  xvi.  4 :  "  The  Lord  is  in  his  holy 
palace,  the  Lord's  throne  is  in  heaven."  Theme 
appears  the  Lord's  help.  [Eng.  A.  V.,  not  so 
well :  "  temple,"  for,  though  heaven  may  be  re- 
garded as  a  temple,  Jehovah  is  here  represented 
as  a  king,  enthroned  in  heaven  and  the  word 
"temple"  would  most  probably  be  understood  by 
English  readers  of  the  earthly  building  con- 
secrated to  His  service.  The  Hebrew  word 
means  both  'palace  and  temple. — Tb.]  And  my 
cry  into  his  ears.  The  Ps.,  has  the  fuller 
vivid  description :  "  and  my  cry  came  before 
him,  into  his  ears ;"  our  passage  has  the  ad- 
vantage of  more  emphatic  brevity  (comp.  Hengst., 
Eem.). 

Vers.  8-20.  Splendid  poetical  description  of 
Ood's  help  appearing  in  answer  to  his  prayer,  under 
the  image  of  a  terrible  storm  accompanied  by  an 
earthquake,  the  individual  features  being  given 
with  vivid  coloring  in  accordance  with  the 
natural  order  of  the  phenomena.  Comp.  Tho- 
luck,  on  Psalms,  p.  91.— As  the  preceding  descrip- 
tion of  distress  refers  not  to  the  whole  of  David's 
life,  but  only  to  the  Sauline  period,  so  this  poeti- 
cal description  is  not  to  be  understood  of  a  real 
storm  (as  in  1  Sam.  vii.  10)  that  terrified  the 
enemy  and  saved  David.  Thenius,  Ewald  and 
Hitzig,  indeed,  so  understand  it,  and  refer  it  to  a 
storm  in  a  battle  with  the  Syrians  (2  Sam.  vii.  5), 
and  similarly  others.  But,  in  the  first  place,  the 
connection  is  against  this ;  for  the  deliverance 
described  in  vers.  17-20  is  clearly  none  other  than 
the  salvation  from  the  distress  pictured  in  vers. 
5-7.  Further,  the  figure  (here  poetically  ela- 
borated) of  a  terrible  storm,  is  the  standing  form 
of  representation  of  Ood's  glory  and  majesty^  in  the 
revelation  of  His  holiness  and  punitive  justice, 
as  in  the  fundamental  passage,  Ex.  xix.  (the  leg- 
islation on  Sinai).  So  are  often  represented 
GocPs  theophanies  for  the  revelation  of  His  anger, 
for  the  accomplishment  of  His  judgments,  for  the 


*  ns,  comp.  Job  XT.  2i.    Literally :  "  in  the  distress  to 

me,"  that  is,  in  this  my  distress  ;  for  the  construction 
comp.  Ps.  Ixvi.  14;  ovi.  41;  evil.  6  and  elsewhere.  This 
mode  of  expression  is  based  on  the  common  formula 

•''7-1S  "  it  is  strait  to  me,"  "  I  am  in  distress,"  the  pre- 
position being  proposed  here  to  a  whole  sentence,  as 
commonly  to  a  noun  (Hupf.). 


570 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


I 


deliverance  of  His  people  from  their  enemies 
and  for  new  unfoldings  of  the  glory  of  His  king- 
dom ;  comp.  besides  Ex.  xix.  16-18,  especially 
Judg.  V.  4,  5;  Isa.  xxix.  6;  xxx.  27-30;  Joel 
ii.  10,  11 ;  iii.  3  sq.  [ii.  30,  31]  ;  Nah.  i.  3-6  ; 
Ps.  1.  2,  3;  Ixxvii.  17-19  [16-18];  xcvii.  2- 
5. — Certainly,  "if  the  poet  had  meant  by  all 
this  to  say  merely :  '  God  even  in  the  greatest 
need,  has  accorded  me  almighty  help,'  the  ap- 
paratus would  in  fact  be  too  great "  (Thenius). 
But  the  connection  shows  that  he  means  to  say 
more ;  looking  at  the  fears  and  dangers  of  the 
gloomy  time  of  Saul's  persecution,  he  will  com- 
prehensively set  forth  how  the  Lord  visited  His 
wrathful  judgments  on  the  enemy  that  so  op- 
ressed  him,  God's  servant,  and  in  him  en- 
angered  the  cause  of  God's  kingdom,  and  how 
the  Lord  by  His  invincible  might,  saved  him  and 
gave  victory  to  his  cause.  "  The  combination  of 
the  figure  of  ver.  17  sqq.,  with  other  and  general 
features,  suggests  that  it  also  has  a  general  refer- 
ence." (Hupfeld).  SoKiehm  {inHupf.,_p.  465) 
remarks  that  the  description  has  no  historical 
reference,  but  by  its  poetical  form,  holds  itself 
above  the  plane  of  concrete  history. 

Ver.  8.  The  earthquake  is  the  sign  of  God's 
approaching  wrath ;  as  the  Lord  descends  from 
His  temple  in  heaven  to  judgment  on  earth,  the 
whole  earth  quakes  before  Him.  There  is  pro- 
bably in  this  an  allusion  to  thunder  as  the  voice 
of  the  approaching  wrathful  God,  under  the 
mighty  peals  of  which  heaven  and  earth  shake  ; 
see  Joel  ii.  10,  11  ;  iv.  16;  [iii.  16].  Nah.  i.  5. 
The  effect  is  vividly  represented  in  the  text  by 
paronomasia*  in  three  verbs  ("the  earth  was 
shaking  and  quaking,  the  foundations  of  heaven 
quailing  and  shaking  "). — The  foundations 
of  the  heaven  shake  together  with  the  earth. 
The  Psalm,  in  which  only  the  shaking  of  the 
earth  is  spoken  of,  has  :  ''the  foundations  of  the 
mountains."  The  mountains  rising  up  towards 
heaven  are,  according  to  the  natural  view,  re- 
garded as  the  foundation  on  which  heaven  rests  ; 
comp.  Job  xxvi.  11,  where  they  are  called  "the 
pillars  of  heaven."  "  The  text  of  2  Sam.,  repre- 
sents the  whole  universe  as  trembling  before  Him, 
in  order  to  picture  strongly  the  terribleness  of  the 
wrath  of  the  Almighty;  so  Joel.  ii.  10,  11 ;  iv. 
16  [iii.  16] ;  Isa.  xiii.  13."  For  he  was  wroth. 
The  wrath  of  God  is  here  expressly  stated  to  be 
the  cause  of  the  trembling  of  heaven  and  earth. — 
Ver.  9.  Elaboration  of  the  preceding  "he  was 
wroth,"  by  the  description  of  the  approaching 
appearance  of  the  wrath  of  God,  under  the  figure 
of  smoke  and  fire.  Smoke  rose  in  his  nos- 
tril—not:  ''in  His  awoer"  (Sept.,  Vulg.,  Stier). 
but  (in  keeping  with  the  parallel  ''mouth")  His 


*  \i>}}i,  ty;;i,  IJI.— The  Qerl  E/^jn'!  is  doubtless 
an  imitation  of  the  following  ^\^V!iiV)  (especially  as 
E?J?J  does  not  elsewhere  occur  in  Qal),  and  is  to  be  re- 
jeoted,  since  then  VIX  immediately  afterwards  would 
be  Masc.  and  Fern.  The  tyi'jni  (Kethib)  is,  as  in  the 
Psalm-text,  to  be  pointed  E^jum  (forming  complete 
paronomasia  with  the  E'J^ljll),  unless  it  be  preferred  to 
read  (with  several  codices)  t£^J7jnfll  according  with  the 
^tS'^jn"!,  ™  properly  "to  move  hither  and  thither" 
(Hitzig). 


nose,  which  is  considered  the  seat  of  anger  (so 
also  in  Greek  and  Latin  writers) ;  and  so  its 
snorting  (comp.  ver.  16),  as  in  the  case  of  an  angry 
man,  is  the  figure  of  God's  anger,  which,  as  a 
heightening  of  the  image,  is  compared  to  smoke, 
as  in  Ps.  Ixxiv.  1 ;  Ixxx.  5  [4,  Eng.  A.  V. ;  "  be 
angry,"  literally:  "smoke"];  Deut.  xxix.  19. 
And  fiie  devoured  out  of  his  mouth. 
Fire  is  a  standing  image  of  God's  consuming  anger 
(comp.  Deut.  xxxii.  22).  The  smoke,  ais  the  na- 
tural accompaniment  of  fire,  denotes  the  uprising 
and  approach  of  God's  anger.  For  similar  figure 
of  smoke  and  fire  see  (besides  the  fundamental 
passage,  Ex.  xix.  18),  Isa.  Ixv.  5.  The  "out  of 
his  mouth "  is  parallel  to  "  out  of  his  nose."  The 
image  of  the  mouth  answers  to  the  consuming 
force  of  the  fire  of  wrath.  The  verb  "devoured" 
is  to  be  taken  without  an  object  (as  "  the  enemy") ; 
it  stands  absolutely  (as  in  Ps.  1.  3),  only  the  con- 
suming power  of  the  fire  being  indicated.  Glow- 
ing coals  burned  out  of  him  ;  the  "glowing 
coals "  is  parallel  to  the  "  devouring  fire,"  add- 
ing to  the  picture  the  feature  of  the  flames  that 
proceed  from  the  fire.  "Out  of  him,"  that  is, 
out  of  His  mouth,  as  a  burning  oven,  pour  the 
flames  of  the  sea  of  fire  (comp.  Gen.  xv.  17). 
The  mouth  is  designated  as  the  medium  of  the 
revelation  of  anger ;  because  the  fire  of  human 
anger  pours  from  the  heart  through  the  mouth 
in  angry  words.  The  fire  in  the  Lord's  mouth  is 
symbolized  "as  one  flaming  in  full  glow"  (Hup- 
feld). There  is  no  reference  here  to  flashes  of 
lightning.  "  These  are  the  later  product  (comp. 
ver.  13)  of  the  flame  of  fire  and  anger,  that  is 
here  just  kindled"  (Hengst.).  But  since  the 
representation  of  a  rising  storm  (breaking  out 
afterwards  in  ver.  13  with  thunder  and  lightning) 
ia  carried  out  in  the  poetical  conception,  so  in 
the  picture  thus  far  the  image  of  smoke  and 
flaming  fire  is  to  be  referred  to  the  rising  of  the 
storm-cloud  and  the  flaming  of  the  sheet-light- 
ning that  announces  the  storm  (Tholuck). 

Vers.  10-12.  Now  follows  the  poetical  descrip- 
tion of  the  appearance  of  the  Lord  from  heaven 
under  the  figures  of  the  thickening  and  gathering 
clouds,  on  which  the  Lord  sweeps  on  as  on  a 
throne,  and  of  the  storm  wind,  on  whose  wings 
He  rushes. — Ver.  10.  And  he  bowed  the 
heavens — a  picture  of  the  low-hanging  storm- 
clouds,  at  whose  approach  the  heaven  seems  to 
bend  down  to  the  earth.  Comp.  Ps.  cxliv.  5; 
Isa.  Ixiii.  19. — And  came  down,  the  descent 
of  the  Lard  from  heaven  to  earth  to  execute  judgment 
on  David's  enemies,  and  deliver  him.  On  the 
indication  of  God's  coming  to  judgment  by  His 
"  descent  from  heaven,"  comp.  Gen.  xi.  7 ;  xviii. 
21 ;  Isa.  Ixiv.  1. — And  cloud-darkness  un- 
der His  feet,  i.  e.,  He  thus  descended.  The 
dark,  black  clovd*  (  =  darkness,  ver.  12)  is  the 
symbol  of  the  terror  that  the  wrath  of  God  carries 
with  it ;  see  Ex.  xix.  16  [Sinai]  ;  xx.  21 ;  Deut. 
V.  19 ;  Ps.  civ.  29  (a  figure  of  the  hiding  of  God's 
face) ;  Nah.  i.  3  ("  clouds  are  the  dust  of  his 
feet"). — Ver.  11.  And  he  rode  on  the  che- 
rub and  flew.— As  to  the  signification  of  the 
cherub,  see  on  1  Sam.  iv.  4.  As  the  cherubim 
on  the  cover  of  the  ark  (Ex.  xxv.  18  sqq.; 
xxxvii.  7   sqq.)  are  the  bearers  of  the  divxne 


*  73'^^,  often  connected  with  [Jj?. 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-51. 


571 


majesty  and  glory  (vi.  2;  2  Kings  xix.  15;  Pa. 
Ixxx.  2  [1]  ;  xcix.  1 ;  Isa.  xxxvii.  16),  so  here 
also  the  cherub  is  the  symbol  of  God's  almighty 
power  and  glory,  as  it  appears  in  the  creaturely 
world,  and  exhibits  itself  as  the  revelation  of  the 
hisfhast  and  completest  being  (Winer,  B.-W.,  ». 
»,Heng.st.  on  Ps.  xviii.  11  [10]).  The  "rode" 
is  defined  by  the  "  flew."  The  conception  of 
flying  is  harmonized  with  that  of  riding  on  the 
cherub  (as  a  chariot  or  throne)  by  the  wings  with 
which  the  cherub  is  provided. — And  appeared 
on  the  wings  of  the  wind  ;  this,  as  the  pre- 
ceding, sets  forth  the  majesty  in  which  God  ap- 
pears in  the  creation  in  the  elementary  substratum 
of  the  wind,  to  hold  judgment.  Comp.  Isa.  v. 
28;  Nah.  i.  3;  "in  tempest  and  storm  is  his 
way,"  and  Ps.  civ.  3,  where,  instead  of  the  che- 
rub, the  clouds  are  conceived  of  as  the  vehicle, 
and  the  wings  of  the  wind  as  the  bearers  of  the 
appearance  of  His  glory. — Instead  of  "  appeared  " 
Ps.  xviii.  11  [10]  has  ''flew"  (HX^).  The  latter 
(which  occurs  also  Deut.  xxviii.  49 ;  Jer.  xlviii. 
40;  xlix.  22)  carries  out  the  figure  of  the  mngs 
of  the  wind ;  here,  on  the  contrary,  our  "  ap- 
peared" is,  if  not  an  ducidation  (Keil,  v.  Leng.), 
a  real  statement  instead  of  a  poetical  figure.  But 
there  is  no  necessity  for  regarding  it  as  a  scribal 
error  (Stier,  Thenius),  or  as  a  ''  vague,  flat  and 
inappropriate  reading"  (Hupfeld).  —  Ver.  12. 
Development  of  the  second  half  of  ver.  10,  as  ver. 
11  is  of  the  first  half.  And  he  made  dark- 
ness around  him  booths  [Eng.  A.  V. :  pa- 
vilions]. The  clouds  mass  more  closely;  their 
darkness  grows  blacker.  The  "darkness"  is  that 
of  the  clouds  of  ver.  10  b.  He  makes  the  cloud- 
darkness  "booths,  tents"  for  Him.ielf.  The  Psalm 
has  more  fully :  "  he  made  darkness  his  secret 
place,  his  pavilion  round  about  him  darkness  of 
waters,  thick  clouds  of  the  skies."  On  the  ''  round 
about"  comp.  Ps.  xcvii.  2  ("clouds  and  dark- 
ne.s8  are  around  him"),  and  on  the  "booths  [pa- 
vilions]" Job  xxxvi.  29,  where  the  clouds  are 
called  God's  tabernacle  or  tent. — Gathering  of 
waters,  cloud-thicket  is  further  explanation 
of  the  "  darkness"  of  the  first  clause.  Instead  of 
"gathering*  of  waters"  the  Ps.  has  "darkness  of 
waters"  [which  is  here  unnecessarily  adopted  by 
Eng.  A.  V. — Tn.]  ;  the  former  is  obviously  more 
picturesque. — Vers.  13-15.  Issuing  of  lightning- 
flashes  out  of  this  darkness,  and  bursting  of  the 
storm  amid  thundsr  and  lightning.  Out  of  the 
brightness  before  him  burned  coals  of 
fire.  The  expression  "brightness  before  him" 
points  back  to  the  fire  in  ver.  9,  the  flames  of 
sheet-lightning  as  symbol  of  the  divine  anger. 
Out  of  this  fiery  brightness  before  him  "  burned 
coals  of  fire,"  i.  e.,  darted  the  flashes  of  lightning, 
which  are,  as  it_  were,  the  sharpening  of  that 
flaming  fire-anger  into  separate  fiery  arrows  (comp. 
ver.  15).  The  "brightness  before  him"  is  not  the 
doxa  [glory]  of  God  embracing  light  and  fire 
(Hupf.,  Del.),  because  in  the  connection  only  the 
fire  of  God's  anger  is  spoken  of,  and  if  the  singer 
had  liere  had  in  view  the  light  in  which  God 

*  The  air.  Key  mK'Tl  sigDifiea  (according  to  the  Ara- 
bic) "  gathering,  aggregation  "— 2J^  properly  "  thicket " 
(oomp.  Ex.  xix.  9).— D''pnB'  =  the  clouds  as  a  connec- 
ted whole  (Hengst.). 


dwells  (Ps.  civ.  2),  he  would  necessarily  have 
used  the  general  term  "glory"  (1133,  I'ln,  rfcJfa). 
The  natural  basis  of  the  poetical  description  is 
the  blinding  brightness  of  the  flaming  fire,  which 
in  a  storm  seems  to  cleave  the  clouds  and  send 
forth  flashes  of  lightning.— -To  this  refers  the  de- 
viating text  of  the  Psalm :  "  from  the  brightness 
before  him  his  clouds  passed  away  (or  went  to 
pieces),"  comp.  Job  xxx.  15.— Ver.  14.  The 
Lord  thundered  from  heaven.  Since  light- 
ning and  thunder  appear  so  close  together,  the 
storm  is  very  near,  God's  wrathful  judgment 
bursts  on  the  enemy.  Instead  of  "from  heaven"' 
the  Ps.  has  "in  heaven."  God  is  here  called  the 
Most  High  as  "the  all-controlling, unapproach- 
able judge"  (Del.).  The  "giving  [uttering]  his 
voice"  is  poetical  designation  of  thunder ;  see  Job 
xxxvii.  3 ;  Ps.  xxix.  3  sqq.,  comp.  Ex.  ix.  23 ; 
Ps.  xlvi.  7  [6] ;  Ixviii.  34  [33] ;  Ixxvii.  18.  The 
phra.se  "hailstones  and  coals  of  fire"  found  in  the 
Ps.  in  this  verse  and  the  preceding,  is  wanting 
here. — Ver.  15.  And  he  sent  out  arrows; 
the  Ps.  has:  "his  arrows."  These  are  the  flashes 
of  lightning  (comp.  Ixxvii.  18)  into  which  the 
foe-destroying  fire  of  wrath  concentrates  and 
sharpens  itself.  The  wrathful,  punishing  God  is 
represented  under  the  figure  of  a  warrior  armed 
with  bow  and  arrows,  a-s  in  many  other  passages, 
Ps.  vii.  13,  14  [12,  13];  xxxviii.  3  [2);  Job  vi. 
4;  Deut.  xxxii.  23;  Lam.  iii.  12, 13. — And  scat- 
tered them,  that  is,  the  enemies,  comp-.  vers.  4, 
18.  The  pronoun  "  them"  does  not  refer  to  the 
arrows  and  lightning.  The  first  effect  is  the  scat- 
tering of  the  compact  masses,  into  which  the  ene- 
mies had  thrown  themselves.  Lightning,  and 
discomfited  (them).  ThePs.has:  "andlight- 
nings  much  (innumerable)"  [Eng.  A.  V.  (with 
Kimchi)  "  shot  out  lightnings"] .  The  verb  here 
is  to  be  supplied  from  the  preceding,  as  in  vers. 
12,  14,  42.  "He  discomfited"  (so  Jerome);  the 
Ps.  has:  "and discomfited  them,"  from  which  the 
Qeri  [margin]  omits*  the  suffix  "them."  The 
further  effect  of  the  Lord's  interference  is  the 
complete  destruction  of  the  enemy;  comp.  Ex. 
xiv.  24;  xxiii.  27:  Josh.  x.  10;  Judg.  iv.  15; 
1  Sam.  vii.  10.— Ver.  16.  And  the  bedsf  of  the 
sea  became  visible.  The  Ps.  has  the  weaker 
expression:  "brooks  of  water."  Uncovered 
were  the  foundations  of  the  earth,+  that  is, 
the  bottom  of  the  sea,  the  waters  being  blown 
away;  a  parallel  description  to  the  preceding. 
In  addition  to  the  thunder  and  lightning  from 
above  comes  the  stomMirind  (which  accompanies 
the  storm)  and  the  earthquake,  which  has  already 
been  pictured  (ver.  8)  as  an  effect  of  God's  anger. 
By  the  rebuking  of  the  Lord,  that  is,  the  ex- 
pression of  anger  in  the  voice  of  the  thunder  (ver. 

*  [Dr.  Erdmann's  text  has:  "the  Qeri  has  taken  the 
sufHx,"  and  accordingly  he  writes  it  in  parenthesis.  This, 
however,  is  an  oversrg'ht ;  the  Kethib  has  the  suffl.x,  the 
Qeri  omits  it. — ^Te.] 

+  p'SX  —  stream-bed  from  p3X  "  to  contain,"  hence 

of  hollow  bodies,  —  holder,  pipe,  canal,  channel,  dale,  = 

nvXot,  dhdi;,  then  brook,  properly  (like  703)  "le  valley 
in  which  it  flows  (Hupf,). 

t  '73n,  poetic  designation  of  the  earth,  Ps.  Ixxxix. 

12  til] ;  xc.  2 ;  xoiii.  1 ;  xcvi.  10— iSj'  by  poetic  license 

without  1,  which  is  to  be  supplied  from  the  preceding 
verb. 


572 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


14) ;  comp.  Ps.  civ.  7,  where  the  waters  of  the 
chaog  are  affrighted  at  the  rebuke  of  God  (parallel 
to  His  thunder-voice).  At  the  snorting  of 
the  breath  of  his  nose,  comp.  ver.  9.  The 
Psalm  has  the  second  person,  turning  in  sud- 
den address  to  Jehovah:  "at  thy  rebuke  and 
thy  anger."  The  "breakers  of  death"  and  the 
"streams  of  evil"  have,  according  to  ver.  5 
overwhelmed  David.  Under  the  image  of  water- 
waves  he  has  there  depicted  the  dangers  that 
threatened  his  life.  This  alone  would  pre- 
vent our  supposing  that  we  have  here  a  mere 
poetic-hyperbolical  delineation  of  the  tumult  of 
the  waters  as  result  of  the  storm,  in  order  to  fill 
out  the  picture  (Hupf.).  But  the  following  ac- 
count (ver.  17)  of  deliverance  "out  of  great 
waters "  is  still  more  opposed  to  this  view.  In 
his  distress  David  was  overwhelmed  as  by  mighty 
water-floods.  The  Lord,  revealing  His  anger 
against  his  enemies,  saves  him  by  laying  bare  the 
depths  of  the  sea  in  which  he  had  sunk,  and  un- 
covering the  foundations  of  the  earth  by  the 
storm-wind  of  His  wrath  (so  Delitzsch).  Thither 
descending  from  on  high  the  Lord  seized  him 
and  drew  hira  forth  from  the  waves,  as  is  described 
in  the  following  verses.  There  is  therefore  as 
little  ground  for  the  view  of  Hitzig,  that  the 
waves  denote  the  host  of  the  enemy,  and  the  bot- 
tom the  ground  on  which  they  stood  and  from 
which  they  were  driven,  as  for  that  of  Thenius, 
that  the  assumed  battle  was  near  a  large  inland 
sea  (he  conjectures  the  Bahr  el  Atebe  near  Da- 
mascus, about  as  large  as  the  sea  of  Gennesaret), 
and  that  the  description  is  thus  to  be  taken  ''  al- 
most literally."  The  interpretation  of  the  "foun- 
dations of  the  earth  "  as  Sheol  (Hengst.,  Keil)  is 
without  support  in  the  text. 

Vers.  17-20.  After  the  description  of  the  de- 
scent of  God  from  heaven  tc  save,  David  now 
traces  the  deliverance  itself,  and  praises  the  Lord 
for  it.— Ver.  17.  "He  sent  forth."  the  word 
"  hand  "  (Ps.  cxliv.  7)  is  to  be  supplied,  as  in  vi. 
6 ;  Ps.  Ivii.  4  [3]  :=  He  reached  out  from  on  high, 
that  is,  from  heaven.  In  spite  of  the  "  came 
down  "  of  ver.  10,  which  refers  to  God's  throne 
in  heaven,  the  poetical  view  holds  fast  to  the  con- 
ception of  God's  elevation  above  men.  "He 
drew  me  out  of  many  waters."  The  verb  (DtyD) 
occurs  elsewhere  only  in  Ex.  ii.  10  of  Moses, 
whose  name  is  formed  *  from  it,  and  whose  deli- 
verance from  the  waters  of  the  Nile  is  here  pro- 
bably alluded  to.  Luther:  "he  made  a  Moses 
of  me."  The  ''  many  waters "  [better  in  Erd- 
mann's  translation:  "great  waters" — Tb.]  are 
not  enemies,  but  the  deadly  perils  that  had  be- 
fallen him,  comp.  ver.  5;  Ps.  xxxii.  6;  Ixvi.  12; 
Ixix.  2,  3  [1,  2]  ;  Isa.  xliii.  2,  where  water  is  a 
figure  of  great  distress  and  danger. — Ver.  18. 
Here  David  first  passes  from  his  perils  to  his 
enemies.  He  delivered  me  from  my  enemy, 
the  strongf  one.  "  The  song  here  pnsses  from 
the  epic  to  a  more  lyric  tone,  and  direct  discourse 
takes  the  place  of  figurative"  (Del.).  The  Sing, 
"my  enemy"  does  not  justify  the  supposition  of 


*  [On  the  origin  and  meaning  of  the  name  Mo&es  see 
Canon  Cook's  Essay  on  Egyptian  Words  in  the  Penta- 
teuch, in  Bib.-Com..  I.  482.— Ta.) 

T  IJ?,  not  adverbial  Aoo.,  but  Adjective ;  comp.  Psalm 

cxiiuyiofnaiB]. 


an  individual  enemy,  but  from  the  following  my 
haters"  is  to  be  taken  as  collective,  though  the 
name  Saul  rightly  stands  as  superscription  to  this 
whole  picture  of  distress.  Because  they  were 
stronger  *  than  I,  had  overpowered  me.  God's 
saving  interposition  was  necessary,  since  David 
in  his  weakness  felt  himself  overpowered  by  his 
enemies  —  extreme  impotence  requires  divine 
help. — Ver.  19.  Elucidation  of  the  last  words  of 
ver.  18.  They  fell  on  f  me  in  the  day  of 
my  calamity.  This  is  not  a  definite  day,  but 
the  time  of  his  helplessness  in  the  Sauline  perse- 
cution ;  their  purpose  was  to  finish  him  by  a 
sudden  attack,  and  so  self-help  was  impossible. 
And  the  Lord  became  a  stay  to  me. 
After  deliverance  comes  support.  J  Compare 
for  the  thought  Psalm  xxiii.  4. — Verse  20. 
And  be  brought  me  forth  into  a  large 
place,  into  a  condition  of  freedom, §  in  contrast 
with  narrowness,  straits.  The  ''  me"||  is  empha- 
tic. The  words:  He  delivered  me,  here  in 
conclusion  embrace  all  that  has  been  heretofore 
said  of  the  process  of  deliverance.  Observe  the 
progression  ia  the  description  up  to  this  point: 
the  dispersion  and  confounding  of  the  enemy  by 
the  arrows  of  the  lightning,  the  driving  off  of  the 
water-waves  and  laying  bare  of  their  foundations 
by  the  storm;  then  the  stretching  forth  of  the 
hand,  seizing,  drawing  out  of  the  great  waters, 
supporting  the  helpless  man,  bringing  him  out 
of  straits  into  freeness,  and  thus  completing  the 
deliverance. — For  He  delighted  in  me— the 
ground  of  the  Lord's  deliverance,  over  against 
the  enemies,  on  whom  had  come  God's  wrath  and 
judgment.  This  ddight  of  the  Lord  in  Him 
(Ps.  xxii.  9  [8];  xli.  'l2  [11])  is  based  on  his 
integ>-ity,  as  is  brought  out  in  what  follows. 
There  follows,  namely. 

Vers.  21-28,  the  exhibition  of  the  ground  of  hii 
deliverance;  it  is  his  righteousness,  according  to 
which  the  Lord  requited  him. — Ver.  21.  The 
declaration  and  avowal  that  God  in  saving  him 
requited  him  according  to  his  righteousness.  The 
verb1[  [Eng.  A.  V.:  "reward"]  (comp.  Ps.  vii. 
17  [16])  signifies  to  do  something  to  a  person, 
whether  bad  or  good,  but  with  reference  to  hia 
conduct  as  ground,  hence  to  requite. — Accord- 
ding  to  the  cleanness  of  'my  hands  he 
recompensed  me. — The  hands  are  the  instru- 
ment of  action,  and  "cleanness  of  hands"  signi- 
fies the  purity  of  his  actions  from  sin  and  unright- 
eousness. Comp.  ver.  25 ;  Ps.  vii.  5  [4] ;  xxiv. 
4 ;  xxvi.  6 ;  Job  ix.  30 ;  xxii.  30.  To  this  an- 
swers purity  of  mind  (expressed  in  the  "  upright" 

*  This  form  of  comparison  also  in  Psalm  cxxxi.  1 ; 
xxxviii.  5  [4]. 
t  Olp,  see  ver.  6;  Ps.  xvil.  13. 

t  The  Psalm  has  the  usual  less  poetic  ]j}Woh  [which 

reading  is  found  here  also  in  some  MSS.  and  EDD.— Tk.] 

§  3mD  (Ps.  cxviii.  6),  in  contrast  with  IV :  so  the 

T     IV  - 

verb  CHiph.),  Gen.  xxvi.  2'2 ;  Ps.  iv.  2  [IJ ;  xxv.  17 ;  Prcv. 
xviii,  16. 

1  'nS  in  contrast  with  the  sufBx  in  the  Psalm,  and 
answering  to  the  ^^  in  ver.  19. 

H  '7DJ,  in  connection  with  uhw  or  a'EJn  [so  here], 

or  with  'nDnSS  added;  the  Psalm  has  'pnSS.— The 

Imperfects  here  express  in  general  propositions  gen- 
eral time,  the  so-called  Present  (Hupf.). 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-51. 


573 


of  ver.  24),  as  source  of  purity  of  conduct.  David 
often  thus  affirms  his  uprightness,  for  ex.,  xvii. 
3-5.  The  truth  of  this  testimony  to  himself  is 
exhibited  in  his  actual  conduct  as  described  in 
vers.  22-24,  where  he  gives  the  ground  ('3)  for 
the  declaration  that  he  is  "righteous"  and  "his 
hands  clean." — [On  the  ethical  and  religious  sig- 
nificance of  this  claim  to  righteousness,  see  "His- 
torical and  Theological"  to  this  chapter,  para- 
graph 6. — Tb.] — Ver.  22.  He  proved  his  right- 
eousness by  the  affirmation :  I  nave  kept  the 
ways  of  the  Iiord.  "  Have  observed,  held  to," 
so  Job  xxii.  15.  "The  ways  of  the  Lord"  are 
the  rules  of  human  conduct  given  in  His  law, 
which  David's  enemies  had  wickedly  transgressed. 
— And  have  not  -wickedly  departed  from 
my  God,  as  he  has  kept  God's  ways,  so  he  has 
not  sinned  himself  away  from  God  Himself.  The 
phrase  is  literally:  "to  be  wicked  from  God," 
that  is,  to  &U  away  from  God  by  wickedness. 
Not  (as  Grotius) :  "to  be  wicked  against  (jp) 
God,"  nor  is  it  a  designation  of  judgment  or  de- 
cision proceeding  from  God,  as  if  the  sense  were : 
"  I  have  not  sinned  according  to  God's  decision, 
according  to  His  judgment  I  am  guiltless" 
(Hupf.) ;  comp.  Job  iv.  17  ;  Jer.  li.  5.  Against 
this  is  both  the  "keeping  the  Lord's  ways"  in 
the  first  member,  to  which  corresponds  "not 
departing  from"  the  Lord,  and  the  following 
reference  [ver.  23]  to  his  abiding  in  God's  sta- 
tutes and  judgments. — Ver.  23.  "For*  all  thy 
judgments  are  before  me,"  that  is,  as  a  guide  in 
my  ways. — And  His  statutes,  I  do  not  de- 
part from  them.f  The  reading  of  the  Psalm  : 
"  His  statutes  I  do  not  put  away  from  me,"  is 
not  elsewhere  found,  while  our  text  is  the  usual 
expression  for  the  conception.  For  the  thought 
compare  the  divine  testimony  to  David,  1  Kings 
xiv.  8 :  "  who  kept  my  commandments,  and 
walked  after  me  with  all  his  heart,"  and  xv.  5  ; 
"  David  did  what  was  right  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Lord,  and  departed  not  from  all  that  He  com- 
manded him"  Comp.  also  David's  testimony 
concerning  himself,  1  Sam.  xxvi.  23  sq. — Ver. 
24.  "  And  I  was  uprightj  towards  him,"  that  is, 

upright  in  soul,  the  "towards  him  "  (1/)  express- 
ing the  immediate  relation  to  God,  in  contrast 
with  outward  works,  which  are  done  for  one's 
own  sake  or  for  men's.  The  "  with  him  "  of  the 
Psalm  expresses  stiU  more  exactly  cordial  com- 
munion of  life  with  God.— And  guarded  my- 
self from  my  iniquity,  the  negative  side  of 
his  moral  character,  of  which  he  has  just  given 
the  positive  side :  "  I  guarded  against  committing 
a  sin,  and  so  contracting  guilt."  A  similar  hy- 
pofhetical  expression  [i.  e.,  if  I  sinned,  I  should 
be  guilty]  is  found  in  Ps.  xvii.  3  (Hupfeld),  and 
so  essentially  Job  xxxiii.  9:  "there  is  no  ini- 
quity in  me."     David  declares  that  he  constantly 

-   *  ^3  =.  but.    "  The    establishment  of  one  opposite 

gives  the  ground  for  the  denial  of  the  other"  (Hengst.l. 
t  nJHD  Sing,  instead  of  Plu.,  as  2  Kings  ii.  3 ;  xiii.  2. 

6;  X.  29,  31  after  niNBn  {Hitzig,  Hupfeld).— IIDN-K'S, 

comp.  Cent.  v.  29;  xvii.  11;  xxvili.  14.    The  Psalm  has 

i  [D'Dn  is  more  exactly :  "  perfect."    Comp.  Job  i.  1 : 
"  perfect  and  upright."    See  ver.  26.— Tn.] 


watches  over  and  restrains  himself;  otherwise, 
the  assumption  is,  he  would  have  fallen  into 
sin ;  this  is  an  indirect  testimony  to  indwelling 
sinfulness,  whereby  he  might  have  been  led 
to  sinful  deed,  and  against  which  such  self- 
guarding  was  necessary.  Comp.  Psalm  li.  7  [5], 
where  David  expressly  declares  his  consciousness 
of  sinfulness  inborn  in  him,  which  is  not  the 
case  here. — The  historical  proofs  of  David's  de- 
claration of  purity  are  given  in  1  Sam.  xxiv. 
xxvi.  though  he  at  this  moment  inay  not  have 
had  all  the  individual  facts  in  mind.— Vers.  22- 
24  exhibit  the  climax  :  ver.  22  proof  of  upright- 
ness in  outward  walk,  ver.  23  practice  of  righteous- 
ness in  obedience  to  Ood's  commands  as  its  norm, 
ver.  24,  source  of  righteousness  in  a  pious  dispo- 
sition directed  towards  God. — Ver.  25.  Eepeti- 
tion  of  the  affirmation  of  ver.  21  (the  proof  of 
his  "righteousness"  and  "cleanness  of  hands" 
having  been  given  in  vers.  22-24)  in  the  form  of 
a  logical  conchmon:  And  so  the  Lord  requited 
me,  etc.  Literally :  "  and  requited  me  the  Lord," 
where  the  "and,"  connecting  this  with  the  pre- 
ceding, indicates  a  logical  relation  [the  logical 
relation  is  indicated  by  the  progress  of  the  dis- 
course, not  by  the  Conjunction,  in  Hebrew  or  in 
Eng. — Tb.]  .  Instead  of  "  my  cleanness  "  the 
Psalm  has  "  the  cleanness  of  my  hands,"  as  in 
ver.  21. 

Vers.  26,  27.  General  proposition,  explaining 
and  supporting  the  word :  the  Lord  requited 
me"  by  the  truth,  that  God  deports  Himself  to  inan 
OS  man  to  Him.  This  moral  relation  between  God 
and  man  is  carried  out  in  four  parallel  members, 
"  in  which  the  divine  conduct  is  expressed  by  re- 
flexive verbs,  formed  from  the  adjectives  express- 
ing human  conduct."  (Keil).  The  Imperfects 
express  what  is  universal  and  necessaiy.  The 
general  truth  that  the  manifestation  of  God's  re- 
tributive righteousness  is  conditioned  by  man's 
position  and  conduct  towards  God,  is  set  forth 
positively  in  vers.  26,  27  a  in  relation  to  the 
pious,  and  negatively  in  ver.  27  b  in  relation  to 
the  ungodly.  Towards  the  pious  [better :  merd- 
fill — Tb.],  upright  and  clean,  God  shows  Himself 
pious  [merciful],  upright  and  pure.  The  adjec- 
tives express  qualities*  of  man  in  relation  to  God ; 
the  "love"  here  expressed  is  not  towards  man, 
but  towards  God,  (Tpn,  Eng.  A.  V.  merciful),  and 
to  such  God  shows  Himself  loving.  [Rather  the 
adjectives  express  general  qualities  without  any 


*  Ton  "loving"  towards  God,  so  O'Dfl  "upright" 
towards  God  (comp.  'h  in  ver.  25),  and  123  (Niph.  Par- 

TT 

ticip.  of  113)  purified,  then  "pure,"  =  13,  comp.  the 

"pure  heart,  Ps.  xxiv.  4;  Ixiii.  1,  the  pure  mind."— 
IDnnn,  mthp.  denom.  from  IDP  or  Ttpn,  found  only 

here.— D'Dfl  I'iSJ  "hero  of  innocence,  upright  hero." 

113J  always  =  "  hero."    D'nfl  often  as  here   (comp. 

Hupf.  on  Ps.  XV.  4)  abstract  subst.  -,  Dfl  "  uprightness." 
The  Ps.  has    13J,  infrequent  poetical  form  for  13i|. 

DDfl  in  Hithp.  is  found  elsewhere  only  Dan.  xii.  10  [it 

is  found  only  in  Ps.  xviii.  26.— Tn.].- ISflil   is  for 

T  T    ■ 

nsnfl,  which  form  is  found  in  the  Psalm,    "with 

broadened  vowel  before  the  tone-syllable,  and  besides, 
euphonic  doubling  of  the  n  as  compensation  for  the 
contraction  and  for  the  maintenance  of  the  rhythm 
(Hupf.;. 


574 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


statement  that  they  refer  only  to  God.  The  first 
of  these  adjectives  means  either  "  favored,  be- 
loved" or  "merciful,"  and  the  latter  sense  is 
more  appropriate  here. — Tn.]. — Towards  the 
perverse  thou  showest  thyself  perverse, 
that  is,  requiting  to  the  perverse  man  perverse 
things  as  the  consequence  of  his  sin,  thou  seeraest 
to  Him  to  be  thyself  perverse.  The  ungodly 
man,  failing  to  recognize  his  own  sin,  thinks  of 
God  as  unjust  and  cruel  towards  him.  Comp. 
Lev.  xxvi.  23,  24;  'if  ye  walk  perversely  to- 
wards me;  I  will  walk  perversely  towards  you." 
Moral  perversity  in  man  produces  perversity 
and  confusion  in  hia  knowledge  of  God.  [The 
thought  here,  however,  is  simply  that  God  does 
evil  to  the  man  that  does  evil. — Tr.].— Ver. 
28  gives  the  ground  and  confirmation  of  the 
general  truth  in  vers.  26,  27,  by  pointing^  to 
God's  actual  conduct  towards  the  two  principal 
classes  in  the  people,  the  humble  and  the  proud, 
who  represent  concretely  the  preceding  contrast 
between  the  upright  (merciful,  pure)  and  the 
perverse.  The  factual  relation  of  this  verse  to 
the  preceding  is  indicated  in  the  Psalm  by  the 
initial  "  for  thou,"  while  here  the  simple  "  and  " 
is  used,  in  order  to  avoid  a  too  frequent  recur- 
rence of  the  causal  conjunction,  as  ver.  29  begins 
with  "  for  thou,"  and  ver.  30  with  "  for."  The 
word  "people"*  is  here  limited  (by  the  contrast 
with  the  "haughty"  of  the  following  clause)  to 
a  large  community  within  the  nation,  character- 
ized by  the  epithet  ''  afflicted ;"  and  the  follow- 
ing contrast  shows  that  they  are  also  "  humble." 
"  Tldne  eyes  are  against  the  haughty,"  who  op- 
press the  poor  and  afflicted ;  "  whom  thou  bringest 
down"  (the  verb  is  to  be  taken  as  relative,  Ew. 
§  332  b,  comp.  Josh.  ii.  11 ;  iii.  12;  v.  15).  The 
Psalm  has  in  the  second  member:  ''lofty  eyes 
(elevated  eye- brows,  sign  of  haughtiness)  thou 
bringest  down."  Comp.  Prov.  vi.  17;  xxi.  4; 
XXX.  13 ;  Ps.  ci  5. 

Vers.  29-46.  Seamd  part  of  the  description 
of  the  help  that  David  received  from  the  Lord, 
namely,  in  wars  against  external  enemies. — 
Loohnci  back  at  these  wars,  he  tells  bow  through 
the  Lord's  help  he  had  overcome  his  enemies. 
But  he  looks  also  to  the  present  and  to  the 
future,  declaring  what  the  Lord,  after  such  aid, 
still  is  to  him  and  ever  will  be.  So  in  this  sec- 
tion occur  verbs  of  past,  present  and  future 
times. — Ver.  29.  First,  he  declares  what  the  Lord 
(in  connection  with  the  exhibitions  of  grace  in 
the  Sauline  persecution)  is  for  him  perpetually. 
The  "  for "  attaches  this  verse  as  the  ground  or 
confirmation  of  the  preceding,  where  David  in- 
cluded himself  among  the  "  afflicted  people," 
the  oppressed ;  the  Lord  ha.s  helped  him  the 
afflicted  one"  out  of  the  affliction  brought  on 
him  by  his  enemies.  All  these  experiences  of 
divine  help  find  their  rea.son  or  ground  in  the 
fact  that  the  Lord  is  his  lamp,  f  While  "  light " 
is  always  the  symbol  of  good  fortune  and  well- 
being  (Job  X  viii.  5),  the  burning  lamp  denotes  the 
source  of  lasting  happiness  and  joyful  strength  ; 
Job  xviii.  6 ;  xxi.  17  ;  xxix.  3 ;  Ps.  cxxxii.  17  ; 

*  ^3J?    DJ?    ''oppressed,   afflicted    people"  =  D^K, 
D'E/JxI  Ps.  iii.  7  [6] ;  Gen.  xx.  4. 
t  "^i  "  lamp,"  as  that  which  bums. 


comp.  Isa.  xlii.  3  ;  xliii.  17.  The  Psalm  has  the 
unusual  expression :  "  thou  makest  light  my 
lamp." — What  the  lamp  is  for  a  man  in  his 
house,  the  source  of  joy  and  good  fortune,  this 
the  Lord  is  for  David :  his  lamp,  the  source  of 
his  well-being.  This  is  the  ground  of  David's 
being  called  (xxi.  17)  the  lamp  of  Israel.  This  is 
the  ground  of  the  declaration :  "  the  Lord  is  my 
light."  (Ps.  xxvii.  1).  The  consequence  of  this  is: 
The  Lord  enlightens  my  darkness.  Dark- 
ness is  the  symbol  of  affliction — in  contrast  with 
light,  without  God,  his  lamp,  he  would  have  re- 
mained in  wretchedness  and  ruin.  His  experi- 
ences are  based  on  the  general  truth :  it  is  the 
Lord  who,  as  His  lamp,  makes  even  the  darkness 
light  about  Him.  Comp.  Job  xxix.  3.  In  the 
Psalm  :  "  The  Lord,  my  God,  makes  ray  dark- 
ness light."  This  general  declaration,  proved  by 
the  past,  is  confirmed  also  for  the  future  by  sett- 
ing forth  the  foe-conqueriiig  might  which  he, 
through  the  Lord's  help,  has  shown  and  will 
forever  be  able  to  show. — Ver.  30.  For  ■with 
thee  I  run  against  troops,  vrith  my  God  I 
leap  over  walls— literally  :  "in  thee;"  "David 
declares  that  he  is  '  in  God,'  and  therefore  has 
such  power."  (Hengst.).  By  "troops"  David 
means  the  hostile  bands  that  he  has  attacked  on 
the  battle-field,  and  by  "walls"  the  fortified 
places  that  he  has  conquered.  Such  power  of 
victory  he  has  now  also  in  his  God.  Since  the 
verb  "run"  here  properly  takes  an  Accus.,  it  is 
unnecessary  to  take  the  word  in  the  sense  "  crush  " 
(Ew.,  Olsh.).*  "Eunning"  is  represented  as  an 
essential  quality  of  the  warrior  in  ver.  34  ;  1,  19, 
23;  ii.  18,  and  means  (with  the  prep,  "against" 
or  "to")  hostile  attack  Job  xv.  26;  vi.  14; 
Dan.  viii.  6.  [Eng.  A.  V.,  not  so  well :  "  run 
through.— Te.]— Ver.  31.  The  word  "God"  is 
in  apposition  with  the:  "with  my  God"  in  ver. 
30  (as  in  vers.  33,  48),  not  nominative  Absolute 
[so  Eng.  A.  v.],  since  then  the  Art.  [Heb. : 
the  God]  would  be  unexplained:  The  God 
whose  way  is  blameless,  that  is,  whose 
government  is  perfect.  This  human  quality  of 
perfectness  is  transferred  to  God,  and  denotes  His 
trustworthiness.  The  vsrord  of  the  Lord  is 
purified,  that  is,  -without  guile,  pure,  true,  comp. 
Ps  xii.  7  [6].  God's  promises  do  not  deceive. 
He  is  a  shield  to  all  that  trust  in  Him. 
He  offers  sure  protection  against  all  dangers. 
The  second  and  third  members  of  this  verse  oc- 
cur word  for  word  also  in  Prov.  xxx.  5.  All 
these  affirmations  respecting  God  give  the  ground 
for  the  declaration  in  ver.  30,  that  he  can  do  so 
great  things  in  and  with  his  God. — Ver.  32.  The 
soleness  of  the  Lord  as  such  a  God,  is  next  stated 
as  the  ground  (''for")  of  the  fact  that  His  way 
is  perfect,  His  word  pure  and  His  protection  sure. 
The  expression  "rock"  (comp.  ver.  3)  especially 
emphasizes  the  quality  of  trustworthiness,  firm- 
ness as  the  foundation  for  immovable  trust,  and 
the  ground  of  his  help  and  protection.  Parallel 
is  vii.  22;  "for  there  is  no  one  ns  thou,  and 
there  is  no  God  beside  thee."  Comp.  Deut.  xxxii. 

*  yilX   with  Aeo.  (as  the  following   jblX),    object 

reached  by  the  motion.    Ew.  and  Olsh.  unnecessarily 
talje  it  from  j'SI.— The  Ps.  has  t-i^  instead  of  n33,  »na 

V1X  instead  ofV^IN.  '^  ' 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-51. 


575 


31 ;  1  Sam.  ii.  2— 'Ver.  33  carries  on  the  thought 
connected  with  the  figure  of  the  "rock."  The 
''God "  here  is  in  opposition  with  the  "  God "  at 
the  end  of  the  preceding  verse.  The  God  vrho 
is  my  strong  fortress.  [Eng.  A.  V.,  not  so 
well:  ''my  strength  and  power."].  On  the 
"fortress"  comp.  Ps.  xxxi.  5  [4];  xxvii.  1. 
[Eng.  A.  v.:  "strjugth."].  The  noun  "strength" 
defines  " my  fortress,"  literally:  " my  fortress  of 
strength,"  as  in  Ps.  Ixxi.  7  *. — The  "Psalm  has: 
"  who  girds  me  with  strength,"  ^  ver.  40  a  (with 
omission  of  "to  battle."). — And  leads  f  the 
perfect  man  on  his  way.  The  pronoun  on 
"his  way"  refers  not  to  God,  but  to  the  ''  perfect 
man,"  as  is  required  by  the  ''  his  feet"  [Eng.  A. 
V. :  "my  feet"]  of  the  next  verse.  The  Psalm 
has :  "  who  makes  my  way  perfect."  [This  is  the 
marginal  reading  (Qeri)  here  also  :  ''  my  way," 
and  seems  to  agree  better  with  the  context,  in 
which  the  Psalmist  is  speaking  of  his  own  ex- 
periences.— Tb.] — Ver.  34.  He  makes  bis 
feet  like  the  hinds,  that  is,  like  hinds' 
feet;  Hab.  iii.  18.  (On  this  abridged  form  of 
expression  see  Ges.  ?  144,  Bem.)  Hengstenberg. : 
"  In  Egyptian  paintings  also  the  hind  is  the  sym- 
bol of  fleetness."  Comp.  ii.  18 ;  1  Chr.  xii.  8. 
The  Psalm:  "my  feet"  [so  Eng.  A.  V.  here, 
after  the  margin]  ;  the  third  personal  pronoun  is 
used  here  because  the  reference  is  to  the  "  perfect 
(or  innocent)  "  man  [in  ver.  33  according  to  the 
author's  translation].  The  swiftness  refers  not  to 
fleeing  (De  Wette),  but  to  the  pursuit  of  enemies. 
And  on  my  high-places  He  sets  me. 
The  "high-places"  are  not  those  of  the  enemy, 
which  he  ascends  as  victor,  and  through  faith  de- 
clares beforehand  to  be  his  own  (Hengst.),  but 
"  those  of  his  own  land,  which  he  victoriously 
holds  against  his  enemies  "  (Keil).  Comp.  Deut. 
xxxii.  13. — Ver.  35.  He  instructs  my  hands 
for  war,|  and  my  arms  bend  the  bronze 
bow.  Or,  perhaps  (with  Hupf.) :  "  He  instructs 
my  hands  for  war,  and  my  arms  to  bend^  the 
bronze  bow."  "  The  Egyptian  weapons  were  al- 
most all  of  bronze"  (Hengst.).  To  bend  the 
bronze||  bow  is  the  sign  of  great  strength;  the 
thought  expressed  is :  God  has  given  him  not 
only  skill,  but  also  strength  for  victorious  war. — 
Ver.  36.  From  the  figure  of  the  bow  David  passes 
to  that  of  the  shield.  As  in  attack,  so  in  defence 
the  Lord  is  his  strength.  And  thoa  gavest 
me  the  shield  of  thy  salvation,  the  shield 
that  consists  in  God's  salvation,  whereby  He  pro- 
tects His  people.  Comp.  Eph.  vi.  17 :  "  helmet 
of  salvation."  The  following  words  in  the  Psalm : 
''  and  thy  right  hand  supported  me"  are  wanting 
here ;  they  seem  to  have  been  omitted,  not  through 

*  tjf  after  'DHS.  On  the  oongtruction  see  Ewald, 
?  291  !>. 

t  nn-l  from  inj  =  1in,  Prov.  xii.  26,  "  lead,"  =  ^n' 
(comp.  Gea.  ?  72,  Rem.  2). 

t  7  instead  of  the  usual  double  Aoo.  [after  1B7].  finj 
Pie!  Perf.  of  pn3  "to  cause  to  deecend,  press  down." 

-T 

The  Ps.  has  the  fem.  nntl]  on  aooount  of  the  TlJ^nt, 

sing.  Fem.  with  pin.  subject  of  things  or  beasts  (des.  g 
146,  3).    Here  the  sing.  masc.  because  the  verb  precedes. 
i  nnj  Piel  Infin. 

I  [This  (or"  copp&r  ")  is  a  better  rendering  than  "brass  " 
or  ''steel;"  see  Art.  Brass  in  Smith's  Bib.-Bict.—Tii.^ 


error,  but  for  brevity's  sake,  as  in  general  our 
song,  compared  with  the  Psalm,  shows  a  preference 
for  curt,  pregnant  expression.  And  thy  hear- 
ing made  me  great.  Hearing  =  favorable  ac- 
ceptance of  a  request.  This  "hearing"*  (not 
"thy  lowliness,"  Hengst.,  or  "thy  toil,"  Bottch.) 
answers  to  the  "salvation"  of  the  preceding 
clause;  he  received  salvation  through  God's 
granting  his  petition.  The  Psalm  has:  "thy 
humility,  condescension"  (comp.  Ps.  cxiii.  6;  Isa. 
Ivii.  15 ;  Ixvi.  1  sq.)  [Eng.  A.  V.,  following  the 
pointing  of  the  Psalm,  renders :  "  thy  gentleness" 
("meekness"  would  be  a  more  accurate  transla- 
tion). Our  text  reads  literally :  "  thy  answering," 
or  "  thy  toiling,  suffering,"  neither  of  which  gives 
a  satisfactory  sense  in  the  connection.  The  read- 
ing of  the  Psalm  is  better. — Tb.] — Ver.  37. 
Thou  enlargedst  my  steps  underf  me,  gave 
me  free  room,  so  that  I  could  advance  without 
hindrance.  Prov.  iv.  12  presents  the  contrasted 
condition  of  straitness  and  stumbling:  "when 
thou  goest,  thy  steps  shall  not  be  straitened,  and 
when  thou  runnest,  thou  shalt  not  stumble,"  comp. 
ver.  34.  Hupfeld  remarks  rightly  that  we  have 
not  here  merely  the  usual  contrast  of  narrowness 
and  mdemess  =  distress  and  deliverance  (Ps.  iv.  2 
[1] ,  comp.  Ps.  xxxi.  9  [8] ) ;  the  wide  path  (step) 
is  prepared  by  the  Lord  for  the  successful  termi- 
nation of  the  battle,  especially  for  the  unhindered 
pursuit  of  the  enemy  (ver.  38).  And  my  an- 
kles wavered  not  (elsewhere:  "  my  feet,  or 
steps,  Ps.  xxvi.  1 ;  xxxvii.  31),  that  is,  thou 
gavest  me  the  power  so  to  go  with  free  step. 
Wavering,  as  opposed  to  standing  firm,  comes 
from  weakness  in  the  knees  or  ankles. 

Vers.  38-43.  After  this  preparation  and  equip- 
ment for  battle  by  the  Lord's  strength,  David  de- 
stroyed the  power  of  his  enemies. — Vers.  38,  39. 
The  act  of  pursuit  and  destruction  is  declared  to  be 
his  own  act.  The  verbs  are  to  be  taken  in  the  Im- 
perfect signification,  since  it  is  clear  from  ver.  40 
sqq.J  that  the  reference  is  to  the  past.  I  pur- 
sued my  enemies  and  destroyed  them; 
the  Psalm  has  the  weaker  expression :  "  overtook 
them"  (Ps.  vii.  6  [5]  comp.  Ex.  xv.  9).  In  the 
Psalra  there  is  an  advance  in  the  thought,  here  a 
simple  synonymous  parallelism  (Hengst.).  Ver. 
39  expresses  the  idea  of  total  destruction  by  an 
aggregation  of  words:  "and  I  destroyed  them 
(wanting  in  the  Psalm)  and  crushed  them." 
That  they  rose  not;  Psalm:  "and  they  could 
not  rise,"  that  is,  in  the  hostile  sense,  rise  to  fur- 
ther contest.  And  they  fell  under  my  feet, 
=  under  me,  vers.  40, 48 ;  Ps.  xlv.  6 ;  xlvii.  4  [3]. 
Vers.  38  and  40  present  a  picture  not  of  subjection 
and  dominion  (Hupf.),  but  of  conquering  ene- 
mies in  battle  by  casting  them  down  and  passing 
over  them. — Vers.  40,  41.  David  declares,  how- 
ever, that  he  received  the  victorious  might  only 
from  the  Lord,  and  gives  Him  praise  therefor. 
And  thou  didst  gird  me  .  .  .  and  didst  bow  my 


*  n'lJJ?,  Sept.  in-aKoij.    Olshausen  conjectures  'IHIt^, 
but  "unnecessarily"  (Hupf.).    The  Psalm  :  ^nij^. 
t  Instead  of  'jrinfl  the  Ps.  has  '0710. 

t  Aorists  followed  by  Perfects  and  Futures  [they  are 
not  Futures,  but  Aorists.— Tk.J.— The  lengthened  form 
na^lN  may  without  1  consec.  (as  in  Prov.  vn.  T)  ex- 

T  :  :v 
press  past  time,  as  is  frequent  in  poetry,  comp.  ve».  13 
here  and  in  the  Psalm  (Bottch.). 


576 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


opponents  under  me  ;*  literally,  "  didst  make 
them  bend  the  knee." — And  my  enemies, 
thou  madest  them  turn  the  back  to  me ; 

literally,  "thou  gavestf  them  to  me  as  neck 
[nape]." — Vers.  42,  43.  The  enemy  look  in  vain 
to  the  Lord  for  help.  They  looked  out  to  the 
Lord  (comp.  Isa.  xvii.  7, 8) ;  the  Psalm  has:  "  they 
cried."  The  enemies  are  not  to  be  regarded  as 
Israelites,  because  they  looked  to  the  help  of  the 
Lord  (Kiehm  in  Hupf.) ;  the  heathen  also  in  ex- 
treme need  might  well  expect  deliverance  from 
the  God  of  Israel,  comp.  1  Sam.  v.  7  ;  vi.  5 ;  John 
ii.  14.— And  I  rubbed  them  to  pieces  (pul- 
verized them)  as  dust  of  the  earth,  comp. 
Gen.  xiii.  16 ;  Isa.  xl.  12,  their  power  was  changed 
into  impotence.  The  Psalm  ha-s :  "  as  dust  before 
the  wind,"  combining  the  two  images  of  the  beat- 
ing the  enemy  to  dust,  and  scattering  them  as  dust 
is  scattered  by  the  wind,  comp.  Isa.  xxix.  5 ;  xli. 
2. — As  the  dust  of  the  streets  I  did  tram- 
plej  and  stamp  them  to  pieces  (the  Psalm: 
"I  emptied  them  out.")  The  stamping  of  the 
dirt  of  the  street  is  the  symbol  of  a  contemptuous 
treatment  and  rejection  of  what  is  in  itself  worth- 
less. Comp.  Isa.  X.  6 ;  Zech.  x.  5.  The  descrip- 
tion of  the  contest  against  the  enemies  under  the 
guidance  and  help  of  the  Lord  is  completed  by 
the  representation  of  their  total  destruction. 

Vers.  44-46.  The  result  of  this  conflict  with 
enemies,  namely,  sovereign  dominion  over  them, 
and  their  humble  subjection  under  his  royal 
power. — Ver.  44.  Thou  didst  deliver  me  out 
of  the  Twara  of  my  people  (or,  of  peoples). 
Since  only  external  wars?  are  spoken  of  in  the 
preceding  and  succeeding  context,  it  is  not  at  all 
allowable  to  understand  internal  dissensions  here 
(Hitz.,  Hengat.,  Del.,  Keil).  That  would  break 
the  connection,  and  destroy  the  continuity  of 
advance  in  the  description  of  David's  relation  to 
external  enemies  up  to  the  point  of  complete 
dominion  over  them  by  the  Lord's  help. — The 
''  wars  of  my  people  "  are  the  wars  that  his  peo- 
ple had  to  carry  on  against  other  nations  under 
his  lead ;  a'l  he  has  previously  spoken  of  them  as 
his  wars,  so  now  he  regards  them  as  his  people's. 
He  was  doubtless  led  to  this  by  thinking  of  hi.s 
position  as  king  and  head  of  his  people,  from 
which  position  he  saw  as  the  result  of  his  wai-s 
the  subjection  of  the  heathen  nations  to  his  royal 

*  'Jltr)  for  ^Jlixn  (as  in  the  Ps.)  Piel  with  X  omit- 
ted, as  in  ni'  for  bl«"_  (1  Sam.  xy.  6)  aud  'JS^D  for 
'JD^ND  (Jotrxxxv.  11),  Ew.  §  232  6.--DP  =  'Su  b'Dp, 

Ps.  xcii.  12  [11],  comp.  ver.  49 ;  Ex.  xv.  7  ;  Deut.  xxxiii. 
11.    Even  where  the  verb  is  found  only  with  a  Preposi- 
tion, the  Participle  has  sometimes  a  Genitive  with  it. 
Ges.  1 135,,  1,  Rem. 
t  nnn  for  nrii^J  (so  in  the  Ps.),  "  an  elsewhere  im- 

T   ~  T    -T 

possible  shortening,  to  be  at  the  best  excused  by  the 
fact  that  this  verb  arops  its  J  in  the  Imp^rf."  (Ew.  § 
195  c).  Comp.  n  =  Tl',  Judg.  xix.  11.— ciij;  m,  usu- 
ally intrans.  "  to  turn  the  back  "  (2  Chr.  xxix.  6,  comp. 
Josh.  vii.  8, 12),  here  and  Ex.  xxiii.  27  trans.  "  to  make 
as  neck  "  =  to  put  to  flight.  Comp.  Ps.  xxi.  13  [12]  n'E? 
DJty  "to  make  into  a  back  (shoulder)." 
j  bpIN,  from  Dpi  "  to  make  thin,  crush."  The  Ps. : 

Dp.'"?!?- 

§  3'1,  properly  "legal  contest,"  then  "contest"  in 
general ;  a  "  contest  of  peoples  "  must  be  war. 


authority.— If  we  take  the  for*  ("Bj;)  as  plural,* 
= ''peoples,"  then  the  "wars  oi  peoples" _  are 
wars  carried  on  by  Israel  with  foreign  nations, 
"  wars  between  peoples,"  in  contrast  with  the 
internal  conflicts,  the  fortunate  conclusion  of 
which  has  been  before  described  (Eiehm  in 
Ilupfeld). — David  embraces  all  the  Lord's  helps 
in  these  wars  in  this  brief  exclamation,  in  order 
to  declare  how,  as  a  consequence,  the  Lord  has 
made  him  head  over  these  nations.  Thou  didst 
preserve  me  (in  the  Psalm  more  simply:  didst 
make  me)  to  be  bead  of  the  heathen,  pre- 
served me  that  I  should  become  their  head. 
This  reading  connects  the  previous  declaration 
of  deliverance  with  the  following  statement  of 
the  servitude  of  the  nations  better  than  that  of 
the  Psalm,  because  it  directs  attention  to  David's 
dangers  in  those  wars. — A  people  (  ^  peoples) 
that  I  knew  not  serves  (serve)  me. — The 
collective  sense  "peoples"  (D^)  is  to  be  taken 
here,  as  above,  on  account  of  the  parallelism  with 
the  plural  "nations"  [Eng.  A.  V.:  heathen]; 
not:  "people,  folks"  (Hupfeld).  "The  Verb 
(Impf.)  is  to  be  rendered  as  Present,  since  the 
idea  of  the  'head  of  the  nations'  is  developed" 
(Hupf.).  Comp.  chap.  viii. — Ver.  45.  Sons  of 
strangeness,  that  is,  those  strange  (foreign) 
nations;  the  "foreign"  an.swers  to  the  "I  knew 
not "  of  the  preceding  verse — faivn  on  me  (lit. : 
lief  to  me),  they  pay  fawning,  hypocritical  hom- 
age, while  their  heart  is  full  of  hate  and  rage 
[Eng.  A.  v.:  submit  to  me]. — At  the  hearing 
of  the  ear  they  obeyed  me. — The  usual  ex- 
planation is :  "  at  the  mere  report  of  me  and  my 
victories,  before  my  arrival,  they  submitted  them- 
selves," based  on  Job  xlii.  5,  where  the  "  hearing 
of  the  ear"  stands  in  contrast  with  the  ''seeing 
of  the  eyes ;'  against  which  is,  that  David  in  the 
immediately  preceding  statement  of  the  "  fawn- 
ing" of  the  enemy,  and  in  the  above  description 
of  their  subjection  presupposes  his  personal  pre- 
sence, and  the  reflexive  (NiphalJ)  verb  "obeyed" 
exhibits  personal  obedience  to  a  personal  com- 
mand. We  therefore  render  (with  Bottcher  and 
Hupf.):  "at  the  hearing  of  the  ear  (  =  when 
they  heard  the  command)  they  showed  themselves 
obedient  to  me,"  comp.  Isa.  xi.  3.  Hengsten- 
berg's  passive  rendering:  "who  were  heard  to 
me  by  the  hearing  of  the  ear,"  that  is,  of  whom  I 
knew  previously  only  by  hearsay,  is  forced  and 
ambiguous.  The  two  members  of  ver.  45  stand 
in  the  Psalm  in  the  reverse  order. — Ver.  46. 
■Withered  away,  all  physical  strength  and 
moral  courage  left  them,  they  became  dull  and 

*  As  in  Ps  cxliv.  2,  and  'Ja  "  strings  "  for  Q'Jn  Psa. 

xlv.  9  [8],  On  such  shortening  of  im  to  i  (as  the  Dual 
DV  to  '_,  Ezek.  xiii.  18  n")  comp.  Ges.  i  87, 1  6,  Ew.  ? 

177  a ;  Ewald  regards  the  ^13 j»  here  as  certainly  a  plural. 

—The  Sing.  DJ?  in  the  Psalm  ia  not  — .  "  men,  folks " 

(Hupf.),  but  i.=i  collective,  as  in  the  last  clause  of  this 
verse,  Job  xxxiv.  30  and  Isa.  xlii.  6. 

f  Hithpacl ;  the  Ps.  has  Piel  (and  so  Ps.  lxvi.3;  Ixxxi. 
16  [151) ;  Deut.  .xxxiii.  29  has  Niphal.  [It  may  be  consi- 
dered doubtful  whether  the  notion  of  hypocrisy  enters 
here;  it  is  not  improbably  an  oriental  expression  for 
complete  submission. — Te.1 

X  Instead  of  the  usual  Qal;  perhaps  we  should  poini 
it  Qal.    The  Niph.  occurs  in  this  sense. — The  Psalm  has 


]IS  i'pB'7  instead  of  'X  Jj'iaE''?. 


CHAP.  XXII.  1-51. 


577 


wretched  (comp.  Ex.  xviii.  18).  In  the  next 
clause  the  Psalm  has  ''  trembled "  [  =  came 
trembling],  while  our  passage  (unless  it  be  an 
error  of  copyist  for  the  Psalm- word*)  has :  "  they 
hobble  (their  strength  being  broken)  out  of  their 
enclosures  (or,  fortresses) ;"  it  is  not  to  be  ren- 
dered :  "  they  gird  themselves  (in  order  to  come 
forth)"  (Hengst.  [Phil.]),  since  this  does  not 
accord  with  the  representation  here  given  of 
voluntary  subjection.  The  reference  of  the  words 
to  "prisons  and  bonds,"  into  which  the  strangers 
are  thrown  as  "refractory"  (Bottcher)  is  against 
the  connection,  which  speaks  only  of  uncondi- 
tional obedience  and  complete  subjection  of  ene- 
mies. Bather  there  is  supposed  here  the  wretched 
condition  produced  by  a  long  siege;  the  enemy 
come  out  of  the  fastnesses,  in  which  they  have 
long  been  cooped  up,  in  miserable  condition,  in 
order  to  submit  themselves  to  the  victor. — [Eng. 
A.  V.  adopts  the  Psalm-text :  "  shall  be  afraid," 
and  so  Erdmann  in  his  translation:  ''tremble," 
and  this  is  perhaps  preferable,  comp.  Micah  vii. 
17.— In  vers.  45,  46,  Erdmann  renders  the  verbs 
Present  in  his  translation  (fawn,  obey,  wither, 
tremble),  while  in  the  Exposition  he  makes  them 
Aorist  (fawned,  etc.) ;  the  former  is  better.— Tb.] 

Vers.  47-51.  Conchmon  of  the  song.  On 
the  ground  of  the  deliverances  he  has  expe- 
rienced (here  briefly  recapitulated  from  the 
content  in  a  number  of  epithets)  David  first 
again  praises  God  (vers.  47-49),  as  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  song.  To  this  phrase,  which  looks  to 
the  past,  he  adds  the  vow  of  thmiksgiving  (vers.  50, 
51),  looking  beyond  Israel  to  the  salvation  to 
come  to  the  heathen,  and  prophesying  the  fulfil- 
ment for  all  time  of  the  promises  given  to  him, 
God's  Anointed,  and  to  his  seed. 

Ver.  47.  "Living  is  the- Lord."  So  must  the 
phrase   ("  'H)  be  rendered,  and  not  optatively: 

"long  live  Jehovah,"  transferring  (as  most  mo- 
dem expositors  do)  the  usual  formula  of  homage : 
"long  live  the  king"  (xvi.  16;  1  Sam.  x.  24;  1 
Kin.  i.  25,  39;  2  Kings  xi.  12)  to  God  as  king  of 

Israel.  That  formula  C^.^TS  'H])  relates  to  the 
mortality  of  the  king.  Our  phrase  is  the  stand- 
ing oath-formula  [as  the  Lord  liveth,  by  the  life 
pf  Jehovah],  and  always  assumes  life  [vitality]  to 
be  exclusively  an  attribute  of  God.  Here  only 
the  formula  is  not  an  oath,  but  a  declaration: 
living  is  the  Lord !  —  an  exclamation  in  the  tone 
ofadoxology.  Comp.  1  Tim.  vi.  16:  "God,  who 
alone  has  immortality."  God  is  here  called  living 
not  in  contrast  with  the  idols  of  the  heathen  (v. 
Leng.,  Hengstenberg),  to  which  there  is  no  allu- 
sion in  the  context,  but  in  reference  to  the  ene- 
mies and  dangers  from  which  God  saved  him. 
And  so  the  two  following  exclamations  are  simply 
declarations  of  the  being  of  God  as  it  has  been 
revealed  in  the  preceding  experiences  of  the 
singer.     Blessed   (praised),  my  rock!   (see 

•  The  Psalm  has  the  iir.  Xfy.  Jin  (Chald.  KJIfl)  "to 

"T 

be  frightened,"  =  IJ1  "  tremble  "  (in  Mio.  vii.  17  in  the 

~  T 

same  connection).  Our  passage  has  1JT1,  perhaps  error 

—  T 

for  J^n  ;  if  it  he  correct,  it  Is  not  "  gird  "  (which  does 
not  suit  the  connection),  but  (with  HitK.,  Del.,  Bdttch., 
Then.)  after  the  Aramaic,  —  "  halt,  hobble  "  (Talmud. 
"Ijn  "lame"). 

37 


ver.  2). — Exalted  is  the  rock-God  of  my 
salvation. — The  Psalm  has  merely:  "The  God 
of  my  salvation."  The  "exalted"  is  to  be  taken 
not  subjectively  (exalted  by  the  praise  offered 
Him),  but  objectivelv,  exalted  in  His  own  majesty 
and  might  (Ps.  xlvi'll  [10]  ;  xxi.  14  [13]  ;  Ivii. 
6,  12  [5,  11]).  Not:  "be  he  exalted"*  [so. Eng. 
A.  v.]  The  rock-God  of  my  salvation  =  the  rook- 
like God,  who  brings  me  salvation;  comp.  ver.  3. 
To  the  three  declarations  of  what  God  is,  answer,  in 
vers.  48,  49  the  statements  of  God's  deeds,  wherein 
David  has  learned  what  He  is  to  him,  and  wherein 
He  has  shown  Himself  to  be  the  living,  rock-firm 
and  exalted  God.  Here  God's  deeds  of  deliver- 
ance (as  described  in  vers.  5-20, 29-46)  are  briefly 
brought  together.  —  Ver.  48.  The  God  that 
avenges  me. — This  shows  that  God  lives,  inas- 
much as  He  does  not  leave  His  servant  as  a  guilty 
man  in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  but  manifests  his 
innocence  by  executing  vengeance  f  for  him.  In 
Ps.  xciv.  1  God  is  ''  the  God  of  vengeance."  And 
subjects  (lit.:  makes  come  down)  nations 
under  me. — The  Psalm  has:  "drivesj  [or  sub- 
dues] nations  under  me"  (the  expression  is  found 
elsewhere  only  in  Psalm  xlvii.  4  [3]). — Ver.  49. 
■Who  brought  me  forth  from  my  enemies 
(comp.  ver.  20). — Psalm:  "delivered  me."  [In 
ver.  48  Dr.  Erdmann  renders  the  verbs  in  past 
time  (gave,  subdued)  in  his  translation ;  the  time 
can  be  determined  only  from  the  context;  here 
the  present  seems  better. — Te.]  And  from  my 
adversaries  thou  liftedstme  on  high — that 
is,  on  a  rock,  pregnant  construction  for :  thou  lift- 
edst  me  up  and  thereby  savcdst  me  from  my  ene- 
mies. The  declaratory  discourse  here  passes  into 
address.  From  the  man  of  violent  deeds 
thou  savedst  me. — Instead  of  the  unusual  plu- 
ral (Ps.  cxl.  2,  5  [1,  4])  the  Ps.  has  the  Sing, 
"man  [or,  men]  of  violence."  Most  expositors 
take  the  phrase  collectively :  "  men  of  violences," 
(as  Prov.  iii.  31)  of  a  whole  class  of  enemies. 
But  it  accords  better  with  this  conclusion  and 
with  the  whole  content  of  the  song  to  refer  the 
phrase  to  Saul,  who  is  also  expressly  mentioned 
in  the  superscription.  In  ver.  47  David  declares 
in  general  what  God  is  to  him,  and  how  He  has 
announced  and  attested  Himself  to  him  in  all 
His  deeds  of  deliverance ;  then  in  ver.  48  he  looks 
at  God's  help  against  external  enemies  ("thou 
broughtest  down  nations  under  me"),  comp.  vers. 
29-46 ;  in  ver.  49  he  recalls  the  deliverances  of 
the  Sauline  persecution.  With  the  thought  of 
Saul,  whose  rejection  by  the  Lord  was  the  cause 
of  his  enmity  to  the  Lord's  Anointed  called  in  in 
his  stead,  connects  itself  naturally  in  David's 
mind  (on  the  ground  of  the  Lord's  choice)  the 
thought  of  the  salvation  that  God  has  bestowed 
on  him  as  His  Anointed,  and — of  this  he  is  sure — 
will  also  further  bestow  on  him  and  his  seed. 
This  salvation  He  will  also  proclaim  among  the 
heathen,  that  they  along  with  Israel  may  share 
therein. 

Vers.  50,  51.  The  "therefore"  attaches  the  de- 
claration in  these  verses  as  a  consequence  to  the 


*  This  would  require  D'T'  instead  of  DIT- 
t  n'lDpJ  always  in  the  plural.  "  To  take  "  vengeance 
mj  here'and  iv.  8,  T}t'}!  Judg.  xi.  S6;  Ezek.  XXT.  17. 


578 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


preceding  summary  laudation  of  God'e  deeds  of 
salvation.  David  here  expresses  a  resolution  and 
a  vow  ever  to  praise  the  Lord's  name.  This  vow 
of  thanlcsgiving  he  so  presents  that  he  1 )  expressly 
declares  his  praise  (by  the  therefore)  to  be  a  thank- 
offering  due  to  the  Lord,  also  his  rightful  fruit 
from  the  preceding  experiences  of  his  salvation. 
To  thy  name  will  I  sing. — The  name  of  God 
is  here  the  concept  [or  representative]  of  all  His 
deeds  of  deliverance,  whereby  He  has  revealed 
Himself  as  his  God  and  his  people's,  as  which 
David  has  hitherto  praised  him.  2)  David  de- 
iiares  the  extent  to  which  he  will  proclaim  the 
jraise  of  his  God:  I  will  praise  thee,  O  Lord, 
among  the  nations. — The  nations  are  not  only 
to  be  subdued  by  force,  but  are  now  to  learn  to 
know  the  living  God  of  Israel  and  His  salvation ; 
His  praise  is  therefore  not  to  be  confined  to  the 
land  of  Israel,  but  to  be  proclaimed  among  the 
heathen.  This  presumes  that  He  is  the  God  of  the 
heathen  also,  and  that  they  are  called  to  share  in  the 
salvation  revealed  to  I.srael.  Comp.  Ps.  ix.  12  [11]  ; 
Ivii.  10  [9]  ;  xcvi.  3,  10;  cv.  1 ;  Isa.  xii.  4.  In 
proof  of  this  truth  Paul  (Eom.  xv.  9)  quotes  this 
passage  along  with  Ps.  cxvii.  1,  and  Deut.  xxxii. 
43. — 3)  As  the  ground  of  his  vow  David  declares 
the  Lord's  promise  of  good  to  Him,  and  his  seed 
(ver.  51).  "Who  makes  great  the  salvation  of 
his  king,"  literally  :  ''  salvations/"  (he  plural  in- 
dicating the  manifoldness  and  richness  of  the 
salvation.  The  marginal  reading :  "  fullness  of 
salvation"  is  a  singular  conjecture,*  and  must  be 
rejected  ;  it  is  obviously  instead  of  the  similar 
form,  =  "  tower,"  Ps.  Ixi.  4  [3]  ;  Prov.  xviii.  10 
[Eng.  A.  \.  also  adopts  this  reading  "tower," 
against  which,  however,  are  all  the  ancient  ver- 
sions and  the  best  Heb.  manuscripts. — Tr.].  The 
text,  =:  "  he  who  makes  great,"  is  to  be  retained. 
It  refers  to  the  fullness  of  salvation  (certainly  to 
be  expected  on  the  ground  of  the  divine  promises) 
that  the  Lord  will  bestow  in  ever  increasing  rich- 
ness on  His  king,  the  theocratic  ruler  that  He  has 
called  and  inducted,  who  regards  himself  only  as 
God's  instrument.  God's  "grace  [mercy]  "  is  the 
source  of  his  "  manifestations  of  salvation."  A 
threefold,  prophetic  declaration  of  the  future  factual 
proof  of  this  grace  to  His  Anointed,  is  here  ex- 
pressed :  a.  David  affirms  that  he  is  sure  of  it  for 
himself;  the  "to  David"  stands  independently, 
not,  as  Hengst.  says,  along  with  "  and  to  his  seed  " 
as  definition  of  the  "  to  his  anointed ;"  b.  the 
promised  salvation  will,  however,  be  extended  to 
his  seed  also.  The  direct  reference  of  these  words 
to  the  promise  in  2  Sam.  vii.  12-16  is  apparent ; 
on  the  ground  of  this  promise  David  declares  the 
certainty  of  continuance  through  his  heirs,  of  the 
dominion  of  his  house ;  c.  the  testimony  of 
praise  culminates  in  the  prophecy  of  the  everlast- 
ing duration  of  God's  m.mifestations  of  grace  and 
blessing,  which  will  be  imparted  to  David,  and 
his  seed  according  to  the  promise.  Comp.  2 
Sam.  vii.  15,  16. 

Hnpfeld  rejects  these  closing  words :  "  to 
David  and  to  his  seed  forevermore "  as  a  later 
addition  to  the  song  (in  so  far  as  it  is  to  be  as- 
cribed to  David)  on  the  following  grounds  :    1) 

*  VnjD,  after  njD  of  Ps.  1x1.  4.  The  text  is  V^JD, 
Hiph.  Participle  of  SlJ. 


David  would  not  have  spoken  of  himself  by  the 
phrase  :  "  to  David,"  and  2)  not  David,  but  only 
a  later  adherent  of  the  Davidio  dynasty  could 
have  said  :  "  and  to  his  seed  forevermore."  But 
these  grounds  are  not  valid ;  for  in  fact  David 
does  call  himself  by  name  in  xxiii.  1,  and  in  the 
prayer  2  Sam.  vii-  20,  26 ;  and  how  can  the  refer- 
ence to  his  seed  and  its  continuance  be  regarded 
as  not  Davidic,  when  David  was  assured  of  the 
perpetuity  of  the  royal  dominion  of  his  family 
by  the  promise  2  Sam.  vii.  12  sqq.  ? — Thenius' 
supposition,  that  the  words  may  have  been  an  af- 
terwards added  bit  of  flattery  to  David's  posterity, 
can  be  explained  only  by  a  complete  ignoring  of 
David's  hope  based  on  that  promise  2  Sam.  vii., 
and  receives  at  best  meagre  support  from  the  very 
subjective  argument  that  the  two  preceding  clauses 
sufficed  to  express  the  author's  thought. — Bottcher 
regards  the  whole  of  ver.  51  as  a  later  addition 
in  imitation  of  other  Davidic  conclusions  to 
songs  "  as  homage  to  the  royal  house."  But  his 
affirmation  that  this  does  not  accord  with  genuine 
Davidic  productions  is  set  aside  by  the  fact  that 
ideas,  and  even  words  here  agree  with  David's 
words  in  2  Sam.  vii.  He  further  contends  that 
by  the  retention  of  ver.  51  the  probably  signifi- 
cant number  [50]  is  exceeded ;  but  (apart  from 
his  "  probably,") — the  untenableness  of  this  con- 
jecture is  strikingly  shown  by  his  manipulation 
of  ver.  3  into  two  verses  in  order  (after  the  omis- 
sion of  ver.  51)  to  get  50  verses  besides  the  su- 
perscription, while  the  retention  of  ver.  51  gives 
this  number  already. 

On  the  mutual  relation  of  the  two  recensions  of 
(his  song  in  Ps.  xviii-  and  2  Sam.  xxii.,  critics 
are  very  much  divided.  Hengstenberg's  view 
(which  is  that  of  the  older  expositors)— that  the 
two  texts  are  two  difierent  recensions  of  the  same 
song  by  David  himself,  both  equally  authentic 
and  good,  the  Psalm  being  the  original,  and  the 
2  Sam.  the  later — is  altogether  untenable  in  the 
face  of  the  not  few  variations  that  are  obviously 
unintended,  aMidental,.And  are  to  be  referred  to  the 
carelessness  of  the  iirritten  tradition  or  the  uncertainty 
of  the  oral.  Thus  the  carelessness  of  a  transcriber 
is  shown  in  the  interchange  of  certain  letters  in 
vers.  11,  43  (T  and  1),  ver.  33  (J  and  1),  ver.  12 
(1  and  3),  and  the  omission  of  words  in  vers.  13, 
36,  where  the  text  of  the  Psalm  is  complete. — The 
question  as  to  the  originality  of  the  two  texts  is 
to  be  decided  by  examination  of  the  intentional 
changes.  And  to  such  intentional  changes  is  to 
be  referred  a  long  list  of  deviations  in  the  Psaim- 
text  as  Sommer  (Bibl.  Abh.  I.  pp.  167-173,  Bonn, 
1846)  has  convincingly  shown  in  detail.  "  We 
find,"  he  remarks,"  occasional  free  change  of 
text  in  order  to  remove  possible  difiiculties,  to 
make  clear,  by  the  expression,  the  antiquated 
writing,  the  grammatical  forms,  and,  where  it 
can  be  easily  done,  to  put  what  is  usual  and 
known  in  place  of  what  is  peculiar  in  conception 
or  language.  For  the  same  reason  that  the  tran- 
scriber of  the  Psalm  abandoned  the  ancient 
sparseness  of  vowel-letters  (Ges.  Lehrg.  p.  51) 
and,  where  it  seemed  necessary,  carefully  inserted 
a  H^aw  or  Tod,  he  has  resolved  and  regularly  in- 
flected the  contracted  verbal  forma,  and  here  and 
there  separated  a  preposition  from  a  noun,  in 
order  to  facilitate  the  apprehen.sion  of  the  words 
(which  were   written   without   vowel-signs)  and 


CHAP.  XXn.  1-51. 


579 


avoid  possible  misunderstandings."  (For  par- 
ticulars see  Sommer,  as  above.)  It  does  not  how- 
ever hence  appear,  that  the  preference  is  to  be 
accorded  to  the  Psalm- text  that  is  given  it  by  the 
latest  critics,  Gramberg  (in  Winer,  Exeg.  St.  I. 
1),  De  Wette,  Hupfeld,  Hitzig,  Ewald,  Olshau- 
sen,*  Delitzsoh.  But  neither  can  the  text  of  2 
S.im.  xxii.  be  regawled  as  the  original,  since  it 
contains  variations  that  are  explained  by  careless 
transcription  and  tradition  (Hupf.),  and  probably 
also  by  the  fact  that  this  psalm,  incorporated  in 
a  historical  book,  shared  the  fate  of  all  historical 
texts,  care  for  poetic  form  and  rhythm  early 
yielding  to  regard  for  the  mere  sense  (Hitzig). 
It  is,  however,  characteristic  of  the  text  of  2  Sam. 
xxii.,  that  it  contains  not  a  few  "  licenses  of  po- 
pular language"  (Del.),  and  that  the  defective 
mode  of  writing,  which  points  to  higher  an- 
tiquity, is  the  prevailing  one.  On  the  other  hand 
in  the  psalm-text  (which  Bottcher  calls  the 
''priest-recension"  over  against  the  2  Sam.  xxii. 
as  the  "  laic  recension  " )  a  later  revision  is  un- 
mistakable. "  The  vulgarisms,  and  in  part  the 
archaisms  also,  are  there  effaced;  the  whole  style 
is  more  cultivated"  (Bottch.).  Therefore  Von 
Lengerke's  view,  that  the  two  text's  are  of  about 
equal  value  {comme-nt-  crit.  de  dupliei  Ps.  xviii. 
exemplo,  Eegiom.  1833,  4)  cannot  be  looked  on  as 
proven,  but  the  preference  is  to  be  given  to  the 
recension  in  2  Sam.  xxii.  on  account  of  its  stamp 
of  higher  antiqnitv,  which  Von  Lengerke  must 
admit  is  given  it  by  its  more  sparing  use  of  vowel 
signs.  The  two  recensions  are  independent  of 
one  another,  neither  of  them  being  the  authentic ; 
but  2  Sam.  xxii.  is  the  older,  whether  it  was 
taken  from  an  older  manuscript  (Ewald),  or,  as 
Delitzsch  supposes,  belonged  to  the  "  Annals  of 
David  "  (Dibre  ha^yamim),  one  of  the  sources  of 
the  Books  of  Samuel.  Bottcher:  ''Thus  then, 
the  text  of  Ps.  xviii.  is,  as  a  whole,  completer  and 
purer,  but  2  Sam.  xxii.  though  somewhat  more 
defective,  yet  in  details  truer  to  the  original  and 
archaic  form." 

HISTORICAL    AND  THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  This  longest  and  most  arlistisf  of  David's 
psalms  that  have  come  down  to  us  is  also  one  of 
the  most  important  in  respect  to  the  history  of 
Ood's  kingdom  and  salvation.  For  it  embraces 
all  God's  deliverances  in  David's  life  before  and 
after  his  acces.sion  to  the  throne,  and  extols  them 
as  proofs  of  the  favor  and  faithfulness  of  his  God, 
who  chose  him  as  his  servant  to  this  high  royal 
dignity,  and  gave  him  the  most  glorious  pro- 
mises of  the  permanent  duration  of  his  kingdom 
in  his  seed.  The  pillars  on  which  this  great 
royal  psalm  rests  are  the  two  self-revelations  of 
God  to  David,  that  determine  His  theocratic 
royal  position:  His  coil  to  be  king  in  Saul's 
stead,  and  the  promise  of  the  everlasting  duration 
of  his  kingdom ;  the  first  supports  that  part  of 
the  Psalm  that  refers  to  the  Sanline  persecution. 


*  [Justus  Olshausen  (to  be  distinguished  from  Her- 
mann Olghausen,  the  commentator  on  the  N.  T.),  writer 
of  the  Commentary  on  Psalms  in  tlie  Condensed  Exe- 
getical  IVf  anual,  a  good  grammarian,  but  hyper.skeptical 
aa  a  critic. — Tr.] 

t  Amyraldus:  "a  most  excellent  specimen  of  the  po- 
etic art;"  Hitzig:  "an  unequalled  product  of  art  and 
reflection." 


the  second  the  part  that  describes  God's  help 
against  foreign  enemies.  Looking  on  these  de- 
liverances as  fulfilments  of  the  promise,  he  ex- 
pressly refers  to  it  at  the  close,  and  at  the  same 
time  looks  to  the  future  with  sure  hope  of  the 
fulfilment  of  the  promise  in  the  imperishable 
dominion  of  his  house.  So  Delitzsoh  [introduc- 
tory remarks  on  Ps.  xviii. ;  he  compares  the  Ps. 
to  the  Assyrian  monumental  inscriptions. — Tr.]. 

2.  Because  God's  deeds  are  incommenswable  for 
human  feeling  and  apprehension,  David's  thank- 
ful heart  can  find  in  language  no  adequate  expres- 
sion for  them.  Hence  the  exuberant  aggregation 
of  terms  in  vers.  2-4,  which  set  forth  the  inverse 
relation  of  human  capacity  for  praise  to  God's 
manifestations  of  grace.  ''The  poet  begins  a 
lay,  in  which  he  wishes  to  praise  God  for  His 
help,  the  strength  given  him  to  do  great  deeds, 
his  elevation  to  be  king  over  nations,  for  all  the 
blessings  of  his  long  and  eventful  life.  Here  at 
the  outset  the  recollection  of  these  exceeding 
mercies  comes  over  his  soul  with  overwhelming 
force ;  he  can  find  no  satisfactory  term  wherewith 
to  call  on  the  God  of  his  salvation,  and  therefore 
piles  term  on  term"  (Sommer,  as  above,  p.  152). 

3.  The  praise  of  God's  name  is  not  only  fruit, 
but  also  root  of  prayer  (ver.  4) ;  for  the  experiences 
of  God's  grace  and  faithfulness,  which  impel  to 
praise,  also  strengthen  faith,  are  the  foundations  of 
hope  for  further  mercies,  assure  the  fulfilment  of 
promises  in  the  future,  and  warrant  fervent  prayer 
for  new  help  under  appeal  to  past  ble.ssings. 

4.  The  cordial  intercourse  of  prayer  between  the 
Old  Testament  saints  and  their  covenant-God 
(comp.  vers.  4-7)  is  the  factual  proof  of  the  positive 
self-revelation  of  the  personal,  living  God,  without 
whose  initiative  such  overspringing  of  the  chasm 
between  the  holy  God  and  sinful  man  were  im- 
possible, but  also  therrmsl  strikinij  refutation  of  the 
false  view  that  the  religion  of  the  Old  Covenant 
presents  an  absolute  chasm  between  God  and 
man.  The  real  life-communion  between  the  heart 
that  goes  immediately  to  its  God  in  prayer  and 
the  God  who  hears  such  prayer  is,  on  the  one 
hand,  in  contrast  with  the  extra -testamental  reli- 
gion of  the  pre-Christian  world  alone  founded  on 
God's  positive-historical  self-revelation  to  His 
people  and  the  thereby  established  covenant-re- 
lation between  them,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  as 
sporadic  anticipation  of  the  life-communion  with 
God  established  by  the  New  Testament  Mediator, 
it  is  Si  factual  prophecy  of  the  religious-ethical  life- 
communion  (culminating  in  prayer)  between  man 
redeemed  by  Christ  and  His  Heavenly  Father. 

5.  Nature,  as  God's  creature  and  man's  fellow- 
creature,  is  the  symbolical  means  for  the  figura- 
tive presentation  of  the  personal  self-revelation 
of  God  to  man.  The  images  derived  from  the 
light,  which  is  God's  garment  (Ps.  civ.  2),  the 
cloud,  which  is  called  His  tent  (Job  xxxvi.  29; 
Ps.  xcvii.  2),  the  thunder,  in  which  His  voice  is 
heard  (ps.  xviii.  14  [13]  ;  Job  xxxvii.  2),  the 
lightning  and  fire-flames,  wherein  burns  His  wrath 
and  punitive  justice  (.Judg.  v.  4;  Isa.  xxx.  27 
sq.;  Ps.  ].  2,  3;  Ixviii.  8;  xcvii.  2),  and  the 
earthquake,  the  terror  that  precedes  the  revelation 
of  His  judgment  (Ps.  Ixxvii,  19  [18]  ;  cxiv.  4; 
Joel  ii.  10;  iv.  16;  Nah.  i.  5;  Isa.  xxiv.  18) 
exhibit  those  sides  of  the  being  of  the  self-re- 
vealing God  to  which  natural  phenomena,  by 


580 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


virtue  of  their  divine  origin,  are  related.  "This 
symbolism  of  nature  rests  on  the  conception  that 
bertain  qualities  in  God's  being  and  work  answer 
to  it.  Hence  God  is  sometimes  represented  as 
present  and  efficient  in  these  natural  phenomena 
(not  merely  accompanied  by  them},  and  in  bold 
and  vivid  expression  the  rousing  and  utterance 
of  His  anger  is  portrayed  as  the  kindling  of  His 
light-nature  in  all  the  turns  of  fiery  and  flaming 
figures,  even  to  the  point  that  smoke  issues  from 
His  wrath-snorting  nose  { Deut.  xix.  9 ;  Es.  Ixxi v. 
1;  Ixxx.  5  [4])  and  devouring  fire  from  His 
mouth  (comp.  the  description  of  the  crocodile, 
Job  xli.  10  sqq.)  from  the  burning  coals  within 
Him.  Not  in  themselves,  therefore,  but  only 
under  certain  circumstances  and  limitations  do 
these  phenomena  of  nature  form  in  part  the  sym- 
bol, in  part  the  means  of  the  theophany  "  (Moll 
[in  Lange's  Biile-  Work']  on  Ps.  xviii.,  Doct.  and 
Eth.  5). — "All  nature  stands  in  a  relation  of 
sympathy  to  man,  in  that  it  shares  his  curse  and 
blessing,  ruin  and  glory,  and  in  a  (so  to  speak) 
synergetic  [co-operative]  relation  to  God,  in  that 
it  pre-announces  and  instrumentally  accomplishes 
His  mighty  deeds  "  (Delitzsch  on  Ps.  xviii.  8-10). 
6.  The  law  of  Ood's  retrHtuiive  righteousness  is  the 
fundamenlcd  law  of  the  divine  government  of  th  e  world. 
The  condition  of  man's  deliverance  by  God  is 
life  in  righteousness  before  Ood,  which  pre-supposes 
full  devotion  of  heart  to  God,  and  shows  itself  in 
earnest  striving  after  faithful  fulfillment  of  God's 
commands.  God  bestows  His  salvation  and  bless- 
ing on  the  faithful  righteous  (comp.  Deut. 
xxviii.) ;  on  the  apostate  wicked  he  sends  His 
judgments,  and  hears  not  their  cry  for  help,  be- 
cause, they  being  in  trouble,  turn  to  Him  not  in 
living  faith  and  trust,  but  in  superstition.  He 
who  (like  David),  with  heart,  life  and  desire 
turned  towards  God,  seeks  and  finds  in  life-com- 
munion with  Him  his  highest  good  and  complete 
satisfaction,  may  (with  David),  on  the  ground  of 
this  law  of  retributive  righteousness,  aflirm  that 
he  has  had  help  of  the  Lord,  because  God  cannot 
leave  without  proof  of  His  faithful  mercy  those 
who  trust  in  Him  and  in  His  word  without  wish- 
ing to  gain  or  lay  claim  to  merit  for  themselves. 
Self-praise,  indeed,  and  vain  self-contemplation 
in  such  an  appeal  to  one's  own  righteousness  is 
not  lawful ;  audit  is  here  excluded,  since  David 
expressly  declares  that  pride  is  the  object  of  the 
divine  judgment  (ver.  28).  Comp.  Isa.  ii.  11; 
Prov.  vi.  17.  This  humble  appeal  to  one's  right- 
eous walk  before  God  under  God's  guidance  is 
indeed  at  bottom  only  praise  to  God  Himself. 
For  the  righteousness,  wherein  one  walks  before 
God,  is  God's  own  work.  "  David  owes  his  right- 
eousness wholly  to  his  faithful  adherence  to  God, 
who  preserves  His  servant  from  sins  so  that  they 
do  not  rule  over  him. — He  here  dwells  on  his 
righteousness,  not  from  vain  self-contemplation, 
but  to  quicken  himself  and  others  to  zeal  in  the 
fulfillment  of  the  law. — Tlie  charge  of  pride  of 
virtue,  if  it  were  true,  would  lie  also  against 
many  expressions  of  Christian  hymn-writers.  So, 
for  example,  in  Anton  Ulrich's  fine  hymn : 
Nun  tret'  ich  wieder  aus  der  Euh,  the  strophe : 
So  ist  getrost  mein  frischer  Muth, — ^Mein  Gott 
geht  nimraer  meinen  Steg,  wo  ich  nicht  wandle 
seinen  Weg  [never  goes  my  God  my  path,  when  I 
walk  not  in  His  way]  "  (Hengst.  on  Ps.  xviii.  20). 


7.  To  this  truth  of  the  retributive  righteous- 
ness of  God  attaches  itself  as  further  ground  for 
it  (vers.  26,  27)  the  thought  of  ethical  reciprocal 
action  between  God  in  His  ethical  bearing  towards 
man,  and  man  in  his  ethical  position  in  respect 
to  God.  There  is  no  question  here  of  an  intel- 
lectual conception  of  God's  being,  as  if  David 
meant  to  say :  God  appears  to  every  man  accor- 
ding as  the  man  is  disposed  and  constituted. 
Certainly  the  history  of  religion  everywhere 
(Christian  and  non-Christian)  proves  that  the 
views  of  God  that  the  unaided  reason  arrives  at 
are  the  refiection  of  the  ethical  condition  of  soul, 
which  determines  the  intellect;  the  character  of 
the  knowledge  of  God  depends  (m  the  ethical 
character  of  the  whole  life.  Here,  however,  is 
expressed  the  truth  that  God's  objective,  real  con- 
duct towards  men  according  to  Hie  retributive 
righteousne,ss  corresponds  exactly  to  man's  ethical 
conduct  towards  God,  and  by  the  rcfleclion  of  this 
righteous  conduct  of  God,  as  exhibited  in  His 
punitive  judgments,  in  man's  perverted  mind 
arises  a  caricature  of  God's  nature,  which  is 
more  and  more  confirmed  and  filled  out  in  the 
conception  of  the  man  that  turns  from  God  and 
continues  to  harden  his  heart  against  Him.  Comp. 
Moll,  on  Ps.  xvii.,  Doct.  and  Eth.  6;  who  refers 
to  1  Sam.  xxvi.  33;  Isa.  xxix.  14;  xxxi.  3;  Job 
V.  13;  Prov.  iii.  34.  [This  last  view,  the  per- 
verted conception  of  God  in  men's  minds,  while 
correct  in  itself,  is  not  contained  in  this  Psalm. — 
Tb.]. 

8.  In  the  gracious  helps,  wherein  God  reveals 
Himself  to  His  people  as  the  living  one,  faith  in 
the  living  God  grows  to  the  ever  completer  know- 
ledge of  the  truth  that  God  is  the  Living  One  in 
the  absolute  sense,  and  finds  involuntary  utterance 
in  the  declaration:  ''Living  is  the  Lord"  (ver. 
47).  The  experiences  and  guidances  of  the  lives 
of  God's  children  are  the  proof  that  God  is  a 
living  God,  who  enters  into  their  life  with  His 
light  and  His  strength,  with  the  consolation  of 
His  love  and  the  help  of  His  might."  "  That 
David  is  living,  exalted  and  blest,  shows  that  his 
God  is  living,  exalted  and  to  be  blessed.  He  is 
the  living  proof  of  his  livingness,  exaltedness 
and  praiscworthiness "  (Hengst.). 

9.  The  jubilant  tone  in  wiiich  Old  Testament 
piety  speaks  of  revenge  on  enemies  lacks  the  thor- 
ough sanclification  and  consecration,  whose  only 
source  is  in  the  holy  love  of  God,  poured  out  by 
the  Holy  Ghost  (Bom.  v.  5)  in  the  hearts  of  those 
who  are  become  children  of  God  through  faith 
in  Jesus  Christ,  and  can  practice  that  love  of 
enemies  that  was  necessarily  still  foreign  to  the 
Old  Testament  standpoint.  But  while  thisdiflfer- 
ence  between  the  standpoints  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments  is  maintained,  the  relative  truth  and 
justification  of  these  utterances  of  David  on  re- 
venge on  enemies  (ver.  48  sq.)  must  not  be  ignored. 
For  David  here  speaks  in  the  consciousness  of 
his  calling  as  theocratic  king,  who  had  to  fight 
for  the  Lord's  people,  and  carry  on  the  Lord's 
wars ;  it  is  the  Lord  Himself  that  has  taken  the 
revenge  and  given  it  him ;  the  victories  that  have 
laid  at  his  feet  the  enemies  of  God's  kingdom  are 
the  Lord's  own  deeds.  And  this  is  the  prefigure- 
ment  and  symbol  of  God's  mighty  deeds  in  the 
defence  of  the  New  Testament  kingdom  of  grace, 
and  of  the  conquest  of  the  hostile  world  by  the 


CHAP.  XXn.  1-51. 


581 


spiritual  weapons  of  His  word  and  the  power  of 
His  Spirit,  till  after  this  conquest  comes  the  tri- 
umphant kingdom  of  glory. 

10.  David  affirms  (ver.  50  aq.)  the  UTiwersoZi^q/'iAe 
salvation,  whose  original  source  is  the  glorious  re- 
velations of  God  to  His  chosen  people;  the  God  of 
Israel  is  also  the  God  of  the  heathen.  The  means 
of  bringing  them  to  the  knowledge  of  the  living 
God  is  not  the  sword,  but  the  proclamation  of 
God's  great  deeds  for  His  people.  As  David,  in 
his  character  of  missionary  to  the  heathen  world, 
praises  his  God's  grace,  so  at  bottom  all  mission- 
ary work  among  tli3  heatlien  is,  in  the  announce- 
ment of  the  word  of  the  God  who  is  revealed  in 
Christ,  a  continuous  praise  of  the  name  of  the 
living  God.  In  David's  word:  "I  will  praise 
thee  among  the  heathen,"  the  missionary  idea  of 
the  universal,  all-embracing  salvation  of  God 
breaks  over  the  bounds  of  national-theocratic  par- 
ticularism.— "As  it  was  among  the  heathen  that 
he  himself  most  proudly  sang  Jahve's  praise,  and 
by  his  whole  life  proclaimed  to  them  His  sole 
majesty  (wherein  he  followed,  only  with  far  more 
power,  Deborah's  example,  Judg.  v.  3),  so  from 
now  on  could  and  should  every  member  of  this 
congregation  of  .Tahve  take  position  towards  the 
heathen"  [Ewald,  Oesch.  [Hist,  of  Israel]  III. 
273,  Rem.). 

11.  As  the  centre,  whence  the  light  of  salvation 
was  to  shine  on  the  heathen,  David  has  in  view 
God's  revelations  of  salvation  and  grace,  as  they 
were  imparted  to  him,  the  Anointed  of  the  Lord, 
and,  according  to  the  promise,  2  Sam.  vii.,  were 
to  be  imparted  to  his  seed  that  was  destined  to 
everlasting  royal  dominion.  But  the  line,  in 
which  his  prophetic  glance  at  the  end  of  the  Song 
in  the  light  of  this  promise  looks  into  the  future 
of  this  seed,  runs  in  the  historical  fulfilment  of 
this  Messianic  prophecy  beyond  the  earthly  throne 
of  the  Davidic  house,  and  ends  in  "the  Son  of 
God,  who  was  bom  of  the  seed  of  David  accord- 
ing to  the  flesh"  (Rom.  i.  3),  and  is  the  Anointed 
of  God  in  the  absolute  sense.  In  Rom.  xv.  9 
Paul,  quoting  David's  words  here  (ver.  50),  de- 
clares him  to  be  the  Saviour,  through  whom,  ac- 
cording to  God's  mercy,  the  heathen  also  become 
partakers  of  salvation,  and  praise  God  therefor. 


HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Ver.  1.  [Taylob  :  Let  us  learn  to  thank  God 
for  our  mercies  and  deliverances.  When  the 
crisis  of  some  great  agony  is  on  us,  there  are  no 
words  which  leap  so  readily  to  our  lips  as  these : 
"God  help  me !"  At  such  times  we  feel  shut  up 
to  go  to  God,  and  we  engage  our  friends  to  pray 
to  Him  on  our  behalf  But  when  the  danger  is 
past  and  the  suffering  is  gone,  how  seldom  we 
think  of  Him  on  whom,  while  they  lasted,  we 
called  so  passionately  for  relief  Of  the  ten  lepers 
whom  Jesus  cleansed,  only  one  returned  to  give 
Him  thanks. — Henry  :  Every  new  mercy  in  our 
hand  should  put  a  new  song  into  our  mouth,  even 
praises  to  our  God. — Tb."] — Ver.  2.  Human  speech 
cannot  find  words  enough  to  praise  sufficiently  the 
fulness  of  the  divine  grace  and  the  riches  of  God's 
goodness.  Comp.  Rom.  xi.  33. — God  not  merely 
gives  to  them  that  trust  in  Him  all  that  is  neces- 
sary for  them,  but  He  Himself  is  to  them  all  that 
they  need.    The  Lord  is  to  His  people  through 


His  power  a  firm  support,  an  invincible  ally  both 
in  defence  and  in  oflfence.  [Spubgeon:*  "In 
Him  will  I  trust."  Faith  must  be  exercised,  or 
the  preoiousness  of  God  is  not  truly  known ;  and 
God  must  be  the  object  of  faith,  or  faith  is  mere 
presumption. — Te.] 

Ver.  4  sq.  The  praise  of  God  has  its  ground  in 
the  benefits  received  from  God  and  in  the  expe- 
rience of  His  salvation ;  it  forms  the  foundation 
for  new  requests,  it  confirms  the  heart  in  child- 
like confidence,  and  it  heightens  the  courage  of 
faith. — The  wholesome  fruit  of  severe  afflictions 
and  sore  conflicts  is  for  the  children  of  God  so 
much  the  more  unconditional  confidence  in  God's 
compassion,  so  much  the  more  hearty  supplica- 
tion for  God's  help,  so  much  the  more  blessed  ex- 
perience of  His  hearing  and  delivering  grace. — 
God  speaks  to  men  through  the  powers  and  gifts 
of  His  visible  creation  the  language  of  His  good- 
ness and  compassionate  fatherly  love,  Matt.  v.  45; 
but  He  also  speaks  through  the  mighty  forces  of 
nature  the  language  of  His  wrath  and  His  puni- 
tive righteousness.— Bebl.  B.  :  The  Lord  is  such 
a  soul's  rock ;  for  it  has  no  other  steadfastness  than 
God,  who  establishes  Himself  in  it  and  confirms 
it  in  perfect  immovableness,  for  it  is  the  immova- 
bleness  of  God  Himself — Lutheb  :  David  wishes 
hereby  to  instruct  us  that  there  is  nothing  so  ba<^ 
so  great,  so  vast,  so  mighty,  so  lasting  that  it  can- 
not be  overcome  through  the  power  of  God,  if  we 
only  trust  therein ;  likewise  that  then  especially 
should  we  have  cause  to  hope  for  God's  power  to 
become  mighty  in  us,  wheu  many  great,  strong 
and  persistent  evils  powerfully  press  upon  us. 
— "  I  call  on  the  Lord,  who  is  worthy  to  be 
praised."  This  is  in  time  of  trouble  the  noblest 
of  doctrines,  and  thoroughly  golden.  It  is  in- 
credible what  a  powerful  means  such  praise  to  God 
is  when  danger  assails.  .  For  as  soon  as  you  begin 
to  praise  God,  so  soon  the  evil  becomes  lessened, 
the  consoled  spirit  waxes  stronger,  and  there  fol- 
lows the  calling  on  God  with  confidence. 

Ver.  7.  [LoKD  Bacon  (in  Spurgeon) :  If  you 
listen  even  to  David's  harp,  you  shall  hear  as 
many  hearse-like  airs  as  carols.  Prosperity  is  not 
without  many  fears  and  distastes ;  and  adversity  is 
not  without  comforts  and  hopes.-TE.] — Cramer  : 
It  is  God's  counsel  and  will  that  we  should  call 
on  Him.  Ps.  1.  15. — Calvin:, In  naming  God 
his  God,  he  distinguishes  himself  from  the  coarse 
despisers  of  God  and  frop  the  hypocrites,  who  do 
indeed  when  pressed  by  need  call  confusedly  on 
the  heavenly  divinity,  but  do  not  either  with  con- 
fidence or  with  one  heart  draw  near  to  God,  of 
whose  fatherly  grace  they  know  nothing. — Bebl. 
B. :  If  thy  God  has  now  heard  thee,  O  thou 
afflicted  king,  instruct  us  also  how  it  has  gone 
therewith  and  with  thy  cry  and  prayer  for  delive- 
rance. [Spurgeon:  There  was  no  great. space 
between  the  cry  and  its  answer.  The  Lord  is  not 
slack  concerning  His  promise,  but  is  swift  to  rescue 
His  afflicted.— Tb.] 

Ver.  8  sq.  Schlieb  :  How  poor  we  are  when 
surrounded  by  cold,  heartless  nature,  and  how 
well  ofl!"  we  are  when  everywhere  we  can  see  and 
mark  the  Lord's  hand.     Let  us  see  the  Lord's 


*  [This  and  the  other  quotations  from  Spurgeon 
throughout  the  chapter  are  from  his  "  Treasury  of  Da- 
rid."  a  copious  commentary  on  the  Psalms,  which  does 
not  aim  at  criticism  or  exact  exegesis,  but  is  rich  in 
homiletical  matter,  original  and  selected. — Tb.] 


582 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


hand  even  iu  the  events  of  common  life. — Staeke: 
All  God's  creatures  testify  of  His  glory,  Ps.  xix. 
2  sq. ;  all  the  elements  have  to  be  at  His  com- 
mand.— Schlieb;  The  Lord  helps  if  we  pray 
aright.  [Spurgeon  :  Things  were  bad  for  David 
before  he  prayed,  but  they  were  much  worse  for 
his  foes  so  soon  as  the  petition  had  gone  up  to 
heaven. — Tb.] 

Vers.  ISsqq.  Hengstenbebg:  ''For  they  were 
too  strong  for  me" — here  it  is  assumed  that  our 
utter  lack  of  might  compels  the  Lord  to  make  use 
of  His  almightiness  for  our  benefit. — Staeke: 
Every  victory  comes  from  God;  He  is  the  true 
man  of  war.  Exod.  xv.  3;  Ps.  xlvi.  10  [9]. — 
Human  help  commonly  fails ;  but  he  who  leans 
upon  God  as  a  strong  staff  is  never  put  to  shame. 
Ps.  xxiii.  4.  BBEii.  B. :  After  all  sufferings  en- 
dured there  is  given  the  soul  a  holy  freedom,  and 
it  gains  through  its  trial  a  boundless  enlargement. 
This  it  never  recognizes  until  after  the  work  is 
finished  and  God  has  delivered  it  from  all  its 
pains.  And  why  has  He  delivered  it  from  them  ? 
Because  this  soul  has  pleased  Him. — S.  Schmid  : 
Believers  find  their  best  consolation  and  motive 
to  patience  in  the  knowledge  that  they  please  God. 
1  Pet.  iii.  14. 

Vers.  21  sqq.  Hengstenbebg  :  With  all  the 
weakness  common  to  men  they  yet  fall  apart  into 
two  great  halves,  between  which  a  great  gulf  is 
fixed,  the  wicked  and  the  righteous,  and  only  the 
latter  can  be  heard  when  they  pray. — Cbamee  : 
In  all  persecution,  hostility  and  opposition  we 
should  labor  to  have  always  a  good  conscience ; 
for  that  is  our  rejoicing,  2  Cor.  i.  12 ;  Acts  xxiv. 
16. — Staeke  :  A  beautiful  description  of  a  true 
Christian.  Well  for  him  that  strives  to  attain  it. 
The  righteousness  of  pious  Christians  pleases  God 
when  it  proceeds  from  faith.  Eom.  v.  1. — [Spue- 
GEON ;  Before  God,  the  man  after  God's  own  heart 
was  a  humble  sinner;  but  before  his  slanderers  he 
could,  with  unblushing  face,  speak  of  the  clean- 
ness of  his  hands  and  the  righteousness  of  his  life. 
.  .  .  There  is  no  self-righteousness  in  an  honest 
man's  knowing  that  he  is  honest,  nor  even  in  his 
believing  that  God  rewards  him  in  Providence 
because  of  his  honesty,  for  such  is  often  a  most 

evident  matter  of  fact It  is  not  at  all  an 

opposition  to  the  doctrine  of  salvation  by  grace, 
and  no  sort  of  evidence  of  a  Pharisaic  spirit,  when 
a  gracious  man,  having  been  slandered,  stoutly 
maintains  his  integrity,  and  vigorously  defends 
his  character Bead  the  cluster  of  expres- 
sions in  this  and  the  following  verses  as  the  song 
of  a  good  conscience,  after  having  safely  outridden 
a  storm  of  obloquy,  persecution  and  abuse,  and 
there  will  be  no  fear  of  our  upbraiding  the  writer 
as  one  who  sets  too  high  a  price  upon  his  own 
moral  character.— Heney  (ver.  23) :  A  careful 
abstaining  from  our  own  iniquity  is  one  of  the 
best  evidences  of  our  own  integrity  ;  and  the  tes- 
timony of  our  conscience  that  we  have  done  so. 
will  be  such  a  rejoicing,  as  will  not  only  lessen 
the  grieis  of  an  afflicted  state,  but  increase  the 
comforts  of  an  advanced  state.  David  reflected 
with  more  comfort  upon  his  victories  over  his 
own  iniquity,  than  upon  his  conq^ue.'tt  of  Goliath, 
and  all  the  hosts  of  the  uncircumcised  Philistines ; 
and  the  witness  of  his  own  heart  to  his  upright- 
ness was  sweeter,  though  more  silent  music  than 
theirs  that  sang,  "  David  has  slain  his  ten  thou- 


sands."   If  a  great  man  be  a  good  man,  his  good- 
ness will  be  much  more  his  satisfaction  than  his 
greatness. — Tk.] — As  we  are    disposed  towards 
God,  so  is  also  God  disposed  towards  us ;  and  as 
we  show  ourselves  towards  Him  so  He  also  shows 
Himself  towards    us.     1  Sam.  ii.  30;   xv.    23; 
Matt.  X.  38;  Luke  vi.  37.— Ver.  27.  Delitzsch: 
The  pious  man's  inward  love  God  requites  with 
intimate  love,  the  honest  man's  complete  devo- 
tion with  full  communication  of  grace,  the  striv- 
ing after  purity  by  a  disposition  rich  in  undis- 
turbed love  (comp.  P.sa.  Ixxiii.  1),  moral  self- 
perversion  by  strange  judgments,  in  that  He  gives 
up  the  perverse  man  to  his  perverseness  (Eom.  i. 
28),  and  leads  him  along  strange  ways  to  final 
condemnation.  (Isa.  xxix.  14,  comp.  Lev.  xivi. 
23  sq.). — Beel.  B.  :  For  this  very  reason   does 
that  which  is  most  righteous,  seem  to  the  per- 
verse world  to  be  perverse  and  unrigliteous,  be- 
cause the  world  is  perverse  and  this   does  not 
agree  with  its  evil  principles.     God  is  in  their 
estimation  too  righteous  and  exact,  because  He 
tests  with  the  greatest  accuracy  the  distortions  of 
a  dislocated  conscience,  and  investigates  such  a 
case  with  the  severest  .strictness,  iis  the  Gospel  ex- 
plains of  Him    who    had     buried    His    talent. 
[Spuegeon  :  The  Jewish  tradition  was  thai  the 
manna  tasted  according  to  each  man's  mouth; 
certainly  God  shows  Himself  to  each  individual 
according    to    his     character. — Tr.] — Ver.    28. 
Delitzsch:    The  church  that   is   bowed   down 
by  aufi'erings  experiences  God's  condescension  for 
her  salvation,   and  her  haughty  oppressors   ex- 
perience God's  exaltation  for  their  humbling. 

Ver.  29.  S.  Schmid  :  He  whose  light  is  the 
Lord,  walks  safe  in  his  ways.  John  xi.  9,  10. — 
^^el■s.  30  sq.  Nothing  in  the  world  is  so  hard 
and  heavy  that  we  cannot  get  the  better  of  it  by 
God's  help.  Eom.  viii.  37.— Beel.  B.:  All  that 
is  a  hindrance  to  men  is  to  God  no  hindrance. — 
O  how  hemmed  in  we  are  when  in  ourselves. 
Ah  !  how  enlarged  are  we  not,  when  we  find  oar- 
selves  in  Thee,  O  my  God.  Thea  we  run,  and 
nothing  can  stop  or  overthrow  us. — Staeke  :  If 
we  have  done  great  things,  we  must  ascribe  the 
honor  not  to  ourselves  but  to  God.  Psa.  cxv. 
l.—Yei.  32.  S.  Schmid  :  Well  for  the  man  that 
can  in  true  faith  call  the  Lord  his  God.  Psa. 
xviii.  2,  3.— Vera.  33  sq.  Ceamee  :  War  is  not 
in  itself  sinful  nor  blameworthy,  and  God  makes 
righteous  soldiers.  Psa.  cxliv.  1.— S.  Schmid  : 
Ye  warriors  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  have  to  contend 
with  princes  and  mighty  ones  (Eph.  vi.  12),  call 
God  to  your  help,  who  will  teach  your  hands  to 
war. 

Ver.  35.  Hengstenbebg:  The  outward 
conflict  against  the  enemies  of  the  kingdom  of 
God  is  not  in  itself  carnal,  but  becomes  so  only 
through  the  disposition  in  which  it  is  conducted ; 
just  as  the  spiritual  conflict  is  not  in  itself  spirit- 
ual, but  only  when  it  is  conducted  with  divine 
weapons  alone,  with  the  power  which  God  sup- 
plies. With  right  does  Luther  find  in  our  verse 
the  promise,  "  that  to  preachers  who  are  taught 
by  God  Himself,  there  is  given  an  inexhausti- 
ble and  invincible  power  to  withstand  all  op- 
posers."  This  is  therein  contained  not  merely 
inasmuch  as  what  holds  of  one  believer,  also  holds 
of  all  others,  but  more  directly  too,  inasmuch  as 
David  here  speaks  not  merely  of  himself  but  of 


GHAP.  XXII.  1-51. 


583 


hia  whole  family,  which  13  completed  in  Christ, 
so  that  all  he  says  refers  in  the  highest  and 
fullest  sense  to  Christ  and  His  kingdom,  and  His 
servants.  [A  doubtful  principle,  and  a  precari- 
ous inference. — Te.] 

Vers.  36  sq.  Lutheb:  Who  are  we  then, 
that  we  should  either  want  to  presume  and  un- 
dertake to  protect  the  truth  and  overcome  the 
enemies,  or  when  we  cannot  succeed  therein, 
that  we  should  want  to  get  angry  about  it  ?  It 
depends  upon  divine  grace  how  we  are  preserved 
and  enlarged,  not  upon  our  undertakings  and 
presumptuous  fancy,  that  the  glory  may  remain 
with  God  alone. — Ver.  38.  Luther  :  And  this 
has  happened  and  still  happens  in  all  victories 
of  the  people  of  God,  since  in  the  beginning  of 
the  conflict  the  enemies  appear  to  be  superior  and 
invincible;  but  so  soon  as  the  assault  is  made 
there  is  a  growing  strength  ;  the  enemies  take  to 
flight,  and  are  slain  ;  thereupon  the  church  does 
not  cease  to  follow  up  the  conflict  won  and  the 
victory  gained,  until  it  sweeps  away  all  enemies. 

Ver.  39.  Calvin  :  As  the  wars  of  David  are 
common  to  us,  it  follows  that  to  us  there  is 
promised  an  unconquerable  protection  against  all 
onsets  of  the  devil,  all  lusts  of  sin,  all  tempta- 
tions of  the  flesh. — Chambr:  Christian  knights 
must  not  practice  hypocrisy  with  the  enemies  of 
God,  or  show  them  ill-timed  compassion,  but  use 
earnestness  and  zeal  against  them.  1  Sam.  xv. 
15  ;  Psa.  cxxxix.  21.— Vers.  40  sq.  S.  Schmid  : 
Nothing  is  more  intolerable  to  the  ungodly  than 
when  they  are  humbled  under  those  over  whom 
they  have  exalted  themselves.  [Ver.  42.  Spub- 
GEON :  Prayer  is  so  notable  a  weapon  that  even 
the  wicked  will  take  to  it,  in  their  fits  of  despera- 
tion. Bad  men  have  appealed  to  God  against 
God's   own   servants,  but  in  vain. — Tb.] 

Ver.  47.  Beel.  B.  :  The  Lord  lives  !  Hence 
comes  all  the  satisfaction  of  a  true  and  pure  soul, 
because  God  is  always  living  in  him,  and  this 
life  of  God  no  one  can  hinder.  Psa.  xlii.  3  [2].— 
This  alone  constitutes  the  joy  of  a  soul  wholly 
penetrated  by  pure  love.  Its  joy  consists  not  in 
its  salvation,  but  in  the  glory  which  from  this 
salvation  accrues  to  God.  Exod.  xv.  2. — Ver. 
50  sq.  Stabke  :  A  Christian  should  awake  him- 
self ever  anew  to  the  praise  of  God. — Sohliee  : 
The  more  we  think  on  what  the  Lord  has  done 
for  us,  the  more  we  gain  courage  and  confidence 
for  the  future.  Ingratitude  makes  men  despair- 
ing and  afraid  ;  true  gratitude  produces  consola- 


tion and  courage.  In  thanksgiving  we  of  course 
think  of  the  Lord  and  His  goodness ;  and  when 
we  think  of  the  Lord,  how  should  we  not  also  be 
consoled  ?  The  more  gratitude,  so  much  the 
more  confidence ;  and  the  more  confidence,  so 
much  the  more  help  for  time  and  eternity. 

[Ver.  1.  Songs  of  deliverance.  1)  A  good  man 
may  have  many  enemies ;  a)  external,  b)  in- 
ternal ("None  betray  us  into  sin,  like  the  foes 
we  find  within.").  2)  The  Lord  delivers  him 
from  one  after  another,  and  will  at  last  deliver 
him  from  all.  3)  His  songs  of  deliverance  ;  a) 
for  every  particular  deliverance  in  the  course  of 
life,  b)  for  the  great  deliverance  in  the  hour  of 
death,  c)  amid  the  complete  security  of  the  life 
eternal. — Vers.  5-20.  Oreal  trials  and  ylorious 
deliverance.  I.  The  trials.  1)  Alarming  assaults 
of  wickedness  (ver.  5).  2)  Imminent  perils  of 
death  (ver.  6).  11.  The  cry  for  help.  1)  "In  dis- 
tress'   (ver.  7),  men   always  cry  out   for  help. 

2)  David  calls  on  no  human  help  but  on  Jehovah. 

3)  Invoking  Him  as  '  my  God.'  4)  His  cry  was 
heard.  III.  The  deliverance.  1)  Sublime  tokens 
of  Jehovah's  appearing,  in  majesty  and  wrath 
(vers.  8-14).  2)  Enemies  vanquished  and  scat- 
tered (ver.  15).  3)  The  sorely  tried  one  is  de- 
livered ;  a)  from  calamities  in  general  ( vers.  16, 
17),  b)  from  powerful  enemies  choosing  the  time 
of  calamity  to  assail  (vers.  18,  19).  4)  He  is 
brought  into  great  freedom  and  prosperity  (ver. 
20).-Te.] 

[Vers-  20-28.  A.  fearless  profession  of  integrity. 
I.  Delivered  and  rewarded  because  he  pleased 
God  (vers.  20-21).  II.  How  he  professes  to  have 
acted  (vers.  22-24).  1)  In  general,  keeping  the 
ways  of  the  Lord  (ver.  22).  2)  Knowing  and 
obeying  His  revealed  will  (ver.  23).  3)  Refrain- 
ing from  sin  (ver.  24).  III.  God's  retaliation.s, 
treating  men  exactly  as  they  treat  Him.  (vers. 
26-28).  (Such  a  line  of  thought  is  quite  foreign 
to  our  ordinary  preaching;;  but  if  properly 
guarded  in  the  statement  and  application,  it  might 
be  very  wholesome.) — Ver.  32.  Jehovah  the  only 
God,  and  God  the  only  rock. — Vers.  47-50. 
Praise  to  the  living  God.  1)  Jehovah  liveth  (ver. 
47) — not  a  mere  nothing  like  the  idols  (Psa.  cxv. 
2-7) — not  a  mere  idea  like  the  Pantheist's  God — 
but  living,  personal,  active,  knowing  all,  ruling 
all.  2)  As  the  living  God,  He  delivers  and  pre- 
serves His  people  (vers.  48,  49).  3)  They  should 
praise  Him  ;  a)  bless  Him  themselves  (ver.  47), 
and  b)  make  Him  known  among  the  nations  that 
know  Him  not  (ver.  50).— Te.] 


584 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


FOURTH    SECTION. 


David's    Last    Prophetic    Words. 
Chapter  XXIII.  1-7. 

1  Now  [And]  these  be  [are]  the  last  words  of  David.     David  the  son  of 
said,  and  the  man  who  was  raised  up  on  high,  the  anointed  of  the  God  of  Jacob, 

2  and  the  sweet  psalmist  of  Israel,  said.     The  Spirit  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  spake  by 

3  me  [or,  into  me],  and  his  word  was  in  [on]  ray  toogue.  The  God  of  Israel  said, 
the  Rock  of  Israel  spake  to  me,  He  that  ruleth  over  men  must  be  just,  ruling  in 

4  the  fear  of  God.  And  he  shall  be  as  the  light  of  the  morning,  when  the  sun  riseth, 
even  [om.  even]  a  morning  without  clouds,  as  the  tender  grass  springing  out  of  the 
earth  by  clear  shining  after  rain  [when  from  shining  after  raining  the  herb  springs 

5  from  the  earth].  Although  my  house  be  not  so  with  God ;  [For  is  not  my  house 
so  with  God  ?]  yet  [for]  he  hath  made  with  me  an  everlasting  covenant,  ordered 
in  all  things  and  sure ;  for  this  is  all  my  salvation,  and  all  my  desire,  although  he 
make  it  not  to  grow  [for  all  my  salvation  and  all  my  pleasure,  shall  it  not  prosper 

6  (or,  shall  he  not  cause  it  to  prosper)  ?].  But  the  sons  of  Belial  shall  be  [And  the 
wicked  are]  all  of  them  as  thorns  thrust  away,  because  they  cannot  be  taken  with 

7  hands  [for  they  are  not  laid  hold  of  with  the  hand].  But  the  man  that  shall 
[And  if  a  man]  touch  them,  must  be  [he  is]  fenced  with  iron  and  the  staff  of  a 
spear,  and  they  shall  be  utterly  burned  with  fire  in  the  same  place. 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

These  "  last  words  of  David "  have  not  a 
merely  lyrical  (Ewald),  but  a  lyrical-prophetical 
'character.  Their  historical  presupposition  is  the 
prophecy  through  Nathan,  2  Sam.  vii.  Their 
connection  with  the  preceding  song,  chap,  xxii., 
is  not  indeed  a  chronological  one,  since  there  is  no 
chronological+5» definite  statement  in  either;  but 
as  both  obviously  belong  (xxii.  by  its  content, 
xxiii.  1-7  by  its  title)  to  David's  last  years,  they 
cannot  lie  far  apart  in  time,  and  both,  partly  by 
their  retrospect  of  a  long  and  eventful  life  that 
rose  out  of  the  depths  to  high  honor,  partly  by 
their  outlook  into  a  still  more  glorious  future, 
have  the  character  of  the  solemn,  grand  final 
words  of  a  king.  For  an  inward  connection  of 
the  contents  of  the  two  songs  is  clearly  to  be  seen 
in  the  fact  that  the  closing  view  of  ch.  xxii. 
(based  on  the  prophecy  of  an  everlasting  house, 
2  Sam.  vii.)  traverses  and  controls  this  whole 
song,  xxiii.  1-7,  that  the  seed  of  the  Anointed  of 
the  Lord  (xxii.  51)  is  here  individualized  into  a 
person,  and  the  salvation  there  promised  as  an 
everlasting  possession  to  the  Anointed  and  his 
seed  by  God,  is  here  more  definitely  announced 
as  one  proceeding  from  and  secured  by  the  mes- 
sianic Ruler.— On  the  theocratic  attitude  in  the 
biblical-theological  content  of  this  Song,  see  fur- 
ther in  the  appropriate  section  [Historical  and 
Theological]. 


For  the  exegesis  compare  the  following  litera- 
ture: Luther  on  the  last  words  of  David,  2  Sam. 
xxiii.  1-7,  opp.  Jen.  VIII.  137-152.  Walch 
III.  2790-2910.  Erl.  A.  Bd.  37,  p.  1  sqq.— 
PfeiflTer,  I}ubia  Vexata,  pp.  398-401.— Buddeus, 
Hist.  Eccl.  N.  T.  I.,  pp.  194^196.— Crusius,  Hy- 
pomnemaia  II.,  pp.  219-224. — Joh.  G.  Trendelen- 
Durg,  Com/menl,  in  noviss.  verba  David,  Gottingen, 
1779. — Herder,  Fom  Geist  der  ebr.  Poesie,  II.  2, 
Leipz.,  182-5,  p.  387  sqq.,  and  Sriefe  das  Studium 
der  Theologie  betreffend,  I.,  p.  135. — Ewald,  Die 
poet.  Biicher  des  Alt.  Bundes  \^Poetical  Books  of  the 
Old  Testament'],  I.,  pp.  99-102,  and  Hixl.  of  Israel, 
III.  268  (3  ed.). — Vaihinger,  Zur  Erkldrung  des 
Liedes  2  Sam.  xidii.  1-7,  in  the  Stud,  und  Krit., 
1843,  pp.  983  sqq. — Hengstenberg,  Christology  of 
the  Old  Testament,  in  loco.  —  Eeinke,  Beitrage 
zur  Erkldrung  des  Alt.  Testament,  IV.,  p.  455  sq. 
Fries,  Dieletzten  Worte  Davids  2  Sam.  xxiii.  1-7, 
Stud.  u.  Krit.,  1857,  pp.  645-689.— G.  Baur, 
Gesch.  der  dt.-test.  Weissagung,  I.  387.— Tholuck, 
Die  Propheten  und  ihre  Weissagung,  p.  166  sq. — 
H.  Schultz,  Bibl.  Theol.  des  Alt  Testament,  I.  463 
sq.  [Oehler,  Theol.  of  the  Old  Testament,  ?  230. 
— Te.]. 

Ver.  1.  The  superscription. — And  these  are 
the  last  -words  of  David. — The  Davidic  ori- 
gin of  this  song,  affirmed  by  the  superscription, 
IS  raised  above  all  doubt  by  the  archaic  form  of 
the  introduction,  the  pregnant  curtness  of  the 
expression,  the  characteristic  peculiarity  of  the 
thoughts,  the  Davidic  stamp  borne  by  form  and 


CHAP.  XXIII  1-7. 


585 


content,  and  the  originality  of  the  Meesianio 
thought,  as  well  as  the  direct  reference  of  the  lat- 
ter to  2  Sam.  vii.  "  Only  hyper-criticism  could 
declare  against  the  Davidic  origin  by  first  form- 
ing an  arbitrary  conception  of  David's  poetic 
style,  and  then  reijecting  this  song  for  not  coming 
up  to  that  conception. — A  poem  that  was  com- 
posed later  and  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  royal 
singer  would  certainly  betray  its  origin  by  a 
fuller  and  clearer  exposition  of  the  idea  of  the 
Israelitish  kingdom"  (Baur,  as  above,  p.  388). 
So  H.  8chultz,  as  above,  464.  Though  the  song 
is  by  its  superscription  attached  to  ch.  xxii.,  the 
opinion  held  by  some  (Mich.,  Dathe,  Maurer), 
that  the  "  last  words "  are  only  words  later  than 
the  song  in  chap,  xxii.,  is  untenable.  Nor  can 
the  superscription  refer  to  the  following  history 
of  David,  as  given  in  the  remaining  part  of 
''  Samuel''  and  the  beginning  of  1  Kings  (Paulus, 
exeg.  krit.  Abhandl.,  pp.  99-134).  Further,  it 
does  not  mean:  the  last  prophetic  word  in  the 
list  of  David's  prophetical  utterances  (Grot.),  or 
the  last  psalm  ( Vatablus :  "  after  he  produced  all 
his  psalms"),  or,  his  last  will  and  testament, 
"  though  he  said,  did  and  suffered  much  after- 
wards" (Luther) ;  but  it  is  to  be  understood  in  the 
absolute  sense :  the  last  of  all  his  words,  which  he 
spoke  at  the  end  of  his  life  in  his  theocratic  call- 
ing and  royal  consciousness,  and  in  reference  to 
the  kingdom  of  God  in  Israel,  "the  last  poetical 
flight  that  he  ever  took,  perhaps  shortly  before  his 
death,  and  which  was  specially  noted  down  for  the 
reason  also  that  it  was  (from  ver.  2)  regarded  as  the 
utteraTiee  of  a  seer  (D^^  Num.  xxiv.  3,  4,  15,  16)" 
(Thenius). 

Divine  saying  (D?5:*)  of  David.  The  word 
always  signifies  a  saying  or  oracular  utterance 
based  on  immediate  revelation  or  inspiration.  It 
is  the  passive  participle,  ^  "  the  thing  breathed 
in,  inspired  word,"  and  stands  here  with  the  Geni- 
tive of  the  human  receiver,  as  in  Num.  xxiv.  3 
sqq.  (Balaam)  and  Prov.  xxx.  1  (Solomon),f 
while  it  is  as  a  rule  followed  by  "Jehovah"  as 
the  author  of  the  inspiration.  The  following 
words  of  David  are  thereby  announced  to  be  a 
peculiarly  prophetic  declaration,  which  rests  on 
an  inspeaking  of  God  by  His  Spirit  into  his  soul. 
The  introduction  of  the  song  corresponds  in  form 
and  content  with  that  of  Balaam's  prophecy, 
Num.  xxiv.  3.  It  begins  with  a  simple  personal 
designation,  and  then  designates  the  qualities  of 
this  person  that  here  come  into  consideration,  and 
may  serve  to  give  the  reasons  for  the  expression 
"divine  saying"  (Hengst.)  [As  this  expression 
is  frequent  in  the  prophetical  writings  (in  Eng. 
A.  Y-,  rendered  by  "saith  the  Lord")  it  is  not 
improbable  that  the  title  is  from  the  hand  of  a 
later  prophetical  editor.— Tr.]— The  son  of 
Jesse.     "  How  humbly  he  proceeds,  boanting  not 


*  Const,  state  of  DWJ,  from  D.XJ,  properly=Dnj,  HDn 

T 

"  to  boom,  murmur,  buzz,"  used  of  any  dvZl  tone  (kernel 
of  the  root  m  ),  hence  especially  of  secret,  confidential 
impartation  fas  Germ,  raunen  [Eng.  roun,  whisper])  = 
inspvrare,  of  divine  inspiration  to  prophet  or  poet  as  the 
confidant  of  God,  which  is  conceived  of  as  whispered 
into  the  ear"  (Hapf.  on  Ps.  xxxvi.  2  [IJ  where  DX3  is 
used  of  the  inspiration  or  oracle  of  wickedness  personi- 
fied as  an  evil  demon). 

t  [Ene.  A.  V. :  "the  man  spakeanto  Ithiel."  The  text 
is  probably  corrupt,  but  there  is  no  mention  of  Solomon 
in  it.— Te.] 


his  circumcision,  his  holiness  or  his  kingdom,  not 
a.shamed  of  his  lowly  stock,  that  he  was  a  shep- 
herd ;  for  he  will  speak  of  other  things  that  are 
so  high  that  they  need  no  nobility  or  holiness, 
and  shall  be  hurt  by  no  sorrow,  neither  by  sin  nor 
by  death"  (Luther). 

And  divine  saying  of  the  man  -who  was 
raised  up  on  high*— the  contrast  to  his  lowly 
origin,  as  in  2  Sara.  vii.  8,  "  with  omission  of  those 
above  whom  he  was  raised,  in  order  to  express  ab- 
solute superiority"  (Hengst.).  Tanchum:  "Fixed 
on  the  plane  of  loftiness."  On  this  idea  see  xxii. 
44,  48. — Next  follows  the  unfolding  of  the  content 
of  tills  idea  in  two  members:  the  Anointed  of 
the  G-od  of  Jacob,  and  the  pleasant  in  the 
praise-songs  of  Israel  [the  sweet  psalmist  of 
Israel].  The  first  designates  his  high  position 
not  only  in  the  theocratic  royal  dignity  conferred 
on  him  by  God,  but  also  in  his  royal  dominion  as 
Anointed  of  the  Lord  as  God's  representative  and 
in  God's  name  over  against  the  people,  and  "  not 
merely  as  an  individual,  but  also  as  representa- 
tive of  his  race"  (Hengst.).  The  second  member 
characterizes  David  as  the  representative  towards 
God  of  tlie  people  in  their  praise  of  the  Lord  for  Sis 
mighty  deeds.  "  Pleasant  (lovely)  in  the  praise- 
songs  of  Israel."  The  Adjective  (D"J?J)  does  not 
mean  ''  approved,  well-pleasing,''  as  Fries  takes 
it,  explaining:  "chosen  to  sing  Israel's  songs  of 
triumph,"  which  is  contrary  to  the  constant  sig- 
nification of  the  word ;  comp  Ew.  §  288  c,  291  a. 
Nor  is  it :  "  beloved  [popular]  through  the  songs 
that  Israel  sings"  (Mich.),  or  "kindly  through 
songs"  (Maurer).  It  is  not  an  ordinary  song  that 
it  is  here  named  C'DI),  but  a  solemn,  joyful  song 
of  praise,  Job  xxxv.  10;  Ps.  xcv.  2;  cxix.  54;  Isa. 
xxiv.  16,  and  so  in  Ex.  xv.  2  (mDI)  and  in  the 
titles  of  the  Psalms  C'lDJO).— As  tlie  "Anointed 
of  the  Lord"  he  is  equipped  with  the  Holy  Spirit 
from  above ;  as  one  that  is  "  pleasant  in  Israel's 
songs  of  praise"  he  likewise  shows  himself  filled 
with  the  Lord's  Spirit.  His  high  position  con- 
sists on  the  one  hand  in  the  dignity  of  his  royal 
office  as  God's  representative  towards  the  people, 
and  on  the  other  hand  in  his  priestly  position, 
wherein  as  representative  of  the  people  towards 
God  he  guides  their  worship  to  the  height  of 
praise  and  prayer ;  and  in  so  far  JtS  he  is  raised  to 
and  enabled  for  both  positions  by  the  invoking  of 


*  S  r  absolutely  =  "  above,''  as  in  Hos.  xi.  7  and  per- 
haps Tii.  16  (so  nnn  often  =  adverb  "  below,"  for  ex- 
ample Gen.  xlix.  23).  Sept.  wrongly :  "  whom  God  [Vat. : 
the  Lord]  raised  up  to  be  God's  anointed"  whence  The- 
nius would  without  ground  read :  Sj?  nirr'  D'pn.  Lu- 
ther, following  Vulg.  (cui  constitutum  est  de  Christo  Dei 
Jacob)  renders:  '-who  is  assured  by  the  Messiah  of 
the  God  of  Jacob."  Against  the  lattsr  (Vulg.)  is  that 
there  is  no  Dative  sign  corresponding  to  the  cui.  Against 

the  former  (Sept.)  is  that  hi>  is  not  —  S  [as  introducing 
what  a  thing  is  made  to  be] ;  in  the  passages  cited  by 
Then.  (Lev.  iv.  35 ;  v.  12,  comp.  vii.  6)  S^  denotes  either 

"being  conformed  to"  or  "coming  in  addition  to  ''the 
other  free-offerings.— D.  Kimchi  and  BSttoher  arbitra- 
rily make  hp  —  \vh^  "  whom  the  Above  [—  Most  High] 
has  raised  up."  On  the  form  DPTI, «  with  doubling,  see 
Ew.  a  131  d. 


586 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


the  divine  Spirit,  he  is  also  a  prophetical  king  and 
singer  of  his  people,  and  his  word  is  now  spoken 
as  a  "  divine  word." 

In  accordance  with  this  it  is  said  in  ver.  2: 

The  Spirit  cf  the  Lord  speaks  into  me, 

and  his  word  is  on  my  tongue.  These 
words  explain  the  phrase  "  divine  saying"  above, 
and  declare  that  what  follows  is  given  him  by 
God's  Spirit.  The  old  Kabbis  and  Crusius  (as 
above,  p.  221),  connect  ver.  2  closely  with  the 
preceding,  and  supjjose  that  David  meant  here- 
with to  establish  the  theopneustic  authenticity  of 
his  psalms,  and  dying,  to  put  his  seal,  as  it  were,  on 
them.  The  verbs  must  then  be  taken  as  real  pre- 
terites [spake,  said,  as  in  Eng.  A.  V.],  ver.  2  must 
be  understood  of  all  David's  son^  and  prophe- 
cies, and  ver.  3  specially  of  the  individual  pro- 
phecy concerning  his  seed,  which  was  fulfilled  in 
Christ  (sanctio  nativitatis  Christi  e  progenie  Dam- 
dis).  That  is:  ''the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  has  always 
spoken  through  me.  His  word  has  always  been  on 
my  tongue  in  all  my  lays  and  songs,  and  espe- 
cially the  God  of  Israel  has  spoken  through  me 
the  prophecy  of  the  future  Messiah."  But  against 
this  Fries  (as  above,  p.  652)  properly  remarks, 
that  it  would  distort  the  relations  to  reckon  in 
this  especial  way,  among  all  David's  direct  and 
indirect  prophecies,  precisely  that  one  that  was 
in  fact  given  not  through  him,  but  through  Na- 
than. The  very  definite  expression  of  the  second 
member  :  "  and  his  word  on  my  tongue,"  does 
not  permit  such  a  general  reference,  and  is  be- 
sides to  be  taken  on  Present  time.  Then  also  the 
parallel  verb  in  the  first  member  is  better  taken 
as  Present  {speaks),  and  vers.  2,  3  a  are  the  an- 
nouncement of  what  follows  as  the  content  of  the 
divine  inspiration  from  ver.  3  b  on.  "  The  Spirit 
of  Jehovah  spake,"  not  "  through  me,"  which 
would  require  the  Participle  rather  than  the 
Perf.  (Hengst.),  nor  "in  me,"  against  which  is 
the  meaning  of  the  phrase  elsewhere,  but  "into 
me"  as  in  Hos.  i.  2.  Thereby  the  origin  of  the 
following  declaration  is  afiirraed  to  be  divine  in- 
speaking.  [The  reading  "  through  (by )  me "  a.s 
in  Eng.  A.  V.,  is  allowable,  and  corresponds  verv 
well  with  the  second  member. — Tr.].  On  the 
other  hand:  the  "his  word  is  on  my  tongue"  refers 
to  the  human  expression  of  this  divinely  given 
word.  While  in  ver.  1  the  prophetic  organ  of  the 
divine  saying  is  doubly  characterized,  ver.  2  sets 
forth  in  two-fold  expression  the  twofold  divine 
medium  of  the  inspired  prophetic  word  :  the  Spirit 
and  the  word  of  God. 

The  first  half  of  ver.  3 :  Says  the  God  of 
Israel,  to  me  speaks  the  Rock  of  Israel 
is  identical  in  form  with  ver.  2,  and  expresses  in 
two  members  the  same  thought,  with  special  em- 
phasizing of  the  relation  of  God  (who  speaks 
through  David's  mouth)  to  His  people,  and  par- 
ticularly of  His  rock-like  faithfulness  towards 
them  as  the  foundation  of  oil  manifestations  of  scdva- 
tion.  There  is  therefore  no  tautology  here. 
"Says  the  God  of  Israel,"  the  God  that  has  chosen 
Israel  as  His  possession,  giving  them  the  promises 
of  salvation,  whose  fulfilment  the  following  reve- 
lation announces.  "To  me  ^eaks  the  Rock  of 
Israel,"  the  God  that  fulfils  His  promises  accord- 
ing to  tJis  faithfulness  and  unchangeableness  (xxii. 
3,  32,  47).  The  Present  rendering  is  preferable 
here  also.     But  if  the  Past  be  taken :  "  spake  the 


Eock  of  Israel,"  what  is  here  said  in_  ver.  3  a 
cannot  belong  to  the  content  of  the  "  divine  say- 
ing "  (ver.  1),  "  since  then  David  would  have 
derived  a  very  simple,  psychologically  easily  ex- 
plicable recapitulation  of  former  revelations  from 
present  inspiration,  and  have  introduced  it  with 
a  disproportionate  outlay  of  solemn  words " 
(Fries) ;  rather  the  Past  form  is  explained  by  the 
fact  that  the  act  of  divine  inspeaking  preceded 
the  outspeaking  of  the  divine  word.  The  object 
of  the  verbs  {says,  speaks),  is  not  a  number  of 
prophecies  relating  to  blessed  rule,  that  were  re- 
ceived before  by  David  (Tanchum),  or  (as  Then- 
ius  thinks  probable)  the  declaration  of  a  prophet, 
who  uttered  vers.  3  b,  4  (here  recalled  by  David) 
at  the  beginning  of  David's  reign  (this  thought 
would  have  been  necessarily  otherwise  expressed), 
but  the  now  following  declaration.  What  God 
now,  at  the  moment  of  His  speaking,  immediately 
imparts  to  him,  is  declared  in  what  follows :  The 
"to  me"  stands  emphatically  first  ("to  me  speaks 
the  rock  of  Israel  "),  because  David  has  in  view 
his  theocratic  relation  to  the  following  divine 
word  and  its  relation  to  him,  and  because  it  will 
he  fulfiUed  in  his  seed;  he  expresses  his  con- 
sciousness (which  was  connected  with  his  pro- 
phetic endowment)  of  the  soteriological.  significance 
of  his  person  for  the  people  in  respect  to  the  future 
fulfillment  of  the  glorious  promises  given  to  his 
seed. — The  four  members  in  vers.  2,  3  a  stand  in 
chiasmic  relation  to  one  another  ;  the  first  mem- 
ber of  ver.  3  a  corresponds  to  the  second  of  ver. 
2,  and  the  second  of  ver.  3  a  to  the  first  of  ver.  2. 
Vers.  3  b,  4.  First  part  of  the  divine  saying. 
The  thoroughly  abrupt,  lapidary  style  corresponds 
with  the  solemn  announcement  of  the  imparted 
divine  declaration,  and  with  the  fact  (thereby  de- 
clared) that  the  poet  is  filled  with  the  divine 
vSpirit  and  word ;  the  words  are  inspired  ex- 
clamations, whose  pregnant  and  enigmatic  curt- 
ness,  heightened  by  the  omission  of  verbs,  is  in 
keeping  with  the  condition  of  the  writer's  soul, 
overpowered  by  the  mighty  impulse  of  the  pro- 
phetic Spirit,  and  the  immediate  view  of  truth 
produced  by  it.  Comp.  Tholuck,  as  above,  p.  58. 
A  ruler  over  men  just,  a  ruler  in  the  fear 
of  God.  These  words  are  not  to  be  taken  as 
apposition  to  the  "  God  of  Israel "  in  vers.  3  a 
(Vulg.,  Luth.),  nor  as  object  of  the  verb  "say" 
taken  as  =  "  promised  "  (Maurer :  God  promised 
a  ruler),  or  as  opposition  to  "me"  [''me  a 
just  ruler"],  that  is,  as  David's  praise  of  himself 
(Sachs).     Nor  with  Trendelenberg  (in  Thenius) 

are  we  to  read  "  derision  "  ( ^E'D  "  proverb,  by 
word")  instead  of  "ruler,"  and  render:  "a  by. 
word  the  righteous  may  be  among  men,  a  by 
word  the  fear  of  God,  but  as  morning  light,  etc." 
Further,  the  words  are  not  to  he  understood  as  an 
aflSrmation  concerning  a  pious  king :  "  if  among 
men  one  rules  righteously — he  is  as  morning- 
light,  etc."  (Cler.,  Herder,  De  W.,  Ew.,  Then., 
Baur),  as  if  they  expressed  for  a  parenetic  end 
the  ethical-religious  significance  and  mission  of 
the  Israelitish  royal  oflice  in  general.  Such 
laudation  of  the  governmental  virtues  of  a  king 
would  accord  neither  with  the  preceding  solemn 
announcement  of  a  divine  oracle,  nor  the  thence 
naturally  to  be  expected  weighty  content  of  the 
divine  saying,  would  indeed  make  the  prophetio 


CHAP.  XXIII.  1-7. 


587 


character  give  way  to  the  didactic.  To  the  view 
that  any  pious  and  righteous  king  is  here  meant, 
by  the  portraiture  of  whom  David  wished  to  con  • 
vey  an  exhortation  to  his  sons,  is  opposed  also 
the  content  of  the  individual  statements  that  fol- 
low, picturing  a  royal  form  far  above  the  propor- 
tions of  an  ordinary  regent,  and  especially  the 
reference  in  ver.  5  to  2  Sam.  vii.  as  giving  the 
ground  of  the  picture.  The  "  ruler"  here  spoken 
of  stands  to  David's  prophetic  gaze,  in  the  light 
of  the  divine  word  spoken  into  him,  as  the  ideal 
royal  form  proceeding  from  his  seed,  wherein  he 
sees  fully  realized  the  idea  of  a  theocratic  king 
according  to  his  religious-moral  qualities,  and  the 
wielder  of  a  dominion  that  stretches  over  all  hu- 
manity. This  last  is  expressed  in  the  phrase 
"over*  men."  The  "men"  are  not,  however, 
the  people  of  Israel,  for  the  expression  would 
then  be  surprisingly  weak  and  flat,  nor  are  they 
men  as  subjects  in  general  and  necessary  append- 
age to  "any  ruler"  (Then.),  which  would  be  a 
meaningless  pleonasm,  but  "men"  in  the  abso- 
lute sense,  humanity,  the  human  race  (Fries,  as 
above,  p.  656  sq.).  If  David  already  sees  him- 
self made  head  and  ruler  of  "the  nations," 
his  royal  dominion  extended  wide  over  "  the 
strangers,"  and  praises  the  Lord's  name  before 
the  heathen,  so  that  they  acknowledge  him  and 
give  him  the  honor  (xxii.  44,  45,  48, 50),  here  his 
prophetic  glance  takes  in  aU  the  nations  of  the 
earth  as  embraced  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  wherein 
the  portrayed  ruler  of  the  future  will  bear  his 
universal  sway.  Comp.  Ps.  Ixxii.  8-17. — This 
ruler  is  just,  perfectly  conformed  to  the  holy  will 
of  God,  compare  Psalm  Ixxii.  1  sq.;  Jer.  xxiii. 
5;  xxxiii.  15;  Zech.  ix.  9. — A  ruler  in  the 
fear  of  Ood.  His  moral  integrity  combined 
with  religious  perfectness ;  the  "  fear  of  God  " 
is  not  merely  the  attribute  of  the  Messianic 
king,  but  will  be  seen  completely  to  fill  and 
control  him.  Compare  Isa.  xi.  2,  3.  "A  ruler 
of  the  fear  of  God,  that  is,  a  ruler  that  will  be,  as 
it  were,  the  fear  of  God  itself,  the  bodily  fear  of 
God"  (Hengst.).  [When  we  compare  this  song 
with  Pss.  xlv.,  Ixxii.,  Isa.  xi.,  and  similar  pas- 
sages, it  seems  correcter  to  regard  it  as  the  picture 
of  the  ideal  theocratic  king,  than  as  a  vision  of  a 
future  king.  This  ideal  king  is,  in  the  view  of 
the  pious  Israelite,  invested  with  all  conceivable 
moral  and  governmental  grandeur,  and  the  pic- 
ture finds  its  perfect  realization  only  in  Jesus  of 
Bethlehem.  The  "men,"  however,  can  hardly  be 
said  here  to  mean  "all  humanity,"  but  the  ex- 
pression must  be  taken  in  the  general  sense:  "a 
human  ruler." — Tr.] 

Ver.  4.  Picture  of  the  blessings  that  follow  the 
appearance  of  the  future  ruler,  under  the  figure 
of  the  wholesome  effects  of  the  light  of  the  rising 
aun  on  a  bright  morning.  And  as  morning- 
light,  when  the  sun  rises,  morning  'VTith- 
out  clouds,  from  brightness,  from  rain 
grass  out  of  the  earth  (sprouts).  These  words 
are  not  to  be  connected  with  the  following  ver.  5, 
protasis  to  it  as  apodosis  [as  morning-light,  etc.,  is 
not  my  house  so?]  (Dathe) ;  against  this  is  the 
"for"  at  the  beginning  of  ver.  5.  Nor  are  they 
to  be  connected  syntactically  with  ver.  3 — either 


*  D^S^  SeVD  "to  rule  over  men,"  as  Gen.  iii.  16;  iv. 

T  TT  -  T 

7,  not :  "  among  men." 


by  adding  the  first  clause  of  ver.  4  to  complete  the 
preceding  sentence:  "he  is  as  the  light  of  the 
morning"  (De  Wette,  Thenius,  Sept.,  which 
reads;  "and  in  the  morning-light  of  God") — or 
by  regarding  the  whole  statement  about  the 
morning-light  as  the  continuation  of  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  •'  ruler"  in  ver.  3  (the  Habbis,  Maurer: 
"and  He  will  come  forth  as  the  morning-light 
shines,"  etc.).  Against  this  connection  is  both  the 
form  of  ver.  3  b,  which  is  a  sharply  defined,  iso- 
lated exclamation,  and  the  form  of  ver.  4,  "  which 
sensibly  enough  deviates  from  the  sharply-cut, 
monumental  style  of  the  six  words  compressed  in 
ver.  3  6  by  a  peculiar  fulness  of  lingering  descrip- 
tion" (Fries,  as  above,  p.  663).  Besides,  it  is 
only  by  isolating  ver.  4  on  both  sides  that  we  can 
find  the  ground  of  its  content  in  ver.  5  (which  is 
introduced  by  "for"),  since  the  statements  of  ver. 
o  agree  only  with  the  content  of  ver.  4,  standing 
in  factual  [or  reaV\  connection  therewith,  while 
ver-  3  b  presents  the  ideal  of  a  person. — Ver.  4  has 
the  same  abrupt,  enigmatical,  exclamatory  tone  as 
ver.  3  b,  though  it  difiers  from  it  in  its  particular 
statements,  a  natural  result  of  the  fact  that  here  a 
comparison  taken  from  nature  is  carried  out.  As 
in  ver.  3  6,  there  is  not  a  single  verb,  and  the  dif- 
ferent statements  are  unconnected.  Even  from 
this  formal  similarity,  ver.  4  is  to  be  regarded  as 
continuation  of  the  immediate  divine  saying  in 
ver.  3;  and  not  less  from  its  content,  which  is 
closely  connected  with  that  of  ver.  3,  describing 
under  the  figure  of  natural  light  the  efiect  of  the 
light  that  proceeds  from  the  ruler  portrayed  in 
ver.  3,  and  in  similar  lapidary  style.  Fries,  how- 
ever (pp.  663,  665),  separates  ver.  4  from  the  pre- 
ceding, holding  that  the  "divine  saying"  ends  in 
the  latter,  and  that  in  the  former  (ver.  4)  follows 
a  vision  to  the  ravished  eye  of  the  dying  David, 
while  at  the  same  time  his  opened  ear  heard  the 
revealing  word  of  God;  accordingly  he  trans- 
lates :  "  God  speaks :  and  before  me  it  is  as 

morning-light  in  sunshine."  But  against  this 
view  is  1)  that  the  "divine  saying"  (confined  to 
ver.  3  b)  would  be  singularly  short  in  comparison 
with  the  elaborate  announcement  [vers.  1-3 a]/ 
2)  that  if  David  here  consciously  began  to  de- 
scribe a  vision  (different  from  the  divine  saying 
above),  he  woiild  have  somehow  intimated  the  fact, 
instead  of  proceeding  with  "and  as  the  morning- 
light;"  and  3)  that  the  explanation:  "before  me  it 
is  liglit,"  etc.,  introduces  into  the  text  what  is  not 
intimated  in  it,  for  there  is  no  hint  here  of  any 
special  vision  given  to  David  along  with  the  im- 
mediate word  of  God  divinuly  imparted  to  him. 
The  appearance  of  the  bright  glory  of  a  clear 
life-awakening  morning  does  not  now  for  the 
first  time  dawn  on  the  singer,  but  he  sees  it  from 
the  same  height  of  prophetic  contemplation 
whence  he  saw  the  ruler  in  ver.  3  b.  He  sees 
both  together,  and  certifies  both  by  the  ''  divine 
saying,"  which  extends  over  ver.  4 ;  on  both  sec- 
tions of  this  divine  saying,  ver.  3  b  and  ver.  4, 
is  stamped  the  same  plastic  objectivity  of  pro- 
phetic view,  as  it  is  produced  by  the  Spirit  of 
prophecy. 

The  subject  is  not  the  Messiah,  as  was  held  by 
several  early  expositors  (for  ex.,  Crusius  [and  so 
Wordswortii  now]),  who  took  "the  sun  rises" 
as  principal  sentence,  and  ''  sun  "  as  figure  of  the 
Messiah  (after  Mai.  iii.  20) :  "  as  the  morning- 


588 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  "SAMUEL. 


light  will  the  sun  rise ;"  this  is  forbidden  by  the 
collocation  of  words,  and  by  the  fact  that  this 
comparison  would  involve  a  tautology.  It  is 
rather  an  imper.=oual  expression,  the  subject 
being  left  undetermined :  "  And  it  is  as  morning- 
light,  when  the  sun  rises,"  or,  its  appearance  is 
as  morning-light.  The  "light  of  morning" 
stands  in  contrast  with  the  darkness  of  the  pre- 
ceding night,  and  denotes  (as  the  figure  of  light 
generally  does)  the  well-being  that  comes  with 
the  ruler  after  wretchedness  and  ruin.  Comp. 
Ps.  lix.  17  [16].  The  "when  the  sun  rises," 
defining  the  "  morning- light,"  indicates  its  source, 
and  answers  to  tlie  '•  ruler  over  men."  The 
"without  clouds,"  parallel  to  the  preceding, 
strengthens  the  conception  of  the  well-being  as 
wholly  unalloyed.  In  the  "  brightness  "  [Eng. 
A.  \'. :  clear  shining]  of  the  risen  sun  its  light 
unfolds  itself  and  shows  itself  active.  The 
"rain"  stands  in  connection  with  the  "without 
clouds ;"  after  the  rain  of  the  night  the  clouds 
have  dispersed ;  but  from  rain  and  sunshine  now 
sprouts  forth  the  verdure.  The  expression  may 
be  rendered  either :  "from  brightness,  from  rain 
comes  herb,"  where  "brightness"  and  "rain" 
are  both  causes,  or :  "  from  brightness  after  rain." 
The  ibrmer  rendering  is  favored  by  the  immediate 
repetition  of  the  same  Preposition.  The  fact  in- 
volved [which  is  the  same,  whichever  rendering 
be  taken]  is  the  morning  sunshine,  following  the 
night-rain,  dispersing  the  rain-clouds,  and  ma- 
king the  fresh  herb  sprout  vigorously  from  the 
moist  soil.  On  rain  as  a  figure  of  blessing  see 
Isa.  xliv.  3.  The  verdure  sets  forth  the  blessings 
that  are  the  fruit  of  dispensations  from  above. 
Corup.  Isa.  xliv.  4;  xlv.  8;  especially  Ps.  Ixxii. 
6 :  "  He  will  come  down  as  rain  on  the  mown 
field,  as  showers  that  water  the  earth." — "  Here," 
says  Theuius  rightly,  "  ends  the  divine  saying," 
only  there  is  described  therein  not  "the  happy 
work  of  a  rider,  as  he  ought  to  be"  (Then.),  but 
in  general  tlie  blessing  brought  by  the  definite 
ideal  ruler  of  the  future  seen  by  divine  revela- 
tion.— The  wliole  figure  carries  out  the  thought 
that  the  raler  described  in  ver.  3  will  bring  weal 
and  blessing  in  liis  train. 

Ver.  5  gives  the  ground  for  the  divine  revela- 
tion in  vers.  3,  4,  by  reference  to  the  promise  in 
chap,  vii.,  which  forms  the  foundation  of  this 
prophetic  view.  The  introductory  conjunction 
=  simply  "for,"  not:  "is  it  that  raj  house?"  (as 
if  =  'pn,  Crus.,  Dathe).  The  first  member  is 
not  to  be  taken  as  an  affiianation :  "  for  not  so  is 
my  house"  [so  nearly  Eng.  A.  V.].  Several 
Babbis  so  understood  it,  putting  an  artificial  and 
foreign  sense  into  the  words :  thus  in  the  prece- 
ding verse  they  take  the  "  morning  without 
clouds"  as  =  "not  a  cloudy  morning,"*  and  the 
''  from  shining  after  rain,"  etc.,  as  defining  this 
"  cloudy  morning,"  when  sunshine  after  rain 
produces  mildew  (Isaaki),  or  only  fleeting  light 
breaks  through  the  clouds  (E.  Levi),  or  under 
the  capricious  alternation  of  sunshine  and  rain 
"nothing  better  springs  up  than  quickly  wither- 
ing grass"  (D.  Kimchi),  that  they  may  find  in 
contrast  therewith  the  glory  of  the  Davidic  House 
set  forth  in  ver.  5  (comp.  Fries,  p.  688).     So 


*  n'lJJ^  Vh  1p'3  in  the  sense  of  n^^^  Iph  kV 


Luther  takes  the  sentence  as  an  affirmation,  but 
with  the  exactly  opposite  contrast  with  ver.  4, 
namely,  he  regards  ver.  5  as  an  humble  confes- 
sion :  "  it  is  not  such  a  house  as  is  worthy  of 
such  unspeakable  honor  from  God,"  that  is,  such 
honor  as  is  pictured  in  ver.  4.  "  Here  David 
falls  into  great  humility  and  astonishment  that 
such  great  things  should  come  from  liis  flesh  and 
blood."  In  accordance  with  this  he  takes  the 
following  words :  "  all  my  salvation  and  doing  is 
that  nothing  grows,"  that  is,  "  I  am  also  a  king 
and  lord,  and  have  well  ordered  and  established 
the  kingdom ;  hut  such  kingdom  of  mine,  yea  the 
realm  of  all  kings  on  earth,  is,  in  comparison 
with  the  dominion  of  my  son  Messiah,  nothing 
but  a  dry  branch,  that  has  never  grown  nor 
thriven."  Against  this  view  is  the  absence  of 
the  subject  a.=suTned  in  it,  or,  if  this  subject  be 
found  in  the  "not"  taken  as  ^  " nothing,"  the 
absence  of  the  defining  term  ("earthly");  nor 
could  David  possibly  have  based  the  thouglit 
that  his  house  would  not  continue  on  the  prophe- 
cy in  chap.  vii.  Rather  the  first  member  of  ver. 
5,  as  well  as  the  third,  is  to  be  taken  as  a  (pies- 
tion* — For  is  not  my  bouse  so  -with  God ? 
As  ver.  3  and  ver.  4  are  in  content  inseparably 
connected,  the  "for"  assigns  the  reason  of  the 
whole  divine  saying,  not  merely  of  ver.  4 ;  and 
the  "so"t  refers  to  the  whole  of  vers.  3,  4, 
that  is,  so  as  is  said  above  of  the  ruler,  the 
wholesome  influence  that  he  brings  (light)  and 
its  happy  efiects  (verdure).  But  the  thought 
on  which  this  statement  is  based  is  not  that 
David  says  that  his  own  reign  was  in  accord 
with  the  truth  (vers.  3,  4),  that  a  pious  king  is 
like  the  morning-light,  under  whose  influence 
every  thing  prospers — that  God  has  granted  bless- 
ing to  his  house  and  his  house's  future — that  he 
thence  infers  that  he  answers  to  that  figure  of  a 
pious  ruler,  the  whole  being  an  instance  or  exam- 
jile  (in  the  form  of  a  question)  attached  to  the  pre- 
ceding general  statement  about  the  "ruler"  (De 
Wette,  Then. ) .  For  (apart  from  the  fact  that  this 
interpretation  of  vers.  3,  4,  as  a  .statement  con- 
cerning any  pious  ruler,  whose  government  dif- 
fuses bles.sing,  has  been  above  refuted)  against 
this  is  that  the  sentence  speaks  only  of  David's 
house,  not  of  himself  and  his  government,  and  that, 
if  David  had  intended  to  derive  an  argument  re- 
specting himself  from  the  blessing  that  came  to 
his  house,  he  must  have  expressed  himself  quite 
differently.  And  Fries  rightly  remarks  that  in- 
stead of  such  self-assertory  thoughts,  it  would  be 
seemlier  to  put  into  the  dying  David's  mouth  a 
"who  am  I  and  what  is  my  house?"  (vii.  18). — 
The  sentence  is  rather  to  be  rendered:  ''For — 
stands  not  my  house  in  such  a  relation  to  God?" 
Hearing  and  declaring  the  divine  saying  (vers.  3, 
4),  the  picture  of  the  ideal  theocratic  ruler  and 
his  attendant  blessings,  David  recalls  the  promise 
of  imperishable  royal  dominion  that  has  been 
given  to  his  house  and  seed.  These  two  divine 
declarations  he  here  so  combines  that  the  latter 


Deut.xx. 


•  N'T  withoatHielnterrog.partiole,  xix.  23; 
19 ;  Hos.  xi.  5 ;  Mai.  ii.  15.    Ew.  §  .S24:  o. 
t  ]3    is  Adverb,  =  "so,"  not  Adjective  —  "firmly 

fixed," ;irmo  (Fries),  or  =  j'tJJ,  vii.  26;  1  Kings  ii.  45,  46 

(Cruaius).— SN-D^  =  "with  God,"  not  "before  God" 

(De  Welte). 


CHAP.  XXIII.  1-7. 


689 


(chap,  vii.)  is  made  to  confirm  and  give  the  grov/nd 
of  the  former  (vers.  3, 4).  The  sense  is,  then,  not 
merely :  Stands  not  my  house  in  such  relation  to 
God  that  out  of  it  shall  arise  tlu>,  righteous  ruler  f 
(Keil),  but  also  that  the  promised  blessings  will 

Sroceed  from  him  ?  On  the  connection  between  this 
ivine saying  (vers.  3,  4)  and  ver.  5,  Fries  admirar 
bly  remarks:  ''This '/or'  serves  as  in  innumerable 
cases,  to  attach  a  reflection  that  is  meditating  an 
explanation,  and  we  need  only  put  aside  the 
erroneous  opinion  (that  so  often  makes  difficulty 
in  the  explanation  of  Old  Testament  passages) 
that  sentence  on  sentence  must  be  taken,  as  it 
were,  in  one  breath,  and  grant  the  speaker  a  short 
pause  of  quiet  thought,  and  we  shall  then  under- 
stand the  free  transition  of  ideas  here  between 
ver.  4  and  ver.  5.  The  quiet  transition  lies  in 
the  successful,  effisrt  of  the  soul  to  gird  itself  to 
conscious  justification  of  its  belief  in  the  offered 
blessing."  [The  connection  may  be  thus  indi- 
-  cated :  the  ruler  of  men  is  just  and  God-fearing, 
and  brings  with  him  all  blessings,  and  this  is  true 
of  my  house,  for  it  is  thus  in  communion  with 
God,  for  He  has  made  an  everlasting  covenant 
with  me. — Te.] — The  second  "for"  gives  the 
reason  not  merely  for  the  "so"  (Bottch.,  Then.), 
but  also  for  the  whole  phrase  "so  is  my  house 
with  God,"  since  the  following  sentence  involves 
the  position  of  his  house  towards  Ood:  for  He 
has  made  -with  me  an  everlasting  cove- 
nant. These  words  refer  directly  to  the  promise 
in  vii.  12  sq.  It  is  called  a  cove/nant  because  of 
the  reciprocal  relation  between  God  and  the  seed 
of  David,  as  set  forth  in  vers.  12-14.  ,It  is  accord- 
ing to  ver.  16  an  everlasting  covenant:  "  And  sure 
is  thy  house  and  thy  kingdom  forever  before  thee, 
thy  throne  will  be  established  forever."  The 
phrase  "  ordered  (arranged)  in  all  things"  denotes 
that  the  draught  of  the  instrument  or  deed  of 
covenant  is  legally  correct  and  exact,  is  arranged 
by  the  declaration  of  God  (Fries).  Comp.  vii. 
14  sqq.,  wliere  the  eventual  aposta.'iy  of  the  bearer 
of  the  covenant  is  considered,  and  in  spite  of  this 
the  maintenance  of  the  covenant  is  contemplated. 
The  covenant  is  preserved,  secured,  guarded 
against  non-fulfillment  by  the  truthfulness  of  the 
divine  promise.  Comp.  1  Kin.  viii.  25,  where 
Solomon,  with  reference  to  2  Sam.  xxiii.  12-16, 
prays :  "  Preserve  to  thy  servant  David,  my 
father,  what  thou  spakest  to  him." — As  these 
words  ("for  a  covenant,  etc.,")  thus  undoubtedly 
refer  to  chap.  vii.  it  is  inadmissible  with  Crusius 
to  refer  them  to  ver.  3  sqq. ;  for  in  this  latter 
passage  the  reciprocity  involved  in  the  term 
"covenant"  is  altogether  lacking,  and  the  pre- 
dicates, ordered  and  preserved  are  not  applicable 
to  it. — The  third  "for"  now  introduces  the  in- 
terrogatory third  member  (whose  reference  to  the 
image  in  ver.  4 :  "  verdure  (sprouts)  from  the 
earth"  is  indubitable),  and  grounds  the  writer's 
confidence  in  the  sureness  of  the  covenant  on  the 
future  blessings  secured  by  that  covenant.  For 
all  my  salvation  and  all  pleasure,  should 
He  not  make  it  sprout?  My  salvation,  that 
is,  the  salvation  promised,  assured  to  me  and  my 
seed.  The  pleasure  must  be  taken  (as  the  salva- 
tion is  from  Ood)  as  ,=  what  is  well-pleasing  to 
Ood,  not  as  =  "  what  is  well-pleasing  to  me " 
(Then.,  Hengst.)|  the  pronoun  "  my  "  is  not  to 
be  repeated  with  It  [as  in  Bng.   A.  V].     David 


refers  the  salvation  promised  him  and  his  house 
— not  also  "  the  religious  and  ethical  culture  of 
his  people''  (Then.)— to  its  source  in  God's  good 
pleasure,  expressed  in  the  covenant  as  a  divine 
counsel  of  salvation.  ''David  will  say  of  the 
divine  resolution  of  salvation  that  it,  because  it 
has  once  been  lodged  as  a  principle  in  the  bosom 
of  the  Davidic  house  by  the  divine  covenant,  can- 
not be  accomplished  except  by  thorough  develop- 
ment, elaboration  of  all  its  elements,  conclusory 
revelation  of  its  deepest  secret"  CFiies) .—  ' Should 
he  not*  make  it  sprout  f  The  verb  is  transitive, 
having  "salvation  and  pleasure"  as  its  object. 
This  corresponds  also  with  the  idea  of  divine 
causality  that  controls  the  whole  of  ver.  5  and  is 
distinctly  expressed  in  the  phrase  "  made  a  cov- 
enant with  me"  (lit.:  established  a  covenant  to 
me).  Fries  would  find  here  "the  first  example 
and  fiindamental  passage  for  the  solemn  use  of 
this  verb  (riDX  ''sprout")  that  occurs  afterwards 
in  Isa.  iv.  2 ;  xliii.  19  ;  xliv.  4  ;  xlv.  8  ;  Iviii.  8 ; 
Ixi.  11;  Jer.  xxiii.  5;  xxxiii.  15;  Zech  iii.  8; 
vi.  12;"  but  here  the  "sprouting"  (comp.  ver. 
4)  is  affirmed  not  of  the  person  of  the  "  righteous 
ruler,"  but  of  the  salvation  and  blessing  that  ac- 
companies him.f  [Comp.  the  parallel  statement 
in  Isa.  liii.  10,  where  it  is  said  that  the  "pleasure" 
of  Jehovah  shall  prosper  in  the  hand  of  the 
righteous  servant  of  Jehovah.  Possibly  there  is 
a  connection  between  this  passage  and  ours, 
though  the  verb  employed  is  different.  The  gen- 
eral declaration  here  is,  that  God  in  His  covenant- 
mercy  will  secure  all  blessing  to  the  writer. — 
Tb.] 

Vers.  6,  7.  From  the  form  of  the  righteous 
ruler,  and  in  the  light  of  the  blessing  that  pro- 
ceeds from  Hira,  David  sees  in  prophetic  per- 
spective, on  the  basis  of  the  promise  given  him, 
not  only  the  salvation  and  blessing  of  the  everlast- 
ing covenant  under  the  dominion  of  the  future 
everlasting  king,  but  also  the  judgment  (which 
will  come  with  Him)  on  the  ungodly  and  the  ene- 
mies of  the  Messianic  theocracy.  But  the  -wicked 
— as  cast-away  thorns  are  they  all. — The 
abstract  worthlessness  (for  the  concrete  worthless, 
Deut.  xiii.  14)  designates  the  ungodly  in  their 
general  character,  in  contrast  with  the  abstract 
fear  of  Ood  (ver.  3),  which  forms  the  religious- 
moral  nature  and  character  of  the  righteous 
ruler ;  as  in  him  only  fear  of  God,  so  in  them 
only  worthlessness.  The  thorns  set  forth  the 
hurtful  and  dangerous  enemies  of  God's  people 
and  kingdom.  Num.  xxxiii.  55 ;  Isa.  xxvii.  4 ; 
Nah.  i.  10 ;  Bzek.  xxviii.  24.     The  thorns,  con- 


*  The  fourth  '3  resumes  the  third,  the  interrogation 

being  continued.    It  (the  '3)  might  have  been  omitted, 

but  its  double  use  makes  equally  emphatic  the  salvation 
and  the  sprouting.— n'Oy  is  Hipliil,  causative.  [Instead 

of  '3  r£3n  Wellhausen  proposes  to  read  'VSn,  which 
is  smoother,  but  perhaps  for  that  very  reason  suspi- 
cious.— Ta.] 
t  Sept.  separates  the  ^''pT  iil-'3  from  ver.  6  and 

inserts  it  before  ver.  8,  omitting  the  1 :  oti  oy  m  PA«<r- 
Tvo-n  a  uaoivoium.  So  Michaelis :  "  the  ungodly  will  not 
spring  forth."  Against  this  is  the  Hiphil,  and  the  fact 
that  ff  this  last  clause  were  intended  to  expres.s  the 
thought :  "  He  (God)  alone  is  my  salvation,  etc.,'  we 
should  at  least  expect  to  find  the  words  "  for  he     ('3 


590 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


home,  nor:  "at  length"  (Dathe).     The  word  = 
"  in  ceasing,"  not,  however :  "  as  the  extirpation  is 
ended"  (Thenius  formerly),  but:  "in  that  they 
cease ;"  the  burning  proceeds  so  that  a  complete 
ceasing,  disappearance  takes  place.     "They  are 
there  only  for  burning,  and  this  end  awaits  them, 
that  not  even  the  place  where  they  stood  is  seen  " 
(Herder).    The  complete  cessation  or  annihilation 
of  the  thorns  follows  naturally  on  the  "burning" 
as  its  final  result.     "This  figure  also  .  .  .  is  taken 
from  the  promise  in  vii.  10.     Israel  is  there  rep- 
resented as  a  vineyard,  his  family  is  to  he  its 
guardian,  and  so  the  rebels  are  hurtful,  unfaith- 
ful thorns"  (Herder).— The  Prep,  "in"  serves 
to  supplement  the  verbal  statement  by  the  sub- 
stantive-idea, as  in  Ps.  Ixv.  6  :  I  have  heard  thee 
in  or  with  salvation,  that  is,  so  that  I  gave  thee 
salvation ;  so  here :  they  are  burned  in  ceasing, 
so  that  they  cease. 

[Condensed,  paraphrase  of  David's  la.st  words: 
"God  said  to  me :  The  righteous  theocratic  king 
dispenses  blessings  as  the  rain  and  sunshine. 
God,  in  His  covenant,  has  assured  me  salvation  • 
but  the  ungodly  shall  be  destroyed."  The  neum 
or  oracle  is  thus  first,  a  description  of  the  ideal 
theocratic  king,  and  then  the  expression  of  the 
writer's  personal  relation  to  God,  with  the  impli- 
cation that  godliness  is  the  basis  of  the  divine 
procedure.  This  conception  of  the  true  theocratic 
king  is  realized  perfectly  only  in  Jesus  Christ, 
and  may  thus  be  termed  a  typical  conception, 
that  is,  one  that  was  partially  realized  for  the 
contemporaries,  and  destined  hereafter  to  be  com- 
pletely realized. — The  versions  here  are  not  very 
useful ;  the  Chaldee  paraphrases  throughout,  and 
interprets  the  passage  directly  of  the  Messiah, 
the  text  of  the  Sept.  differs  from  that  of  the  Heb., 
but  Vulg.  and  Syr.  conform  in  general  in  text 
and  rendering  to  the  masoretic  text. — Tk.] 

HISTOKICAL   AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

l.The  prophetic  element,  which  appears  in 
David's  Messianic  Psalms,  comes  out  most  strongly 
here.     In  Nathan's  promise  and  prophecy  in  vii. 
12  sq.  David  is  merely  passively  receptive,  and 
his  prayer  (ver.  18  sq.)  is  only  the  echo  of  the 
divine  word  he  has  received ;  but  here  he  rises  to 
highest  prophetic  action,  which  presupposes  in- 
deed a  passive  bearing  towards  the  divine  saying 
(the  Neum)  by  which  he  receives  an  immediate 
revelation  in  plastic  form  of  what  he  had  pre- 
viously received  as  a  promise  through  Nathan,  and 
this  revelation  he  announces  in  a  prophetic  dis- 
course, which  in  form  and  content  answers  to  the 
complete  possession  of  his  soul  by  the  power  of 
the  divine  Spirit.    The  theocratic  king  is  here  also 
the  theocratic  prophet,  applying  to  himself  as  God- 
inspired  singer  epithets  that  are  suitable  only  for 
prophecy  (ver.  1  sq.),  and  then,  on  the  historical 
ground  of  his  kingship  and  its  blessings,  and  on 
the  revelation^gTouad  of  the  word  of  God  that  came 
directly  to  him,  prophesying  the  antitype,  of  his  king- 
dom in  the  appearance  of  the  royal  glory  and  saving 
work  of  the  righteous  ruler  of  the  future.     It  is  clear 
from  the  preceding  exposition  that  this  picture 
transcends  the  form  of  an  ordinary  pious  kin" 
<  loi-  I  f^i  n"  y.^'fi^gs ;  and  strict  exegesis  also  shows 
usque  ad  nihihim;  Syr.:  "for     '■"'''■  David  here  looks  wholly  away  from  himself 
I  to  a  royal  personage  in  the  far  future. 


sidered  as  representing  enemies,  are  said   (lite- 
rally) to  be  "  hunted,  driven  away  ;"*  when  the 
thing  itself  (the  thorns)  is  had  in  view,  tliis 
meaning  is  modified  into  ''  put,  cast  away."    The 
basis  of  the  figure  is  the  field   (corap.  the  "  ver- 
dure out  of  the  earth,"  ver.  ',)),  whose  yield  is 
obstructed    by   thorns.      The    rapid,    prophetic 
glance,  not  pausing  at  the  details  of  the  process, 
but  hastening  to  the  end,  sees  the  enemy  already 
overpowered,  and  now  tarries  by  the  final  act  of 
destruction,  which  makes  the  enemy  harmless. 
While   the  production    of   blessing    under   the 
righteous  ruler  is  represented  (by  the  figure  of 
sprouting,   growing)    as    a    gradual  process,    the 
judgment  on  the  ungodly  is  set  forth  as  final 
judgment    (the    burning  of  the  thorns).      The 
thorns  are  no  longer  hurtful ;  they  appear  to 
David  "already  as  thorns  torn  up,  with  which 
one  may  no  longer  hurt  his  hands,  since  all  kind- 
ness to  them  has  been  in  vain"  (Herder). — For 
they  are  not  taken  with  the  hand,  that  is, 
one  does  not  grasp  them  with  naked,  unarmed 
hand  in  order  to  throw  them  into  a  heap  for 
burning,  but  he  that  touches  them  for  this  pur- 
pose, provides,t  arms  himself  with  iron  and  shaft. 
The  poetical  discourse  names  the  various  parts 
of  the  implement  with  which  the  thorns  are  seized 
and  thrown  into  a  heap  (not:  "torn  out  of  the 
earth,"  Then.).     The  expression  refers  not  to  the 
attacking  and  overcoming  of  the  ungodly,  but  to 
their  final  destruction,  set  forth  by  the  burning 
of  the  thorns,  to  which  this  seizing  and  heaping 
up  is  preparatory. — And  ^with  fire  are  they 
utterly  consumed;  the /re  is  sy.-nbol  of  the 
divine  wrath;  the  expressions  indicate  the  indu- 
bitable certainty  and  completeness  of  destruction 
in  tills  final  catastrophe  (the  same  figure  in  Matt, 
iii.  10 ;  xiii.  30).— The  concluding  word  (nJEf?)  J 
ii  to  be  rendered  :  ".so  that  thereis  anend  to  them" 
[Eng.  A.  v.;  "in  the  same  pLace"].     Not  "at 
the  seat,"  as  euphemistic  expression  for  the  place 
where  trash  and  fihli  are  thrown  (Boltchcr,  Deut. 
xxiii.  12  sqq.) — why  should  the  thorns  be  fir.st 
brought   to   this  place?  not:   "in  the  place  of 
dwelling,"  the  place  where  they  grow  (Kimchi, 
Keil),  for  the  term  "dwelling"  would  be  here 
unsuitable,  and  the  thorns  are  burnt  not   where 
they  grow,  but  wliere  they  are  cast;  and  ,=0  not: 
"  at  the  seat,"  =  "  on  the  spot,"  "  burnt  straight- 
way," because  no  other  use  can  be  made  of  them 
than  to  manure  the  fields  with  their  ashes  (Then. 
[Eng.  A.  V.]);  not:  "at  home"  (Cler.,  Buns.), 
for  one  does  not  take  the  trouble  to  carry  them 


*  njp  not  Pass,  of  T'jn  " shaken  (^ia  ordov  to  remove/' 
(B8ttch;)but  Hoph.  Part.  of\M  orTIJ.— DPlbs  for  0^3. 
The  DH-  for  DH-  (cont.  D-)  is  infrequent  archaic  form 

"  T  V  T  T 

of  3  maac.  Ges.  §  01,  Bern.  2. 

t  On  nSh^  flit. :  flu  the  handj  comp.  2  Kings  ii.  24, 
and  on  the  "arms"  1  Sam.  xvii.  7. 

t  n3K;  is  Subst.  from  n3E'  "to  cease  "  (Prov.  xx.  3); 

it  may  also  be  pointed  as  Infln.,  n3t£?3.    For  the  verb 

Bee  Gen.  vii!.  22 ;  Isa.  xxiv.  18 ;  xiv.  4  •  Lam.  v.  15 :  Prov 
xxii.  10 ;  Josh.  V.  12.  [The  word  is  possibly  not  part  of 
the  true  text.  It  occurs  again  in  the  next  line,  and  in 
both  places  Sept.  reads  riB'a,  aio-xunj,  "  shame  "  (see  on 

ver.  8) ;  it  may  have  gotten  into  our  verse  from  the  fol 

lowing  (Wellh.).    Vulg,;  

cessation."— Te.] 


CHAP.  XXIII.  1-7. 


591 


,  2.  The  content  of  the  prophecy  ia  the  picture  of 
a,  future  ruler  perfect  in  rir/hteousness  and  tlje  fear 
of  Ood.  He  is  accompanved  by  the  light  of  salva- 
tion, which  haa  dissipated  the  darkness,  and  dif- 
fuses itself  in  purest  radiance  like  morning-light 
at  sunrise.  The  effect  of  this  light-appearance  is 
the  manifestation  of  gracious  blessings,  set  forth 
under  the  image  of  verdure  springing  from  the 
earth.  But  with  the  blessing  of  the  future  ruler's 
peaceful  work  is  completed  also  the  revelation 
of  judgment  (presupposing  victorious  conflict), 
whereby  the  righteous  ruler  puts  an  end  to  all  the 
enmity  of  godlessness  and  to  all  opposition  to  his 
rule. 

3.  From  the  height  of  prophetic  view  and  in 
the  line  of  prophetic  perspective  David's  look 
rests  on  the  ideal  of  a  glorious  royal  person,  raised 
high  above  all  earthly  royal  forms  in  Israel  (his 
antitype  in  the  historical  person  of  Christ),  in 
whom  righteousness  and  piety  appear  absolute  and 
complete,  and  whose  dominion  in  truth  extends 
over  all  men.  Comp.  Ps.  Ixxii.  The  fulness  of 
salvation  and  blessing,  which  is  to  appear  with  the 
prophesied  king,  is  the  object  of  the  Messianic 
hope  and  expectation  through  all  the  periods  of 
Israel's  history,  but  does  not  appear  as  here  por- 
trayed, in  historical  reality  till  the  coming  of 
Christ.  The.  final  judgment  (following  the  appear- 
ance of  the  righteous  ruler)  that  annihilates  all 
ungodlinass,  is  completed  only  under  the  rule  of 
Him  to  whom  all  judgment  has  been  committed 
by  the  Father,  and  in  the  final  decision  to  which 
the  opposition  between  the  kingdoms  of  light  and 
darkness  is  pressing  on. 

4.  The  historical  presupposition  of  the  prophecy 
is  the  promise  in  chap.  vii. ;  here  for  the  first  time 
is  shown  how,  on  the  basis  of  this  promise,  the 
view  lanschauung,  intuition,  conception]  of  the 
Davidic  kingdom  becomes  clear.  "  In  that  the 
song  gives  the  image  of  a  righteous  ruler  with  a 
glorious  future,  adding  that  such  a  government  is 
signified  by  the  everlasting  covenant  that  God 
made  with  the  house  of  David,  we  see  clearly  here 
already  how  the  knowledge  of  the  idea  advances 
to  individualization  in  the  ideal,  and  so  (to  use 
Sack's  expression)  typical  prophecy  [bildweissa- 
giingl  arises.  Doubtless  epithets  may  be  applied 
to  any  king  that  sits  on  David's  throne,  that  are 
true  not  of  himself,  but  of  the  dynasty  he  repre- 
sents (comp.  such  passages  as  Ps.  xxi.  5,  7  [4,  6]  ; 
Ixi.  7  [6]).  But,  impelled  by  the  Spirit,  the  sa- 
cred poetry  produces  a  royal  form  that  transcends 
all  that  the  present  shows,  and  exhibits  the  Da- 
vidic-Solomonic  kingdom  in  ideal  perfectness" 
(CEhler,  in  Herz.  IX.,  412,  Art.  Messias). 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL,. 

A  blessed  end,  when  in  looking  back  upon  the 
path  of  life  that  lies  behind,  and  the  manifesta- 
tions of  God's  grace  that  have  been  made  to  him, 
one  has  nothing  to  utter  but  gratitude  and  praise 
— when  in  looking  around  upon  his  own  life's  ac- 
quisitions and  his  possession  of  salvation,  all  self- 
glorying  is  silent,  and  only  the  testimony  to 
God's  grace  and  mercy,  that  has  done  all  and 
given  all,  comes  upon  the  lips — when  in  looking 
forward  into  the  future  of  God's  kingdom  upon 
earth,  on  the  ground  of  the  grace  experienced  in 
life  one's  faith  becomes  a  prophet,  beholding  the 


ways  along  which  the  Lord  will  lead  His  kingdom 
through  darkness  to  light,  through  conflict  to  vic- 
tory, and  by  such  a  proclamation  of  the  coming 
glory  strengthening  the  hearts  of  many  and  con- 
firming them  in  the  hope  of  the  Lord's  gracious 
help  to  the  end,  which  never  suffers  His  people 
to  be  put  to  shame^ — and  when  in  looking  up  to 
the  everlasting  hills  from  which  all  help  has 
come,*  the  ''  last  word"  upon  earth  is  a  loud  Hal- 
lelujah, that  sounds  across  into  eternity. — The 
humbler  the  heart  is,  the  more  highly  does  it 
praise  the  gracious  gifts  and  guidance  of  the 
Lord ;  the  more  a  man  feels  himself  little  and 
poor  in  ihe  sight  of  the  great  and  gracious  God, 
so  much  the  greater  and  more  glorious  will  that 
appear  to  him  which  without  desert  on  his  part 
God  has  given  him,  in  bodily  good  and  spiritual 
gifts,  BO  much  the  more  joyfully  will  he,  under 
the  guidance  and  impulse  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
regard  all  that  fiesh  and  blood  might  boast  of,  as 
coming  from  the  foundation  of  divine  grace. — A 
servant  of  God  should  (every  one)  show  himself, 
who  like  David  is  called  to  service  in  God's  king- 
dom ;  everyone's  place  is  in  God's  sight  high  and 
glorious,  however  lowly  and  mean  it  may  be  in 
men's  eyes,  and  in  his  place  he  should  1)  as  an 
"anointed  of  the  Lord"  perform  the  duties  of  his 
kingly  office,  and  with  his  God  and  Lord  conquer 
and  rule  the  world,  2)  as  a  priest  of  the  Lord  pro- 
claim His  praise  in  word  and  deed,  and  to  the 
Lord's  honor  make  the  harp  of  his  heart  sound 
out  into  the  world,  and  3)  as  a  prophet  of  the 
Lord  prophesy  of  the  glory  of  the  Lord  and  of 
His  kingdom,  the  Spirit  of  God  and  not  his  own 
spirit  speaking  through  him,  the  word  of  God 
and  not  his  own  word  sounding  from  his  lips. 

True  preaching  is  always  a  prophetic  testimony, 
1)  as  to  its  origin  :  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord  speaks 
through  it,  2)  as  to  its  content :  the  word  of  the 
Lord  is  upon  its  tongue,  and  3)  as  to  its  subject: 
the  mysteries  of  God's  saving  purpose,  which  only 
God's  Spirit  can  explain ;  the  great  deeds  of  God's 
grace,  which  can  be  proclaimed  only  on  the  ground 
of  personal  inner  experience  and  of  one's  own 
seeing  and  hearing ;  and  the  future  affairs  of  God's 
kingdom,  in  the  manifestations  of  divine  salva- 
tion and  divine  judgment,  which  only  the  eye 
illuminated  by  the  light  of  the  Spirit  can  behold. 
— When  the  Lord  speaks  through  His  Spirit  and 
in  His  word,  then  should  man's  own  thoughts 
bow  and  be  silent,  but  then  also  should  the 
human  spirit  and  the  human  word  be  the  instru- 
ments of  God's  Spirit  and  God's  word. — The  pro- 
phetic photograph  of  the  future  ruler  in  the  prophecy  • 
of  David  answers  in  its  outlines  to  the  counter- 
part of  the  fulfillment  in  Christ,  and  thisl)  in  re- 
spect to  his  personal  appearing,  perfect  righteous- 
ness and  holiness  in  complete  fear  of  God  (reli- 
gious-ethical perfection) ;  2)  in  respect  to  the 
extent  of  his  royal  dominion — he  is  ruler  '_'  over 
men,"  universality  of  world-dominion ;  3)  in  re- 
spect to  the  foundations  of  his  kingdom,  the  pro- 
mises of  God ;  4)  in  respect  to  the  activity  and  effects 
of  his  royal  rule  on  the  one  hand  in  the  en- 
lightening, warming,  animating  and  fructifying 
Kght  of  his  manifestations  of  grace  and  blessings 

*  [Ps.  cxxi.  1,  2,  of  which,  however,  the  proper  transla- 
tion is:  "  I  lift  up  my  eyes  to  the  mountains.  "Whenco 
Cometh  my  holp  ?  My  help  is  from  Jahveh  the  Maker 
of  heaven  and  earth." — Tu.] 


592 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OP  SAMUEL. 


of  salvation,  on  the  other  hand  in  the /re  of  His 
judgment,  consuming  all  ungodliness. 

The  morning-light  of  divine  grace  and  truth  in 
Christ,  1)  Breaking  in  the  dawn  of  the  promises 
and  predictions  of  the  Old  Testament;  2)  Flash- 
ing up  out  of  the  night  that  before  covered  the 
world,  and  frightening  away  its  darkness  and  its 
clouds ;  3 )  Appearing  in  the  Sun  of  righteousness 
and  salvation  ;  4)  iriwtTimjr  salvation  and  blessing, 
dispensed  from  on  high  to  all  men — and  a  new 
life,  fruitful  for  the  kingdom  of  God,  which 
springs  from  below  out  of  the  earth. — The  rain 
in  the  night  is  the  image  of  the  blesning  coming 
from  above,  which  has  been  hidden  in  the  trouble 
brought  by  the  night,  and  not  merely  becomes 
manifest  when  the  night  is  gone,  but  also  in  the 
shining  of  divine  grace  and  truth  dispenses  the 
fructifying  life-force,  from  which  springs  new 
health  and  new  life. — "  Morning-light — sunrise — 
morning  without  clouds — shining  after  rain — 
grass  out  of  the  earth — then — then — then,"  this 
is  the  gradation  in  which  faith  beholds  the  pro- 
cess of  appearing  of  salvation  and  life  from  above, 
and  the  effects  of  salvation  beneath — this  is  the 
surpassing  fullness  of  salvation,  in  presence  of 
which  our  human  speech,  unable  adequately  to 
express  the  un.'speakable,  can  ouly  speak  and 
testify  in  such  a  lapidary  style. 

Luther:  Here  David  comes  forth  and  boasts 
high  above  all  bounds,  yet  with  truth,  without 
any  arrogance ! — Here  David  is  another  man  than 
Jesse's  son.  This  he  did  not  inherit  from  his 
birth,  nor  learn  from  his  father,  nor  gain  by  his 
kingly  power  or  wisdom.  From  above  it  is  given 
him,  without  any  desert  on  his  part;  in  this  he 
is  joyous,  praises  and  gives  thanks  so  heartily. — 
Faith  is  and  also  should  be  a  fortress  of  the  heart, 
which  does  not  shake,  totter,  quake,  writhe  nor 
doubt,  but  stands  fast  and  is  sure  of  its  point.— 
Faith  is  not  quiet  and  silent;  it  comes  forth, 
speaks  and  preaches  of  such  promises  and  grace 
of  God,  that  also  others  come  to  them  and  par- 
take of  them. — ScHLiER :  In  the  first  place  we 
see  the  natural  ground  and  soil  in  which  the  pro- 
phecy growsi,  namely  the  person  of  David,  who 
out  of  a  shepherd's  son  ha.s  become  the  anointed 
of  the  Lord.  If  no  prediction  attaches  itself  to 
this  historical  ground,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  it  is 
no  true  prophetic  word.  But  the  main  matter 
now  first  comes,  namely,  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord, 
that  the  prophet  does  not  bring  his  own  thoughts 
but  God's  thoughts,  and  that  he  does  not  speak 
what  has  pleased  himself,  but  what  God  has  put 
into  him. — Luther  :  David  means  not  only  the 
loveliness  and  sweetness  of  the  psalms,  as  to  gram- 
mar and  music,  in  that  the  words  are  ornamentally 
and  skillfully  arranged  and  the  song  sounds  sweet 
— but  much  rather  as  to  Theology,  as  to  the 
spiritual  understanding,  therein  are  the  Psalms 
very  lovely  and  sweet ;  for  they  are  consoling  to 
all  troubled  and  distressed  coiMcienees,  which  are 
involved  in  sin's  anguish  and  deadly  torture  and 
fear,  and  all  sorts  of  need  and  sorrow. — [Tatlor  : 
David  spoke,  and  the  human  style  had  all  the 
characteristics  of  his  nsual  productions ;  for  the 
Spirit  and  not  the  vocal  organs  of  the  prophet 
alone,  but  his  intellectual  and  emotional  powers 
aa  well.  But  God  spoke  by  David,  and  that  which 
he  uttered  was  the  truth,  infallible  as  He  who 
gave  it. — Tr.] 


Ver.  2.  Luther  :  What  a  glorious,  noble  pride 
it  is ;  he  who  can  boast  that  the  Spirit  of  the  Lord 
speaks  through  him,  and  his  tongue  speaks  the 
Holy  Spirit's  word,  must  indeed  be  sure  of  what 
he  says.     Such  boasting  may  still  be  made  by 
every  one  of  us  that  is  not  a  prophet. — This  may 
we  do,  inasmuch  as  we  also  are  holy  and  have  the 
Holy  Spirit,  so  that  we  boast  ourselves  catechu- 
mens and  disciples  of  the  prophets,  who  say  after 
them  and  preach  what  we  have  heard  and  learned 
from  the  prophets  and  apostles,  and  are  also  cer- 
tain that  the  prophets  have  taught  it. — Ver.  3. 
ScHLiEB :  So  profess  all  the  prophets  of  them- 
selves, so  professes  all  Scripture  from  beginning 
to  end,  and  God  be  thanked  that  we  have  before 
us  such  a  revelation  of  God,  wherein  God  unveils 
Himself  to  us  and  draws  near  in  the  Holy  Spirit. 
—Starke  :  The  chief  aim,  the  star  and  heart  of 
Holy  Scripture  is  Christ.   Luke  xxii.  44 ;  John 
V.  39.     Christ,  while  a  true  high-priest  and  pro- 
phet, is  also  a  true  king.  Luke  i.  32, 33. — Luther  : 
They  fall  into  Jewish  blindness  who  make  David 
such  a  righteous  ruler  and  ruler  in  the  fear  of 
God,  and  pervert  the  promise  into  a  command 
and  law,  to  the  effect  that  whoever  wishes  to  rule 
over  men  should  be  righteous  and  God-fearing, 
while  David  so  devoutly  and  heartily  boasts  that 
they  are  words  of  promise  of  the  Messiah  of  the 
God  of  Jacob,  and  not  a  command  to  secular  lords. 
[This  represents  an  extreme  view  of  the  present 
and  many  similar  passages  which  some  still  enter- 
tain.    The  language  is  completely  fulfilled  only 
in  Messiah,  but  had  its  suggestion  and  basis  in 
what  was  true  of  David,  and  what  every  good 
ruler  ought  to  strive  to  reproduce  in  himself.   So 
above,  in  additions  of  Tr.  to  "  Exegetical."  Tay- 
lor: David  describes  the  character  of  a  ruler: 
and  reduplicating  on  that  description,  he  in  effect 
says  (ver.  5),   "Is  it  not  to  be  the  distinctive  fea- 
ture of  my  lineage  that  it  shall  rule  in  justice, 
and  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord  ?" — a  feature  which 
came  out  not  only  in  Solomon,  but  also  in  Asa, 
Jehoshaphat,  Hezekiah,  Josiah  and  others,  and 
especially  and  pre-eminently  in  Jesus  Christ,  in 
whom  this  prophecy  culminated,  and  by  whom 
it  was  thoroughly  fulfilled. — Tb.] 

Ver.  4.  ScHLiER :  Is  not  the  Lord  really  our 
sun,  which  after  a  long  movement  at  last  rises 
upon  ua  and  with  the  splendor  of  His  light  makes 
all  bright  and  clear  and  warm,  and  now  under 
the  blessing  of  His  beam  all  begins  to  be  green 
and  blooming ;  everything  grows  and  prospers,  at 
least  whatever  does  not  shut  itself  against  the 
Lord ,  but  opens  itself  to  Him  and  repels  not  His 
sunny  beams? — The  Lord  brings  blessing  and 
prosperity,  and  in  Him  there  is  nothing  lacking, 
if  only  we  would  like  to  receive  such  a  blessing 
which  is  present  for  us. — Luther  :  Like  the 
spring,  so  is  also  the  rule  and  reign  of  grace  a 
joyous,  lusty  time,  wherein  Messiah  makes  us 
righteous  and  God-fearing,^  so  that  we  become  green, 
blooming,  fragrant,  and  grow  and  become  fruitful. 
For  He  isthe  sun  of  righteousness,  who  draws  near 
to  us.  Mai.  iv.  2. — And  now  go  so:  Who  lives 
in  spring,  he  dies  n©  more ;  who  dies  in  winter, 
he  lives  na  more ;— for  the  sun  goes  away  from 
the_  latter  ;  but  to  the  former  the  sun  rises  up  of 
,  which  David  prophesies.  Where  the  sun,  Christ, 
does  not  shine  clear,  the  spring  also  is  not  plea- 
sant ;  bat  Mosea  with  the  law's  thunder  makes 


CHAP.  XXIII.  8-39. 


593 


everything  dreadful  and  quite  deadly.  But  here, 
in  Messiah's  times  (says  David),  when  He  shall 
reign  over  Israel  itself,  with  grace  to  make  us 
righteous  and  save  us,  it  will  be  as  delightful  as 
the  best  time  in  spring,  when  before  day  there 
has  been  a  delightful  warm  rain,  that  is,  the  con- 
soling gospel  has  been  preached,  and  quickly 
thereupon  the  sun  Christ  comes  up  in  our  heart 
through  right  faith  without  Moses'  clouds  and 
thunder  and  lightning.  Then  all  proceeds  to 
grow,  to  be  green  and  blooming,  and  the  day  is 
rich  in  joy  and  peace. 

Ver.  5.  Cbameb  :  God's  covenant  is  an  ever- 
lasting covenant,  and  remains  also  when  the 
world  passes  away. — S.  Schmid  :  In  Christ  alone 
oar  salvation  blooms ;  He  alone  can  quiet  all 
our  longing.  Acts  iv.  12. — Luther:  Of  the 
everlasting  covenant  and  house  of  David  the  two 
words  "ordered"  and  "sure"  are  designedly 
used  to  instruct  and  console.  For  if  you  look  at 
the  histories,  it  will  seem  to  you  that  God  has 
forgotten  His  covenant  and  not  kept  it  sure ; — 
after  Messiah  His  kingdom  the  Church  is,  when 
outwardly  looked  at,  much  more  waste  and  dis- 
orderly, so  that  there  is  no  more  distracted, 
wretched,  good-for-nothing  government  or  domi- 
nion than  the  Christian  Church,  Christ's  domi- 
nion. Here  the  tyrants  distract  and  waste  it 
with  all  their  might.  Here  the  fanatics  and 
heresies  root  up  and  spoil  it.  So  also  the  false 
Christs  with  their  evil  life  make  it  as  if  there 
were  no  more  shameful,  disorderly  government 
upon  earth.  And  these  are  working,  or  rather 
the  evil  spirit  through  them,  to  the  end  that 
Christ's  dominion  shall  not  exist,  or  at  any  rate 
shall  be  a  wretchedly  disorderly  thing.     And  in 


fine  Christ  acts  as  if  He  had  forgotten  His  domi- 
nion and  was  never  at  home,  so  that  here  neither 
"ordered"  nor  "sure"  is  seen  by  the  reason. 
Though  we  do  not  see  it.  Ha  sees  it  who  says, 
Song  of  Sol.  viii.  12:  My  vineyard  is  before  me; 
Matt,  xxviii.  20,  Lo,  I  am  with  you  even  to  the' 
end  of  the  world ;  John  xvi.  23,  Be  of  good  cheer, 
I  have  overcome  the  world.  However,  wc  see 
that  there  has  always  remained  and  still  remains 
a  people  which  honors  the  name  of  Christ,  and 
has  His  word,  baptism,  sacrament,  key  and 
Spirit,  even  against  all  the  gates  of  hell. 

Vers.  6,  7.  S.  Schmid  :  He" .who  seizes  thistles 
with  the  naked  hand  acts  imprudently ;  but  yet 
more  imprudent  is  he  who  holds  close  friendship 
with  the  children  of  Belial.  2  Cor.  vi.  7. — 
ScHLiBB :  Where  Christ  the  Lord  counts  for 
something  there  is  blessing  and  prosperity ;  but 
where  He  is  despised  there  are  thorns  and  this- 
tles.— A  man's  true  worth  is  determined  by  his 
attitude  towards  Christ. — Every  tree  that  brings 
not  forth  good  fruit  is  hewn  down  and  cast  into 
the  fire. — He  who  cares  for  Christ  is  al«o  cared 
for  in  the  sight  of  God.  But  he  who  despises 
Christ  amounts  to  nothing,  and  is  counted  in  the 
sight  of  God  as  mere  thorns  and  thistles. 

[Ver.  5.  The  covenant  with  David.  I.  Its  con- 
tents :  1)  His  seed  should  reign  forever,  vii.  12- 
16.  2)  Should  reign  in  justice  and  the  fear  of 
God  (ver.  3).  3)  Should  bring  great  prosperity 
to  His  subjects  (ver.  4),  like  morning  light  dis- 
pelling the  darkness,  like  morning  showers  cau- 
sing the  grass  to  spring  up.  4)  Should  utterly 
destroy  his  enemies  (vers.  6,  7).  II.  Its  charac- 
ter—everlasting,  well-ordered,  sure.— Tb.] 


FIFTH    SECTION. 


David's  Heroes. 
Chapteb  XXIII.  8-39. 

8  These  he  [are]  the  names  of  the  mighty  men  whom  David  had  :  The  Tachmon- 
ite  that  sat  in  the  seat  [margin,  Josheb-basshebeth  the  Tachmonitel,  chief  among 
the  captains  \margin,  head  of  the  three],  the  same  was  Adino  the  Eznite  Lo"*- the 
same  was  A.  the  E.];  he  lift  up  his  spear  [lorite  without  itoZtcs]  agamst  eight  hun- 

9  dred  whom  he  slew  [slain]  at  one  time.  And  after  him  was  Eleazar  the  son  ot 
Dodo  the  Ahohite,  one  of  the  three  mighty  men  with  David,  when  they  dehed  the 
Philistines  that  were  there  gathered  together  [probably:  he  was  with  David  at  ras- 
dammim,  and  the  P.  were  there  assembled]  to  battle,  and  the  men  of  Israel  were 

10  gone  away  [went  up].  He  arose  and  smote  the  Philistines  until  his  hand  wa^ 
weary,  a/dhis  hand  clave  nnto  the  sword;  and  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  wrought  a 
great  victory  [deliverance]   that  day,  and  the  people  returned  after  him  only  to 

11  spoil.  And  after  him  was  Shammah  the  son  of  Agee  the  Harante.  And  the  i-hi- 
listines  were  gathered  together  into  a  troop  [or,  to  Lehi],  where  was  [and  there  was 
there]  a  piece  of  ground  full  of  lentiles,  and  the  people  fled  from  the  Philistines. 

38 


594 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


12  But  [And]  he  stood  in  the  midst  of  the  ground,  and  defended  [saved]  it,  and  tlew 
[smote]  the  Philistines;  and  tbe  Lord  [Jehovah]  wrought  a  great  victory  [deli- 
verance]. 

13  And  three  of  the  thirty  chief  went  down,  and  came  to  David  in  the  harvest-time 
unto  the  cave  of  Adullam ;  and  the  troops  of  the  Philistines  pitched  [encamped]  in 

14  the  valley  of  Rephaim.     And  David  was  then  in  an  hold,  and  the  [a]  garrison  of 

15  the  Philistines  was  then  in  Bethlehem.  And  David  longed  and  said.  Oh  that  one 
would  give  me  drink  of  the  water  of  the  well  of  Bethlehem,  which  is  by  the  gate! 

16  And  the  three  mighty  men  broke  through  the  host  of  the  Philistines,  »nd  drew  wa- 
ter out  of  the  well  of  Bethlehem,  that  was  by  the  gate,  and  took  it  and  brought  it 
to  David ;  nevertheless  [and]  he  would  not  drink   thereof,  but  poured  it  out  unto 

17  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  And  he  said  [And  said].  Be  it  far  from  me,  O  Lord  [Jehovah 
forbid]  that  I  should  do  this;  is  not  this  [shall  I  drink]  the  blood  of  the  men  that 
went  in  jeopardy  of  their  lives?  therefore  [and]  he  would  not  drink  it. 

These  things  did  these  [the]  three  mighty  men. 

18  And  Abishai,  the  brother  of  Joab,  the  son  of  Zeruiah,  was  chief  among  three 
\belter,  chief  of  the  thirty].  And  he  lifted  up  his  spear  against  three  hundred  and 
slew  them  [300  slain],  and  had  the  [a]  name  among  three  [the  thirty].     Was  he 

19  not  [He  was]  most  honourable  of  three  [the  thirty],  therefore  he  was  [and  became] 
their  captain,  howbeit  [and]  he  attained  not  unto  the_^rst  \om.  first]  three. 

20  And  Benaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  the  son  of  \om.  the  son  of]  a  vabant  man  of 
Kabzeel,  who  had  done  many  acts  [man,  who  had  done  many  acts,  of  Kabzeel],  he 
slew  two  lion-like  men  of  Moab.     He  went  down  also   [And  he  went  down]   and 

21  slew  a  [the]  lion  in  the  midst  of  a  [the]  pit  in  time  [in  a  day]  of  snow.  And  he 
slew  an  Egyptian,  a  goodly  man   [or,  a  man  of  great  stature],  and  the  Egyptian 

22  had  a  spear  in  his  hand,  but  [and]  he  went  down  to  him  with  a  staflP,  and  plucked 
the  spear  out  of  the  Egyptian's  hand,  and  slew  him  with  his  own  spear.  These 
things  did  Beoaiah  the  son  of  Jehoiada,  and  had  the  [a]  name  among  three  mighty 

23  men  [among  the  thirty  heroes].  He  was  more  honourable  than  the  thirty,  but  he 
attained  not  to  the  first  \om.  first]  three.  And  David  set  him  over  his  guard  [made 
him  of  his  privy  council]. 

24  Asahel  the  brother  of  Joab  was  one  of  the  thirty,  Elhanan  the  son  of  Dodo  of 
25,  26  Bethlehem,  Shammah  the  Harodite,  Elika  the  Harodite,  Helez  the  Paltite,  Ira 

the  son  of  Ikkesh  the  Tekoite,  Abiezer  the  Aoethothite,  Mebunnai  the  Hushathite, 

27  Zilraon  the  Ahohite,  Maharai  the  Netophathite,  Heleb  tbe  son  of  Baanah  a  [the] 

28  Netophathite,  Ittai  the  son  of  Eibai,  out  of  Gibeah  of  the  children  of  Benjamin, 

29  Banaiah  the  Pirathonite,  Hiddai  of  the  brooks  of  Gaash  [or,  of  Nahale-Gaash], 

30  Abi-albon  the  Arbathite,  Azmaveth  the  Barhumite,  Eliahba  the  Shaalbonite,  o/ 

31,  the  sons  of  Jasbon  [probably,  Hashem  the  Gizonite],  Jonathan,  Shammah  the 

32,  33  Hararite  [or.  Jonathan  the  son  of  Shammah  (Shage)  the  Hararite],  Ahiam  the 

34  son  of  Sharar  the  Hararite  [Ararite],  Eliphalet  the  son  of  Ahasbai,  the  son  of  [or, 

35  Hepher]  the  Maachathite,  Eliam  the  son  of  Ahithophel  the  Gilonite,  Hezrai  the 
Carmelite,  Paarai  the  Arbite,  Igal  the  son  of  Nathan  of  Zobah,  Bani  the  Gadite, 

36  Zelek  the  Ammonite,  Naharl  the  Beerothite,  armour-bearer  to  Joab  the  son  of  Ze- 
37,38  ruiah,  Ira  an  [the]  Ithrite,  Gareb  an  [the]  Ithrite,  Uriah  the  Hittite;  thirty 

and  seven  in  all. 


EXEGETICAI.   AND   CRITICAL. 

Ver.  8.  Superscription.  These  are  the  names 
of  the  heroes  that  David  had.  In  the  pa- 
rallel section  1  Chron.  xi.  10-41  there  are  two  su- 
perscriptions. Chap.  xi.  10  has:  "And  these  are 
the  heads  [chiefs]  of  the  heroes  that  David  had, 
who  stood  stoutly  by  him  in  his  kingdom  with,  all 
Israel,  to  make  him  king."  With  these  words 
the  Chronicler  attaches  the  following  list  of  heroes 
to  the  account  of  the  choice  of  David  by  all  the 
Tribes  (vers.  1-3),  comp.  2  Sam.  v.  1-3,  thus  giving 


a  reason  for  inserting  th  e  list  here.  Further  the  list 
follows  immediately  the  narrative  of  the  conquest 
of  Zion  and  the  choice  of  Jerusalem  as  capital,  vers. 
4-9  (2  Sam.  v.  6-10),  especially  to  illustrate  the 
remark  in  ver.  9 :  "  and  David  grew  greater  and 
greater"  (comp.  2  Sam.  v.  10). — Besides  the  fuller 
superscription,  which  assigns  the  list  its  historical, 
position,  the  Chronicler  has  a  second  simpler  one, 
ver.  11  a:  "And  this  is  the  number  of  the  heroes 
that  David  had."  The  Oihhorim  [Heroes,  Mighty 
men],  elsewhere  given  in  round  numbers  at  six 
hundred  men,  formed  a  standing  central  corps, 
which  (just  as  the  body-guard,  the  Cherethites 


CHAP.  XXIII.  8-39. 


596 


and  Pelethites)  remained  near  David  and  at  his 
personal  disposal.  On  the  origin  and  develop- 
ment of  this  corps  comp.  1  Sam.  xxii.  2;  xxiii. 
13;  XXV.  13;  xxvii.  2;  xxx.  9-24;  2  Sam.  x.  7; 
XV.  18 ;  xvi.  1 6 ;  xx.  7,  and  Ewald's  Hist,  of  Israel., 
III.  122,  140 ;  189  sq.  [Germ,  ed.]  The  first  su- 
perscription in  Ohron. :  "  these  are  the  Iieads  of 
the  heroes"  (ver.  10),  corresponds  exactly  with 
the  list,  which  gives  not  the  "names"  (2  Sam., 
ver.  8)  nor  the  "numier"  (1  Chron.,  ver.  11)  of 
the  heroes,  hut  only  the  chief  among  them.  The 
list  in  Chron.  gives  no  number,  though  the  super- 
scription (ver.  11)  states  this  to  be  the  number  of 
the  heroes,  while  the  list  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.,  speaking 
only  of  names  on  the  superscription,  gives  at  the 
close  the  whole  number  as  thirly-seven.  As  in  our 
'  list  only  thirty-seven  out  of  six  hundred  Gibborim 
are  mentioned,  we  may  conjecture  (with  Then.,  after 
Chron.)  that  the  word  "heads"  has  here  fallen 
out  after  "names"  ["the  names  of  the  heads  of 
the  heroes"].  Otherwise  the  term  Gibborim 
must  be  taken  in  a  narrower  sense  (heroes  among 
the  heroes)  [which  is  the  more  probable  explana- 
tion.— Tk]  .  Neither  the  form  nor  the  content  of 
the  list  indicates  a  division  into  three  classes  (as 
held  by  most  expositors) ;  there  is  only  a  triple 
gradation  in  respect  to  the  bravery  of  the  heroes, 
first,  three  of  the  first  rank  (vers.  8-12),  thfen  two, 
distinguished  for  bravery,  but  "  not  attaining  to 
the  three"  (vers.  18-23),  and  finally  thirty-two,  of 
whom  no  deeds  are  mentioned.  The  five  of  the 
first  and  second  ranks,  and  seven  of  the  third, 
altogether  twelve,  were  named  by  David  leaders  of 
the  twelve  divisions  into  which  he  divided  the 
army,  each  of  which  had  to  do  service  one  month 
in  the  year  (1  Chron.  xxvii.  1-15).  In  the  list 
in  1  Chron.  (xi.  41-^7)  occur  sixteen  names  that 
are  lacking  here.  In  other  respects  the  two  lists 
agree  materially,  only  that  in  both  there  is  a  con- 
siderable number  of  textual  errors. 

Vers.  8-12.  The  three  greatest  heroes,  Jasho- 
beam,  Eleazar,  Shammah,  and  their  deeds. — Ver. 
8.  Onr  text  has  Josheb-basshebeth,  while  Chron., 
has  Jashobeam  ;  the  latter  (according  to  1  Chron. 
xxvii.  2)  is  the  correct  reading,*  Instead  of 
Tachmoni  read  ''  the  son  of  Hachmoni "  as  in 
Chron. ;  comp.  1  Chron.  xxvii.  32,  where  it  is 
said :  "  Jehiel  the  son  of  Hachmoni  was  with  the 
sons  of  the  king ;"  this  Jehiel  was  perhaps  a 
brother  of  Jashobeam.  Comp.  also  1  Chron. 
xxvii.  32,  where  Jashobeam  is  called  the  son  of 
Zabdiel ;  but  tliis  "  is  no  discrepancy,  since  Zab- 
diel  might  he  the  proper  name,  and  Hachmoni  the 
patronymic  but  better  known  name  of  the  father" 
(Bottch.). — "Hpadof  the  knights  (body-guards- 
men)." "Head"  here  is  not=  "leader"  (which 
would  be  ^iJ'  according  to  the  usage  of  our  books, 

comp.  ver.  19,  Bottch.),  but  =  "chief,  most  dis- 
tinguished." "Shalishim  or  riders  (knights) ;" 
this  word  (0'K''7E')t  is  to  be  taken  with  Thenius 

*  Aceordins  to  Kennicott  the  two  last  letters  of 
D;;3E''  stood  in  a  MS.  under  the  n21!/2  of  the  pre- 
oedinE;  line  (ver.  7).  and  a  transcrihpr  by  mistake  at- 
tached the  latter  word  instead  of  DJ?  to  3tyV  fOr,  it 
may  be  that  the  n3ty3  here  is  corruption  of  pDJ?  m 
Chron.,  and  passed  from  ver.  8  into  ver.  7.  Sept.  ^efioa-Oi 
=-r\02m  for  S^'aK'K  (Wellh.).  See  on  n^Bfa  ver. 
7^ Th  1 

t  So  read  here  and  in  Chron.  instead  of  our  text;  so 
in  vers.  13,  '23,  24,  and  1  Ohron.  xi.  15,  42 ;  xii.  4 ;  xxvii  6 


as  meaning  the  most  distinguished  warriors 
standing  nearest  the  persons  of  kings  and  gen- 
erals ;  the  name  [lit. :  "  third  man  "]  it  may  be 
conjectured,  had  its  origin  in  the  fact  that  from 
these  warriors  was  chosen  the  man  who,  when  the 
king  or  general  went  to  battle,  stood  with  him  in 
the  cMliriot  (along  with  the  driver)  as  third  mam. 
With  this  agrees  (Then.  p.  276)  2  Kin.  ix.  25, 
where  Jehu  says  to  his  Shalish :  "  Remember  how 

1  and  thou  rode  together  after  Ahab ;"  and  so  in  the 
pictures  at  Nineveh  (Layard),  in  which  the 
principal  personage,  drawing  the  bow,  is  covered 
by  the  shield  of  a  warrior  on  his  left,  while  the 
driver  stands  in  front  of  the  two.  According  to 
Ex.  xiv.  7  (comp.  xv.  4)  every  chariot  was  in 
unusual  wise  provided  with  a  shalish  [Eng.  A.  V. 
captain].  From  Ezek.  xxiii.  15,  these  favored 
men  seem  (later,  at  least)  to  have  been  distin- 
guished by  a  special  dress.  From  these  shalishim 
(who  afterwards  formed  a  special  Corps,  near  the 
person  of  the  king,  2  Kin.  x.  25)  the  kings  seem 
to  have  chosen  their  adjutants,  comp.  2  Kin.  vii. 

2  (xvii.  19) ;  ix.  25  ;  xv.  25,  and  in  1  Kin.  ix.  22 
they  appear  as  a  special  military  rank  or  office. 
The  term  signifies,  therefore,  not :  chariot  war- 
riors, three  on  a  chariot,  nor :  (with  a  diflerent 
pointing)  the  30  leaders  of  the  600  Gibborim 
[Heroes]  (Ew.,  Berth.),  nor :  regulars  drawn  up 
'•  three  deep,"  that  is,  superior  soldiers  (Bottch.), 
but :  shalish*-corps,  shalish-men,  lifeguardsmen, 
"  knights  "  (Luther,  in  "  Kings  ").  [The  mean- 
ing of  shalish  is  obscure,  but  here,  it  seems  better 
to  adopt  the  reading  "  three."  Jashobeam  was 
chief  or  most  eminent  of  the  three  highest,  which 
agrees  best  with  the  context.  So  margin  of  Eng. 
A.  v.— Tb.]— The  text  of  the  next  following 
words  [Eng.  A.  V. :  "  the  same  was  A.  the  E."] 
is  corrupt  and  unintelligible,  and  is  to  be  read 
(after  ver.  18  and  Chron.  ver.  11) :  "he  brandished 
his  spear;'-\  Instead  of  800  Chron.  has  300, 
taken  probably  from  ver.  18,  in  order  to  soften  the 
seemingly  monstrous  number  800.  "At  one 
time"=mome  battle.  "  Eight  hundred  stom " 
(bSn),  not  ''  warriors,"  as  Kennicott  (according 
to  Thenius)  renders :  •'  he  brandished  his  spear 
over  800  warriors,  was  their  leader."  The  mean- 
ing is,  either  that  in  one  battle  he  swung  his 
spear  till  he  had  killed  800  men  (Ew.,  Berth., 
Bottch.,  Keil),  or  that  after  the  battle  he  brand- 
ished his  spear  over  those  that  were  killed  by 
him  and  his  men,  as  symbol  of  victory  over 
them  (Thenius).  [For  various  forced  interpre- 
tations of  the  verse  see  citations  in  Wordsworth 
and  Philippson. — Tb.] 

Ver.  9  sqq.  After  him,  next  him  in  the  list, 
■was  Bleazar  .  .  .  ■with  David ;  comp.  ver. 
11.  ''The  son  of  Dodai,"  as  the  text  reads 
(pointed  according  to  1  Chron.  xxvii.  4).  The 
margin  has  Dodo,  1  Chron.  xi.  12  [so  Eng.  A. 
V.  here].     "  The  son  of  an  Ahohite,"  in  Chron. 


(instead  of  D'tyiSE*).    [Or,  perhaps  better  here  TWIW. 

-Te.] 
*  In  •'W'n^  the  V  is  Adj.  ending  (as  in  'JT^a  and 

TlSiJl,  denoting  rank.    Bw.  ?  177  o,  ?  164. 

't"[Some  hold  that  Ijnj?  is  corruption  of  T\))!,  and 

tliat?Si»  — "spear"  (comp.  Arab,  jnj?  and  |DJ;),  but 

this  last  is  altogether  uncertain.— Tb.] 


596 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


"the  Ahohit3."  "Among  the  three  heroes,"* 
that  is,  the  renowned  trio,  Jashobeam,  Eleazar 
and  Shammah  (ver.  11). — Instead  of  our  textf 
read  with  Chron. :  ''  with  David  (Chron. :  he 
was  with  Dayid )  at  Pas-damraim,  and  the  Philis- 
tines, etc."  Po^-dammim  is  probably  the  same 
place  with  "  Ephes-daramim,"  1  Sam.  xvift  1. — 
And  the  Fhilistines  had  there  assembled 
to  battle.  The  words  from  "  and  the  men  of 
Israel  went  up  "  (ver-  9)  to  ''and  the  Philistines 
were  gathered  together  to  Lehi  [Eng.  A.  V. : 
into  a  troop]  "  (ver.  11)  have  fallen  out  of  the 
text  of  Chron, t  so  that  the  name  of  the  third 
hero  Shammah  "  is  there  wanting,  as  his  deed 
(vers.  11,  12),  falls  to  Eleazar.— The  verb  "went 
up "  [Eng.  A.  V.  wronglv :  were  gone  away] 
denotes  simply  the  marching  of  the  men  of 
Israel  against  the  Philistines ;  it  is  imneces.sary 
to  add;  "in  flight"  (Then).  The  flirjht  or 
holding  baclc  of  the  Israelites  (involved  in  the 
"  and  the  people  returned,"  ver.  10),  inasmuch 
as  it  occurred  after  the  advance  to  battle  (where- 
fore Eleazar  undertook  the  contest  with  the  Philis- 
tines alone),  is  not  expressly  mentioned  in  the 
concise  narrative,  but  is  finst  indicated  by  the 
''returned."  If  the  word  "went  up"  had  been 
intended  to  indicate  "flight  to  higher  positions 
earlier  occupied"  (Then.),  tlien  necessarily  a 
corresponding  additional  statement  would  have 
been  made,  such  as  Bottcher  too  boldly  conjec- 
tures:  "they  went  up  on  the  mountain  and  lost 
heart."  A  correct  explanation  of  the  "returned  " 
is  given  by  Josephus  [Ant,  7,  12,  4] :  "  when  the 
Israelites  fled,  he  alone  remained,"  and  by  the 
Vulgate,  in  its  addition  in  ver.  10 :  "  and  the 
people,  who  had  fled,  returned."  [There  is  not 
necessarily  any  hint  in  the  text  that  the  people 
had  fled ;  the  ''  returned "  might  refer  to  the 
withdrawal  from  pursuit  of  the  defeated  enemy. 
Bib.-Oom.,  suggests  that  this  view  (as  in  Eng.  A. 
v.:  "gone  away")  may  have  arisen  from  the 
misapplication  in  1  Chron.  xi.  13  of  the  phrase 
"  the  people  fled"  to  this  battle,  whereas  it  be- 
longs to  Shammah's  exploit. — Tb.] — Ver.  10. 
He  arose,  that  is,  when  the  others  had  fallen 
back.  Josephus  :  "  he  alone  remained."  And 
smote  the  Philistines  till  his  hand  clave 
^  the  sword,  his  hand  was  cramped  around 
the  sword-hilt  by  weariness.  "  Jehovah  wrought 
great  deliverance"  that  is,  a  great  victory  [observe 
the  theocratic  form  of  the  Heb.  expression:  a 
victory  is  a  deliverance  or  salvation  from  God. — 


*  The  Qeri  and  Chron.  insert  the  Art.  before  D'iaj. 

But  there  is  nothing  strange  in  the  absence  of  the  Art., 
as  Battcher  remarks  against  Thenius,  who  would  read 

on  ''\tn'Jf2,  thinking  it  necessary  on  account  of  follow- 
-     ..  .  y  . 

ing  references  (vers.  12.  16  sqq.).    On  the  stat.  abs.  of 

the  Numeral  before  the  Subst,  see  Ge.i.  J  120, 1. 

t  Against  our  text  is  1)  the  following  DJ?  "there," 
which  supposes  a  preceding  name  of  a  place,  2)  H'ln 
takes  not  3,  but  the  Accus.  (xxi.  21 ;  1  Sam.  xvii.  10,  2.i 
sq.,  36),  ?)  the  failure  of  the  Rel.  Pron.  before  13DXJ 
"  were  assembled."  Instead  of  'S3  read  'Sni  "  and  the 
Philistines." 

t  By  erroneous  passage  from  ?3DXJ  'an  (ver.  9)  to 
the  similar  '3  ISDK'l  (ver.  11). 


Tb].    And  the  people  returned  after  him.* 

After  this  exploit  the  people  had  nothing  to  do 
but  to  follow  for  the  purpose  of  plundering,  to 
strip  the  slain  (Sept.). 

Ver.  11  sqq.  The  third  principal  hero,_  Sham- 
mah. Another  of  this  name  (not  to  mention  the 
incorrect  reading  in  ver.  33)  is  given  in  ver.  25, 
and  called  the  Harodite.  Here  "a  Hararite"  is 
no  doubt  to  be  taken  as  the  same  with  •'  the  Ha- 
rarite," ver.  3.3,  since  in  the  parallel  passage,  1 
Chron.  xi.  34,  the  same  name  Agee  is  given. 
Therefore  we  read :  "  Shammah  the  son  of  Agee, 
the  Hararite." — ''  And  the  Philistines  were  as- 
sembled ai  LeM."f  So  we  must  render  [and  not : 
into  a  troop],  because  the  words  "there"  and 
"assembled"  both  presuppose  the  name  of  a 
place  (Then.,  Ewald).  Chron.  has:  "to  battle," 
no  doubt  from  ver.  9. — Lehi  (=  "jaw-bone")  = 
Bamath  Lehi,  where  Samson  smote  the  Philis- 
tines with  the  jaw-bone  of  an  ass,  Judg.  xv.  9, 
14,  17,  19.  In  Josephus'  time  the  place  was  still 
csiileA  Siagon  {Siay6v,  "jaw-bone,"  Ant.  5,  8,  8, 
9).  The  Philistines  had  encamped  in  a  lentil- 
field,  because  they  found  provision  there  (instead 
of  ''  lentils,"  Chron.  has  "barley"  [probably  both 
barley  and  lentils  were  found  there. — Tb.]). 
The  Israelites  had  fallen  back.  Then  Shammali 
planted  himself  in  the  field,  took  it  from  the 
Philistines  and  smote  them.  A  situation  like 
that  of  vers.  9,  10,  is  here  described  in  short, 
sharp  strokes,  and  the  hero's  victory  extolled  as 
the  immediate  gift  of  God. 

Vers.  13-17.  Exploit  of  three  other  priruyipai 
heroes  of  David,  whose  names  are  not  given. 
Instead  of  the  text:  "thirty,"  the  marginal  read- 
ing ''three"  is  to  be  taken  (with  Chron.  and  all 
the  Versions).  As  the  Art.  ii  lacking  both  here 
and  in  Chron.,  the  heroes  here  named  are  not 
the  chief  three  above  (De  Wette,  Jos.),  but  other 
three  out  of  the  list,  ver.  24  sqq.J — And  three 
of  the  Shalish-men  (that  is,  the  life-guards- 
men, knights,  see  on  ver.  8)  •went  do'wn,  that 
is,  from  the  heights  of  the  mountains  of  Jndah. 
The  masoretic  text  has:  "three  of  the  thirty" 
but  instead  of  ''thirty"  we  are  to  read  "shalish- 
men"  (Then.),  as  in  ver.  8. — [There  is  no  need 
to  change  the  text.  We  have  here  an  anecdote 
of  three  of  the  thirty  afterwards  mentioned. 
Perhaps  this  anecdote  interrupts  the  list  proper, 
in  which  Abishai  should  follow  immediately 
after  Shammah  (Wellh.) ;  but  it  is  also  possible 
that  Abishai  and  Benaiah  were  two  of  the  three 
here  engaged.— Tb.]—"  Three  of  the  knights, 
captains"  [Eng.  A.  V.:  "three  of  the  thirty 
chief"].  The  t^NT  is  to  be  rendered  as  in  ver. 
8  ("head"),  but  is  here postposed  as  apposition 


*  Vulg. :  populus  quifugerat  reversus  est.  According  to 
Thenius  an  DJ  "itys  "who  had  fled"  (comp.  ver.  11) 
seems  to  haye  fallen  out  after  "  the  people  "  If  this  be 
rlKhtly  taken  as  probable  (Ew.),  then  there  is  the  less 
propriety  in  explammg  the  "  went  up  "  with  Thenius  as 
above  mentioned. 

t  The  rnasoretio  pointing  n»nS  came  no  doubt  from 
the  njini  in  ver.  13.  [n^nS  would  be  the  proper  name 
Lehi  with  n  local,  —  "  to  Lehi."— Tk.] 

t  This  is  favored  also  by  the  E;'ni  D'E^Vt^^HD,  which 
introduces  them  as  other  persons. 


CHAP.  XXIII.  8-39. 


597 


(="  captains  " ) .  The  text,  however,  ig  difficult.* 
"In  the  harvest-time"  (TSj^-Sxf),  for  which 
Chron.  has:  "on  the  rock;"  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  reject  our  text  as  spurious,  since  the 
rendering  "in  harvest-time"  is  not  set  aside  by 
the  context  (Then.). — To  the  cave  of  Adul- 
1am,  see  1  Sam.  xxii.  1.  According  to  the  situ- 
ation here  described  this  exploit  occurred  in  the 
Philistine  war  narrated  in  v.  17  sq. — "And  the 
troop  (n^n,  Num.  xxxv.  3 ;  Ps.  Ixviii.  11  [10] ; 
1  Sam.  xviii.  18)  of  the  Philistines  encamped  in 
the  valley  of  Eephaim."  Thenius  thinks  that 
(on  account  of  the  "post,  garrison"  of  ver.  14) 
the  "host"  of  Chron.,  as  a  larger  body,  is  to  be 
read  instead  of  the  ''troop"  of  our  passage;  but 
tbia  cannot  be  establi.shed.  On  the  valley  Mephaim 
see  on  1  Sam.  v.  18. — Ver.  14.  On  the  "post" 
pya)  see  1  Sam.  xiii.  23;  xiv.  1,  4.^— Ver.  15. 
"  Who  will  give  me  to  drink  ?"  that  is,  Oh  that 
someone  would,  cfc.,  (Ew.  ^  329  a).  Clericus 
explains  this  exclamation  of  David  from  his  de- 
sire to  see  Bethlehem  soon  freed  from  the  enemy's 
siege ;  but  this  does  not  accord  with  the  idea  of 
appetite  that  especially  belongs  to  this  verb.  The 
connection  does  not  indicate  that  David  wished 
to  refresh  himself  after  a  hot  fight  (Ew.).  Perhaps 
the  water  was  bad  or  failed,  and  he  had  a  longing 
desire  for  water  from  the  well  "at  the  gate," 
which  was  perhaps  particularly  good.  The  tra- 
ditional "David's  Well"  lies"  half  an  English 
mile  irom  the  present  Bethlehem,  and  is,  accord- 
ing to  Eitter  {Erdk.  xvi.  286)  "  deep,  and  well 
provided  with  clear,  cool  water."  Comp.  Tobler, 
Bethlehem,  p.  10.— Ver.  16.  The  camp  of  the 
Philistines  was  in  the  valley  of  Eephaim  in  the 
direction  from  Adullam  towards  Bethlehem  ; 
comp.  the  local  statements  in  1  Sam.  xxii.  1,  2 
Sam.  V.  18. — -David  would  not  drink  the  water, 
but  poured  it  out  to  the  Lord,  not  in  thanks- 
giving for  the  preservation  of  the  heroes  (Jos.), 
nor  as  prayer  for  forgiveness  of  his  fault  in  send- 
ing them  into  such  deadly  peril  (Kennicott),  but 
to  honor  the  Lord  (Vulg.),  as  an  offering  to  the 
Lord,  to  whom  alone  it  ought  to  belong,  since  it 
was  too  costly  for  David. — Ver.  17.  His  reason : 
Far  be  it  from  me,  O  Iiord!  to  do  this. 
One  would  expect  here  the  usual  form  of  an 
oath  -.l  •'  the  Lord  forbid  that  I  should  do  this  " 
(1  Chron.  xi.  19,  Syr.,  Chald.,  Then.).  "But," 
rightly  remarks  Bottoher,  ''  the  Chronicler 
and  the  modem  critics  have  failed  to  note  the 
difference  in  the  situation.  Sere  David  pours 
out  a  drink-offering  to  Jahwe,  and  in  connection 
with  it,  invokes  him ;  here,  therefore,  the  else- 


*  Of  the  Versions  tp'x'l  Is  found  only  in  the  OhaM., 
and  Thenius  would  thence  regard  it  as  an  [inserted]  ex- 
planation of  the  preceding  word.  But  it  is  perhaps  bet- 
ter to  detach  the  D  from  the  preceding  word  (which 
would  then  end  in  '_,  as  in  ver.  8),  prefix  it  to  tyxi, 

then  insert  ">?2fn  (as  in  Chron.,  omitting  7J>),  and  ren- 
der :  "  descended  three  of  the  knights  from  the  top  of 
the  rock," 

t  [This  phrase  cannot  be  rendered  :  "in  tlie  harvest- 
time,"  and  it  would  seem  better,  therefore,  to  adopt  the 
reading  of  Chron.,  or  Erdmann's  suggestion  in  the  pre- 
ceding note. — Tr.] 

J  ["  The  hold  "  in  which  David  found  himself,  was  a 
strong-hold  or  fortress  near  the  nave  of  Adullam. — Tb.] 

i  nirra  (l  Sam.  xxiv.  7 ,-  xxvi.  11)  instead  of  nin". 


where  unusual  vocative  is  necessary." — "  Should 
1  [or,  shall  I]  drink  the  blood  of  the  men,  etc  f" 
Not:  "The  blood  of  the  men,  etc f"  (interroga- 
tion with  aposiopesis,  Ew.  J  30  3  a),  which  would 
be  too  unclear  (Bottch.).  The  words  do  not  per- 
mit Movers'*  rendering :  "  is  it  not  the  blood  ?" 
[soEng.  A.  V.].  The  verb  "drink"!  must  be 
supplied,  and  the  sense  is :  should  I  drink  this 
water,  which  has  the  same  value  for  me  as  the 
blood  of  these  heroes,  since  they  brought  it  ■'  at 
the  price  of  their  souls,"  at  the  risk  of  their  lives  ? 
According  to  Lev.  xvii.  11  the  soul  [life]  is  in 
the  blood ;  to  drink  this  water  would  be  equiva- 
lent to  drinking  the  blood  of  these  men. 

Vers.  18-23.  Feats  of  two  other  heroes  of 
David. — Ver.  18  sqq.  Abishai,  see  1  Sam.  xxvi. 
6.  He  was  (as  Jashobeara),  a  chief  man,  captain 
of  the  shalish-corps.  (Erdmann  retains  the  text 
(Kethib)  shaKsh,  Eng.  A.  V.  follows  tbe  margin 
(Qeri) :  "chief  of  (the)  three;"  but  itseems  better 
to  read:  "chief  of  the  tAirt!/."  Abishai  and  Benuiah 
attained  to  fame  and  distinctitm  among  the  thirty, 
without  reaching  to  the  three  (vers.  8-12).— Tb.] 
He  brandished  his  spear  over,  etc.,  as  in 
ver.  8.  And  he  had  a  name  among  the 
three,  Jashobeam,  Eleazar  and  Shammah. 
Among  these  greatest  heroes  he  had  a  name  for 
heroic  bravery. — Ver.  19.  But  also  above  the 
Shalish  corps  (knights)  was  he  honored. 
Our  text  reads :  "  above  the  three  he  was  honor- 
ed," but,  while  the  "  three"  at  the  end  of  ver.  18 
is  to  be  maintained  ag:iinst  Thenius  (who  would 
unnecessarily  change  it  to  Shalish),  here  it  must 
be  regarded  as  a  scribal  error,  and  changed  to 
Shalish,  partly  because  of  the  following  words : 
"and  he  became  their  captain,"  partly  because  of 
the  relation  of  these  words  (which  indicate  his  po- 
sition) to  the  "chief  of  the  Shalish"  in  ver.  18.-The 
text  here  is  as  to  one  word  ("^Ht)  unintelligible, 
and  must  be  changed  after  Chron.,  so  as  to  read  : 
" above  the  Shaikh  he  was  doubly  honored,"  so 
that  he  became  their  leader,  wliich  answered 
to  his  position  as  "chief  of  the  Shalish-corps" 
(ver.  18).  But  to  the  three  (first)  he  attained 
not,  they  were  beyond  him  in  bravery  and  he- 
roic achievement.  [Dr.  Erdmann  thus,  by  some- 
what arbitrary  changes  of  text,  brings  out  of  this 
list  a  Shalish-corps  with  Abishai  as  captain;  but 
we  hear  nothing  elsewhere  of  such  a  corps,  and  it 
seems  foreign  to  the  design  of  this  list  to  mention 
it.    Moreover,  the  statement  in  ver.  23  concerning 


*  This  would  require :  DT  Ht  sbn. 
t  nntyX  (Sept.,  Vulg.)  may  easily  have  fallen  out  after 
DnWJlJS  t)y  homtBOteleuton. 
t  on  is  not  to  be  taken  as  a  question,  equivalent  to  a 

lively  asseveration  (=.  is  it  so  that?  —  certainly,  comp. 
ix.  1 ;  Gen.  xxvii.  36 ;  xxix.  16) ;  "  he  was  oertamlv  hon- 
ored "—"for  what  isa  question  doing  in  the  midst  of 
this  perfectly  smooth  narration !"  (Then.) ;  nor  is  it  to 
be  explainecl  as  having  arisen  from  the  preceding  n 
and  an  inserted  '3.  Instead  of  this  unintelligible  read- 
ing the  text  of  Chronicles  is  to  be  taken,  only  pointed 
O^ydl,  "  in  two,  double."  Comp.  Ewald  g  269  i.  [It  is 
easier  to  suppose  on  an  insertion  than  to  get  it  out  of 
D'Jtya,  though  the  presence  of  the  latter  in  Chron.  is 
not  easily  explained.  Wellh.  suggests  'UH  "  behold, 
he"  for  -on.— Te.] 


598 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


Benaiah  seems  to  be  parallel  to  that  in  ver.  19 
concerning  Abishai,  and  ver.  23  gives  a  clear  and 
appropriate  sense,  in  accordance  with  which  it  is 
better  to  render  ver.  19 :  "  He  was  more  honora- 
ble than  the  thirty,  and  became  their  captain,  but 
did  not  attain  to  the  three."  Thus,  between  the 
three  and  the  thirty  we  have  the  two  eminent  sol- 
diers, Abishai  and  Benaiah,  of  whom  the  first  was 
made  Captain  of  the  Thirty,  and  the  second  Privy 
Councillor.  The  change  of  text  required  in  order 
to  give  this  reading  (that  is,  to  conform  ver.  19  to 
ver.  23)  is  slight,  involving  only  the  alteration  of 
ah  to  im. — Tb.] 

Vers.  20-23.  Benaiah;  first,  his  person  and 
charaxiter.  The  son  of  Jeboiada,  accord- 
ing to  1  Chronic,  xxvii.  5  the  priest  Jehoiada 
(compare  ch.  xii.  27);  he  was  (viii.  18;  xx.  23) 
the  commander  of  the  body-guard  (Chereth- 
ites  and  Pelethites),  and  became  (1  Kings  i.  35) 
in  Joab's  stead  commander-in-chief  of  the  army. 
He  was  the  son  of  an  honorable  man.  As  both 
texts  have  the  ''  son,"  it  is  not  to  be  stricken  out 
(_Ew.,  Berth.,  Then.,  Botttch.),  though  of  the  Ver- 
sions only  the  Chald.  has  it.  Not :  "  the  son  of  a 
valiant  man" — that  would  not  suit  the  priest  Je- 
hoiada— but :  "  of  an  upright,  honest,  capable* 
man"  (as  in  Numb.  xxiv.  18;  1  Kings  i.  -52; 
Euth  iv.  11;  Prov.  xii.  4:  xxx.  10,  29).  [It  is 
not  probable  that,, after  the  name  of  his  father  has 
been  given,  he  would  then  be  described  afresh  by 
this  general  phrase:  "son  of  a  man  of  force  ;"  in 
spite  of  the  concurrence  of  the  two  texts  (Sam.  and 
Chron.)  in  retaining  the  word  "  son,"  it  is  better 
to  omit  it. — Tb.]. — He  was  "  rich  in  deeds."  Of 
Eabzeel,  in  the  south  of  Judah,  Josh.  xv.  21 ; 
Neh.  xi.  25. — ffis  deeds:  1)  He  slew  the  twro 
Ariels  [Eng.  A.  V. :  two  lionlike  men]  of  Moab. 
Thenius  (after  the  Sept.,  with  a  slight  alterationf ) 
renders :  "  he  slew  the  two  sons  of  Ariel,  the  Mo- 
abite."  So  also  Ewald,  who  conjectures  that  Ariel 
was  a  name  of  honor  of  a  king  of  Moab.  But  as 
both  texts  have  the  same  reading,  the  renderings 
of  Sept.  and  Targ.  are  mere  conjectures.  Nor  can 
our  text  be  translated  :  "  two  lions  of  God  J  (God- 
lions)  "  (De  W.,  Biittch.)  =  monstrous  lions;  po- 
etical expre-ssions  such  as  "  mountains  of  God, 
cedars  of  God"  (Ps.  xxxvi.  7  [6]  ;  Ixxx.  11  [10]) 
[=  great  mountains,  goodly  cedars]  are  not  suit- 
able to  wild  beasts  and  to  ''historical  prose" 
(Then.).  Among  the  Arabians  and  Persians 
"  Lion  of  God  "  is  the  designation  of  a  hero,  comp. 
Boch.  Hieroz.  II.  7,  63,  ed.  Eo.senmiiller ;  Indian 
princes  call  themselves  Daroa^mAa,  "  god-lions  " 
(Ew.).  It  was  two  famous  Moabite  heroes  that 
Benaiah  conquered  and  killed.  Why  is  it  so  im- 
probable (Then.  [Wellh.])  that  this  name  should 
have  been  given  to  two  contemporai-y  men  of  a  na- 
tion ?  This  exploit  belongs,  therefore,  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Moabite  war,  of  which  we  otherwise 
know  little. — 2)  He  went  down  and  slew 
the  Hon  in  the  pit.— The  word  (nnx)  denotes 
a  lion-animal,  a  beast  that  looks  like  a  lion  (Bott- 


♦  'n  is  certainly  scribal  error  for  Vn  (Ohron.). 

t  He  inserts  'ja  and  roads  'px'lSn  instead  of  2X10. 

t  '7N'1X,  more  fully  Ss  ';1N.  [The  reading  of  Vulg  : 

"two  lions  of  Moab"  is  leas  likely  on  aceonnt  of  the 
following  special  mention  of  a  lion.  The  Ariel  of  Isa 
ixix.  1 13  different.— Te.] 


cher).*  The  Art.  points  out  that  the  fact  was 
generally  known  On  the  day  of  snow,  on  a 
snowy  day,  when  more  snow  than  usual  had  fallen, 
and  the  lion,  having  approached  human  habita- 
tions to  seek  food,  fell  into  an  ordinary  cistern,  or 
a  pit  dug  to  catch  him.— 3)  Ver.  21.  And  he 
slew  the  Egyptian ;  the  Art.  denotes  that  the 
man  was  known  according  to  this  account.  He 
was  a  "manf  of  appearance,"  thatLs,  a  large  man. 
Chron.  has :  "  a  man  of  measure,"  =  a  man  of 
great  height."  Which  is  the  original  reading 
must  be  left  undetermined ;  both  denote  gigantic 
stature,  Chron,  adding :  "  he  was  five  cubits  high, 
and  his  spear  as  a  weaver's  beam."  The  heroic 
nature  of  Benaiah's  deed  consisted  in  his  going 
down  with  a  staff  to  the  Egyptian,  who  was  armed 
with  a  spear.  We  must  Buppo.^e  tliat  there  was  a 
battle,  in  which  Benaiah  stood  with  Israel  on  a 
height,  while  the  Egyptian  and  the  enemy  were 
below  in  the  plain ;  he  showed  his  skill  and 
strength  by  snatching  the  spear  out  of  the  Egyp- 
tian's hand  and  killing  him  with  it. — Ver.  22.  Mis 
name  also  (as  Abishai's)  was  renowned  among  the 
three  chief  heroes  (comp.  ver.  18)  [liere,  as  there, 
it  seems  better  to  read:  "  among  the  thirty." J — 
Te.]. — Ver.  23.  Here  (as  in  verse  19)  instead 
of  the  "  thirty"  of  the  text,  we  are  to  read  ".Sha- 
lish"  (knights). — Above  the  knights  he 
was  honored  (as  Abishai),  but  also  he  came 
not  up  to  the  three,  the  first-named  three 
heroes. — And  David  made  him  his  privy- 
councillor. — See  on  1  Sam.  xxii.  14.  On  his 
high  military  position  see  viii.  18  and  xx.  23. — 
[As  above  remarked,  it  is  simpler  to  retain  the 
text  here  (as  in  Eng.  A.  V.),  and  make  ver.  19 
conform  to  it. — Tr.] 

Vers.  24-39.  27ie  remaining  heroes  [thirty-two 
in  number] ,  who  belonged  to  the  corps  of  Shali- 
shim,  and,  in  comparison  with  the  above-named, 
formed  the  third  grade. — Ver.  24.  Asahel, 
.Joab's  brother; J  see  ii.  18.  He  was  one  of  the 
Shalishim  [the  text  reads  "thirty"'],  and  this 
designation  "  among  the  Shalish "  applies  to  all 
the  following  names.  Chron.  has  as  superscrip- 
tion: "and  brave  heroes  were"  (Asahel,  etc.). — 
Blhanan,  the  son  of  Dodo,  is  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  Bethleheraite  Elhanan  mentioned  in 
xxi.  19.  In-stead  of  "  Bethlehem  "  read  "  Beth- 
leliemite ;"  Chron.  has  "  of  Bethlehem ''  [so 
Eng.  A.  V.].— Ver.  25.  Shammah,  Chron.  has 
the  Harorite;  here  correctly  the  Harodiie,  of 
Harod,   Judg.  vii.  1 ;  Chron.  writes  the  name 

*  rr/^X  (Keth.)    as  distinguished  from  ■'IX   (Qeri). 

[This  distinction  of  BSttoher's  Is  hnrdlv  sustained  by 
usage.— Tr.] 

t  Instead  of  "It^X  read  Qeri  ^''X  (Chron.).— Instead 

of  nX'ia  Chron.'has  HID.    [As  'ID  '^'X  (Sam.) means 

a  "goodly  man"  (so  Eng.  A.  V.),  not  a'  "large  man" 
(lirdmann),  the  reading  of  Chronicles  is  to  be  prefer- 
red.— Te.]  '^ 

t  [Wellh.  -.  lUjn  D'^Sii'a  "  among  the  thirty  he- 
roes."—Te.] 

?  [Kennicott  and  BSttoher  think  that  A.oahel  forms  a 
second  triad  with  Abishai  and  Benaiah,  and  ought  to  be 
separated  from  the  list,  but  the  text  is  against  this. 

.V,  .?■•''*''  5^  '*^*"'  PJ;^^^'?,^'  (•'"•  82)  would  make  it  likely 
that  his  place  would  be  filled  up,  and  so  account  [in  parti 
for  the  number  31  [32 1  in  the  list"  (£i6.-Com.).-For  the 
Captains  of  the  several  months  see  1  Chron.  xxvii.  1-15. 
— Te.J 


CHAP.  XXIII.  8-39. 


599 


Shammoth{'i  Chron.  xxvii.  8 :  Shamhuth). — EUha, 
wanting  in  Chron.,  omitted  by  reason  of  the  iden- 
tical "Harodite"  in  the  two  clauses. — Ver.  26. 
Helez  the  Paltite,  of  Beth-pelet  in  the  south  of 
Judah,  Josh.  xv.  27;  Nch.  xi.  26.  In  1  Chron. 
xi.  27  and  xxvii.  10  stands  by  error  "the  Pelo- 
nite." — Ira,  of  Tekoa  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah, 
see  xiv.  2,  corap.  1  Chron.  xxvii.  9. — Ver.  27. 
Abiezer,  of  Anathoth  in  Benjamin,  Josh.  xxi. 
8;  Jer.  i.  1,  comp.  1  Chron.  xxvii.  12. — Instead 
oi  Meburnnai  xeaA  Sihhekai  (1  Chron.  xi.  ,29 )  the 
Hushathite,  xxi.  18 ;  comp.  1  Chron.  xxvii.  11. 
— Ver.  28.  Zalmon,  of  the  Benjaminite  family 
Ahoha;  Chron.  (ver.  29)  has  llm  [perhaps  cor- 
rupted from  Za/moji].— Maharai,  of  Netophah 
near  Bethlehem  (Ezra  ii.  22;  Neh.  vii.  26; 
comp.  2  Kings  xxv.  23),  now  Beit  Nettif  (Rob. 
II.  600  [Am.  ed.  II.  15,  223],  Tobler,  3  Wand. 
117  sq.). — Ver.  29.  Heleb,  according  to  1  Chron. 
xi.  30  and  xxvii.  15  Hded  =  Heldai,  also  of  Ne- 
tophah.— Ittal,  Chron.  Ithai,  not  to  be  con- 
founded with  the  Ittai  of  xv.  19  [since  this  was 
a  Benjaminite,  and  the  other  a  Gittite.— Tb.].— 
Ver.  30.  Benaiah;  read  "the  Pirathonite "* 
(Chron.),  of  Pirathon  in  Ephraim,  now  Perata, 
near  Nablus,  comp.  Judg.  xii.  13. — Hiddai  (1 
Chron.  xi.  32:  Sural),  of  Nahde-Ocmsh  [Eng. 
A.  V.  less  well:  "brooks  of  Gaash"],  near  the 
mountain  Gaa.sh  in  Benjamin,  Josh.  xxiv.  30; 
Judg.  ii.  9.— Ver.  31.  Abi-Albon  (Chron.: 
Abidj)  of  Beth-ha-arabah  =  Arabah,-  Josh.  xv. 
61 ;  xviii.  18,  22,  in  the  wilderness  of  Judah. — 
Azmaveth  of  Bahurim,  see  xvi.  5 ;  Chron.  has : 
" the  Baharumite"  for  "Bahurimite"  (Thenius), 
see  iii.  16. — Ver.  32  sqq.  Bljahba,  of  ^haaUion 
=  Shaalbin,  Josh.  xix.  42,  perhaps  the  present 
&;64(.— Instead  of  the  following  text,  Chron.  has 
Benehasbem  the  Gizonite,  Jonathan  the  son 
of  Shagee  the  Hararite.  This  is  probably  the 
correct  text,  since  "BeneJashen  Jonathan"  [Eng. 
A.  V. :  "of  the  sons  of  Jashen,  Jonathan"]  gives 
no  sense;  but  probably  the  Bene  ["sons"]  has 
gotten  into  the  text  by  erroneous  repetition  from 
the  preceding  word  [Shaalboni],  so  that  we  must 
read  simply:  Bashem.  The  locality  of  &aon  is 
unknown.  Shammah  has  probably  gotten  m 
here  from  ver.  11,  in  place  oi  Ben-Agee.—A.hia.m, 
the  son  of  Sharar  (Chron.  Sakar,  comp.  1  Chron. 
xxvi.  4);  the  Ararite  (Chron.  ilorarite  [so  Eng. 
^_  V.]). — Ver.  34.  Eliphelet  (Chron.:  Eliphai, 
the  t  having  fallen  out).  It  is  surprising  that 
the  text  here  gives  not  only  the  father,  but  also 
the  grandfather,  which  is  not  done  elsewhere  in 
the  list;  nor  does  the  word  "son"  suit  before  the 
gentilic  name  "the  Maachathite."  Chron.  here 
(ver.  35  sq.)  has:  "Eliphal  (-phelet)  the  son  of 
Ur,  Hepher  the  Mekarathite."  The  first  part  of 
the  Sam.  text  might  have  arisen  from  that  of 
Chron.J  (not  the  converse,  Thenius),  while  the 
latter  part  of  our  text  is  to  be  preferred,  so  that 
the  reading  will  be:  Eliphelet  the  son  of  Ur, 
Hepher  the  Maachathite,  of  Maaehah  in  Gilead, 
see  on  X.  6;  comp.  Deut.  iii.  14  and  2  Kings 


*  And  omit  the  1  of  in'J2  [this  is  "™«o«s8ary.--TE.] 

+  [This  reading  is  preferred  by  Bxb-Com.,  AUalhon 

being  regarded  as  a  corruption  of  Shaalbom  below, 

whiohlSMSS.  of  Kennicott  write  '   jfta;?   W-    Wellh. 

euesests  AMaal  —  Abiel—Ts.]  _,_-,„ 

f  The  ■'aonS  may  ^^^^  aome  from  nSn  "W- 


xxv.  23. — Eliam,  son  of  Ahithophel  the  Gilon- 
ite;  Chron.  has  an  entirely  different  text:  "Ahi- 
jah  the  Pdonite."  On  Ahithophel  see  on  xv.  12. 
[This  Eliam  is  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  father 
of  Bathsheba  (xi.  3).— Tk.]— Ver.  35.  Hezro, 
as  in  the  text  and  in  Chron.  [the  margin  has 
Hezrai,  and  so  Eng.  A.  V.;  Bib.  Com.  thinks 
this  name  the  same  with  the  Hezron  of  1  Chron. 
ii.  5,  the  ancestor  of  Nabal  the  Carmelite. — Tk.]  ; 
the  Carmelite,  of  Carmel,  1  Sam.  xxv.  2  [south 
of  Judah]. — Paarai,  of  Arab  on  the  mountains 
of  Judah,  Josh.  xv.  52.  Chron.  has:  "Naari 
the  sou  of  Ezbai,"  both  names  doubtless  scribal 
errors  [it  is  hardly  possible  to  determine  the  cor- 
rect reading  here. — Tb.]  . — Ver.  36.  Jigal  [Eng. 
A.  V. :  Igui]  the  son  of  Nathan,  of  Zobah.  Chron. : 
"Joel  the  brother  of  Nathan."  The  designation 
"brother"  instead  of  the  usual  "son"  is  suspicious 
from  its  reference  to  the  prophet  Nathan,  whom 
the  "  of  Zobah  "  (in  Syria)  does  not  suit.  Whe- 
ther Jigal  [Igal]  or  Joel  is  the  original  name 
must  be  left  undetermined.* — Bani  the  Gadite  ; 
Chron.:  " Mibhar  the  son  of  Hagri,"  probably  a 
corruption  of  our  text.f — Ver.  37.  Zelek  the 
Ammonite,  a  foreigner,  as  Igal  of  Zobah  in  Syria. 
— Naharai  [Eng.  A.  V. :  Nahari]  the  Beerothiie, 
of  Beeroth  (see  on  iv.  2),  armor-bearer  to  Joab. 
The  text  has  the  Plu.  "  armor-bearers,"  but  the 
Sing.  (Qeri  and  Chron.)  is  to  be  preferred.  If 
several  armor-bearers  were  meant,  their  names 
would  be  connected  by  "  and." — Ver.  38.  Ira  and 
Gareb,  both  Ithrites  of  Kirjath  jearim,  comp.  1 
Chron.  ii.  53,  see  on  xx.  26.— Ver.  39.  Uriah, 
also  a  foreigner,  comp.  xi.  3. — In  all  37  ;  not  in- 
cluding Joab,  who,  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
whole  army,  is  not  named,  but  after  correcting  the 
text  of  ver.  34,  and  reading  three  names  there  in- 
stead of  two.  Otherwise  there  would  be  only  36 
names.  J  [This  seems  a  better  explanation  of  the 
numbers  than  the  supposition  that  one  name  in  a 
second  triad  (vers.  18-23)  has  been  omitted  {Bib.- 
Com.,  Phil.),  for  which  there  is  no  good  ground. 
— In  1  Chron.  xi.  41-47  follow  sixteen  additional 
names,  probably  heroes  that  "took  the  place  of 
those  that  died,  or  were  added  when  the  number 
was  no  longer  limited  to  thirty"  (Bib.-Comm-). 
-Tb.]. 

HI8TOEICAL   AND   THEOLOGICAL. 

1.  The  heroes  of  David  here  enumerated  as  the 
most  prominent  and  important,  and  of  whom  par- 
ticular exploits  are  narrated,  represent  David's 
whole  heroic  army,  with  which  he  carried  on  the 
Lord's  wars,  and  gained  the  Lord's  victories;  they 
are  the  heads  and  leaders  of  the  people  in  arms, 
which  with  its  king  fought  the  heathen  nations  as 
enemies  of  Jehovah's  king  and  kingdom  in  Israel 
(comp.  1  Chron.  xxvii.).     Their  deeds  are  deeds 


*  [The  reading  "  son  of  Ahinathan  "  in  some  MSS.  of 
Chron.  is  probably  merely  an  attempt  to  conform  this 
clause  to  the  others.— Te.] 

t  The    in30    is   probably  out  of  n3Sp,  and  the 

'ijn-ia  out'ofn-in  '33. 

t  IWellhausen  :  "  More  successful  corrections  in  this 
list  will  be  possible  only  when  the  proper  names  of  the 
Old  Testament,  together  with  the  variations  ot  the  Sept., 
have  been  all  collected  and  thoroughly  worked  up." 
— Tb.] 


600 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


if  Ood,  whereby  He  "  works  great  deliverance  " 
for  his  people  and  their  king  against  their  ene- 
mies (vers.  10,  12). 

2.  As  the  Prophetic  Offiee  is  the  organ  of  God's 
immediate  word  of  revelation  to  the  theocratic  king 
and  the  chosen  people,  so  is  the  Body  of  Heroes 
the  instrument  whereby  God's  kingdom  in  Israel 
is  protected  against  heathen  powers,  and  triumphs 
over  them.  To  the  School  of  the  Prophets,  which 
gathered  aroimd  Samuel,  and  whence  came  the 
heroes  of  the  word  and  the  Spirit,  answers  the 
School  of  Heroes  gathered  about  David,  whence 
came  those  whose  forms  are  here  slightly  sketched. 
In  them  is  mirrored  the  splendor  of  the  royal 
power  and  glory  of  the  Anointed  of  the  Lord,  to 
whom,  as  the  visible  representative  of  God  among 
His  people,  they  are  devoted  body  and  soul,  and 
in  whose  person  they  serve  the  invisible  Lord  and 
King  of  His  people  with  inviolate  fidelity  even 
unto  death.  The.se  heroes  "  know  themselves  to 
be  the  banner-,  shield-,  and  armor-bearers  of  him 
who  stands  at  their  head,  not  by  human  commis- 
sion, but  by  divine  investiture— to  be  the  divinely- 
appointed  watchmen  and  guardians  of  hearth, 
throne  and  altar,  of  the  noblest  and  most  inalien- 
able possessions  of  their  people,  against  attacks 
from  without  and  from  within.  As  the  armed 
population  of  the  land  they  form  the  brazen  wall 
of  defence  of  God's  kingdom,  and  the  respect-com- 
pelling hedge-row  of  the  soil  in  which  their  peo- 
ple ripens  in  body  and  spirit  towards  its  God- 
appoinled  destiny.  Such  a  rich  consciousness 
must  have  given  David's  warriors  a  peculiar  ex- 
altation of  feeling;  it  imparted  to  them  the  true 
knightly  sense,  which  alone  up  to  the  present  hour 
has  conferred  true  nobility  on  the  profassion  of 
the  soldier"  (F.  W.  Krummacher). 

2.  A  beautiful  and  touching  proof  of  the  love 
and  fidelity  that  bound  these  heroes  of  David  to 
their  lord  is  given  in  the  reckless  devotion  with 
which  they  put  their  lives  in  peril  to  gratify  a 
casually  expressed  wish  of  his.  Though  in  form 
it  may  seem  to  be  a  piece  of  foolhardiness,  the 
moral  kernel  in  it  is  the  faithful,  self-sacrificing 
love,  which  perils  even  life  for  a  neighbor,  and 
shuns  no  danger,  in  order  to  serve  him. 

4.  In  David's  conduct  to  the  heroes  that  bring 
him  water  from  Bethlehem  at  the  risk  of  their 
lives,  are  set  forth  these  things  :  1)  Noble  modesty, 
which  regards  the  love-offering  of  one's  neiglibor 
astoo  dear  and  valuable  for  one's-self,  and  de- 
clines to  receive  it;  2)  Sincere  humility  before  the 
Lord,  which  lays  the  honor  at  His  feet,  as  He  to 
whom  alone  it  belongs  :  3)  A  clear  view  and  ten- 
der estimation  of  the  infinite  moral  worth  of  hu- 
man life  in  mer»'s  relations  towards  one  another 
and  towards  God. 

HOMILETICAL  AND   PRACTICAL. 

Where  heroism  and  bravery  put  themselves 
exclusively  in  the  service  of  God  and  subserve 
only  the  aims  of  His  kingdom,  the  Lord  causes 
great  things  to  be  performed  through  them,  and 
often  a  victory  to  be  torn  from  the  enemies  of  His 
kingdom  that  they  had  already  gained. — Even 
the  military  calling  God  has  chosen  and  sanctified 
through  His  word,  that  through  it  in  times  of 
Fore  conflict  of  right  against  wrong  and  of  truth 
against  falsehood  He  may  "  work  great  deliver- 


ance."— A  military  hero  should  seek  his  highest 
honor  in  dedicating  his  sword  to  the  Lord,  and  as 
a  servant  of  God  helping  to  work  deliverance  for 
his  fatherland  and  his  people  against  their  ene- 
mies.— Oilen  in  history  does  God  the  Lord  use 
one  man's  heroism  and  bravery  to  make  a  people 
great  from  small  beginnings,  or  to  lift  it  up  from 
disgrace  and  downfall,  or  to  turn  its  defeats  into 
victory  and  triumph.  Examples  are  furnished 
by  every  period  of  history. 

The  source  of  true  heroism  is  life-communion 
with  God,  wherein  deeds  of  arms  are  1)  under- 
taken in  His  fear,  2)  performed  for  the  ends  of 
His  kingdom,  3)  crowned  with  glorious  results. 
— A  threefold  garland  of  victory  for  the  hero,  who 

1)  bravely  repulses  the  pressing  foe,  2)  mightilv 
strikes  down  the  foe  that  is  already  victorious  and 
triumphing  in  advance,  and  3)  lifts  up  again  his 
people's  sunken  courage. — Happy  the  people  that 
has  heroes,  who  1)  advance  in  God's  strength,  2) 
courageously  stake  their  life  for  God's  honor  and 
the  people's  welfare,  and  3)  are  counted  worthy 
by  God  to  work  great  deliverance  for  their  peo- 
ple.— Hail  to  the  throne  that  is  encompassed  by  he- 
roes, who  1 )  find  their  highest  nobility  in  the  real 
knighthood  that  roots  itself  in  true  fear  of  God, 

2)  with  humble  heroism  defend  altar  and  throne, 

3)  seek  their  highest  honor  in  being  God's  instru- 
ments for  the  aims  of  His  kingdom  and  for  the 
revelation  of  His  power  and  righteousness,  and 

4)  set  the  whole  people  an  example  of  self-de- 
voting love  and  fidelity,  and  of  unterrified  cou- 
rage. 

TuEB.  B. :  Even  the  soldier's  calling  is  well- 
pleasing  to  God,  specially  when  he  wages  the 
Lord's  wars. — Cramer  :  Bravery  and  other  gifts 
of  God  should  be  directed  not  to  arrogance  and 
display  and  oppression  of  the  poor,  but  to  the 
maintenance  and  propagation  of  the  kingdom  of 
God  and  of  His  righteousness. — Ver.  10.  'Through 
bodily  strength,  however  great,  nothing  can  be 
performed  where  God  does  not  give  the  success 
(Jer.  ix.  23). — Ver.  12.  Starke:  We  may  in- 
deed glory  in  and  praise  heroes  for  their  heroic 
deeds ;  but  it  must  be  so  done  that  God  shall  keep 
His  honor  and  His  glory  (Psa.  cxv.  1). 

Ver.  16.  F.  W.  Krummacher  :  A  knightly 
deed  this  !  But  was  it  not  rather  foolhardiness, 
if  not  downright  servility,  and  was  not  this  ex- 
pending courage  recklessly,  and  dealing  waste- 
fully  with  human  life  ?  This  question  resembles 
that  with  which  Judas  Isoariot  presumed  to  cen- 
sure the  anointing  of  Mary  at  Bethany.  True 
love  has  its  measure  in  itself,  and  in  its  modes  of 
manifestation  puts  itself  beyond  all  criticism. — 
The  joyfally  self-sacrificing  deed  of  the  three  he- 
roes regarded  not  so  much  the  man  David,  as 
rather  the  "  anointed  of  the  Lord,"  and  so  the 
Lord  Himself.  [Hardly.— Tb.]  .—Schlier  :  Da- 
vid's pious  mind  would  have  no  right  over  the 
life  of  his  men  ;  that  the  Lord  alone  had,  to  whom 
all  belongs.  We  have  no  right  to  claim  for  our- 
selves the  sweat  and  blood  of  others ;  men  do  not 
exist  for  us,  but  we  exist  for  others.  We  should 
not  get  ourselves  served,  but  should  rather  serve 
others.- Genuine  fear  of  God  shows  itself  in  this, 
that  one  serves  another  in  self-devoting  and  self- 
sacrificing  love,  such  as  was  mutually  shown  by 
David  and  these  three  heroes. 

[Vers.  15-17.  I7te  well  by  the  gate  of  Bethlehem. 


CHAP.  XXIV.  1-25. 


601 


David's  circumstances.  Beoollections  of  youth, 
longing  for  the  water  he  used  to  drink  when  a 
boy  at  home.  Strong  affections  which  a  great 
soldier  awakens  in  his  followers— they  are  eager 
to  gratify  his  slightest  wish.    Eomauce  of  mili- 


tary life— brave  men  love  sometimes  to  go  off  on 
an  unpractical  adventure.  David's  regard  tor 
human  life ;  affectionate  gratitude  to  his  men ; 

fenerous  sentiments  overcoming  bodily  appetite; 
evout  desire  to  honor  Jehovah.— Tb.] 


SIXTH    SECTION. 

The  Numbering  of  the  People  and  the  Flagae. 

Chap.  XXIV.  1-25. 

1  And  again  the  anger  of  the  Lord  [JeWah]  was  kindled  against  Israel,  and  he 
moved  [incited]  David  against  them  to  say  [saying],  Go,  number  Israel  and  Ju- 

2  dah.  For  [And]  the  king  said  to  Joab  the  captain  [Joab  and  the  captains']  of  the 
host  which  was  [were]  with  him.  Go  now  through  all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  from  Dan 
even  {om.  even]  to  Beersheba,  and  number  ye  the  people,  that  I  may  know  the 

3  number  of  the  people.  And  .Joab  said  unto  the  king,  Now  [om.  Now'']  the  Lord 
[Jehovah]  thy  God  add  unto  the  people,  how  many  soever  they  be,  an  hundred- 
fold, and  that  the  eyes  of  my  lord  the  king  may  see  it;  but  why" doth  my  lord  the 

4  king  delight  in  this  thing?  Notwithstanding  [And]  the  king's  word  prevailed 
against  Joab,  and  against  the  captains  of  the  host.  And  Joab  and  the  captains 
of  the  host  went  out  from  the  presence  of  the  king,  to  number  the  people  of  Israel. 

5  And  they  passed  over  Jordan,  and  pitched  in  Aroer  on  the  right  side  of  the  city 
[better,  and  began  from  Aroer  and  from  the  city']  that  lieth  in  the  midst  of  the  ri- 

6  ver  [valley]  of  Gad  [toward  Gad]  and  toward  Jazer.  Then  [And]  they  came  to 
Gilead  and  to  the  land  of  Tahtim-hodshi  [perhaps  land  of  the  Hittites  to  Kadesh], 

7  and  they  came  to  Dan-jaan,  and  about  to  Zidon,  And  came  to  the  stronghold  of 
Tyre,  and  to  all  the  cities  of  the  Hivites  and  of  the  Canaanites,  and  they  went  out 

8  to  the  south  of  Judah,  even  [om.  even]  to  Beersheba.  So  when  they  had  gone 
through  all  the  land,  they  came  to  Jerusalem  at  the  end  of  nine  months  and  twenty 

9  days.  And  Joab  gave  up  the  sum  of  the  number  [the  number  of  the  census]  of  the 
people  unto  the  king ;  and  there  were  in  Israel  eight  hundred  thousand  valiant 
men  [warriors]  that  drew  the  sword ;  and  the  men  of  Judah  were  five  hundred 
thousand  men. 

IC       And  David's  heart  smote  him  after  that^  he  had  numbered  the  people.    And 
David  said  unto  the  Lord  [.Jehovah],  I  have  sinned  greatly  in  that  I  have  done. 

TEXTUAL  AND   GKAMMATICAL. 

1  [Ver.  2.  So  in  1  Chron.  xxi.  2,  and  required  by  the  piirase  "withliim,"  and  by  the  plural  verb  "number 
ye."— Te.] 

8  [Ver.  8.  Battoher  shows  (against  Theniua)  that  the  1  here  must  be  given  up  (it  is  wanting  in  Chron.).   Erd- 

mann  retains  it. — Tb.] 

>  [Ver.  5.  Syr.,  Vulg. :  "  came  to  Aroer  (Syr. :  Sarub)  on  the  right  of  the  city."  But  the  reading  (given  above 
in  brackets)  of  the  Holmes  MSS.  19,  82,  9S,  108,  as  cited  by  Wellh.,  commends  itself  as  more  natural.  We  should 
not  here  expect  the  statement  that  they  encamped,  but  it  is  natural  that  the  point  where  they  began  should  be 
mentioned  ;  moreover  the  phrase :  "  on  the  right  of  the  city  "  is  a  strange  one.    The  amended  text  would  read  : 

*  [Ver.  10.  The  p-nPIN  (which  is  an  Adverb)  here  followed  by  the  finite  verb  130  is  contrary  to  usage. 

Either,  one  of  the  two  (the  "  afterwards  "  or  "  he  numbered  the  people  ")  must  be  omitted  (Wellh.),  or  1E;S    7j; 

must  be  inserted :  "  after  this,  because  he  had  numbered  "  (Sib.-Com.),  or  Ig/X  must  be  written  instead  of  |3, 

and  the  Conjunction  retained  (as  in  the  Vulg.  and  Bng.  A.  V.).— What  the  Pis'qas  in  vers.  10, 12  signify,  is  uncer- 
tain.—Te.] 


602 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


And  now,  I  beseech  thee,  O  Lord  [Jehovah],  take  away  the  iniquity  of  thy  aer- 

11  vant,  for  I  have  done  very  foolishly.  For  when  David  was  up  [And  David  arose] 
in  the  morning — [ins.  and]  the  word  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  came  unto  the  prophet 

12  Gad,  David's  seer,  saying,  Go  and  say  unto  David,  Thus  saith  the  Lord  [Jehovah], 

13  I  offer^  thee  three  things;  choose  thee  one  of  them,  that  I  may  do  it  unto  thee.  So 
[And]  Gad  came  to  David,  and  told  him,  and  said  unto  him,  Shall  seven  \hetter 
three']  years  of  famine  come  unto  thee  in  thy  land  ?  or  wilt  thou  flee  three  months 
before  thine  enemies,  while  they  pursue  thee?  or  that  there  be  three  days'  pestilence 
in  thy  land?  now  advise,  and  see  what  answer  I  shall  return  to  him  that  sent  me. 

14  And  David  said  unto  Gad,  I  am  in  a  great  strait;  let  us  fall  now  into  the  hand 
of  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  for  his  mercies  are  great ;  and  let  me  not  fall  into  the  hand 
of  man. 

15  So  [And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  sent  a  pestilence  upon  Israel  from  the  morning 
even  {om.  even]  to  the  time  appointed ;  and  there  died  of  the  people  from  Dan 

16  even  [om.  even]  to  Beersheba  seventy  thousand  men.  And  when  the  angel  [And 
the  angel]  stretched  out  his  hand  upon  Jerusalem  to  destroy  it,  the  Lord  [and  Je- 
hovah] repented  him  of  the  evil,  and  said  to  the  angel  that  destroyed  t,he  people.  It 
is  enough,  stay  now  thine  hand.     And  the  angel  of  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  by  the 

17  threshing-floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite.  And  David  spake  unto  the  Lord  [Jeho- 
vah] when  he  saw  the  angel  that  smote  the  people,  and  said,  Lo,  I  have  sinned,  and 
I  have  done  wickedly;  but  these  sheep,  what  have  they  done?  let  thine  hand,  I 
pray  thee,  be  against  me,  and  against  my  father's  house. 

18  And  Gad  came  that  day  to  David,  and  said  unto  him.  Go  up,  rear  an  altar  unto 

19  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  in  the  threshing-floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite.     And  Da^iid, 

20  according  to  the  saying  of  Gad,  went  up  as  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  commanded.  And 
Araunah  looked,  and  saw  the  king  and  his  servants  coming  on  toward  him ;  and 
Araiinah  went  out,  and  bowed  himself  before  the  king  on  his  face  upon  the  ground. 

21  And  Araunah  said.  Wherefore  is  my  lord  the  king  come  to  his  servant?  And 
David  said,  To  buy  the  threshing-floor  of  thee,  to  build  an  altar  unto  the  Lord 

22  [Jehovah],  that  the  plague  may  be  stayed  from  the  people.  And  Araunah  said 
unto  David,  Let  my  lord  the  king  take  and  offer  up  what  seemeth  good  unto  him  ; 
behold,  here  he  [are]  oxen  for  burnt  sacrifice,  and  [ins.  the]  threshing-instruments 

23  and  other  [the]  instruments  of  the  oxen  for  wood.  All  these  things  did  Araunah,  as 
a  king,  give  unto  the  kiug  [All  gives  Araunah,  O  king,  to  the  king ;  or,  the  whole 
gives  the  servant  of  my  lord  the  king  to  the  king'].     And  Araunah  said  unto  the 

24  king.  The  Lord  [Jehovah]  thy  God  accept  thee.  And  the  king  said  unto  Arau- 
nah, Nay,  but  I  will  surely  buy  it  of  thee  at  a  price,  neither  will  I  [and  I  will  not] 
offer  burnt-offerings  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  my  God  of  that  which  doth  cost  me 
nothing.     So  [And]  David  bought  the  threshing-floor  and  the  oxen  for  fifty  she- 

25  kels  of  silver.  And  David  built  there  an  altar  unto  the  Lord  [Jehovah],  and  of- 
fered burnt-offerings  and  peace-offerings.  So  [And]  the  Lord  [Jehovah]  was  en- 
treated for  the  land,  and  the  plague  was  stayed  from  Israel. 

5  [Ver.  12.  7DJ  "lay  upon ;"  Eag.  A.  V.  rather  translates  the  verb  In  Chronicles  (ver.  10)  nOJ  "  stretch  out." 

Erdmann  :  "  I  hold  over  thee ;"  Philippson  :  "  I  lay  before  thee."— Ttt.l 

0  [Ver.  13.  So  Chron.  (ver.  12),  and  so  the  symmetry  of  the  statement  requires.— Tr.] 

'  [Ver.  23.  So  B6tteher,  writing  'J'lN  for  njnx  and  inserting  13^».    The  words  must  be  regarded  as  part 

of  Araunah's  speech,  since  it  is  not  true  that  he  gave  the  things  to  the  king ;  he  offered  them,  but  they  were  not 
accepted  (Welfh.).—TE.] 


EXEGETICAL   AND   CRITICAL. 

I.  Vers.  1-8.  David's  dn  in  numbering  the 
'pecple. 

Ver.  1.  And  again  the  anger  of  the  Lord 
was  kindled.  The  "again"  evidently  refers  to 
the  famine  in  xxi.  1-]  4 ;  comp.  especially  ver.  1 
and  the  identical  endings  of  the  two  accounts 
(ver.  25  here  and  ver.   14    there) :    "  Jehovah 


(God)  was  entreated  for  the  land."  From  this 
both  sections  may  be  inferred  to  be  from  the  same 
source.  [Hence  some  regard  xxi.  15-xxiii.  as 
inserted  in  the  midst  of  this  history,  and  the  two 
poems  xxii.,  xxiii.  1-7  as  an  insertion  in  the  nar- 
rative xxi.  15-22,  xxiii.  8-39.  Erdmann  regards 
these  various  sections  as  separately  selected,  and 
put  together  according  to  a  definite  plan. — Ta.] — 
The  additions  in  the  parallel  section  1  Chron.  xxi. 
1-22,  are  to  be  referred   to  another  fuller  au- 


CHAP.  XXIV.  1-25. 


603 


thority  that  the  Chronicler  had  before  him  (Mov., 
Ew.),  but  not  also  i«  part  to  "pure  remodeling 
by  the  Chronicler  hiraeelf."  (Ew.). — The  time  of 
this  census  is  certainly  to  be  put  in  the  later  years 
of  David's  reign,  "  partly  because  the  pestilence 
here  described  is  expressly  said  to  be  the  second 
of  the  two  great  plagues  under  David,  partly  be- 
cause such  a  measure  as  the  census,  which  occu- 
pied Joab  9  months  and  20  days,  could  have  been 
begun  only  in  a  perfectly  quiet  year"  (Ew.).  It 
cannot  belong  to  the  time  Before  the  insurrections 
of  Absalom  and  Sheba  (Seb.  Schraid),  because  it 
presupposes  a  permanent  condition  of  peace  with- 
out and  within.  The  late  date  is  also  favored  by 
the  fact  that  the  Chronicler  attaches  immediately 
to  this  history  (in  accordance  with  its  conclusion, 
the  purchase  of  Araunah's  threshing-floor  as  the 
site  of  the  future  temple)  the  description  of  the 
preparations  for  the  building  of  the  temple  and 
David's  arrangements  for  divine  service,  which 
Chron.  puts  in  this  peaceful  last  period  of  his 
reign.  "  One  would  not,  indeed,  think  of  David's 
very  last  days,  when  Heath  was  daily  before  him  ; 
such  great  matters  are  not  undertaken  at  such  a 
time"  (Hengst.). — The  kindling  of  Ood'a  anger 
presupposes  a  grave  offence  against  God ;  and  this 
not  merely  by  David  (whose  guilt  is  expressly 
affirmed  in  vers.  3,  10,  12  sqq.),  but  also  by  the 
whole  people,  since  "  Israel  "  is  designated  as  the 
object  of  the  divine  anger  (ver.  1),  and  the  pu- 
nitive plague  was  intended  to  include  the  whole 
nation  (ver.  18  sq.).  This  offence  of  the  people 
consists,  however,  not  in  any  "  hidden  sins  "  (D. 
Kimchi),  nor  in  the  insurrections  under  Ab- 
salom and  Sheba  (Keil),  but  (since  God's  anger 
is  obviously  causally  connected  with  David's  deed) 
in  their  participation  in  David's  sin. — And  He 
incited  David  against  them,  that  Ls,  against 
Israel,  and  the  subject  of  the  Verb  is  Jehovah,  not 
Satan  (so  several  older  expositors  [and  Ewald] 
after  Chron.),  nor  David's  thought  of  number- 
ing the  people  (Theod. )  The  outburst  of  God's 
wrath  against  Israel  is  produced  by  a  sin  of 
David's,  to  which  the  "incitement  came  from  the 
Lord;"  the  statement  in  Chron:  "Satan*  stood 
up  against  Israel  and  incited  David  "  is  not  in 
contradiction  with  this,  since  Satan  is  not  an  in- 
dependent agent  alongside  of  God,  but  appears 
always  as  subject  to  and  dependent  on  Him.  Job 
i. ;  Zech.  iii.  Buddaeus'  explanation :  "  God  and 
the  devil  may  concur  in  one  and  the  same  evil 
deed,  though  in  different  ways,  the  latter  by  im- 
pelUng,  the  former  by  permitting  "  must  be  cor- 
rected in  accordance  with  this  statement. — "  The 
Lord  incited  David"  means,  not  that  He  de- 
stroyed his  free  will  and  forced  him,  but  that  He 
permitted  the  temptations,  resident  in  the  cir- 
cumstances ordained  by  Him,  to  approach  David, 
and  so  developed  the  germinal  ungodly  desire  in 
David's  heart  into  a  determination  of  the  will, 
and  thence  into  the  deed.  See  on  1  Sam.  xxvi. 
19,  and   ''  Historical  and  Theological "   to  that 


*  [Bib.-Com.  (on  2  Sam.  xxiv.  1)  renders  this  "an  ad- 
versary" (otherwise  unknown),  on  the  ground  that  the 
Art.  (found  in  Job  and  Zech.)  is  wanting,  and  similarly 
translates  here  "  one  (an  unknown  enemy)  moved  Da- 
vid." But  the  absence  of  the  Art.  in  the  late-composed 
Chron.  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  Satan  had  then  be- 
come a  proper  name,  and  here  the  natural  connection 
points  to  Jehovah  as  subject ;  if  another  person  had  been 
concerned,  diatinoter  mention  would  nave  been  made 
of  him.— Tb.] 


chapter  [see  James  i.  13,  14 ;  there  is  here  in- 
volved the  whole  subject  of  the  co-relation  of 
divine  and  human  action,  about  which  we  can 
only  insist  on  the  two  unharmonizable  facts  of  the 
absolute  efficient  control  of  God,  and  the  com- 
plete independence  of  man. — Tb.] — Saying,  go, 
number  Israel  and  Judah !  David's  aim  in 
this  census  could  not  have  been  pleasure  at  the 
great  number  that  it  would  show,  and  at  the ' 
growth  and  well-being  of  his  subjects  thus  brought 
out  (S.  Schmid  and  other  older  expositors) ;  that 
would  have  been  a  childish  undertaking,  consi-i 
dering  the  great  expenditure  of  time  and  strength 
made.  Ewald  (Sist.  III.  218,  bihl.  Jahrh.  10,  34 
sq.)  holds  that  his  purpose  was  to  perfect  the  royal 
power  internally,  and  establish  a  strict  rule  that 
should  embrace  the  whole  life  of  the  nation ;  the 
census,  he  thinks,  was  intended  ''to  drag  the 
people  as  far  as  possible  "  into  all  sorts  of  taxes, 
such  as  existed  in  Egypt  and  Phenicia,  and  on 
this  supposition  he  bases  the  opinion  that  the 
people,  apprehensive  of  the  subversion  of  their 
liberty  by  the  royal  power,  withstood  this  innova- 
tion, and  David  had  consequently  to  recede  from 
the  complete  execution  of  his  measure.  But  tliere 
is  not  a  sign  in  the  narrative  of  such  a  purpose 
on  David's  part;  and  against  it  is  the  military 
character  and  aim  of  the  measure.  Apart  from 
1  Chron.  xxvii.  28  sq.  (according  to  which  it  was 
connected  with  the  military  organization  of  the 
people,  and  probably  intended  to  complete  it),  it 
is  here  discussed  in  the  council  of  military  offi- 
cers, and  executed  by  Joab  the  commander-in- 
chief  himself  in  conjunction  with  them  ;  and  the 
census  took  account  not  of  all  classes  of  the  people, 
or  of  all  independent  men,  but  only  of  "  valiant 
men  that  drew  the  sword."  As  is  stated  at  the 
outset,  military  camps  were  formed  for  the  num- 
bering (mustering).  "The  military  character  of 
the  procedure  is  clear  also  from  the  fact  that  Joab 
delayed  as  long  as  po.ssible  carrying  it  into  Ben- 
jamin, in  order  not  to  arouse  the  insurrectionary 
spirit  of  this  tribe,  which  could  not  forget  the 
leadership  it  had  possessed  under  Saul "  (Hengst., 
uhi  sup.  p.  128). — Ver.  2.  The  king  said  to  Joab: 
Go  no'sir  through  all  the  tribes  of  Israel, 
.  .  .  and  muster  ye  the  people,  that  I  may 
knoTV  the  number  of  the  people — a  general 
mustering  for  a  military-statistical  purpose.  That 
is,  after  having  subjected  foreign  nations  and  esta- 
blished internal  order  and  quiet,  David  wished 
to  know  the  military  force  of  the  whole  people. 
[Kender :  "  the  king  said  to  Joab  and  to  the  cap- 
tains (or  princes)  of  the  host  that  were  with 
him."— Tb,.] — In  itself  this  census  by  David  was 
no  more  sinfiil  than  that  of  Moses,  Ex.  xxx.  12 
sq.  Wherein  David's  sin  consisted  is  indicated 
in  Joab's  words  in  ver.  3 :  May  now  the  Lord 
thy  God  add  to  the  people,  as  it  is,  a  hun- 
dred-fold, and  may  the  eyes  of  my  lord 
the  king  see  it!  but  why  does  my  lord 
the  king  delight  in  this  thing  ?  The  speech 
has  the  form  of  a  conclusion*  from  what  precedes, 
and  indicates  that  Joab  perceives  David's  pur- 
pose to  be  to  please  himself  with  the  exhibition 
of  the  imposing  military  strength  of  his  people ; 

*  Indicated  by  the  1  before  c^g'V,  as  in  2  Kings  iv.  41 ; 

Ps.  iv.  4  [3 1,  oomp.  Ges!  2 156, 1  d.  [Against  this  see  "  Text, 
and  Gram."— Tb.] 


604 


THE  SEC02SrD  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


and  the  question  at  the  end  conveys  a  moral  re- 
proof. The  ungodly  feature  in  this  undertaking, 
therefore,  was  its  motive,  David's  haughty  over- 
estimation  of  himself  and  his  people.  His  sin 
was  one  both  of  the  lust  of  the  eyes  and  of  pride. 
So  much  is  true  in  Josephus'  explanation  (fol 
lowed  by  Bertheau),  which  is  otherwise  incorrect, 
namely,  that  David's  sin  consisted  in  his  not  de- 
manding the  expiation-money  that,  according  to 
Ex.  XXX.  12  sqq.,  had  to  be  paid  by  every  man 
mustered ;  for  this  requirement  of  the  law  (the  aim 
of  which  was :  "  that  there  be  no  plague  among 
tliem")  had  reference  to  thedanger  in  such  acensus 
of  falling  into  haughtiness  and  presumptuousness. 
"  David  wished  to  glory  in  the  multitude  of  the 
people"  (S.Schm.).  And  the  punishment  that  fol- 
lowed the  attempt — so  that  the  number  of  warriors 
was  diminished,  and  the  result  of  the  census  was  not 
noted  in  the  State-annals  (1  Chron.  xxvii.  24) — 
shows  that  it  was  made  in  proud  self-feeling  with- 
out the  will  of  the  Lord,  Israel's  true  king,  and 
for  a  self-chosen  end  that  did  not  accord  with  the 
aims  and  purposes  of  the  Lord.  It  is  going  too 
far  to  regard  it  as  David's  purpose  here  to  sum- 
mon the  whole  nation  to  war  for  new  conquests 
f  J.  D.  Mich.),  or  to  transform  the  theocratic  State 
(Kurz  in  Herz.  III.  306).  Such  a  complete  re- 
cession from  the  dependence  of  his  kingdom  on 
the  Lord,  such  thought  of  a  political  world-do- 
minion of  Israel,  such  a  complete  abandonment 
of  Israel's  national-theocratic  calling,  presupposes 
a  complete  defection  on  David's  part  from  the 
living  God.  But  doubtless  he  who  had  led  Israel 
to  so  lofty  a  height,  forgetting  himself  before  the 
Lord,  had  a  proud  desire  to  exhibit  the  splendid 
array  of  his  people's  military  strength,  as  pledge 
of  the  further  advance  of  his  house  and  people, 
and  of  the  future  development  of  the  promise: 
"  thine  enemies  shall  cringe  before  thee,  and  thou 
ehalt  tread  on  their  high-places"  (Deut.  xxxlii. 
29).  "To  this  height  David  now  thought  he 
could  advance  without  God;  the  atraals  should 
show  for  all  time  that  he  had  laid  the  foundations 
of  this  mighty  work  of  the  future"  (Hengst.). 
The  people  also,  filled  with  proud  national  con- 
ceit of  their  strength,  shared  David's  sin.  Though 
the  chief  fault  was  not  with  the  people  (Hengst.), 
yet  the  solidarity  [unity]  of  David's  sin  and  his 
peoples  in  this  haughty  anti-theocratic  movement, 
IS  beyond  doubt. — Ver.  4.  David  submits,  indeed, 
to  Joab's  opposition  now  also  (comp.  iii.  27  ;  xix. 
1-7) ;  but  he  did  not  follow  the  voice  of  good  con- 
science that  he  heard  from  his  mouth.  The 
word  of  the  king  prevailed  against  Joab, 
comp.  2  Chron.  xxviii.  3 ;  xxvii.  5 ;  not :  "  stood 
fast"  (De  W.).*  "It  is  noteworthy  that  such  a 
man  as  Joab,  without  living  fear  of  God,  but  with 
natural  directness  and  sound  practical  sense,  sees 
sooner  than  David,  how  such  a  sinful  exaltation 
does  not  become  a  king  of  Israel"  (O.  v.  Gerl.). 
"Nothing  more  was  said  in  opposition"  (Gro- 
tius).  In  silence  Joab  and  the  officers  obey  their 
lord's  command;  they  went  out  "before  the  eyes  "f 
of  the  king. 


*  Vulg.:  ohtinuii  sermo  regis  verba  Joab. — Instead  of 
3XV~  7X  should  perhaps  be  written  "-" Jj;  (Chron.). 

t  It  is  unnecessary  to  write  ''33D  (Vulg.,  Syr.,  Ar.)  for 
ya 7,  for  the  latter  means  simply  "before  the  king" 


Ver.  5.  Exact  geographical  statement  of  the  be- 

f  inning  of  the  census.  It  began  beyond  the_  Jor- 
an  in  Gad,  "  because  military  affairs  were  in  an 
especially  flourishing  condition  there,*  comp.  1 
Chron.  xii.  8  sqq.,  37"  (Then.)  Comp.  Thenius' 
remarks  on  2  Kings  xv.  25.  And  encamped 
at  Aroei  on  the  right  of  the  city ;  they  en- 
camped in  the  plain  instead  of  going  into  the 
city,  because  of  the  large  number  of  men  engaged 
in  taking  the  census,  and  so  they  doubtless  did 
hereafter.  [Another  reading,  in  some  respects 
better,  is:  ''they  began  from  Aroer  and  from  the 
city."  See  "Text,  and  Gram."— Tb.]  In  the 
midst  of  the  brook-valley  of  Gad,  that  is,  not 
in  the  vale  of  the  Jabbok,  as  the  greatest  river  in 
Gad  (Winer,  a.  v.  Thaler  and  Aroer,  Then.,  Eiiet- 
schi  in  Herz.  s.  v.  Oad)  ;  for  it  is  identical  with 
the  Aroer  of  Josh.  xii.  25,  which  was  6e/bre  Rah- 
bah  (=  Rabbah  of  the  Ammonites),  that  is,  be- 
tween it  and  the  Jordan  ;  for  this  reason  and  from 
the  statement  in  Judg.  xi.  33  (Jephthah  smote 
the  Ammonites  from  Aroer  to  Abel  Kernaim)  it 
cannot  have  lain  so  far  north  as  the  Jabbok,  but 
is  probably  to  be  sought  in  the  valley  noted  on 
the  map  suuth  of  the  Jabbok  iu  the  middle  of  the 
territory  of  God.  According  to  Von  Eaumer 
(p.  259)  it  is  probably  the  present  .47/ra southwest 
from  es-Salt,  with  which  Burckhardt  also  proba- 
bly identified  it  (Beisen  in  Syrien,  etc.,  p.  609  >. 
This  Aroer  in  Gad  is  to  be  distinguished  from  1 ) 
Aroer  in  Judah,  southeast  of  Beersheba,  whither 
David  sent  a  part  of  the  booty  of  Ziklag,  1  Sam. 
XXX.  28,  and  2)  Aroer  on  the  right  (northern) 
bank  of  the  Arru>n  in  Reuben  (Josh.  xii.  2;  Numb, 
xxxii.  34.  [Bib.-Oom.  holds  that  Aroer  on  the 
Arnon  is  here  meant,  on  the  ground  that  the  de^ 
Bcription  here  agrees  jjerfectly  with  that  iu  Deut. 
ii.  36  (comp.  Josh.  xiii.  16),  and  that  if  Aroer 
before  Eabbah  is  meant,  the  whole  tribe  of  Eeu- 
ben  would  be  omitted  from  the  census,  which  is 
impossible;  and  this  view  is  the  most  natural. 
For  a  possible  city  on  the  Arnon  see  Art.  Arnon 
in  Smith's  Bible-Diet. — Instead  of  "  in  the  valley 
of  Gad,"  render  "  towards  Gad ;"  they  advanced 
from  the  southern  limit  to  Gad  and  Jazer. — Tb.] 
— They  encampedf  as  far  as  towards  Jazer, 
the  plain  in  which  this  gathering  was  held  ex- 
tended from  Aroer  to  Jazer  ;  Jazer  cannot,  there- 
fore, have  been  far  from  Aroer.  Jazer,  formerly 
belonged  to  the  Ammonites,  conquered  from  them 
(Numb.  xxi.  32),  pertained  to  Gad  (Numb,  xxxii. 
35,  Josh.  xiii.  25),  a  Levitical  city  (Josh.  xxi. 
39,  1  Chron.  vi.  81);  afterwards  Moabitic  (Isa. 
xviii.  8);  after  the  exile  Ammonitish  (Jer.  xlviii. 
32),  conquered  by  Judas  Maccabeus  (Mace.  v. 
8).  Burckhardt  (p.  609)  conjectures  that  tlie 
name  of  the  old  Jazer  is  found  in  the  fine  spring 
Ain  Hazir,  which  he  found  near  the  ruins  of  a 
very  considerable  city  in  the  valley  south  of  es- 
Salt,  whose  water  flows  into  the  Wady  Shoeb, 
which  empties  into  the  Jordan.  But  Geseniusj 
who  agrees  with  this  conjecture  (on  Burckh.  p. 
1062),  thinks  it  possible  that  Jazer  is  the  present 
Sir,  a  ruin  at  the  source  of  the  Wady  Sir,  which 


without  a  necessary  intimation  that  the  king  went  along 

'!,'^°/li,''®?™5'',*!'P'?'°'™^  exactly  at  the  opposite 
®  i  mu    „      ,"}  'S°'ng  m  a  circuit)  from  Judah.--TE  1 
,J  T^  t  V'R?*.? '''^®'^"  defines  not  the  verb  "came" 
(Keil),  but  the  "  encamped."  ^•"^■^ 


CHAP.  XXIV.  1-25. 


605 


flows  into  the  Jordan,  and  this  view  is  adopted  by 
Seetzen,  who  found  several  pools  at  Sir  (comp. 
Jer.  xlviii.  32:  "sea  of  Jazer"),  Van  de  Velde 
and  Keil  (on  Numb.  xxi.  32).  According  to 
Eusebius  ( Onom.),  "  the  city  of  Jazer  extended  in 
Gad  as  far  as  Aroer,  which  is  before  Rabbah."  In 
accordance  with  this  Von  Eaumer,  who  regards 
Aroer  as  the  present  Ayra.  to  which  the  v.illey 
of  Ain  Hazir  descends,  adopts  the  view  that  this 
Ain  Hazir  is  the  ancient  Jazer,  as  it  is  not  five 
English  miles  from  Ayra  (p.  263). 

Ver.  6.  Then  they  came  to  Gilead,  the  moun- 
tain-land on  both  sides  the  Jabbok,  and  thence 
into  the  land  of  Tahtim  hodshi.  This  local  ex- 
pression (regarded  as  a  proper  name  by  Cler.  and 
De  Wette,  but  as  such  yielding  no  sense)  is  vari- 
ously given  by  the  ancient  Versions :  Sept. : 
''land  of  the  Hittites,  which  is  Adasai"  [Stier 
and  Theile'stext],  or  "land  of  Thabason"  [Vat., 
Tisch.],  or,  "  land  of  Ethaon  Adasai  [Alex.]  ; 
Symm. :  "  to  the  lower  way  ;"  Vulg. :  "  to  the 
lower  land  of  Hodsi."  No  tolerable  sense  can  be 
gotten  from  the  words  except  on  the  supposition 
that  the  text  is  corrupt.  The  first  part  of  Bott- 
cher's  conjectural  emendation  "  under  the  sea  "* 
is  a  fortunate  suggestion,  since  it  requires  no 
change  in  the  letters,  and  this  designation  of  the 
Lake  of  Gennesareth  as  a  "sea"  accords  with  the 
usage  of  the  language  [it  is  the  "  sea  of  Kin- 
nereth"]  and  with  the  local  statements  of  the 
narrative.  Bat  the  second  part  of  his  conjecture, 
that  Jwdshi  =  "  like  the  new  moon,"  in  reference 
to  the  shape  of  the  lake,  is  too  far-fetched.  So 
also  Gesenius'  view,  that  hodshi  is  a  matronymic 
from  the  woman  called  Hodesh  in  1  Chron.  viii. 
9  [=  Hodshites].  Ewald's  conjecture,  to  read 
Herman  for  Hodshi,  and  render :  "  the  lower 
regions  of  Hermon"  is  without  support  (Thenius). 
Thenius  conjectures  that  hodshi  is  for  Kedshi,f 
Denominative  from  Kedesh,  understanding  thereby 
the  town  in  Naphtali  near  lake  Merom,  so  that 
it  would  read  :  "  they  came  into  the  land  under 
the  lake  [sea]  of  Kedesh  [Kadesh]."  But  this 
designation  of  lake  Merom  is  strange,  and  does 
not  elsewhere  occur;  nor  does  the  term  "  under 
[or,  below]  "  suit,  we  should  rather  expect  "  over 
[above]."  Retaining  the  "  Kedesh,"  it  is  more 
probable  that  the  reference  is  to  the  Levitical 
city  of  that  name  in  Issachar,  southwest  of  the 
lake  of  Gennesareth  (1  Chron.  vii.  72  (vi.  57) ; 
in  Josh.  xix.  20 ;  xxi.  28  =  Kishion).  Comp. 
Eaumer  (p.  132,  Bern.  36  b)  and  the  country 
below  the  lake  of  Gennesareth  southwest  in 
Kaumer's  map.  This  lake  is  often  called  a  "  sea  " 
(Numb,  xxxiv.  11 ;  Josh.  xii.  3  ;  xiii.  27  ;  Isa. 
viii.  23),  called  so  in  the  last  passage  without 
further  description  (comp.  "  Galilean  sea."  Matt. 
iv.  18 ;  XV.  29  ;  Mk.  i.  16  ;  vii.  31).  Instead  of 
Thenius'  adjective  form  Kadshi  ["sea  of  Ke- 
desh "],  it  is  better  to  read  :  "  towards  Kedesh  " 
(Hi^np.,  comp.  Ges.  §  90.  2  a.  b),  understanding 
the  town  in  Issachar,  and  rendering:  "they 
came  into  the  land  below  the  sea  towards 
[or,  to]  Kadesh."  Hither  they  came  from 
Gilead,  passing  through  the  Jordan-plain  below 
the  Galilean  sea. — [For  other  conjectures  about 
this  expression  see  Smith's  Bib.-Dict.  s.  v.,  Bib- 

*  D-nnn  -  d'  nnn. 


Com.  and  Philippson:  this  whole  geographical 
account  is   omitted  in  1   Chron.  xxi. — Tb.] — 
And  they  came  to  Dan  Jaan  ;  according  to 
Schultz  and  Van  d.  Velde  {Mem.  p.  306,  in  Von 
Eaumer  p.  125)  the  present  ruin  Danian  between 
Tyre  and  Aire  near  Eas  en  Nakura.     But  this 
does  not  agree  with  the  statement  that  Joab  went 
from  this  region  below  the  sea  to   Dan  Jaan, 
thence  to  Zidon,  and  then  first  to  Tyre,  whereas 
according  to  that  view  he  would  have  gone  from 
Dan  Jaan  by  the  sea  to  Zidon.     This  route  would 
naturally  lead  us  to  think  of  the  Dan  that  formed 
the  extreme  northern  boundary  of  Israel  (comp. 
vers.  2,  15),  the  old  Laish  (Josh.  xix.  47 ;  Judg. 
xviii.  29) ;  but  the  objection  to  this  is  that  the 
name  Jaan  is  not  appended  to  this  Dan  in  vers. 
2,  15,  and  we  must  therefore  seek  another  Dan 
between  Gilead  and  Zidon.     So  Hengst.,  Pent. 
II.  194.     Keil  looks  for  it  in  northern  Perea, 
southwest  of  Damascus,  taking  it  to  be  the  same 
that  is  mentioned  in  Gen.  xiv.  14,  which  accord- 
ing to  Deut.  xxxiv.  1  belonged  to  Gilead ;  but 
that  is  none  other  than  the  well-known   Dan- 
Laish.     And  since  no  other  place  suiting  the 
geographical  relations  can  be  found,  we  hold  to 
this  (Dan-Laish),  which  by  its  position  was  par- 
ticularly suited  for  a  mustering  [so  Wordsworth 
and  Bib.-Com. — Tr.].     But  what  does  the  Jaan 
mean  ?    Bunsen  remarks  on  this  passage :  "  Dan- 
Jaan,  as  the  name  Baal- Jaan  on  coins  shows,  is 
a  Phoenician  god  (literally:  Judge,  i.  e.  ruler, 
the  singer,*  i.  e.  player),  answering  to  the  Greek 
Pan,  who  gave  the  city  its  name."     But  this  sur- 
name is  never  elsewhere  found  with  Dan.     The 
Vulg.  has :  in  Dan  sihestria,   "  in  Dan  of  the 
wood"   0Z'.)>  which  reading  Winer,  Lengerke, 
Ewald  adopt,  and  render:  "Dan  in  the  (Leba- 
non) forest."     Thenius  regards  Laish  as  the  ori- 
ginal reading. — And  aboat  towards  Zidon  ; 
the  "  about "   [  =  roundabout]   means  not  the 
environs  of  Zidon,  but  in  the  direction  of  Dan ; 
from  the  northern  border  they  turned   around 
towards  the  north-western  border  of  the  king- 
dom.!— Ver.  7.  From  Zidon  they  went  south- 
ward,   and   came   to  the  fortified  city  Zor   (  = 
"rock"),  comp.  Josh.  xix.  29,  the  fortress  Tyri 
built  on  a  rock  on  the  mainland  (now  Sur),  ir 
distinction  from  the  insular  Tyre.    They  came 
therefore,  into  the  territory  of  Asher,  which  bor- 
dered on  that  of  Zidon  and  Tyre.— And  intc 
all  the  cities  of  the  Hivites  and  Canaan 
ites,  that  is,! in    Naphtali,   Zebulon  a,nd  Issa 
char,  the  region  afterwards  called  Galilee,  "ii 
which  the  Canaanites  were  not  exterminated  bj 
the  Israelites,  but  only  made  tributary"  (Keil) 
[It  hence  appears  that  even  as  late  as  this  thesi 
native  tribes  had  cities  of  their  own.     The  divi 
sion  into  Mimtes  and  Canaanites  is  remarkable 
perhaps  these  were  the  most  prominent  of  th 
surviving  native   races.      The  Hivite  territor 
extended   down  near  Jerusalem   (Gibeon),   se 
Judg.  iii.  3;  Josh.  xi.  3;  what  the  "Canaanite' 
district  was  is  not   clear.— Tb.]— And   wen 

*  [From  rtJj;-— Tb.] 

T  T 

f  [Instead  of  a'SOl  t^'_  Wellh.  proposes  to  reai 
?33D  tlDI,  and  render :  "  and  they  came  to  Dan,  an 
from  Dan  turned  about  to  Zidon  "  (oomp.  the  repetitio 
of  Dan  in  the  Sept.),  which  gets  rid  of  the  Jiton.— Tb.] 


606 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


oat  to  the  south  of  Judah  to  Beersheba, 

passed  along  the  western  border  throughout  the 
length  of  the  land  from  Dan  to  Beersheba. — 
Ver.  8.  The  return,  after  nine  months  and  twenty 
days.  According  to  1  Cbron.  xxi.  6  the  census 
was  not  extended  Into  Benjamin  and  Levi,  ''be- 
cause the  king's  word  was  an  abomination  to 
Joab,"  and  according  to  1  Chron.  xxvii.  '24  Joab 
did  not  finish  the  numbering  "because  wrath 
therefor  came  upon  Israel."  Joab,  who  had 
entered  unwillingly  (ver.  3)  on  the  execution  of 
the  king's  command,  had  not  made  haste;  then 
David  saw  his  wrong,  the  plague  broke  out  be- 
fore the  census  was  finished ;  the  numbering  had 
not  yet  begun  in  Benjamin,  nor  in  Levi  (which, 
however,  wag  excepted  therefrom  by  Num.  i.  47- 
49). — Ver.  9.  Statement  of  the  total  number  of  the 
people  mustered :  Israd  had  eight  hundred  thou- 
sand arms-bearing  men,  Judah  five  hundred  thou- 
sand. Chron.  gives  a  higher  number  for  Israel, 
eleven  hundred  thousand;  a  lower  for  Judah, 
four  hundred  and  seventy  thousand.  To  explain 
or  reconcile  this  difference  in  respect  to  Israel  it 
has  been  supposed  that  there  were  two  countings, 
one  according  to  the  private  lists  in  cities  and 
villages  (Chron),  the  other  according  to  the 
digests  made  therefrom  for  the  public  registers 
(2  Sam.)  (so  Cornelius  a  Lapide)— or  that  Joab 
wa,s  Uii  accurate  in  his  numbering  than  the  officers 
with  him  (Sanktius) — or  that  Chron.  includes 
the  rum-Israelites  in  the  Ten  Tribes  and  the 
neighboring  regions,  about  three  hundred  thou- 
sand (S.  Schmid).  Against  this  last  is  that  only 
Israelites  proper  are  spoken  of  in  vers.  1,  2 ;  the 
other  suppositions  are  mere  conjectures.  Osian- 
der's  opinion  that  Chron.  includes  the  older 
men  is  opposed  to  ver.  5,  and  D.  Kimchi's,  that 
Chron.  includes  also  Benjamin  and  Levi,  to  1 
Chron.  xxi.  6.  [Others  suppose  that  the  regular 
army  of  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight  thousand 
men  (1  Chron.  xxvii.  1-15)  is  included  in  Israel 
in  Chron.,  and  excluded  in  Sam.,  and  that  a 
corps  of  thirty  thousand  men  (commanded  by 
the  thirty,  1  Chron.  xi.  25)  is  included  in  Judah 
in  Samuel,  and  excluded  in  Chronicles.  See 
Bib.-Oom,.  on  1  Chron.  xxi.  5.  These  conjectures 
are  without  foundation,  and  errors  of  text  or 
errors  of  oral  tradition  must  be  supposed. — 
See  notes  of  Wordsw.  and  Bib.-Com.,  on  our  verse. 
— Tr.].  Apart  from  the  fact  that  we  have  round 
numbers  here,  the  differences  explain  themselves 
if  we  remember  that  the  result  of  the  census  was 
not  recorded  in  the  State-annals  (1  Chron.  xxvii. 
24),  and  the  statements  here  must  rest  on  oral 
tradition.  The  numbers  are  not  to  be  taken  as 
perfectly  accurate,  but  there  is  no  good  reason  to 
reject  them  as  unhistorically  large,  since  this  fer- 
tile country  was  very  thickly  peopled.  "  We  see 
this  from  the  various  places,  whose  ruins  stand  as 
near  to  one  another,  aa  villages  in  our  most 
densely  populated  regions  "  (Arnold  in  flerz.  XI. 
23  sq.).  Taking  the  military  population  as  about 
one-fourth  of  the  whole,  Palestine  [Israel]  would 
have  contained,  according  to  this  census,  a  popu- 
lation of  from  five  to  six  million  souls,  which  is 
not  too  large  a  number.  Ewald  (Hist.  III.  196 
Bem.  3)  refers  to  other  numerical  statements 
about  Israel,  that  seem  to  us  too  large,  and  yet 
must  be  accepted  as  historical,  and  remarks: 
"  Though  the  numbers  may  be  in  part  round,  and 


sometimes  exaggerated,  yet  in  general  there  is  no 
rea-son  for  doubting  their  historical  value.  If,  for 
example,  the  present  population  of  Algeria  be  es- 
timated at  three  million,  and  therein  from  300,000 
to  400,000  arms-bearing  men  (see  Dawson  Borrer, 
Campaign  in  the  Kahylie)  Israel  in  such  happy  times 
as  David's  with  its  wide  limits  might  certainly  sus- 
tain a  larger  number."  Eiietschi  (Hers.  Vlli.  89) : 
"  Consideiing  the  general  extent  of  the  levies  and 
the  almost  incredibly  dense  population  of  Pales- 
tine, the  enormous  numerical  strength  of  the  Is- 
raelitish  army  (1  Sam.  xi.  8  ;  xv.  4 ;  2  Sam.  xvii. 
11;  1  Chron.  xxvii.  1  sqq.)  cannot  occasion  much 
surprise." 

II.  Vers.  10-17.  The  judgment  of  the  pestilence. — 
Vers.  10.  David  confesses  his  sin  before  the  Lord, 
and  asks  forgiveness.  David's  heart  smote 
him,  that  is,  his  conscience,  just  a-s  in  1  Sam. 
xxiv.  6.  Comp.  1  Kings  ii.  44 ;  Job  xxvii.  6 ; 
Eocl.  vii.  22.  With  anguish  of  conscience  David 
sees  that  his  sin  is  an  offence  against  the  Lord. 
As  to  wherein  it  consisted  see  above  on  vers.  1-3. 
— Ver.  11.  "  In  the  morning "  =  the  next 
morning.— David  had  made  his  short  penitent 
prayer  either  as  he  was  going  to  sleep,  or,  more 
probably,  after  a  sleepless  night. — The  word  of 
Jehovah  comes  to  Gad,  see  1  Sam.  xxii.  5.  He 
is  called  David's  seer  as  being  his  confidential 
counsellor,  aiding  him  constantly  with  direction 
from  the  source  of  divine  revelation. — And  the 
word  of  the  Lord  .  .  .  this  revelation  had  come 
to  Grad  independently  of  human  means  or  occasion. 
— Ver.  12.  Choice  between  three  judgments  set 
before  David.     Three  things   I  hold    over 

thee  (to:),  not:  I  lay  on  thee,  but:  I  hold  high 
over  thee,  namely,  as  a  load  of  punishment,  which 
is  to  be  laid  on  thee  according  as  thou  choosest ; 
the  sense  in  Chron.  (DOJ)  is  the  same  :  "  I  turn 
[stretch]  over  thee "  [so  Eng.  A.  V.  here :  offer 
thee]. — Ver.  13.  Then  came  Gad  to  David. 
— This  is  the  apodosis  to  the  protasis  in  verse  11 : 
and  when  David  rose  in  the  morning  .  .  .  then 
came  Gad;  what  intervenes  is  a  circumstantial 
sentence.*  Instead  of  seven  years  of  famine  Chron. 
(so  Sept.)  has  three,  agreeing  with  the  figures  in 
the  other  plagues.  For  this  reason  the  reading 
of  Chron.  is  to  be  preferred ;  there  correspond, 
therefore,  three  years  of  famine,  three  months  of  flight 
before  enemies,  three  days  of  pestilen/x.f  {'the 
sevenX  in  Sam.  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fre- 
quent occurrence  of  that  number,  possibly  from 
the  seven  years'  famine  in  the  history  of  Joseph. 
— Tr.].— Ver.  14.  "  I  am  in  a  great  strait" — the 
exclamation  of  a  tortured  conscience,  whose  an- 
guish is  heightened  by  the  necessity  of  choosing 
between  the  three  punishments.  David  looks  on 
the  pestilence  as  an  immediate  stroke  of  Gods 
hand;  while  the  other  plagues  make  him  and  his 
people  dependent  on  man  ;  at  the  same  time  he 
looks  to  God's  mercy,  whence,  if  he  fall  only  into 
God's  hands,  he  may  the  sooner  hope  to  draw 
comfort  and  help.     In  view  of  God's  punitive 


*  rOn  the  criticism  of  the  text  here  see  "  Text,  and 
Gram."— Tk.] 

t  N'lan,  Fem.  with  an  abstract  Plu.,  Ew.  g  317  a.— ."IDJ 

(Inf.)  "thy  fleeing"  =  "that  thou  fleest."    The  Sing! 
Xini  collects  the  Q'  ^^f  into  one  conception :  "  enemy." 

t  "  The  numeral  letter  J  was  changed  into  t  "  (The. 
niuB).  ^ 


CHAP.  XXIV.  1-25. 


607 


righteousness  his  faith  holds  fast  to  God's  mercy, 
and  verifies  itself  therein. — At  the  close  of  this 
verse  the  Sept.  has  :  ''And  David  chose  the  pesti- 
lence l^dvaTov'],  and  it  was  the  days  of  the  wheat- 
harvest."  But  this  is  nothing  but  an  explanatory 
remark  taken  from  1  Chron.  xxi.  20,  designed 
partly  to  make  a  direct  statement  of  David's 
choice  (which  is  only  indirectly  stated  in  the 
text),  partly  to  account  for  Araunah's  work  at  the 
ihreahing-floor  (ver.  18  sq.). 

Ver.  15.  BegiTming,  duration  and  extent  of  the 
pestUemce. — And  the  Lord  gave  a  pestilence, 
It  was  a  divine  punishment.    Prom  the  morn- 
ing— the  morning  when  Gad  came  to  David  (vers. 
11,  13).     The  next  words,*  giving  the  terminus  ad 
quern  [Eng.  A.  V. :    "to  the   time   appointed;" 
Erdmann:  "to  an  appointed  time"],  offer  great 
difficulties. — The  Sept.  renders:  "  till  the  hour  of 
breakfast,"  that  is,  the  sixth  hour,  to  which  it 
adds  :  "  and  the  plague  began  among  the  people," 
which  Bottcher  and  Thenius  would  receive  into 
the  text.    But  this  addition  of  the  Sept.  had  its 
origin  no  doubt  in  the  reflection  that  the  time  from 
morning  to  breakfast  was  too  short  for  the  efiects 
of  the  plague  (70,000  died)  therefore  the  words 
"from  the  morning  to,  etc.,"   were  regarded  as 
defining  the  verb  gave  [Eng.  A.  V. :  sent],  that 
is,  the  divine  arrangement  in  inflicting  the  plague, 
and  then  the  plague  itself  was  made  to  begin  after 
the  sixth  hour.     But  the  word  "gave"  itself  in- 
cludes the  destructive  effect  of  the  pestilence,  and 
the  result  is  indicated  immediately  by  the  word 
"  died." — We  have  then  here  the  limit  of  time  of 
the  raging  of  the  pestilence.     But  what  is  meant  ? 
up  to  what  point  ?     The  most  natural  explana- 
tion: ''to  the  appointed  time"   (Cler.,  De  W., 
Ew.),  that  is,  to  the  end  of  the  three  days  (ver.  13) 
contradicts  ver.  16,  according  to  which  the  pesti- 
lence ceased  through  God's  mercy  before  this 
time;  be.sides  the  Def.  Art.  is  wanting,  while  else- 
where the  word  in  the  sense  of  a  time  designated 
has  the  Art.     The  Art.  may  indeed  be  omitted 
when  the  word  (I^JID)  signifies  an  assembly  for 
divine  service  and  festival.     Hos.  ix.  5 ;  Lam.  ii. 
7,  22.     Thus  Bochart  {Hieroz.  I.  2,  38,  ed.  Roi. 
I.  896  sq.)   renders   (after  the  Chald.),  having 
Acts  iii.  1  in  mind :  "  the  time  when  the  people 
used  to  meet  for  evening  prayers,  about  the  ninth 
hour  of  the  dav,  that  is,  the  third  hour  after 
noon."     Keil  adopts  this  view,  and  thinks  it  fa- 
vors the  basis  of  the  rendering  of  the  Vulg. :  "  to 
the  time  appointed"   according  to  Jerome's  ex- 
planation (troMt.  Sebi:  in  2  libr.  Beg.) :  "  he  calls 
that  the  time  appointed,  in  which  the  evening  sa- 
crifice was  offered."     Against  this  Thenius  rightly 
remarks!  that  the  general  expression  "time  of 
assembly"  could  not  be  used  for  the  afternoon-  or 


evening-asaemhly.    Thenius'  conjecture  (sugg 
by  the  Chald.):  "to  the  time  of  lightmg"   (the 
lamps  in  the  sanctuary  or  in  dwellings)  is  declared 
by  Bottcher  to  be  contrary  to  Heb.  usage;  and 
Bottcher's  reading :  "  up  to  the  time  of  food  "  is 
unsupported.     The  same  thing  is  to  be  said  of 
Hitzig's  suggestion  :  ''  up  to  the  time  of  dinner." 
Instead  of  adding  another  to  these  doubtful,  in 
fact  unsuccessful  attempts  to  gain  a  new  text,  it 
seems  requisite  to  return  to  our  masoretic  text, 
which,  since  the  Art  is  wanting,  is  to  be  rendered  : 
"  up  to  an  appointed  time."  Why  should  this  phrase 
not  give  a  suitable  sense  ?     In  view  of  the  fact  that 
the  Lord  had  in  mercy  determined  on  a  point  of 
time  before  the  expiration  of  the  three  days  (ver. 
16),  it  is  here  intimated  that  the  pestilence  lasted 
a  shorter  time  fixed  by  His  gracious  will.  It  must 
be  left  undetttrmined  whether  this  "appointed 
time"  falls  in  the  first  day  of  the  plague  (which 
seems  to  be  indicated  by  the  "  from  the  morning," 
and  "  that  day,"  ver.  18,  though  not  necessarily, 
since  the  "  morning "  is  the  same  as  in  ver.  11, 
and  may  point  out  merely  the  beginning  of  the 
pestilence  without  reference  to  the  same  day),  or  in 
the  second  day.     In  any  case,  however,  the  nar- 
rator,  combining  and,  in  Heb.  fashion,   antici- 
pating what  follows,  means  by  this  expression  to 
say  that  God  in  His  mercy  permitted  the  pesti- 
lence to  go  on  only  to  a  determined  point  of  time 
within  the  "  three  days."— Seventy  thousand 
men.=Grotius  cites  the  fact  {Diod.  Sic.  1.  14) 
that  in  the  siege  of  Syracuse  100,000  men  of  the 
Carthaginian  army  died  within  a  short  time. — 
[Dr.  Erdmann's  explanation  of  the ''appointed 
time"  is  not  a  little  strained ;  the  fact  that  he  re- 
fers to  (the  shortening  of  the  duration  of  the  pes- 
tilence) would  hardly  have  been  expressed  in  this 
way.    The  word  seems  obviously  to  mean :  "time 
of  assembly  "  (so  Wellh.,  Bib.-Com.,  and  others), 
and  points  to  some  well-known  gathering  of  the 
people.     The  most  natural  suggestion  is  that  the 
time  of  evening-prayer  is  meant,  to  which  some 
regard  it  as  a  fatal  objection  that  the  assembly 
for  evening-prayer  could  not  have  existed  in  the 
time  of  David,  or  of  the  author  of  the  Book  of 
Samuel.     But  it  may  be  replied  that  we  do  not 
know  when  the  custom  of  thus  gathering  began  ; 


*  njJlD  r\J?~lJ?V  Sept. :  eio!  iSpas  apiViov,  to  which 
it  adds  :  koX  ijpfaTo  ii  flpaSo-is  ei-  t<p  Aaij,  after  which  The- 
nius and  Bottcher  write  :  DV3  nSJSn  IHPW 

t  Thenius :  1;?3a-n.J?,  out  of  which  n_};iD  by  change 
of  a  into  1  and  of  1  into  t-  Against  this  BSttcher 
shows  that  1^'3D  is  not  a  Heb.  word,  and  (according  to 

the  use  of  "1J?3)  would  mean  Imming,  comp.  Judg.  xv. 
14-  2  Sam.  xxii.  9;  he  (Bfittoh.),  after  the  Sept.,  reads 
n/ip  " strengthmer"  =  "iefast,"  from  -\^D  "to  sap- 
port,  strengthen "  by  food,  oomp.  Gen.  xviil.6;  Judg. 


xix.  5,  8 ;  1  Kings  xili.  7  ;  as,  then,  in  Chald.  ^^1.^D 
means  "  heartstrengthening "  —  "  food,  dinner,"  so  in 
Heb.  n  U'lD  "  strengthener "  may  have  meant  the  fli'st 
meal  of'the  day  (about  11  or  12  o'clock).  But  against 
this  Bottcher  himself  says  that  the  form  ^iBlp  is  else- 
where used  only  of  acting  persons ;  further,  such  a  de- 
signation of  breakfast  occurs  nowhere  else ;  since  in 
the  passages  cited  n^D  obtains  the  signification 
"fltrenethen"  only  from  the  connection  (especially  by 
the  adiition  of  "  heart "  and  '■  food  "),  so  muoli  the  more 
ought  the  connection  to  show  when  it  is  intended  to 
mean  breakfast,  since  it  usually  means  on  y  i°  .general 
"to  strengthen  by  food."-U  brmkfast-tme  ib  here 
spoken  of,  Thenius  (following  the  Sept.)  wouid  take  the 
form  n;?DD;  butBSttcher  says  rightly  that  "the  lan- 
euaee  would  not  have  used  the  srnne  word  for  '  break- 
fast? a^' furniture  '  (1  Kings  X.  ViV'  mtzif  (according 
to  Then  n  290  sqq.),  thinks  that  if  the  apicrrov  of  the 
Sept.  irnot  based^Sn  a  ni^p,  then  to  njJDD  (Then.)  is 
to  be  preferred  ji;?D  (kitchei-cakes),  which  he  tries  to 
show  means  pranditim. 


608 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


or,  it  may  be  that  there  was  some  other  regular 
gathering  otherwise  unknown  to  ua.  It  is  at  any 
rate  better  so  to  render  the  word,  whether  it  can 
be  satisfactorily  explained  or  not. — Te.] 

Ver.  16.  And  the  angel,  namely  the  angel 
of  the  Lord  afterwards  more  exactly  described 
("that  destroyed  the  people"),  the  embodiment 
of  HLs  punitive  righteousness,  the  exactor  of  the 
judgment,  the  destroying  angel  (corap  Exod.  xii. 
23) — stretched  ont  his  hand  to  Jerusalem 
to  destroy  it ;  thereupon  the  Iiord  repent- 
ed him  of  the  evil. — Chron.:  "And  God  sent 
His  angel  to  Jerusalem  to  destroy  it."  Accord- 
ing to  both  accounts  the  pestilence  ceased  at  the 
moment  when  it  had  reached  Jerusalem  through 
the  will  of  the  merciful  God.  This  is  the  mo- 
ment meant  by  the  "  appointed  time  "  of  ver. 
15.  On  God's  repentance  see  on  1  Sam.  xiii.  35, 
"  Historical  and  Theological,"  No.  1  (to  1  Sam. 
xiii.). — The  Lord's  command  to  His  angel : — 
Enough!  novr  stay  thy  hand!  the  "thy 
hand"  refers  to  the  "  His  hand"  above.  As  yet 
the  pestilence  had  not  attacked  Jerusalem  itself ; 
for  "  the  angel  of  the  Lord  was  at  the  threshing- 
floor  of  Araunah  the  Jebusite."  Threshing-fioors 
were  usually  in  the  open  air,  on  heights  where  it 
was  possible,  on  account  of  the  chafl"  and  the  dust, 
and  for  the  sake  of  the  wind,  which  was  necessary 
for  the  purifying  of  the  grain  ;  comp.  Judg.  vi. 
37  ;  Ruth  iii.  2,  15.  So  this  threshing-floor  was 
without  Jerusalem,  northeast  of  Zion,  on  the  hill 
Moriah ;  see  on  ver.  25.  The  pestilence  had 
reached  the  houses  lying  near  this  threshing-floor. 
Instead  of  the  form  Awarnah  (ver.  16)  or  Aran- 
yah  (ver.  18), the  name  of  tlie  owner  of  the  floor ia 
to  be  read  with  the  Maaorites  Araunah  (vers.  20, 
22,  23,  24).  Chron.  has  Oman  (vers.  15,  18,  20, 
21,  22,  23);  Sept.  Oma.  Ewald  :  "  This  form  of 
the  name  is  un-Hebrew,  but  perhaps  all  the  more 
Jebusite."  Bertheau :  "The  form  Araunah  doca 
not  look  like  Heb.,  while  Oma  and  Oman  are 
Heb. ;  for  this  very  reason  the  form  Araunah  seems 
to  rest  on  an  old  tradition."  Jebusites  still  dwelt 
in  the  land  (Josh.  xv.  63),  and  were  tributary  (1 
Kin.  ix.  20  sq.).  See  on  2  Sam.  v.  6  sq. ;  Arau- 
nah is  here  represented  as  a  man  of  property,  see 
on  vers.  22,  23. — Ver.  17.  David  saw  the 
angel;  according  to  Chron.  (whose  account  is 
fuller)  he  saw  him  standing  by  the  threshing-floor 
between  heaven  and  earth  with  a  drawn  sword  in 
his  hand,  which  was  stretched  out  over  Jeru- 
salem. The  drawn  sword  is  the  symbol  of  the 
execution*  of  the  divine  judgment,  comp.  Gen. 
iii.  24;  Numb.  xxii.  23;  Joah.  v.  13. — David 
said  to  the  Lord :  I,  etc.  By  the  "I"t  he  pre- 
sents himself  as  the  really  guilty  person  before 
God,  in  contrast  with  the  people,  whom  he  de- 
clares to  be  innocent.  According  to  Chron.  (ver. 
16)  the  eUIers,  clothed  in  sackcloth  and  praying, 
shared  with  David  the  vision  of  the  angel";  the 
representatives  of  the  people,  therefore,  confess 
that  it  has  part  in  David's  sin ;  see  on  ver.  1. 
"  The  punishment  was  sent  for  the  people's  own 
sin  (ver.  1),  though  David's  offence  was  the  im- 
mediate occasion  of  its  execution  "  (O.  v.  Gerl.). 
David  is  so  penetrated  with  a  sense  of  his  guilt. 


•  On  3  with  nSH  see  Ew.  ?  217,  2. 

i  T  I 

t  [The  Pronoun  is  emphatic  in  the  original.— TeJ 


and  with  sympathy  with  the  suffering  of  his  peo- 
ple, that  he  now  praya  God  to  viait  judgment  on 
"  him  and  his  house  "  alone,  and  spare  the  people 
as  "His  flock"  [comp.  1  Chron.  xxi.  17]. 

III.  Vers.  18-25.  Appeasement  of  God's  wraih 
by  the  purchase  of  Araunah' s  threshing-floor,  and  the 
erection  of  an  altar  thereon. — Ver.  18.  God's  an- 
nouncement of  grace  (contrasted  with  His  an- 
nouncement oi  judgment,  ver.  13)  is  the  conse- 
quence of  "  the  repentance  of  the  Lord"  (ver.  16) 
and  the  synchronous  repentance  of  David  (ver.  17), 
though  this  did  not  cause  God's  repentance;  it 
occurs  at  the  same  time  ("that  day")  that  God 
stops  the  plague,  at  the  "  appointed  time"  (ver. 
15)  before  the  expiration  of  the  three  days. — Be- 
sides his  prayer  David  has  now  to  make  public 
affirmation  of  his  guilt,  and  of  liis  willingness 
henceforth  with  the  people  to  devote  himself  as 
an  offering  to  the  Lord,  by  building  an  altar. 
[According  to  Chron.  the  angel  commanded  Gad 
to  go  to  David ;  the  two  accounts  do  not  exclude 
each  other.  The  relation  of  time  between  vers. 
16  and  18  ia  not  clear ;  but  God's  repentance  is 
represented  as  independent  of  David's  action. — 
Tr.] — Ver.  19.  And  David  went  up;  he 
shows  unconditional  obedience  to  the  divine  com- 
mand; whereby  the  altar  was  already  in  spirit 
built,  and  the  oS'ering  of  an  obedient  heart  well- 
pleasing  to  the  Lord,  was  made  in  truth.  Comp. 
1  Sam.  XV.  22.— Ver.  20.  And  Araunah 
looked  forth;  the  verb  {'\\>'i^)  means  "to  lie 
out  over,  bend  forward,  see,  look  at,  look  out  " — 
here,  to  look  into  the  distance,  since  Araunah  was 
working  in  the  threshing-floor,  and  saw  David 
coming  from  the  cit^.  Chron.  more  fully  :  "  And 
as  Oman  was  threshing  wheat."  [Ver.  21.  David 
annonncea  his  purpose  to  Araunah  to  buy  his 
threshing-floor.] — Ver.  22  sqq.  Araunah's  un- 
selfish readiness  ia  shown  in  the  fact  that  he  takes 
for  granted  the  threshing-floor  is  to  be  made  over 
to  David,  does  not  even  mention  it,  but  offers 
everything  on  the  place  to  be  used  in  averting  the 
plague:  the  oxen  that  drew  the  threshing-wagon, 
the  threshing-sledges  (the  Plural  ia  used  because  a 
sledge  consisted  of  several  connected  iron-pointed 
rollers),  and  the  instruments  of  the  oxen,  the 
wooden  yokes;  the  "wood"  (yokes  and  aledges) 
was  for  the  fire,  as  the  oxen  for  the  burnt-offering. 
— Ver.  3.  Render :  "  All  this  gives  Araunah, 
O  king,  to  the  king ;"  the  words  are  a  continua- 
tion of  Araunah'a  speech  in  ver.  22.  In  the  an- 
cient veraiona  (Sept.,  Vulg.,  Syr.,  Ar.,  Chald.)  the 
firat  I'  the  king  "  ia  omitted,  because,  taking  it  as 
Nominative,  they  rightly  thought  it  impossible 
that  Araunah  should  be  a  king.  If  the  words  be 
taken  as  the  statement  of  the  narrator,  and  the 
"king"  as  Nominative,  then  [aince  it  says: 
Araunah  jraTO  all  this]  there  is  a  contradiction 
with  ver.  24,  where  David  itii/s  the  threshing-floor, 
and  moreover  a  historically  incorrect  statement, 
namely,  that  Araunah  was  king  of  Jebua  before 
ita  conquest  by  David  ;  this  view  Ewald  in  fact 
adopts,  against  which  Thenius  rightly  says:  "this 
important  fact  would  not  have  been"  stated  in  a 
singleword,  and  it  is  in  itself,  but  especially  from 
v.  8..  incredible  that  David  should  have  suffered 
the  Jebusitfr king-to  remain  at  his  side."  [For  ano- 
ther reading:  "  all  this  gives  Araunah,  the  servant 
of  my  lord  the  king,  to  the  king  "  (which  is  also  a 
contrnuation  of  Arannah's  discouraej,  see  "Text. 


CHAP.  XXIV.  1-25. 


609 


and  Gram." — TR.].-And  Araunah  said  to  the 
king ;  before  this  we  must  suppose  a  pause,  or 
the  Te{>etition  of  the  announcing  formula  ["Arau- 
nah said"],  without  intervening  discourse,  is  to 
be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  following  wish 
is  sharply  marked  off  from  what  precedes  as  a 
word  of  special  significance  and  wholly  new  con- 
tent. "The  phrase 'and  he  said'  is  frequently 
repeated,  where  the  same  person  continues  to 
speak,  see  xv.  4,  25,  27 "  (Keil).  The  Lord 
thy  Ood  accept  thee;  the  verb  is  used  of  the 
acceptance  of  persons  by  God  in  connection  with 
prayer  and  offering.  Job  xxxiii.  26 ;  Ezek.  xx. 
40,  41 ;  xliii.  27 ;  Jer.  xiv.  12 ;  so  also  here  in 
reference  to  the  offering  that  David  proposes 
making.  Sept.,  Syr.,  Arab,  have  "  The  Lord 
bless  thee ;"  Bottcher  proposes  to  combine  these 
texts  and  read :  "  the  Lord  thy  Grod  accept  and 
bless  thee,"  after  Gen.  xlix.  25;  Numb.  vi.  24 
sqq. ;  Ps.  Ixvii.  2  [1]. — ^Ver.  24.  David  does  not 
accept  Araunah's  offered  gift  (which  exhibits  him 
as  a  propertied  man),  because  the  offering  would 
seem  incomplete  in  his  eyes  if  it  were  not  his  own 
property  that  he  offered. — For  fifty  shekels  of 
silver;  Chron. :  "shekels  oi  gold  in  weight  sic 
hundred."  There  would  be  room  for  the  supposi- 
tion of  an  intentional  exaggeration  in  Chronicles 
(Thenius),  only  "  if  it  were  certain  that  the  Chro- 
nicler had  before  him  our  present  text  of  Samuel " 
(Bertheau).  Bochart  [approved  by  Bib.-Com.'\, 
holds  that  the  word  O??)  means  here  not ''  sil- 
ver," but  in  general  " money"  that  David  paid 
money,  fifty  shekels  in  gold-pieces,  and,  as  gold 
was  worth  twelve  times  as  much  as  silver,  this  was 
=  600  shekels  in  silver  [according  to  Bochart, 
Chron.  (ver.  25)  reads:  "shekels  of  gold  of 
the  weight  (value)  of  600  (silver shekels)."— Te.]  ; 
but  this  contradicts  the  texts  of  both  Sam.  and 
Chron.  We  have  to  suppose  a  corruption  of  text 
here.  Keil  properly  points  out  that,  comparing 
the  price  (400  silver  shekels)  that  Abraham  gave 
for  a  burial-place  (Gen.  xxiii.  15),  and  especially 
the  smaller  value  of  land  in  his  dajr,  the  price 
here  stated,  50  shekels  of  silver  (about  30  Ameri- 
can dollars)  seems  too  small.  [However,  Abra- 
ham's purchase  was  much  greater  in  extent  than 
this  (Bib.-Com.),  and  pecubar  circumstances  may 
here  have  affected  the  price.  The  sum  mentioned 
in  Chron.  seems  too  large,  but  of  this  we  cannot 
very  well  judge.  Some  suppose  that  the  50  she- 
kels were  paid  for  the  materials  of  the  offering, 
and  600  for  the  ground  (see  note  in  Bib.  Com.  on 
1  Chron.  xxi.  25) ;  but  of  this  there  is  no  hint  in 
the  narrative.  We  cannot  with  certainty  recover 
the  true  numbers. — Tb.] 

Ver.  25.  The  building  of  the  altar  and  the  pre- 
sentation of  the  offering  is  the  work  of  humble 
and  obedient  faith,  whereby  David  testifies  anew 
his  complete  devotion  of  heart  and  life  to  the 
Lord.  The  burnt-offering  precedes,  because  by  it 
expiation  is  made,  and  God's  favor,  as  Araunah 
wished  for  David,  restored;  comp.  Lev.  i.  3,  4 
" for  his  occeptaTice  before  Jehovah"  (comp.  ver. 
23).  Thereon  follows  the  peace-  and  thank-offering 
(Shelamim).  It  assumes  God's  favor  and  the  peace- 
ful relation  between  Him  and  man,  and  on  the 
ground  of  this  relation,  expresses  thanks  for  di- 
vine kindnesses  already  received  or  hereafter  to  be 
received  (comp.  Oehler  in  Herz.  X.  637). — After 

39 


"  peace-offerings  "  the  Sept.  adds :  "  And  Solomon 
made  an  addition  to  the  altar  afterwards,  for  it 
was  little  at  first."  It  must  be  left  undetermined 
whether  the  Alexandrian  translators  found  these 
words  in  their  text,  they  being  an  addition  by  an 
editor  or  scribe  (Then.),  or  added  them  by  way  of 
explanation.  Certainly  the  place  on  Araunah's 
threshing-ttoor,  where  David  built  the  altar  and 
continued  to  offer,  is  the  consecrated  spot  that  he 
chose  for  the  Temple,  and  on  which  Solomon 
built  it  (1  Chron.  xxi.  27 — xxii.  1) ;  and  this  ad- 
dition of  the  Sept.  agrees  with  the  statement  of 
JosephuB,  that  Araunah's  threshing  floor  was  on 
the  hill  afterwards  occupied  by  the  Temple  (so 
Grotius).— Chr.  Bosen  has  attempted  to  prove  the 
identity  of  this  threshing-floor  on  Moiiah  (comp. 
Arnold  in  Herz.  XVIII.  625)  with  the  sacred 
rock  in  the  present  Mosque  es-Sakra,  which  stands 
on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Temple  (  WoeheMait  der 
Johanniter-Ordens-BoMey  Brand.  Jahrg.  1860  in  the 
Beilage  to  No.  12). 

HISTORICAL  AND  THEOLOGICAIi. 

1.  The  grave  sira  of  proud  self-exaltation,  which 
David  and  the  people  of  Israel  here  had  in  com- 
mon, presupposed  the  elevation  to  victory  and 
power  that  God  had  bestowed  by  His  gracious 
might,  and  its  eongequence  was  the  judgment  that 
revealed  God's  anger  against  the  perversion  of 
His  fevors  into  plans  of  sdf-aggnmdizement.  God's 
honor  does  not  permit  a  king  and  people  to  seek 
their  own  honor  in  the  power  conferred  by  Him. 
The  aims  of  Ood^s  kingdom  cannot,  according  to 
God's  laws  of  moral  order,  be  abridged  or  ob- 
scuij|4  with  impunity  by  the  aims  and  purposes 
of  human  pride.  God's  judgments  fail  not  against 
false  national  honor  and  ambitious,  self-seeking 
pride  of  rulers,  as  is  shown  by  the  history  not  only 
of  Israel,  but  of  all  nations  to  the  present  time. 

2.  That  God,  angry  with  Israel,  incites  to  the 
sin  of  numbering  the  people,  •  and  then  punishes 
it,  is  no  contradiction  according  to  the  theology 
of  the  Old  Testament  (J.  Miiller,  Lehre  von  der 
Siinde  1. 322),  since  inciting  to  sin  does  not  set  aside 
the  holding  one  responsible  for  it.  Man's  free 
will  is  not  destroyed  by  the  divine  will,  and  the 
punishment  of  the  righteous  God  presupposes 
man's  guilt.  Immersed  in  the  thought  of  God's 
all-fulfilling  efficiency,  the  human  mind  does  not 
indeed  refer  to  it  "  evil  as  well  as  good"  (Miil- 
ler, vbi  supra),  for  Old  Testament  theology  is  far 
from  presenting  the  divine  causality  in  this  like 
attitude  to  good  and  evil ;  but  the  divine  oHiviiy 
(in  its  punitive  manifestatioiis)  is  referred  to  the 
external  production  of  evil  (already  present  as  an 
inward  feet  of  man's  free  will,  opposed  to  God's 
will),  in  so  far  as  the  circumstances  that  produce 
and  incite  to  sin  exist  under  God's  government, 
and  are  used  by  Him  as  means  to  develop  man's 
sin  for  the  ends  of  His  punitive  righteousness. 
But  also,  apart  from  the  external  -realization  of 
sin,  God  gives  man,  who  freely  hardens  himself 
in  sin,  over  to  the  judgment  of  the  consequence  of 
his  sin ;  Bom.  i.  28. — "  There  is  here  not  mere 
permission,  but  real  action  on  God's  part,  and 
such  as  every  one  may  see  in  his  own  expe- 
riences. He  that  allows  the  sinful  disposition  to 
rise  within  him  is,  however  much  he  may  strive 
against  it,  inevitably  involved  in  the  sinful  deed, 


610 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


which  draws   down    the    requiting   judgment" 
(Hengst.,  Hist.  II.  130). 

3.  The  root  of  the  sin  in  this  census  is  already 
laid  bare  in  the  word  of  the  km  relating  to  the 
numbering  of  the  people.  Hengstenberg  excel- 
lently remarks  {vJn  sup.  129) :  "  If  David's  eye 
had  been  clear,  he  would  have  seen  in  Ood's  law 
the  special  reference  to  the  danger  attending  the 
numbering  of  the  people.  In  Ex.  xxx.  11  sq.  it 
is  enjoined  that  in  the  census  every  Israelite 
shall  pay  expiatory  money,  '  that  there  be  no 
plague  among  them  when  they  are  numbered;' 
by  this  money  they  are,  as  it  were,  ransomed 
from  the  death  that  they  incurred  by  proud  con- 
ceil.  It  recalls  the  danger  of  forgetting  human 
weakness,  that  so  easily  arises  when  the  indivi- 
dual feels  himself  a  member  of  a  powerful  whole. 
Even  the  slightest  movement  of  national  pride  (it 
is  an  important  lesson  for  all  times)  is  sin  against 
God,  which,  if  not  vigorously  repelled,  involves 
the  nation  in  the  judgment  of  God.  Indeed  the 
Bomans  with  a  similar  feeling  made  an  expia- 
tory offering  when  they  took  the  census." — The 
greatness  of  David's  guilt  increases  with  the 
maintained  opposition  of  his  will  to  the  voice 
of  God,  which  he  hears  in  Joab's  word,  whereby 
his  conscience  ought  to  have  been  awakened. 
The  degree  of  man's  guilt  against  God  rises  with 
the  maintained  determination  of  the  mU  against 
conscience  in  the  inner  life,  with  the  outward 
resolviidn  to  act,  with  the  rejection  of  counsel  and 
instruction,  whereby  the  attainment  of  better 
knowledge  is  frustrated,  and  with  the  final  per- 
formance  of  the  evil  determination  in  spite  of 
protest  and  opposition  from  within  and  from 
without.  « 

4.  The  various  steps  whereon  God  leads  men 
that  yield  their  conscience  to  His  Spirit  to  ever 
deeper  humility  in  sincere  penitence  are  mirrored 
in  this  history  of  David's  repentance.  First  God 
rouses  David  from  his  sleep  of  conscience  and  secit- 
rity  by  the  resvU  of  his  boa.stful  antigodly  under- 
taking, so  that  ''his  heart  smote  him"  (comp.  for 
this  expression,  1  Sam.  xxiv.  6),  that  is,  his  con- 
science chastised  him.  So  he  comes  to  know  that 
he  has  sinned  and  how  sorely,  and  to  achnoviledge 
the  foolishness  of  his  sin,  and  to  pray  for  forgive- 
ness (ver.  10).  Bat  to  the  inward  voice  of  his 
smiting  conscience  is  added  the  voice  of  the  word 
of  God,  which  comes  to  him  from  without  through 
the  prophet  Gad  with  the  announcement  of  puni- 
tive righteousness.  The  penitence  of  the  hewrt 
proves  itself  in  humble  submission  to  God's  pun- 
ishing hand,  whence  David  instead  of  the  a.sked- 
for  pardon  takes  without  murmuring  the  an- 
nouncement of  punishment,  and  in  the  uncondi- 
tional trustful  self  abandonment  to  God's  mercy 
(ver.  14).  Under  the  sorrowful  experience  of 
pwnishment  the  feeling  of  personal  guilt  is  deep- 
ened, wherefore  he  acknowledges  himself  and  his 
house  alone  to  be  the  proper  object  of  the  divine 
punitive  justice  (ver.  17).  Having  suffered  him- 
self to  be  led  thus  far  on  the  path  of  penitence  by 
God's  hand,  he  encounters  the  prophetically  an- 
nounced divine  mercy,  which  stops  the  punishment 
(ver.  18),  and  gives  proof  of  the  reweioed  obedience 
rising  from  the  depths  of  true  penitence,  in  the 
deed  (commanded  by  the  Lord)  of  faith  and  de- 
votion of  his  whole  life  to  him  (ver.  19  sq.). 
David's  repentance  is  finished  and  confirmed  by 


the  building  of  the  altar,  and  his  offering  on  the 
threshing-floor  of  Araunah. 

On  the  same  spot  where  once  Abraham,  the 
possessor  of  the  primeval  promises  of  salvation, 
presented  the  sacrifice  of  his  faith  and  obedience 
to  the  Lord,  the  royal  bearer  of  the  Messianic 
promises  presents  his  burnt-offering  and  thank- 
offering,  and  therewith  consecrates  the  spot,  on 
which  his  son  was  to  build  a  house  as  the  Lord's 
dwelling  amid  His  people,  and  this  on  the  ground 
of  his  experience  of  sin-forgiving  grace  and  divine 
mercy  that  puts  an  end  to  punitive  justice. — 
Hengstenberg :  "  It  is  very  remarkable  that  be- 
fore the  outward  foundations  of  the  Temple  were 
laid,  God's  forgiving  mercy  was  by  God  factually 
declared  to  be  its  spiritual  foundation." 

HOMILETICAL  AND  PRACTICAL. 

The  glory  of  God  shows  itself  in  the  life  of  His 
people,  not  only  through  His  abounding  grace  but 
also  through  His  holy  wrath,  whose  fire  is  kindled 
by  the  sins  into  which  they  fall  through  the 
temptations  of  their  own  flesh  or  of  the  world 
without. — No  height  of  the  life  of  faith  in  the 
pious  secures  from  a  deep  fall ;  the  richer  the 
possession  of  salvation  which  they  have  received 
through  divine  grace,  the  greater  the  loss  if  they 
do  not  preserve  it  or  wish  in  self-exaltation  to 
boast  of  it  as  their  own  acquirement. — The  per- 
verse self-will  of  man  is  the  fountain  of  all  sin ; 
its  guilt  is  not  removed  when  through  God's  ac- 
tion, the  evil  breaks  forth  from  this  fountain,  and 
becomes  a  deed  of  disobedience  to  His  holy  will ; 
God's  manifestations  of  grace  often  become,  to 
man  fallen  into  carnal  security,  the  occasion  of 
grievous  acts  of  sin. — God  would  annihilate  the 
free  will  of  man  if  he  did  not  allow  the  sin,  which 
through  that  free  will  has  already  become  an  in- 
ner deed  of  the  heart,  to  work  itself  out  in  its 
consequences ;  but  He  does  not  allow  this  to  hap- 
pen without  first  sending  forth  to  men  the  voice 
of  warning,  and  the  call  to  turn  from  the  way  on 
which  with  the  sinfiil  resolve  they  have  entered. 
— If  God's  exhortation  and  warning  has  been 
uttered  in  vain  through  man's  word,  His  voice 
afterwards  makes  itself  heard  so  much  the  more 
loudly  through  the  accu.sation  of  what  is  called 
an  evil  conscience,  but  should  properly  be  called 
a  good  conscience. 

The  smitlngs  with  which  God  visits  His  people, 
when  they  have  strayed  into  the  ways  of  sin,  are 
1)  those  of  conscience,  in  view  of  the  goodness  of 
God  which  became  the  occasion  or  subject  of  self- 
exaltation;  2)  Those  of  the  toord  of  God,  in  view 
of  the  holiness  of  His  will  against  which  they 
have  sinned ;  and  3)  Those  of  outward  chastisement, 
through  sufferings  in  which  punitive  justice  ex- 
erts itself.  —  Whom  does  the  heart  smite  for  his  sinsf 
Him  who  1)  Lets  his  heart  be  smitten  by  God's 
earnestness  and  goodness,  and  takes  to  heart  the 
greatnesis  of  his  sin  in  contrast  to  God's  loving- 
kindness  ;  2)  Kecognizes  his  sin,  in  the  light  of 
God's  word,  as  a  transgression  of  His  holy  will ; 
and  3)  Maintains  in  his  sinning  and  in  spite  of  it 
the  fundamental  direction  of  his  heart  towards  the 
living  God,  and  has  been  preserved  from  falling 
away  into  complete  unbelief. — True  and  hearty 
repentance  is  preserved  in  the  life  of  Gotfs  children, 
1)  In  the  penitent  confession  of  their  sin  and 


CHAP.  XXIV.  1-25. 


611 


^It,  before  the  judgment-seat  of  Q-od,  2)  In  flee- 
ing for  refuge  to  the  forgiving  grace  of  God,  3) 
In  humbly  bowing  under  the  punitive  justice  of 
God,  and  4)  In  a  confidence,  which  even  amid 
divine  judgments  does  not  waver,  in  the  deliver- 
ing mercy  of  God. — The  gradual  succession,  in  the 
inner  life  of  a  penitent  sinner  under  the  chasten- 
ings  of  God's  love:  1)  Reproving  conscience,  2) 
Penitent  confession,  3)  Hearty  prayer  for  forgive- 
ness, 4)  Humble  bowing  beneath  the  punishment 
imposed,  5)  Unreserved  submission  to  the  divine 
mercy. — Oondiuit  of  an  honestly  penitent  man  be- 
neath the  blows  of  Ood^s  chastening  hand:  1)  He 
bows  his  head  under  -fhe  divine  judgment,  yet 
does  not  lose  his  head ;  2)  He  is  sUent  before 
the  word  of  God  which  judges  him,  that  the  Lord 
alone  may  be  justified,  yet  his  mouth  does  not 
remain  closed,  but  opens  itself  for  the  one  word 
he  has  to  utter,  "  Take  away  the  iniquity  of 
thy  servant ;"  3)  He  is  grieved  in  heart  in  view 
of  the  punishment  he  has  deserved  from  the 
divine  justice,  yet  he  does  not  cast  away  his  con- 
fidence, but  places  himself  in  the  hands  of  the 
divine  mercy. — " Mercy  rejoices  over  jvdgment :"  1) 
The  penitent  man  casts  himself  into  the  arms  of 
God's  mercy ;  2)  Mercy  falls  into  the  arms  of 
justice,  in  order  to  stay  its  blows ;  punitive  justice 
must  yield  to  mercy  at  the  command  of  the  Lord, 
"  It  is  enough  :  stay  now  thy  hand." — Hear  an 
aUar  urUo  the  Lord!  1)  In  obedience  to  the  Lord's 
command  (vers.  18,  19) ;  2)  With  dedication  of 
thyself,  and  what  is  thine  to  the  Lord's  honor 
(vers.  21-24) ;  3)  For  the  continual  presentation 
of  spiritual  offerings,  which  are  acceptable  to  the 
Lord  (vers.  23,  24) ;  and  4)  For  the  reception  of 
the  highest  gift  of  grace,  peace  with  the  pro- 
pitiated God. 

OsiANDER :  Even  the  holiest  people  may  some- 
times be  overtaken  by  their  corrupt  flesh  {Bom. 
vii.  18). — ScHLiBE :  After  David  had  given  up 
his  heart  to  evil  thoughts,  the  Lord  gave  occasion 
and  opportunity  for  these  evil  thoughts  to  break 
forth  unto  the  punishment  of  the  king  as  well  as 
of  his  whole  people.  Much  depends,  for  the  un- 
derstanding of  the  following  history,  upon  our 
not  forgetting  this  concealed  background,  upon 
our  keeping  well  in  view,  on  the  one  hand  the 
Lord's  wrath  against  Israel,  and  on  the  other 
hand  the  king's  evil  thoughts. — [Hall:  O  the 
wondrous,  and  yet  just  ways  of  the  Almighty  I 
Because  Israel  hath  sinned,  therefore  David  shall 
sin,  that  Israel  may  be  punished ;  because  God  ia 
angry  with  Israel,  therefore  David  shall  anger 
Him  more,  and  strike  Himself  in  Israel,  and  Is- 
rael through  Himself. — Tr.] — F.  W.  Ketjm- 
MACHEE :  Despite  all  the  purifying  processes 
through  which  we  have  passed,  there  is  scarcely 
anything  sinful  to  be  named  that  cannot,  even 
though  conquered,  come  up  in  us  afresh  in  the 
way  of  temptation.  The  most  assured  Christian, 
if  his  eyes  are  not  blinded,  never  attains  the 
consciousness  that  now  he  can  stand  justified 
before  God  in  his  own  virtue. — [Hall  :  The 
Spirit  of  God  elsewhere  ascribes  this  motion  to 
Satan,  which  here  it  attributes  to  God ;  both  had 
their  hand  in  the  work ;  God  by  permission, 
Satan  by  suggestion ;  God  as  a  Judge,  Satan  as 
an  enemy;  God  as  in  a  just  punishment  for  sin, 
Satan  as  in  an  act  of  sin  ;  God  in  a  wise  ordina- 


tion of  it  to  good;  Satan  in  a  malicious  intent 
of  confusion. — Tr.] 

Vers.  2-4.  Disselhopf  :  Even  on  the  heights 
of  life  in  God,  the  favored  one  remains  the 
child  of  Adam.  The  jubilant  cry,  " according  to 
my  righteousness,"  may  easily  become  the  boast, 
"  on  account  of  my  righteousness." — Starke  : 
When  kings  and  princes  fall  into  sin,  that  means 
much ;  let  us  then  not  forget  to  pray  for  them, 
that  God  may  preserve  them  (1  Tim.  ii.  2). — 
ScHLiEE :  Pride  sticks  in  the  flesh  and  blood  of 
us  all ;  and  the  difference  is  only  whether  pride 
has  power  over  us,  or  whether  we  rein  in  and 
subjugate  pride.  Either  thou  slayest  pride,  or 
pride  slays  thee. — [Hall  :  Those  actions  which 
are  in  themselves  indifferent,  receive  either  their 
life,  or  their  bane,  from  the  intentions  of  the 
agent.  Moses  numbereth  the  people  with  thanks, 
David  with  displeasure. — -Tr.] — DIsselhoff  : 
Humility  wishes  not  to  know  what  it  is  and 
possesses,  and  has  done.  As  soon  as  the  human 
heart  wishes  to  count  the  fruits  it  has  brought,  its 
trophies  and  its  booty,  piles  up  before  itself  the 
proofs  of  its  faith  and  zeal,  and  contemplates 
them  with  pleasure,  humility  is  flown,  pride  has 
returned.     From  pride  there  immediately  arises 

self-satisfied    boasting Then    the    second 

step  also  is  soon  taken  that  the  man  no  longer 
trusts  in  the  invisible  gracious  God,  but  holds  flesh 
for  his  arm,  and  in  his  heart  turns  away  from  the 
Lord, — that  he  wishes  to  see  and  calculate,  and 
no  longer  to  live  by  faith. 

Ver.  10.  J.  Lange  :  God,  the  great  and  uni- 
versal judge  of  the  world,  still  holds  as  it  were 
His  secret  inferior  court  in  the  conscience  of  the 
man,  and  summons  him  continually  before  his 
superior  court  (Rom.  ii.  15,  16). — F.  W.  Ketjm- 
MACHEE .  As  the  sun  always  again  breaks  through 
the  clouds  that  veiled  it,  so  the  conscience  once 
awakened  and  enlightened  by  the  Spirit  of  God, 
however  darkened  and  ensnared  it  may  be,  ever 
victoriously  comes  forth  again,  and  anew  makes 
efficient  its  judicial  office. — DiiSSELHorr  :  Before 
God  came  with  the  punishment,  before  He  showed 
him  his  sin  from  without,  David's  own  conscience 
rose  up  strong  and  living,  and  left  him  no  peace 
till  he  had  poured  out  his  guilt-laden  heart  in 
sincere  and  earnest  confession,  and  had  suppli- 
cated forgiveness  of  his  misdeed. — Fe-  Aendt  : 
How  a  man  behaves  after  his  fault,  whether  he 
persists  in  it,  stands  to  his  purpose,  seeks  to  carry 
through  his  self-will  and  follows  it  out  con- 
sistently to  the  utmost,  or  whether  he  enters  into 
himself,  humbles  himself,  repents,  takes  back, 
and  supplicates  forgiveness — that  is  the  proof  and 
the  touch-stone  for  the  true  state  of  the  heart. 
The  former  course  is  indeed  apparent  progress, 
but  a  progress  that  leads  to  hell ;  the  latter  ia  ap- 
parently going  backward,  but  going  back  to 
heaven  and  blessedness. 

Vers.  11-13.  Starke  :  God  is  not  swift  to 
punish,  but  corrects  in  measure,  only  that  we  may 
not  reckon  ourselves  innocent  (Jer.  xxx.  11). — 
God  is  also  Lord  over  the  kingdom  of  nature, 
and  has  everything  therein  under  His  govern- 
ment (Matt.  X.  29).— Fr.  Aendt:  With  His 
children  the  Lord  is  very  exact.  He  is  milder 
towards  them,  but  also  stricter  than  towards 
others.  To  whom  much  is  given,  of  Him  much 
also  is  required.— F.  W.  Krummacher:  The 


612 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


power  to  endure  ills  in  proportion  as  they  seem 
divine  manifestation  of  grace  should  not  serve  to 
obscure  the  divine  justice. — Disselhofp  :  Here 
lies  the  sinner  a  night  in  confession  and  supplica- 
tion, and  in  the  morning  God  sends  him — punish- 
ment, and  therewith  no  syllable  of  grace  and  for- 
giveness 1  We  observe  it  with  trembling.  To  the 
deeply  ruined,  and  long-lost  child  the  father  runs 
with  open  arms  to  meet  him,  and  presses  him  to 
his  heart.  Yet  when  the  favored  one,  who  has 
tasted  the  power  of  atonement,  loses  himself,  when 
he  makes  the  goodness  of  God  a,  subject  of  ar- 
rogance and  presumptuousness,  then  the  Lord 
comes  upon  the  penitent  with  the  sharp  edge 
of  His  sword. — He  mvst  punish,  the  eternal  God, 
when  He  seees  that  the  old  nature  is  too  tough 
in  the  new  man,  too  deep-rooted  and  grown  with 
His  growth  .  .  .  but  above  all  must  He  then  come 
with  the  sword,  when  His  grace  and  His  gifts 
have  been  made  the  cause  of  the  self-exaltation. 

Vers.  14  sqq.  Cramer:  Nowhere  have  we  a 
better  refuge  in  extremities  than  in  the  gracious 
hands  of  the  Lord  (Ps.  xc.  1;  xci.  1  sqq.). — S. 
ScHMiD :  The  mercy  of  man  is  nothing  in  com- 
parison with  the  divine  mercy. — F.  W.  Kbum- 
MACHEB :  David  is  conscious  that  the  Ijord  "  cor- 
rects His  people  in  measure,"  and  the  cup  of  His 
holy  wrath,  where  He  neither  can  nor  should 
spare  them,  He  never  extends  to  them  without 
adding  hidden  manifestations  of  grace,  while  men, 
even  where  they  are  the  executioners  of  God's 
judgments,  too  easily  mistake  their  position  as 
instruments,  and  pass  beyond  the  limits  of  merci- 
ful moderation  that  were  assigned  them,  and  give 
free  course  in  their  bosom  to  the  spirits  of  rage 
and  vengeance. — [Hall  :  The  Almighty,  that 
had  fore-determined  his  judgment,  refers  it  to 
David's  will  as  fully  as  if  it  were  utterly  unde- 
termined. God  had  resolved,  yet  David  may 
choose :  that  infinite  wLsdom  hath  foreseen  the  very 
will  of  His  creature :  which,  while  it  freely  inclines 
itself  to  what  it  had  rather,  unwittingly  wills  that 
which  was  fore-appointed  in  heaven. — Te.] 

Ver.  16.  ScHLiEB :  The  Lord  our  God  is  a  con- 
suming fire  to  the  sinner,  and  punishes,  when  it 
must  be,  with  frightful  earnestness,  so  that  it  goes 
through  marrow  and  bone;  but  in  the  midst  of  the 
most  awful  judgments  the  Lord  thinks  of  mercy. 
He  pities  us — that  is  the  only  reason  why  He 
thinks  of  mercy. — Fb.  Abndt:  O  miracle  of 
mercy !  Thus  does  the  Lord  in  compassion  cut 
short  the  punishment,  when  we  bow !  Thus  says 
He,  It  is  enough,  when  the  evil  has  first  begun  to 
unfold  its  devastating  effects!  Thus  before  the 
eyes  of  His  omniscience  and  His  compassion  do 
need  and  help,  beginning  and  end,  wonderfully 
come  together  I — Ver.  17.  F.  W.  Krummacheb: 
Not  from  the  virtues  of  God's  children,  but  from 
their  tears  for  their  faults,  shines  upon  us  the  no- 
blest silver  light  of  their  new  life. — Schliee: 
We  are  willing  to  confess  our  sin,  to  acknowledge 
ourselves  guilty,  to  be  nothing,  just  nothing  in 
our  own  eyes,  and  we  may  certainly  yet  experience 
in  ourselves  also  that  to  the  humble  the  Lord 
always  gives  grace. — [On  this  verse  John  Wes- 
ley has  a  sermon. — Hall  :  These  thousands  of 
Israel  were  not  so  innocent,  that  they  should  only 
perish  for  David's  sin :  their  sins  were  the  mo- 
tives both  of  this  sin  and  punishment ;  besides  the 
respect  of  David's  offence,  they  die  for  themselves. 


— Heney  :  Most  people,  when  God's  judgments 
are  abroad,  charge  others  with  being  the  cause  of 
them,  and  care  not  who  falls  by  them,  so  they 
can  escape;  but  David's  penitent  and  public  spirit 
was  otherwise  affected.  As  became  a  penitent,  he 
is  severe  upon  his  own  faults,  while  he  extenuates 
tho.se  of  the  people. — Tb.] 

Vers.  18  sqq.  Stabke  :  Teachers  must  not  go 
before  God  sends  them  (Jer.  xxiii.  21). — Cba- 
MER :  As  God  is  beginning  to  punish,  He  also 
thinks  how  He  wishes  to  end. — Schllee  :  The 
repentance  that  comes  from  the  bottom  of  the 
heart  works  great  miracles ;  repentance  draws 
down  God's  grace,  repentance  finds  nothii^  but 
peace  and  blessing.  The  more  repentance,  so 
much  the  more  blessing — that  holds  true  for  heart 
and  house,  and  also  for  land  and  people. — Dissel- 
HOFF :  Where  the  Lord  punishes  His  people.  He 
blesses.  Where  He  chastens  is  the  door  of  hea- 
ven, there  is  His  countenance,  there  He  beholds, 
there  He  builds  His  tabernacle  of  peace. — Vers. 
19  sqq.  S.  Schmid  :  One  prophet  must  hearken  to 
another  (1  Cor.  xiv.  22).— Vers.  22-24.  [Hall: 
Two  fi-ank  hearts  are  well  met ;  David  would  buy ; 
Arannah  would  give.  .  .  .  There  can  be  no  de- 
votion in  a  niggardly  heart ;  as  unto  dainty  pa- 
lates, so  to  the  godly  soul,  that  tastes  sweetest  that 
costs  most :  nothing  is  dear  enough  for  the  Creator 
of  all  things.  It  is  an  heartless  piety  of  those  base- 
minded  Christians  that  care  only  to  serve  God  good- 
cheap.-TB.] — Wuebt.  B.:  Penitent  and  believing 
prayer,  and  obedience  to  God's  command,  can  ac- 
complish much  (Ps.  cxlv.  18 ;  James  v.  16). 

F.  W.  Krummacheb  :  Were  God's  faithfulness 
no  more  unchanging  towards  us  than  ours  towards 
Him,  what  would  become  of  us  all  ?  With  this 
humble  confession  we  draw  near  to  contemplate 
this  new  judided  proceeding  between  Jehovah  and 
the  king  of  Israel,  and  inquire  into  its  s^lhject,  its 
course,  and  its  iss^l£. 

On  the  whole  chapter,  J.  Disselhoff:  Bow 
God  meets  the  pregumptuoue/ness  of  Sis  favored  ones: 
1)  He  comes  upon  them  with  the  edge  of  the 
sword ;  2)  His  sword  is  not  to  kUl,  but  to  loose 
the  chains  of  pride;  3)  Where  the  sword  of  the 
Lord  has  done  its  work,  there  He  builds  His  tem- 
ple of  peace. 

[Ver.  1.  Vengeance  against  a  nation  often  comes 
through  the  infatuation  of  its  rulers. — The  sin  of 
national  pride  and  vainglory.  "  Fourth  of  July 
oratory "  may  be  something  worse  than  bad  rhe- 
toric.— Ver.  3.  Good  advice  from  a  bad  man. 
Fas  est  et  ab  hoste  doceri.  Luke  xvi.  8.  Much  of 
life's  best  wisdom  lies  in  knowing  how  to  take 
advice. — Ver.  10.  Delusion  lasting  throughout 
the  process  of  performing  the  wrong  deed,  and 
ceasing  the  moment  the  deed  is  done. — Often, 
alas !  IS  there  occasion  to  say,  in  bitterness  and 
shame,  What  a  fool  I  have  been  1 — Ver.  10,  com- 
pared with  xxii.  20  scjq.  There,  rewarded  be- 
cause righteous  and  wise ;  here,  seeks  to  be  for- 
given because  sinful  and  foolish. — Te.] 

[Vers.  1 2, 13.  How  sad  a  consequence  of  sin  and 
folly,  when  there  is  left  to  us  only  a  "choice  of 
evils,"  yea,  a  choice  amid  terrible  calamities. — 
Which  do  we  find  harder  to  bear,  which  bring- 
ing more  wholesome  discipline,  our  less  violent 
but  long-continued  distresses,  or  those  which  are 
briefer  and  more  intense  ? — Ver.  14.  It  is  always 
easier  to  endure  ills  in  proportion  as  they  seem 


APPENDIX. 


613 


more  directly  and  exclusively  providential,  with 
the  least  possible  intervention  of  human  agency. 
— Ver.  17.  It  is  a  very  bitter  reflection  to  a  good 
man,  that  his  folly  and  sin  should  have  brought 
evil  upon  others.  And  what  sin  or  folly  ever  fails 
to  have  such  a  result,  directly  or  indirectly? — 
Ver.  24.  People  often  say,  "  You  can  give  that 
and  never  feel  it."  If  this  be  true,  then  a  devout 
man  ought  to  give  more,  till  he  does  feel  it.  Here, 
only  what  costs  will  pay.  The  widow's  mite  was 
felt  deeply,  for  it  was  all  she  had.— Chap.  xxiv. 
1)  David's  sin.  2)_  His  self-reproach  and  confes- 
sion. 3)  His  punishment.  4)  His  supplication 
and  expiatory  offering.  5)  His  foigiveness. — Tb.] 


[Upon  the  Life  of  David,  the  following  groups 
of  topics  may  aid,  by  way  of  suggestion,  in  d&- 
vising  some  series  of  sermons. — David  as  shep- 
herd, warrior,  father,  king,  psalmist.— David's 
conflicts :  with  the  enemies  of  his  flock,  Goliath 
Saul,  the  Philistines  in  general,  Absalom,  him- 
self.— David's/nencZs.-  Samuel,  Jonathan,  Ahime- 
lech,  Achish,  Joab,  Nathan,  Ittai,  Hushai,  Bar- 
zillai,  his  own  sons,  and  best  friend  of  all,  the 
Lord  God. — David's  early  piety,  series  of  great 
sins,  bitter  repentance,  subsequent  chastenings, 
hope  in  death. — David's  impulsiveness,  genero- 
sity, penitence,  trust  in  God,  gratitude,  delight  in 
worship. — Tb.] 


APPENDIX. 


ANCIENT  VERSIONS  OF  THE  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


The  Hebrew  text  of  "Samuel"  is  in  the  main 
well  supported  by  internal  and  external  evidence. 
Yet  the  biographical  and  statistical  character  of 
the  narrative  has  exposed  it  more  than  any  other 
of  the  historical  books  of  the  Old  Testament  to 
textual  corruption;  it  is  sometimes  inaccurate 
and  unclear  not  only  in  particular  words  and 
expressions,  but  also  in  the  connection  of  its 
parts.  Many  such  cases  are  referred  to  in  the 
Commentary  and  the  Translator's  Notes;  see  1 
Sam.  vi.,  ix.,  xii.,  xvii.,  xvui.,  xx.,  xxvi. ;  2 
Sam.  iv.,  v.,  xxiii.  and  elsewhere.  For  the  fix- 
ing of  the  Heb.  text  we  have  not  the  Manuscript- 
evidence  that  is  available  for  a  book  of  the  New 
Testament.  Though  there  are  known  a  large 
number  of  Hebrew  MSS.  of  "  Samuel,"  they  seem 
all  to  be  conformed  to  the  masoretic  recension 
(which  was  completed  about  the  sixth  century 
of  our  era,  but  probably  begun  some  time  before), 
whereby  any  differences  that  may  have  existed 
have  vanished.  The  recently  discovered  Odessa 
MSS.  and  those  brought  to  light  by  the  Karaite 
Firkowitsch  have  not  up  to  this  time  yielded  any 
readings  of  importance ;  the  early  dates  of  the 
latter  are  now  called  in  question  by  Strack  and 
Harkavy.  The  various  readings  of  the  Talmud 
and  the  Masora  present  very  slight  differences 
from  the  received  text.  Assuming,  then,  the 
possibility  of  text-corruption  from  various  causes, 
we  are  forced  to  examine  the  ancient  Versions 
the  more  careftilly  as  almost  the  only  sources  of 
materials  for  text-criticism.  But  while  the  He- 
brew text  is  not  to  be  regarded  as  absolutely 


authoritative,  the  text  of  a  version  has  to  be  sub- 
jected to  especially  searching  criticism  for  two 
reasons:  1)  because  the  translator  may  have 
given  an  incorrect  or  free  rendering,  and  may 
thus  unintentionally  misrepresent  his  original, 
and  2)  because  a  version  is  exposed  to  greater 
textual  corruption  (by  corrections,  marginal  in- 
sertions, etc.)  than  a  MS.  of  the  original,  espe- 
cially in  the  case  of  the  Old  Testament.  The 
intentional  changes  in  our  Versions  are  few  and 
usually  obvious.  It  need  not  be  remarked  that 
the  fixing  of  the  text  of  a  Version  as  accurately 
as  possible  mast  precede  its  employment  as  an 
instrument  of  criticism.  In  order  to  call  the 
attention  of  those  that  have  not  used  them  to  the 
critical  importance  of  the  Ancient  Versions  and 
to  furnish  a  general  guide  in  their  use,  the  fol- 
lowing brief  account  of  the  value  of  the  ver- 
sional  material  at  hand  for  the  text-criticism  of 
"Samuel"  is  subjoined. 

I.  The  Greek  Versions. — Of  these  the  only 
one  of  any  special  value  is  the  Septuaginl,  which 
represents  a  Hebrew  text  of  c.  B.  C.  200,  far 
older  than  any  known  Hebrew  manuscript.  For 
an  account  of  the  Greek  MSS.  containing  it  see 
Tischendorf'a  Prolegomena  to  his  edition  of  the 
Septuagint ;  the  only  readings  generally  accessi- 
ble (for  the  Book  of  Samuel)  are  those  of  the 
Vatican  and  Alexandrian  MSS.,  of  which  the 
latter  is  critically  almost  worthless,  because  it 
has  evidently  in  many  places  been  corrected  after 
the  masoretic  Hebrew  text.  Substantially,  there- 
fore,  the  Vatican  text   (Tischendorf's  edition) 


Cli 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


must  b3  adopted  as  the  best  now  obtainable,  but 
must  itself  be  subjected  to  criticism.  The  text 
in  Stier  and  Theile's  Polyglot  is  eclectic,  and  of 
no  critical  value ;  the  various  readings  of  Holmes 
and  Parsons  are  undigested. 

The  critical  value  of  the  Septuagint  (Vatican 
text)  version  of  "Samuel :" 

1)  Its  honesty.  It  aims  at  giving  a  faithful 
rendering  of  the  Hebrew,  which  it  follows  with 
servility,  closely  imitating  Hebrew  idioms  in 
defiance  of  Greek  usage,  rendering  particles  and 
other  words  literally  to  the  exclusion  of  sense, 
and  guessing  at  or  transferring  words  whose 
meaning  was  unknown.  There  are  marginal 
insertions,  double  readings  (see  below)  and  those 
slight  divergencies  that  are  unavoidable  in  a  ver- 
sion ;  but  there  is  no  trace  of  intentional  misrep- 
resentation. The  translation  does  not  shrink 
from  any  difficulties  in  its  original,  and  may  be 
taken  as  a  fair  rendering  of  the  Hebrew  text  that 
the  Alexandrian  translator  had  before  him. 

2)  Its  freedom  from  halachic,  haggadie  and 
euphemistic  elements.  There  is  no  introdjction 
of  later  Jewish  legal  prescriptions  (Halacha), 
even,  for  instance,  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  15,  or  of  le- 
gendary statements  and  superstitious  fancies 
(Haggada).  The  two  supposed  cases  of  the  lat- 
ter cited  by  Frankel  ( Vorstudien  zu  der  Sept,  pp. 
187,  188),  1  Sam.  xx.  30;  1  Sam.  xxviii.  14,  do 
not  warrant  his  interpretation.  In  the  first  pas- 
sage there  is  no  ground  to  aiisume  in  the  phrase : 
vie  Knpaaicjv  avTo/ioh>i)VTcjv  (deserting)  an  allusion 
to  the  story  that  Jonathan's  mother  was  one  of 
the  maidens  carried  off  at  Shiloh  (Judg.  xxi.), 
and  willingly  offered  herself  to  S.iul,  nor  does 
the  dp^iov  Clpt),  "  upright "  (not  "  head- 
foremost"), of  the  second  passage  point  to  the 
belief  that  kings  magically  conjured  up  rose  head 
first,  while  ordinary  persons  came  feet-foremost. — 
It  has  no  euphemisms  for  the  avoidance  of  anthro- 
pomorphisms and  unseemly  expressions. 

3)  Its  correctness  as  a  translation.  While  in 
general  it  gives  the  sense  of  the  Hebrew  accu- 
rately, it  is  not  merely  lacking  in  smoothness 
and  elegance,  but  shows  a  good  deal  of  looseness 
and  ignorance.  It  not  seldom  misreads  conso- 
nants and  vowels,  mistakes  the  meaning  and  con- 
struction of  words,  and  distorts  the  connection  of 
sentences,  and  thus  sometimes  makes  sad  work 
with  the  sense,  as  in  2  Sam.  xxiii.  1-7  (while  2 
Sam.  xxii.  is  well  translated).  It  naturally  badly 
miswrites  proper  names  (apart  from  differences 
in  the  Egyptian  and  Palestinian  pronunciation 
of  Hebrew  words),  but  shows  a  good  acquain- 
tance with  the  syntax  of  the  Hebrew  verb. 

4)  Its  insertions  and  omissions.  While  it  is 
true  that  this  version  of  Samuel  is  to  be  consi- 
dered an  honest  one,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
ancient  translators  did  not  recognize  the  same 
obligation  to  their  text  that  is  now  felt,  but 
thought  themselves  at  liberty  to  make  occasional 
deviations  from  it.  Still  our  Version  takes  few 
liberties.  The  shorter  insertions  and  omissions 
(as  of  the  Nominal  or  Pronominal  subject  or 
object,  and  of  explanatory  words  and  phrases)  do 
not  usually  materially  affect  the  sense;  and  they 
are  not  always  to  be  referred  to  the  translator  or 
a  copyist,  but  may  sometimes  be  regarded  as  part 
of  the  original  Alexandrian  Hebrew  text.  To 
be  especially  noted  are  the  duplets  or  double  read- 


ings, where  a  second  marginal  rendering  of  a 
passage,  or  a  rendering  from  a  somewhat  differ- 
ent recension  has  gotten  into  the  text ;  sometimes 
also  triplets  or  triple  renderings  are  found,  and 
these  different  renderings  standing  side  by  side 
are  sometimes  combined  into  one  sentence  by  a 
copyist  or  a  corrector.  The  longer  insertions  (1 
Sam.  ii.  10 ;  2  Sam.  viii.  7 ;  2  Sam.  xiv.  27 ;  2 
Sam.  xxiv.  25)  are  parallel  passages  or  historical 
notices  added  by  a  reader  in  the  margin  and 
then  inserted  in  the  text  by  a  copyist ;  but  it  is 
possible  that  one  of  these  additions  (2  Sam.  xxiv. 
25)  was  found  in  the  translator's  Hebrew  text. 
The  more  important  omissions  (1  Sam.  xvii.; 
xviii.)  are  discussed  at  length  in  the  Commen- 
tary. 

5)  Its  utility  for  the  establishment  of  the  true 
text.  Its  relation  to  our  present  Hebrew  text 
shows  that  it  was  not  translated  from  the  same 
text  that  furnished  the  masoretic  recension.  On 
the  contrary,  it  represents  as  its  original  an  inde- 
pendent HArew  text  of  the  2d  or  3d  century  B.  C, 
and  is  therefore  itself  to  be  regarded  as  an  inde- 
pendent authority  for  the  restoration  of  the  original 
Hebrew  of  "Samuel."  As  is  remarked  above, 
its  character  guarantees  its  faithful  rendering  of 
its  Hebrew  original,  and  it  thus  brings  us  face  to 
face  with  a  Hebrew  MS.  older  by  many  hundred 
years  than  any  we  now  possess,  and,  what  is  more 
important,  independent  of  the  masoretic  recen- 
sion. This  is  enough  to  show  its  great  critical 
value. 

The  general  result  of  the  comparison  between 
the  Hebrew  and  Greek  texts  of  "Samuel"  is  the 
maintenance  of  the  former.  Usually  the  Septua- 
gint sustains  the  Hebrew  by  its  agreement  with 
it  (sometimes  with  Kethib,  sometimes  with  Qeri). 
Its  divergences  from  the  Hebrew  do  not  always  or 
generally  make  against  the  latter,  but  in  many 
ca.ses  they  do  give  or  suggest  a  better  text,  in- 
stances of  which  will  be  found  in  the  Translator's 
textual  notes ;  see,  for  example,  1  Sam.  xiv.,  xviii. 
and  2  Sam.  xiv. 

In  the  study  of  the  Greek  of  Samuel  it  is  re- 
commended that  Schleusner's  Lexicon  of  the  Sep- 
tuagint and  the  Commentaries  of  Thenius,  Bott- 
cher  and  Wellhausen  be  used. 

The  other  Greek  versions  (fragments  of  Aquila, 
Theodotion  and  Symmachus)  represent  very  nearly 
the  present  Hebrew  text,  and,  being  much  later 
than  the  Septuagint  (2d  century  after  Christ), 
have  not  much  critical  value. 

II.  Latin  Versions. — Of  the  Latin  Versions 
the  Old  Latin  (2d  century  after  Christ)  is  a  trans- 
lation of  the  Septuagint,  and  has  therefore  only  a 
secondary  critical  value  as  a  help  in  settling  the 
text  of  the  Septuagint. 

The  translation  of  Jerome,  the  Latin  Vulgate 
(Codex  Amiatinus.  edited  by  Tischendorf )  was 
made  from  the  Hebrew,  but  not  altogether  inde- 
pendently of  the  Old  Latin.  For  several  reasons 
it  must  be  used  with  caution  in  the  criticism  of 
the  Hebrew  text:  1)  where  it  coincides  with  the 
Septuagint  against  the  Hebrew,  it  is  probable  that 
Jerome  or  a  copyist  has  adopted  the  rendering  of 
the  Old  Latin,  and  it  is  therefore  not  an  inde- 
pendent authority ;  2)  the  Hebrew  text  of  Jerome 
had  probably  received  the  emendations  of  the 
Masorites,  and  is  in  so  far  identical  with  that  of 


APPENDIX, 


615 


existing  Heb.  MSS.  and  not  an  independent  au- 
thority ;  3)  Jerome's  translation  is  much  freer 
than  that  of  the  Septuagint,  and  frequently  ob- 
scures the  exact  form  of  the  Hebrew. 

Still  the  Vulgate  gives  a  certain  control  over 
the  Hebrew,  and  in  some  cases  diifers  from  both 
Hebrew  and  Greek.  In  such  cases  it  may  repre- 
sent a  variation  in  Jerome's  Heb.  text  or  a  varia- 
tion in  the  Greek  text  from  which  the  Old  Latin 
was  made- 
Ill.  The  Syriao  Version. — The  only  known 
Syriac  text  of  "  Samuel "  is  that  of  the  Peshito 
Version,  given  in  the  Paris  and  London  Poly- 
glots and  Lee's  edition,  and  in  at  least  one  un- 
edited MS.  in  the  British  Museum.*  A  trust- 
worthy text  from  existing  MSS.  is  still  a  deside- 
ratum. For  the  control  of  the  Polyglot  text  and 
that  of  Lee,  we  have  the  various  manuscript-read- 
ings in  Vol.  VI.  of  Walton's  Polyglot,  the  cita- 
tions in  the  works  of  Ephrem  Syrus  and  other 
Syrian  writers,  and  the  Arabic  version  of  "  Sa- 
muel "  in  the  London  Polyglot,  which  was  made 
from  the  Peshito  Syriac;  but,  as  the  biblical  quo- 
tations of  the  early  Christian  writers  are  often  loose 
and  inaccurate  (because  they  quote  from  memory) 
and  the  Arabic  does  not  always  hold  itself  strictly 
to  its  original,  these  authorities  must  be  used  cau- 
tiously. 

The  Syriac  text  of  "Samuel"  was  made  di- 
rectly from  the  Hebrew,  and  is  in  the  main  a  lit- 
eral and  correct  translation.  It  is,  however,  far 
less  useful  than  the  Septuagint  for  the  criticism 
of  the  Hebrew  text  and  the  elucidation  of  its 
meaning : 

1)  It  was  probably  not  made  before  the  2d  cen- 
tury of  our  Era,  at  which  time  the  present  maso- 
retic  text  had  been  substantially  formed,  and  it 
has  in  some  places  perhaps  been  corrected  after 
the  masoretic  recension ;  it  is  therefore  of  little 
use  in  reaching  a  pre-masoretie  Hebrew  text. 

2 1  It  sometimes  takes  liberties  with  the  Hebrew, 
abridging  or  expanding,  especially  in  obscure  or 
corrupt  passages,  as  1  Sam.  xiii.  3,  4;  xiv.  13,  25, 
26 ;  xvi.  15, 16  ;  2  Sam.  v.  6  sq. ;  xxi.  16  ;  it  omits 
a  verse  from  homoeoteleuton,  2  Sam.  xiii.  18,  or  a 
part  of  a  verse  from  breviloqueuce,  2  Sam.  vii.  6 ; 
it  entirely  fails  to  catch  a  fine  conception,  as  iu  1 
Sam.  XV.  23 ;  it  miswrites  proper  names,  as  Ish- 
boshul  2  Sam.  ii.  8,  Kolob  iii.  3,  Adoniram  xx.  24, 
Edom  for  Aram  2  Sam.  x.  6,  8,  prophets  for  Abel 
2  Sam.  XX.  18  ;  and  it  sometimes  misunderstands 
the  meaning  and  connection  of  words. 

3)  It  shows  some  connection  with  the  Septua- 
gint and  the  Targum,  though  it  is  hard  to  deter- 
mine the  relation  between  them.  It  sometimes 
agrees  with  the  Septuagint  against  Hebrew  and 
Chaldee,  as  in  1  Sam.  i.  24  (a  three-year-old  bul- 
lock), in  the  division  between  chapters  iii.  and 
iv.,  at  the  end  of  2  Sam.  iii.  24  and  in  2  Sam.  xxi. 
9.f     Very  frequently  it  agrees  with  the  Hebrew 

*  Treeelles,  Art.  Versions  in  Smith's  Bibla-Dictionwy. 
Bleek  (introd.  to  Old  Test.,  En^.  Trans.,  II.  447,  Note) 
seems  to  have  supposed  that  this  was  a  Hexaplar-Syriac 
text.  I  have  not  access  to  the  catalogues  of  Syriac 
MSS.  in  the  Bodleian  Library  and  the  Britisb  Museum 
by  Payne  Smith  and  W.  Wright,  and  do  not  know  whe- 
ther other  MSS.  of  "  Samuel "  are  found  among  them. 

+  Noldeke  (Zeitschrift  d.  Deutsch.  morgenldnd.  QeseU- 
schaft,  XXV.  267)  remarks  that  the  text  of  the  ancient 
Syriac  Pentateuch  MS.  in  the  British  Museum  some- 


against  the  Septuagint,  sometimes  varies  (com- 
monly slightly)  from  Hebrew,  Septuagint,  and 
Chaldee,  and  sometimes  shows  a  general  agree- 
ment with  the  last,  as  in  2  Sam.  xxiv.  15  and  1 
Sam.  xvi.  23,  where  it  is  with  Septuagint  and 
Chaldee  against  Hebrew.  It  may  be  that  the 
translator  had  the  Septuagint  before  him  and  oc- 
casionally followed  it,  or  that  reaxiings  from  the 
Greek  got  from  the  margin  into  the  text.  It  is 
possible  also  that  he  followed  in  some  cases  the 
same  general  Jewish  hermeneutical  tradition  that 
shows  itself  in  the  Targum.     For 

4)  There  seem  to  be  in  the  Syriac  a  few  attempts 
to  avoid  anthropomorphisms  and  unseemly  ex- 
pressions, and  a  few  cases  of  Eabbinical  interpre- 
tation. "Thus:  2  Sam.  xxiv.  16:  "the  Lord  re- 
strained the  Angel  of  death  who  was  slaying  the 
people,  and  said  to  him"  instead  of  "  Jahveh  re- 
pented him  of  the  evil  and  said ;''  xxiv.  17 : 
"  David  said  to  that  angel "  instead  of  ''  David 
said  to  Jahveh ;"  1  Sam.  xxi.  5,  6 :  "iftheyoimg 
men  have  kept  themselves  from  the  offering  (cor- 
ban).  And  David  said.  The  offering  is  lawful  for 
us."  In  the  first  clause  the  Arabic  has  the  full 
explanation  :  "  if  the  young  men  have  preserved 
their  vessels  from  impurity  unfit  for  those  that 
approach  the  offering."  The  obscure  passage  2 
Sam.  xxiv.  15,  is  rendered  by  the  Peshito :  ''  i'roia 
the  morning  to  the  sixth  hour  "  (Hebrew  ''.^lO), 
where  the  Targum  has  :  "  from  the  time  of  slay- 
ing the  stated  sacrifice  to  the  time  of  offering  it," 
while  the  Septuagint,  avoiding  the  halachic  inter- 
pretation, renders  :  "  from  morning  to  noon  " 
(aptaTov).* 

In  general  the  masoretic  text  of  "  Samuel "  is 
supported  by  the  Peshito  Version.  The  Syriac 
text  has  to  be  closely  watched  throughout.  In 
addition  to  Thorndyke's  emendations  above  re- 
ferred to  (found  in  Vol.  VI.  of  the  London  Poly- 
glot) see  the  remarks  of  Eodiger  in  his  mono- 
graph! on  the  Arabic  Version,  pp.  76,  77.  The 
Arabic  must  all  along  be  compared  with  the 
Syriac. 

The  AraMc  Version.  As  is  remarked  above  the 
Arabic  Version  of  "Samuel"  in  the  Polyglots  is 
a  translation  from  the  Peshito  Syriac,  and  is  use- 
ful in  the  criticism  of  the  text  of  the  latter,  not  of 
the  Hebrew  immediately.  It  deserves  a  more 
careful  textual  examination  than  it  has  yet  re- 
ceived. Its  character  is  most  fully  discussed  by 
Bodiger  in  the  work  cited  above.  The  same  text 
(unpointed)  with  a  few  variations  is  given  in  the 
Arabic  Bible  printed  for  the  British  and  Foreign 
Bible  Society  by  Sarah  Hodgson,  Newcastle-upon- 
Tyne,  1811. 

IV.  The  Jewish-Aramaic  (Chaldee)  Ver- 
sion.—The  text  of  this  version  (in  the  Targum 
of  Jonathan)  is  given  in  the  London  Polyglot  and 
in  the  edition  of  P.  De  Lagarde,  Leipzig,  1873. 

times  agrees  with  the  Hebrew  where  our  editions  ap- 
proach the  Greek  more  nearly,  and  that  it  doubtless 
preserves  the  original  Syriao  more  faithfully.  The  re- 
lation between  the  Septuagint,  Syriao  and  Chaldee  calls 
for  closer  investigation. 

*  Perles  (Meletemata  Peschitlhoniana,  pp.  16-21)  adduces 
other  examples,  not  always  in  point ;  comp.  Prager,  Ilo 
Vet.  Test.  Vers.  Syr.  quam  Peschittho  vacant  Qucsst.  Or> 

t  De  ariaine  et  indole  Arab.  Libr.  V.  T.  Histor.  Interpre- 
tatwmis.    Halle,  1829. 


616 


THE  SECOND  BOOK  OF  SAMUEL. 


This  Targum  probably  received  its  present  form 
not  earlier  than  the  fourth  century  of  our  Era 
(though  it  doubtless  rests  on  an  earlier  transla- 
tion), and  is  of  little  use  in  the  establishment  of 
a  pre-masoretio  text.  It  is  made  immediately 
from  the  Hebrew,  and  is  in  the  main  a  good  trans- 
lation. 

It  is  commonly  marked  by  extreme  literalness, 
but  sometimes  departs  from  its  text  to  avoid  an 
anthropomorphic  or  unseemly  expression,  to  in- 
troduce a  late  legal  idea,  or  to  expand  and  illus- 
trate. The  principal  additions  are  in  1  Sam.  ii. 
1-10  and  2  Sam.  xxiii.  3,  4,  7,  8,  where  it  inserts 
rambling  commentaries,  and  in  1  Sam.  xv.  17, 
where  it  explains  Saul's  elevation  by  a  historical 
reference  on  which  the  Bible  is  silent  (Benjamin's 
heading  the  march  through  the  sea).    G<)liaih'8 


braggart  speech  in  1  Sam.  xvii.  8,  given  in  the 
London  Polyglot,  is  omitted  by  Lagarde.  It  in- 
geniously fills  out  the  corrupt  passage,  1  Sam. 
xiii.  1,  and  attempts  some  explanation  of  the 
numbers  in  1  Sam.  vi.  19.  Among  its  Sabbinical 
features  are  the  substitution  of  scriie  for  jyrophet  in 
1  Sam.  X.  10,  11,  12 ;  xix.  20,  24 ;  xxyui.  6,  and 
the  phrase  "  remember  what  is  written  in  the  book 
ofthelawof  Jahveh,"  2  Sam.  xiii.  11;  xx.  18. 
In  1  Sam.  xxviii.  13  it  avoids  the  possible  irreve- 
rence in  Elohim  by  rendering :  "  angel  of  Elo- 
him."  Its  rendering  in  1  Sam.  xiv.  19  "  bring 
the  ephod  "  instead  of  the  Hebrew  "  withdraw  thy 
hand,"  suggests  an  emendation  of  the  Heb.  of 
verse  18  (see  the  Textual  Notes).  Thus,  without 
being  of  high  text-critical  authority,  it  secures  a 
general  control  over  the  Hebrew  text. 


C.  H.  T. 


THE  END. 


mt/dw/Am/mw/. 


mmWm 


WWmmfmWfmmwMm 

ywrww/Xv/.v>vw5gflgr^^^^^ 
iWK'K' >  >H /.vK'SSSsSS 


yyy^^.KK^^